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Environment and Behavior
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DOI: 10.1177/0013916502034001011
2002 34: 150 Environment and Behavior
Enric Pol and Angela Castrechini
City-Identity-Sustainability Research Network: Final Words
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ENVIRONMENT AND BEHAVIOR / January 2002 Pol, Castrechini / FINAL WORDS ON CIS
CITY-IDENTITY-SUSTAINABILITY
RESEARCH NETWORK
Final Words
ENRIC POL, Ph.D., is a professor of social and environmental psychology and di-
rector of the masters degree program Environmental Intervention: People, Society
and Management at the University of Barcelona. He is the editor of the series Psycho/
Socio/Environmental Monographs and an active member of the International Associ-
ation for People-Environment Studies. He has carried out research and published ex-
tensively in the field of environmental psychology. His research interests include
symbolism, appropriation of space, identity, sustainability, and environmental
management.
ANGELACASTRECHINI received her bachelors degree in psychology fromCen-
tral University of Venezuela in 1991 and her masters degree fromSimon Bolvar Uni-
versity in 1996. Currently, she is a Ph.D. student of social psychology at the Univer-
sity of Barcelona, where she has a research assistantship. Her doctoral research is on
press and social representation of environment. Her research interests include social
representation theory and environmental psychology.
ABSTRACT: The most significant results of the different studies carried out in the
City-Identity-Sustainability research network and published in this special issue are
discussed and evaluated. A general structural model was proposed to analyze the
existence of a relationship between social identity and propensity to sustainability in
the urban life context, in various settings of Latin America and Europe. Propensity to
sustainability was valued and the adjustment to two theoretical models (identification
and cohesion) was observed in each setting through the structural equation system.
Results confirm that there is a relationship between the degree of social identity and
propensity to sustainability. Place identity and social cohesion are variables that
influence this relationship in a differential way and vary in accordance to the physical
quality of the space and the social status of the setting. Thus, the study provides some
management guidelines to advance toward sustainability.
150
ENVIRONMENT AND BEHAVIOR, Vol. 34 No. 1, January 2002 150-160
2002 Sage Publications
The main aimof the research network was to contribute to the comprehen-
sion of the social requirements of sustainability linked to the identity con-
struct within the city that is the dominant human habitat. The study was based
on a theoretical approach that allows us to hypothesize about the processes
associated with the social identity construction and the explicit role of physi-
cal environmental features. It is intended to provide empirical evidence that
allows the establishment of more efficient strategies for environmental man-
agement toward sustainability.
To organize this discussion, the main assumptions or hypotheses outlined
at the beginning of the research were followed (see Table 1 in Pol, 2002 [this
issue]). The complexity of the studied phenomenon, the incidence of social
and cultural differences, and the particularity of the history of each setting
were kept in mind during the research. However, what is relevant is that some
common patterns were observed.
The dynamics of the history of each setting explains, to a significant
extent, its distinctiveness. In most cases, the occurrence of significant events
in the local context determines, in a decisive way, the trajectory followed by
social dynamics in each case study as well as the will of its residents toward
sustainability.
Every research team of the City-Identity-Sustainability (CIS) network
agrees that social and historical dimensions as well as political and ethical
dimensions should be taken into consideration to understand the nature of the
relationship between these variables. This is relevant specifically when pro-
grams of social interventionare designedwithanemphasis onsustainability.
THE REQUIREMENT OF SOCIAL IDENTITY:
SUSTAINABILITY IS NOT POSSIBLE WITHOUT SOCIAL IDENTITY
The relationship between identity and sustainability constituted the cen-
tral axis of the CIS Research Network. This is a key relationship, because the
rest of the assumptions of the investigation were based on it.
Identity was defined as a phenomenon that includes cohesion, identifica-
tion, and satisfaction, among other psychological and social processes (see
Pol, 2002). Therefore, identity was measured as a second-order factor that
emerges from a series of measurement units that have been detailed in the
article by Gurdia and Pol (2002 [this issue]). Sustainability was defined as
the propensity to sustainability. This refers to the existence of beliefs that
could favor environmentally sustainable and responsible behaviors. Diverse
indicators were considered because they showed, in the pilot phase, their ade-
quacy for this purpose.
