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Digest #6 (1994)



by LINDITA IMAMI/Washington

While the USA and the NATO have suffered a fiasco in Bosnia, assistants to president Clinton claim that, when it comes to the use of the force, the President respects his people's opinion, which is in general against military interventions. In the meantime, the analysts and criticizers reject these claims and say that the President should see himself engaged to win the support of the people, as did President Bush in the Gulf War. Some of them even go so far, by questioning whether Clinton has any foreign policy concepts at all. The hesitation of Clinton's administration in its foreign policy was clearly seen in the cases of Somalia, Haiti and especially Bosnia. This made his rating fall which, according to the critics, means that the people don't only evaluate his engagement in the domestic issues, but also his determination to solve the focus of crisis in Bosnia, for example.

The Democrats have increased their criticism, and they think that the diplomatic efforts should also be supported by the use of force, and not only vague threats. Some officials of the Administration even claim that neither Anthony Lake nor Warren Christopher have tried to persuade Clinton to concentrate more on foreign policy. President Clinton rarely speaks of foreign issues, and even when he does, he finds it difficult to articulate the positions of his Administration.

Because of such a situation, the Congress is discussing the possibility to restrict the competencies of President Clinton in foreign affairs. The Senate discussed about the possibility to lift up the arms' embargo on Bosnia, a proposal which was supported by both Republicans and Democrats.

Referring to the tragedy of Gorazde, the former Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger stated that credibility is the base of foreign policy. He further stated: "I am afraid that the credibility of the NATO and, to a certain extent, that of America are now at stake, thanks to a list of semi-measures and steps as well as contradictory statements".

His fellow colleague George Shultz, stated that in the case of Bosnia, the relation between the force and the diplomacy has been lost. Irritated, he said that the peace negotiations are naive and the little results achieved are the outcome of the use of force.

Some days ago, excerpts from the most recent book of the late ex-President Richard Nixon, "Beyond Peace", were published. In his opinion, the USA can't be successful in domestic politics if it fails in foreign politics. Criticizing the subjugation of American forces under the

UN, he said: " President Bush's example in the Gulf, we must make use of

UN, he said: "

President Bush's example in the Gulf, we must make use of the UN and not be allowed to be used by it". He saw the war in Bosnia as a flop of the American policy, and concludes the thought by saying that if the population of Sarajevo were Christian or Jewish, the civilized world wouldn't have allowed such a destruction.


we intervene militarily to protect our interests, we must follow

All these postures are against the moderate optimism of Warren Christopher, who, together with the Administration seems to excuse the failures by the attempt of the creation of a multi-lateral coalition for the solution of the crisis.

The critics say that with such posture and that one against lifting the arms' embargo, the Administration has indirectly placed itself on the side of the Serbs. Even during the last initiative regarding Bosnia, with all the threats of air raids, the ultimate aim was to reach an agreement for peace. The threats were only words, whilst now, the possibility of a "Bosnia Summit" of the representatives of the US, Russia and the EU is being discussed.

Nevertheless, Marshal Harris declared to "KOHA" that he is sceptical towards all diplomatic efforts, if the Serbian aggression is not condemned. "Our policy has not changed at all", says Harris, Chairman of the Bosnia Action Council, who resigned from the State Department last year, protesting against the policy towards Bosnia. "We should deal with the roots of the problem, and that is the Serbian aggression, and unfortunately we keep on rewarding it". He said that if the Serbian aggression is not condemned, the conflict will expand. Mr. Harris illustrated the situation in the Balkans comparing it to the domino theory: "If one domino falls, the rest will also fall: one by one".




"There will be no military bases in Albania" said the US Ambassador to Tirana William Ryerson, on his way back home. This in fact, is the most important issue of any possible analyses done of the relations between Albania and the USA. Many were almost sure that the strategic position of Albania couldn't not leave the Americans indifferent and that, sooner or later, a military base of the strongest in the world would be built either in Vlora, Durrës or Saranda. "I don't think there is any need for that. We are actually reducing our presence in other countries, such are Germany and the Philippines, therefore we needn't build new ones. In fact, this has always been a boring policy of the Serbs which goes way back, who always used to say that we were building a military base in Albania". This is how the first Ambassador of the US to Tirana, without any doubt, clears up all rumors in this respect.

There is no doubt that the Americans are militarily present in Albania. It is no secret that since two years ago, American missioners are working at the Ministry of Defense in Tirana, assisting the Albanian militaries and experts in, what is called, the reforms of the army. The highest ranked Albanian officials have expressed their gratefulness towards these missionaries, any time a military delegation from the other side of the Atlantic visited Tirana. It is also no secret that Albania, during February of the current year, consented the installation

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of two American spy airplanes, whose mission was to overflow Bosnia, watching the war zones.

of two American spy airplanes, whose mission was to overflow Bosnia, watching the war zones. Since then, there have been no official informations whether the airplanes were used or not.

Precisely in the last days of April, Albania and USA reached an agreement that an office for the provision of American military assistance be opened in Tirana. The agreement was reached on the occasion of the visit of the American Deputy-Secretary of Defense, Charles Wilson, when the Albanian Minister of Defense Safet Zhulali expressed the request for a better organized American military assistance. This request seemed interesting, especially having in mind that the USA are the first on the list of the countries with which Albania cooperates the most in the military aspect, and that less than a month ago the American President Clinton made his public decision to lift the embargo against Albania on the transfer of military material.

But more that military, the American presence in Albania has been felt and still is in, in the political plane. The American policy in Albania, as soon as the diplomatic relations were set, was clearly and consequently anti-Communist. It served as a catalyst of the incitement of democratization and restoration of the economic system and the free market. Ambassador Ryerson openly took the side of the anti-Communist opposition in 1991, and participated in the electoral campaign of the Democratic Party in 1992. Ryerson was standing by Berisha, when he celebrated the anniversary of the victory over Communism on March 22, in the triumphal manifestation at the Skënderbej Square in Tirana.

The place reserved for Ryerson was enviously looked upon by the representatives of the Western-European countries, which were the first ones to attend the SOS call, which Albania sent to the world when it was almost starving. Nevertheless, the Albanian leaders have never concealed their pro-American predisposition, even though the Americans are somewhere at the end of the list, when in comes to humanitarian and economic aid and assistance for this Balkan's state. The disappointment about the, welcome but insufficient, American economic assistance is a very strong feeling among the Albanians.

The enthusiasm of hope expressed during Baker's visit to Tirana, is now distant. "My disappointment", says Ryerson, "is that I have not brought investors which I would like to have seen Albania. The Albanian economy depends on investments. I hope that the Law of Foreign Investments, which is still not well known by foreigners, will help a lot."

On the other hand, the USA has provided in Albania a serious cultural presence. The American Center of Culture, installed in the former mausoleum of Enver Hoxha, has been converted into one of the most important cultural institutions of the country. The rich library with diverse literature in English, and also the offer of assistance to the social sciences studies and different literary activities, are two of the strongest horses of the US battle in the cultural aspect in Albania.

The same thing could not be said of Voice of America, which has lost its public, especially after BBC has started broadcasting in Albanian.

Will anything change in the US policy towards Albania once Ryerson has left? Ryerson thinks that politics doesn't rely on one person, therefore the answer is no.

The US interests are the development of democracy, the free market and peace in the region.

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These will not change.



by VETON SURROI/Prishtina

Since the beginning of the Albanian democratic movement in Kosova, the public opinion is in expectation in regard with the definitive role the Americans should have in the solution of Kosova's problem. And this expectation has gotten different dimensions in the past ten years. At the beginning, the harsh criticism of the American administration directed to the authorities in Belgrade about the violation of human rights in Kosova, enlightened the hope

that the sufferings of the Albanians had not been forgotten. Later, the delegations, such as the American one in Prishtina (Dole and other Congressmen) and the Kosovan in the USA, were the ones to enforce the security of the Albanian public opinion that the Kosovan political platform had finally found the strongest supporter ever. The hopes were so big, that a number of people, even pretty well informed people, expressed their conviction that in a very short period of time, there would be a radical turning point in the crisis of the Former Yugoslavia, and that with the American military help, the independence of Kosova would be achieved. Of course, all of this was complemented with often visits of the Kosovan political representatives to the USA. The local Albanian media dilated these visits, especially the

statement: "


enjoy the support of the American administration".

The American administration, not only once, has stated its platform on Kosova: prevent the expansion of the conflict towards the south of Bosnia (meaning Kosova and Macedonia), criticize the situation of human rights in Kosova, the provision with an "extended autonomy" to the Kosova Albanians. How much could this platform be considered as a support, it depends on the ones who ask for the support, but also on the ones that give it. For the ones that ask for the support, the Kosova Albanians, it will be enough to assure them some sort of security that they will not face the wave of war, similar to the one in Bosnia (even though this remains open, judging upon the Bosnian case), whilst for the ones that offer the support, all of this is enough just to manifest the intentions of the presence in the Balkans' conflict. Then, where are the Americans standing in the crisis of Kosova? Militarily, they are present symbolically with their unit in Macedonia, and with the increased collection of electronic equipment of their base in the former Yugoslav republic. And, USA is also present with its repeated threat by both administrations (Bush and Clinton) that the extension of the conflict to Kosova and Macedonia will not be allowed. Politically, and this dictates the military doctrine, the Americans are trying to find their place, nevertheless. According to the criticizers of the American behavior around the world, USA is retreating from its traditional role of the superpower, and since the "Iraqi experiment" (that of the alliance against Saddam) the Americans are trying to find a consensual foreign policy, together with the EU and, finally, with Russia.

The crisis in the Former Yugoslavia, according to these critics, placed the Americans in a position of "an adolescent in love", who at times gets the strength for courting and at times not, instead of the position of the dominant power on earth.

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All of this results with the lack of an unique political-military spinal cord, which will

All of this results with the lack of an unique political-military spinal cord, which will fight the challenges of regional crises wherever in the world, starting from Somalia and Haiti up to the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The perspective of Kosova, looked upon from this angle, is not very favorable. But, at the same time, it could not be so unfavorable. As many times before, the Serbian policy has, with its errors, dictated the presentation of the advantages of the oppressed people. On this occasion, the Serbian stubbornness by continuing the genocidal war and ignoring the threats of the Euro-American alliance, has brought the American administration before serious reflection.

This means that the Serbs, with their recent actions, have touched, earlier than foreseen, the strategic American interest: the NATO. Because, maybe the Americans don't know what would they want to gain in forms of international institutions and behavior, but for sure, they know what they wouldn't like to lose. And of course, they wouldn't want to lose NATO, as the column of military and political stability, as one of the columns that won the Cold War. With their light-mindedness the Serbs provoked the NATO to face the position of the loss of credibility, and this is an intolerable situation. Translated into simple words: the NATO airplanes are more close to the conflict with the Serb forces, not because of the destruction of a Muslim town, but because the Serbs do this even after NATO's warning.

If this is the situation, then where are Kosova and the Albanian issue: inside or outside the frame of the strategic interest?

The US Secretary of State Christopher has answered the questions in several occasions, stating that the conflict in Kosova and Macedonia would endanger the southern structure of the NATO (by the eventual inclusion of Greece and Turkey in the conflict). This means that Kosova is a strategic interest.

But, only as a potential military conflict. And, in this direction, there is an urge for political solutions. Said in simple words, there will be more and more pressure for dialogue, meaning more and more problems to solve. Also said in simple words, the political solution for Kosova will not be brought by the American units marching down the streets of Prishtina, as long as the Kosovans watch this on TV, to which they have connected satellite dishes.



The Conflicts in the Balkans are still developing, and they have an expanding tendency. Until now, no agreement has been achieved, or there have been no determined or clearly defined political projects, which could solve any of the crises, delivered by a large political center.

The situation in Bosnia changes on a daily basis, and at times it seems as if it were under control, and at times as if it were full chaos. The posture of the USA towards these conflicts is still unclear.

The public is of the same opinion; that these conflicts are controlled at times, but that they have gone out of control too, and that in these conflicts there are different interests that make the solution impossible. The influence and the power, not only of the US but also that of the

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EU, are in total disproportion to their posture towards Bosnia. The public also expresses different

EU, are in total disproportion to their posture towards Bosnia. The public also expresses different impressions that the USA has already prepared a project for the solution of the crisis. On the other hand, there are also opinions that differ from this one, taking into account the present improvising behavior of the Americans. Such dilemmas arise on a daily basis, not only on the level of the cafe-bars, but also high political levels, and thus encouraged us to make the following survey in Prishtina. It was a spontaneous survey where questions were put to 195 people.

The mediation of the political factors in the Balkans caused different dilemmas, depending on the interests of those factors. Regarding the mediation in the Balkans conflict, 61,5% of the people thought that the USA will be present, 7,6% thought of the presence of Russia and 22,5% of the European Union.

The conflicts still continue, nevertheless. How much has been done to stop them, is the question which gives diverse answers. As regarding the engagement of the USA in the solution of the conflicts, 80% of the surveyed claimed that it was not enough. An absolute minority (0,5%) thinks that the USA has done everything it could in this respect, whilst 19,4% have no particular standpoint.

The tendency of asymmetric growth of these conflicts also creates an impression of the chaotic development of the situation in the region. Everything is insecure and unclear. Opinions which speak of a controlled situation or the existence of certain projects for the definitive solution of the Balkans' problem, also prove that nothing is clear. Taking into account that all of these are only suppositions and hypotheses, we asked the people whether they thought that there was a project for the solution of the problems in the Balkans. The ones that are fully convinced of the existence make up 22,5%, the same as in those who don't believe so. Nevertheless, only 54,9% believe, only partially, that there is a project. From these results, a conclusions could be drawn that the public seems to think that the Americans have such a project.

The importance of the USA and its influence in the Balkans' crisis maybe shouldn't be discussed. The importance of the American factor in this crisis could be also concluded from the fact that 80% of the people asked, think that USA has not done enough to prevent or stop the conflicts in the region, which means that the possibilities of its influence are big. Asked about the eventual solution of the crisis, 23% of the surveyed declared that a solution without the participation of the USA would be possible, but not durable. Only 11% think that the solution could even be durable. Yet, 66% are convinced that such a solution is not possible.

The eventual influence or control over the conflict in the Balkans, was also one of the questions. 25% thought that the conflicts are fully under control. Those who think the opposite make up 14%. The ones who think that the conflict is partially controlled sum 36,4%. Nevertheless, 24% of them have undefined postures regarding the issue.

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EDITORIAL THE SKY OVER STOCKHOLM by VETON SURROI After Spring and the night starts, the




After Spring and the night starts, the sky above Stockholm becomes a reservoir of light. Differing from other skies, over South, this sky, even at night shows that it is still day somewhere, and that only some time should be waited until it gets to shine through. Even in nighttime, people understand that the dark hasn't covered them. It is a communication of warmth, despite the Scandinavian stereotype which is projected through different layers of ice. As an official of the Ministry of Immigration of Sweden was speaking last week, it reflected the light of the Stockholm sky, but now that of ten o'clock in the morning. With the splendor of the lack of clouds she repeated the figure that at least 20 thousand Kosovans have gotten, by a governmental decree, permanent residence in Sweden. From her words, it could be concluded, and differing from all news regarding the return of the Albanian refugees, all Albanian families from Kosova, who have entered Sweden before Jan. 1, of the last year, have practically become, since some weeks ago, Swedish families.

Our people can be distinguished abroad, especially in places like Sweden. They carry a piece

of land in their eyes, with all its moist. In their eyes, in over 20 thousand of them, a long time

ago the warm light of the Swedish sky has being reflecting.

A strange combination, enough to write new emigration songs which make the saliva stop in

the throat. For a place where we come from, maybe. For the place they have gone to, no. Sweden has right now, a quota of 15% of immigrant population, and this has no need to be researched through data. It could be proven from Eastern restaurants in Stockholm, up to Albanian words that could be heard in the Northern territories of Sweden, where Santa Claus makes the technical service of his sledge and where ice-cream is collected from the ground, with a little spoon.

And this is the European trend. At the beginning of the century it was different. At that time, one fourth of Norway was emptied; they went to America. One third of Sweden had found itself a home in northern American states and Canada. The process has turned upside down, and now these countries accept people from other countries, other cultures. And, Western Europe, in reality turns into a group of states with many centuries long uniformity. Even the ethnic Frenchman from Lyon and the ethnic German from Bavaria confront the same chance

to choose "burek", "suvlakhi" or chinese noodles. None of them is less German or French,

than he has been. On the contrary. And now they have, as a second generation, German citizens with crescent eyes, Frenchmen named Mehmed and Scandinavians with Chang last names. In this babylonic movements, Shqipe and Ilir are found too.

But, Western Europe is becoming a multi-cultural society because, in many cases, the places where these people of new cultures come from, are being converted into a mono-cultural societies. For example, Europe today has more Bosnians and Albanians, for their lands, their cultures are attacked by one conqueror. A conqueror who is achieving "ethnic cleansing". And, thus we can speak of many others: the Kurds, the Siik, the Tamils

Maybe sometime, in the next century, the ones that will show interest and will be lucky to do

it, will find out the whereabouts of the scattered people that once belonged to one language

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and culture. And they will find the third and fourth generations of people that left

and culture. And they will find the third and fourth generations of people that left Kosova. They will look them in their eyes and will try to find that piece of land which people carry in them. I don't know whether they will find the moist in it, any more.




Asked why is the LDK Convention being postponed for over a year now, Skënder Kastrati, member of the Presidency of this party replied: "You have approached the wrong person. You must ask the officials of the LDK". We also asked the other members of the Presidency the same thing, and all of them, in their own way, gave us different reasons for the postponement. "The postponement of the Convention is a strategic issue for our party", claims Edita Tahiri, while another member of the Presidency who insisted on having his name being kept secret, explained that the postponement is due to the created circumstances on the international scene and also by stating that this Convention must be a political spectacle, as this Party deserves it.

But, as another member of the Presidency, Rexhep Gjergji says: "

the meeting of the Central Council and we have concluded that we have reached the final preparations for the celebration of the regular Convention. There are no other reasons but technical, for the Convention to be postponed. The speculations about alleged different groupings within the LDK and them being the reasons for the postponement, are groundless".


Wednesday we held

Regarding the same issue, Rugova, in his regular press conference said that the Convention will take place, but that the date has not been set yet. "The Convention will take place, it is an electoral Convention, and I expect a further consolidation of the LDK as the largest political party, and at the same time, that will be the spot where the future tasks will be set."

These were the answers of President Rugova and some members of the Presidency regarding the celebration of the regular convention. It really would have been a regular convention if the Statute of the party hadn't foreseen that the Convention should be held every two years. The third year has passed, and the Convention is still being postponed. The reasons and explanations are absurd: the global relations in the international scene, the technical, strategic and rhetoric reasons. It is also being said that the Convention is not being held because of Rugova's often travels abroad.

The reasons presented for the non celebration of the Convention are technical and the global relations in the world's political scene. This we have been hearing for years now. It has almost become a dogma. The technical reasons are groundless, because the LDK is the only political party in Kosova which makes use of the Fund of the Government of Kosova, the percentage of its membership fees, and at the same time can use the rooms of any building in Kosova, anytime. To link the non-celebration to the global political relations is exotic, and it seems more of a justification or a mystification of the inadequate functioning of the party which has no competencies of its own, but simply has gotten governmental attributes, because of the non-functioning and non-constitution of the governmental institutions in Kosova, even

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though the main one to blame for the non-constitution of the institutions is precisely this

though the main one to blame for the non-constitution of the institutions is precisely this party.

Judging upon what people outside the LDK say, the non-celebration of the Convention wouldn't cause much harm, if it weren't for many factors that depend on the functioning of this party. This is why, the ones that criticize the actual Albanian movement insist on the celebration of the Convention, for it is pretended to get away from the inefficacious forms of action by introducing new criteria for adequate political functioning. The non-celebration of the LDK Convention, according to some indications, has reduced plenty the seriousness of the political action, because the presentation of the national issue has been reduced to political exclusiveness and the monopoly of one political structure.

Since it has been given up on pluralist political life, then the LDK Convention must determine the basic political-juridical regulator, for on the contrary, the results will be the same, there'll be lack of creativity and the permanent status-quo. More or less, it is becoming grotesque. The non-celebration of the Convention is also causing the mixture of competencies which have become defeatist, for this party, objectively, is held responsible for many unfinished processes which are linked to the negligence in action. This party is responsible of the non-constitution of the Parliament, the non-functioning of the Government, the privatization of contacts with foreign delegations and their placement on simply individual level for such an important issue, which in reasonable circumstances would cause meritable consequences.

The only plane of communication has been the national-political one, which has been concentrated on this party, and which has, sincerely, been considered as a national movement. To a discriminated people, this was completely understandable. Nevertheless, since in the following years this remained to be the only way of communicating, without any other creativity, be it visual-political, then such development eliminates slowly the political homogeneity of the Albanian political movement, because of the created conditions.

The authority of President Rugova has made possible for this party not to suffer the PPD or the smaller political parties' syndrome. The dissolution of this party, based on the events in Kosova, will not happen, even though in its contents, the LDK has several fractions that are evident. But, on the other hand, it seems as if the attempts to safeguard the homogeneity were in vane, especially after hearing the tone of anger in some of the members of the Presidency, when speaking of the acts taken by their party. This is why the divergencies among the members of the Presidency of the LDK could bring new alignment within the LDK. And, it could easily happen that some of the now key people at the LDK, will not receive the sufficient amount of votes in the Convention to be held.

It will be interesting to see, how will the financial report be presented, knowing that all its Funds and functions are in the hands of several members of the Presidency of the LDK. The biggest dilemmas arise regarding Bukoshi and his Government, who is accused of having detached fully from the foundation. It is also expected to hear discussions about the activities and the functioning of the government, as well as, how to find the organs which will authorize the functions of the Government and the institution that will control it.

The resignations from the Presidency of the LDK are the result of the total lack of cooperation in the preparation of talks about the status of Kosova, and when this fact is added to the others, then it comes out that, such a political institution has lost its contact with our

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political reality. Another capital dilemma arises before the Convention, as always until now: will the

political reality.

Another capital dilemma arises before the Convention, as always until now: will the LDK be ready to create a group of professionals which will start the, so many times mentioned, talks with the exceptionally drilled Serbs. This is mentioned since, the LDK has been presenting itself as an all-Albanian movement, especially having in mind the desertion of politics by the political leaders in the past four years. On the other hand, the Presidency of this party, after some resignations, first of Ismet Salihu then Ibrahim Berisha and Rexhep Ismajli as well as the departure of Anton Kolaj and Rexhep Gjergji towards the West, the LDK should have held its Convention long time ago, in order to consolidate its rows. And this especially having in mind that President Rugova is at the same time President of the Republic, President of the Coordinating Body of the Albanian Political Parties of the Former Yugoslavia, President of the Coordinating Body of the Political Parties of Kosova, President of the Writers' Association and finally Chairman of the LDK, and it has been said that this last function was a burden to the other functions, or vice versa, for many times, it has been said that the Convention has been postponed because of this travels abroad.

Nevertheless, at the end, there is an issue pending: are there any officials of the LDK and the Albanian political scene. Political observers remain to wait for the Convention, which "will be celebrated soon", and see.




The Albanian historian Dr. Paskal Milo recently came back from Moscow whose archives he had visited, and had access to valuable information regarding Kosova. Exclusively for "KOHA", this is how Milo explains what he saw.

It was a real surprise for me to find documents about Kosova, and this proves how interested was the Soviet government in it. On Dec. 17, 1945, the Soviet Ambassador to Belgrade Sadichkov, sent his Ministry of Foreign Affairs an information about the history, economy and demography of Kosova, based on Belgrade's interpretation. On the other hand, when the Soviet mission to Albania was established, the document that foresaw the task of this mission explicitly requested the collection of historic and ethnographic documents on "Kosovo and Metohija".

I have also found astonishing documents about Kosova, but I'd rather not make any hasty comments which might cause sensations or could be used because of a particular political interest of the moment. But one thing I could say: at the end of 1944 and beginning of 1945 Kosova was not part of Albania, disregarding the unification of Kosova with Albania which was declared by the fascist state. As a consequence, Enver Hoxha had no possibilities to sell-out Kosova even if he would have wanted. On the other hand, he could not keep it or win it, because the Great Powers had just created Yugoslavia (Yalta 1945) and would not allow a new definition of the borders. To pretend saying that he sold Kosova in 1945 is foolish. In my opinion, Hoxha's guilt is not having sold Kosova, for it had been sold since

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1913, but not having requested by all means the unification of Kosova with Albania. This

1913, but not having requested by all means the unification of Kosova with Albania. This he could have requested from the Great Powers and Tito as well, insisting to emend this historical injustice. The posture that Hoxha had, was either a consequence of a romantic illusion that the victory of Communism would solve all his problems in the future, or of the fact he didn't trust any of these powers, which not only did not want unification, but which was (were) also willing to further divide Albania.

These theories arise from several documents which speak of the conversation between the Soviet ambassador to Tirana Tsuvakhin and Enver Hoxha, who had just come back from

Belgrade. Hoxha had then told the Ambassador how he had said to Tito that "

the proper time to request unification by either governments, but this would be possible only when both Yugoslavia and Albania would become socialist states. This posture I have had during the whole National-Liberation War and it is shared by the leadership of the Communist Party of Albania". Nevertheless, Hoxha had requested from Tito that the issue of Kosova should find its space in the Agreement of Understanding and Reciprocal Aid, and if in case the agreement is not reached, the reactionary elements both in Tirana and "Kosovo and Metohija" would accuse the Albanian government of having sold Kosova to Yugoslavia. At that time, Tito replied that the domestic and international circumstances did not allow any discussion of the kind. He concluded that if Albania does not get stronger then Yugoslavia would also lose, especially in Serbia, which had a special interest in the region.

this was not

Finally, I have found American documents that prove that both the Americans and British have been interested in Kosova after World War II, but not fully engaged. Moscow has many other documents. It increased its interest on Kosova especially after it break-down with Yugoslavia, because it wanted to incite the resistance from the inside against Tito. Therefore, with the use of the Albanian issue, they wanted to create problems in Yugoslavia, in order to oust Tito.


MICHEL ROUX, professor at the University of Tolouse



Michel Roux has been studying the political, social and economical problems of the Former Yugoslavia, The Balkans and Eastern Europe. Today, he is considered to be one of the best experts regarding the Kosova issue and the Albanians. He is the author of "Albanians in Yugoslavia", the declaration on the national territorial and development problems of the Albanians in the Former Yugoslavia.

KOHA:For two years has the EU tried to solve the problems in the Former Yugoslavia. Why was it unsuccessful?

ROUX: It was unsuccessful because: 1) of its internal contradictions, 2) of the lack of its influence in world's diplomacy , 3) of not knowing the political conditions in the Balkans and 4) of its negligence to fully engage to impose a solution.

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KOHA: After a political and diplomatic silence, many think that Russia is in a triumphal

KOHA: After a political and diplomatic silence, many think that Russia is in a triumphal way coming back to international politics, especially in the case of Bosnia. Does this mean that Russia has strategic and political interests in the Balkans?

ROUX: The Russian diplomatic comeback is not "triumphal". Russia is going through a deep crisis, it has lost its power, and what it aims at is to reinstall its influence upon the "neighboring countries", that is, members of the former Soviet Union. It has its interest in the Balkans, without any doubts, but objectively and actually they are in a second plane.

KOHA: Do you think Russia's presence is done in accordance with the USA. Are we headed towards a new Yalta?

ROUX: It is obvious that the USA is accepting and using the Russian presence in the Balkans, but the conditions for a "new Yalta" have not been created yet: Russia is not a superpower any longer.

KOHA: Many think that the agreement on the Muslim-Croat Confederation can't last, and can't exist as such.

ROUX: This Confederation has good reasons to last because it brings Croatia a political influence in Bosnia and grants the Muslims the way out to the sea and the guarantee that they'll not be reduced to an enclave. It also provides the madmen (and there is plenty of those) the assurance that there will be no Muslim state in Europe. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the Croats could reach a similar agreement with the Serbs in the future, and thus put the Muslims completely aside.

KOHA: Some days ago, I heard a theory stating that once Central Europe has become independent from Russia, it will choose to become neutral. Russia, on the other hand, has turned towards the Balkans, as an undefined zone. It is also said that Russia, through Rumania and Serbia will get access to the warm sea and through Macedonia to Greece, and try to pull Greece towards Orthodoxy and detach it from the West. But, the Americans won't allow any contacts between Greece and Serbia, Russia and Rumania in order to prevent the isolation of Turkey and the Near East. How much truth is in this?

ROUX: It is true that Serbia has good relations with Russia, Greece and Rumania. But this could hardly bring political credibility in the geo-political sense, to an "orthodox axis" which would allow Russia the access to the Mediterranean. There are two contradictions: the participation of Greece in the EU and the NATO, and the problem of Macedonia. It is hard to believe that detaching from the West could be so attractive for the Balkan states, including Serbia. It is far more acceptable to think that the West will control the Mediterranean for the needs of the NATO, and that new political and military alliances will not appear.

KOHA: Which are the geo-political changes to be done to prevent new conflicts in Europe in general and the Balkans in particular?

ROUX: The main line to follow everywhere is to stop the process of the creation of national states. To stop new wars, at least three conditions must be fulfilled: first, the ultra-nationalist political and military factors must be neutralized, because their wishes are maximalistic. Second, all new rearrangements of the territories which incite, above all measures, the aspirations of one people harming another people, must cease. Third, the creation of states of

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short life, of enclaves without sources, has to stop. KOHA: After new initiatives in Bosnia,

short life, of enclaves without sources, has to stop.

KOHA: After new initiatives in Bosnia, and the failures of the EU and the Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, how do you see and evaluate the situation in the Balkans?

ROUX:The American initiative in Bosnia ended with the Muslim and Croat Confederation of B&H, but has not changed fundamentally the essence of the problem, for it is still a proposal and not an imposition of the solution.

KOHA: Do you think that identical political issues should be solved differently. Concretely, could a favored position be created for the Bosnian Serbs, whilst the Kosova Albanians "must wait for better times to come"?

ROUX: There are no two political problems that might be totally identical. The similarity between the issue of the Kosova Albanians, the Bosnian Serbs and those of Krajina is, that all of them want their own state. But it is possible to be treated differently. In fact, the international community acknowledged the secessionist republics in their previous borders. This, without a doubt will support a solution which will leave Krajina in Croatia (as a regional autonomy), would keep Bosnia in two entities, and would set Kosova in Serbia (with a reinstated autonomy).

KOHA: The problem of Kosova is expected to escalate into a new war if another solution is not reached regarding its status. What is your opinion regarding the problem of Kosova and the Albanians in general?

ROUX: The problem of Kosova and the Albanians is a problem of self-determination of people that make up the largest group in the Balkans (about two million). This is precisely why this should be taken into account in international negotiations, as one of the most important elements, and not as something that could be bargained. Apart from this, it is an urgent issue, because of the totally abnormal situation reigning in Kosova (without any doubt of apartheid) which could cause even larger explosions of violence.

KOHA: Serbia has proposed the division of Kosova. If this happens then the same thing will happen with Macedonia and all the Balkans would be confronted. How to evade war in Kosova and Macedonia at the same time?

ROUX: I don't see why the division of Kosova would cause the division of Macedonia too, and cause the confrontation of all the Balkans.

KOHA: Do you think there is any chance for Kosova to become the third republic along with Serbia and Montenegro, within the Yugoslav federation?

ROUX: I don't think that Yugoslavia could function as a federal state with three units, because: 1) Serbia wouldn't want to accept Kosova's self-administration: this was one of the things that Serbia criticized about the 1974 Constitution; 2) the three units would then be too much equal, and Serbia would hardly accept to be over-voted by the minorities (Montenegro and Kosova) on the federal level. I think they would need more than three units, maybe even to get inspiration from the autonomous regions in Spain.

KOHA: Will there be war in Kosova?

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ROUX: Maybe, if this is the way to call an aggression of militaries against the

ROUX: Maybe, if this is the way to call an aggression of militaries against the civilian population. It is evident that the LDK doesn't want war and I seem to think that the Serbian authorities share the opinion. Nevertheless there might come to a "war" (in the sense of even more terrible ethnic cleansing than in Bosnia), if the Serbian paramilitary forces flood Kosova. The Serbian ultra-nationalists are scared to death from the future projection of having 4-5 million Albanians in Kosova. They could try to do the same thing they did in Kozarac, Bjeljina, etc.

KOHA: The Kosovans have declared themselves in favor of an independent Kosova. What are their chances, since it is well known that no state has ever been created without war.

ROUX: Some states have been established without war (the Czech republic, Slovakia

think that Kosova's chances are minimal. It would be different only if the big powers would impose such a solution through negotiations. Another solution would be the division of Kosova where Serbia (Yugoslavia) would try to keep the Northern part pushing Albanians towards the South. It wouldn't cost it more than 5% of its territory, but it is serious to think about how is a state with 1,5 million inhabitants in 6 thousand squared meters going to function!

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KOHA: Does UN trusteeship have any chances in Kosova?

ROUX: I don't believe in a UN Trusteeship in Kosova.

KOHA: Which would be the future? Will the Southern front be activated? Would Albanians and Serbs start a war, or will they be clever enough to separate without bloodshed?

ROUX: I don't believe there will be a Southern front. In order for the Albanians and Serbs to solve their problems, they must create circumstances to discuss and clearly define the item of the conversations, which, without any doubt, would be the problem of self-determination.

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