Pol, Castrechini / FINAL WORDS ON CIS 151
The global analysis showed that identity covariate with sustainability,
although the relationship between both variables differs in function of the
analyzed settings (the estimation of parameters oscillates between 2.96 and
6.89 for every sample, being significant in every case). Fromthe local, quan-
titative, and qualitative results, some relevant relationships appear. These
specific results condition the assumed relationships in the general model. For
example, in Viladecans-Barcelona (Pol, Moreno, Gurdia, & iguez, 2002
[this issue]), a significant relationship appears between the indicators of
sustainability and the most deep-rooted and consolidated communities. In
BarcelonaOlympic Village (Valera & Gurdia, 2002 [this issue]), the first-
order factor identification-satisfaction with the neighborhood is related to the
indicators of propensity to sustainability. However, it is important to mention
that in this case a double tendency is observed. Some of its residents express
proenvironmental behaviors, and at the same time they exhibit purchase and
consumption habits that negatively affect the environment. Ahypothesis that
could explain this double tendency could be the medium/high socioeconomic
level of the area. In addition, this could also be the result of a more metropoli-
tan lifestyle instead of a local one that characterizes its population and condi-
tions its consumption habits (schedules, traveling routes, etc.).
In the studied cases of Guildford (Uzzell, Pol, & Badenes, 2002 [this
issue]), the relationship between identity and sustainability is less clear. A
positive relation is observed in Stoughton but not in Onslow Village. In this
last case, a negative relationship between social cohesion and sustainability
is observed. This negative relationship could be explained by the predomi-
nance of an individual identity on a collective one. If this is the case, this
result could confirm one of the initial assumptions: The predominance of
individualism(or individual survival strategies) does not favor the propensity
to sustainability. Even in this case, cohesion is the result of the defense of spe-
cific interests (commonly not proenvironmental interests; a typical case
could be the Nimby effect). This hypothesis requires further profound
studies.
On the contrary, in settings characterized by a low socioeconomic level
and the presence of important social problems and urban deficiencies, the
propensity to sustainability appears related with the collective search for
social urban improvements. The neighborhoods of Pan de Azcar in Caracas
(Wiesenfeld & Giuliani, 2002 [this issue]), Valle de Chalco in Mexico DF
(Aguilar D., 2002 [this issue]), and Los Colorines in Guadalajara (Jimnez-
Domnquez & Lpez Aquilar, 2002 [this issue]) are clear examples of it. In
these cases, social cohesion is based on a common history of participation,
association, and social action seeking improvements in the neighborhood.
152 ENVIRONMENT AND BEHAVIOR / January 2002
These factors are evidence of a more positive predisposition toward change
and expectations of improvements about the future, including environmental
conservation.
In these locations, habits and daily practices seem to fit well with the
requirements of sustainability. These practices are part of their traditional
culture such as reducing energy consumption and saving and reusing prod-
ucts and organic residuals (as in composts or food for domestic animals).
However, these actions are related more to survival needs and traditional hab-
its than with the imposition or voluntary adoption of sustainable behaviors.
On the other hand, based on the analyzed cases (e.g., Viladecans-Barcelona)
there are signs that when these communities evolve toward the higher con-
sumption standards of a globalized economy, they become environmentally
unsustainable. The loss of social and cultural diversity associated with glob-
alization, even if it drives an improvement of living standards, causes a uni-
form tendency to inflict negative effects on the local ecosystem and its
resources (Gardner & Stern, 1996; Martnez-Alier, 1992).
In conclusion, the variability in sustainabilityis explained by the existence
or nonexistence of social identity. We suggest that this occurs independently
of the way social identity is built (either by identification or by cohesion, as
we will explain later when we analyze the models). In addition, the results
allow us to affirm that socioeconomic factors and/or the urban quality of the
analyzed settings favor social identity. These are conditions that generate
opportunity scenarios for sustainable behaviors, as was hypothesized in the
first article of this issue.
SOLIDARITY, INTERACTION, AND ATTACHMENT
We have seen before how the main relationship of identity-sustainability
occurs in a reasonable way in the general empirical model. However, some
nuances appear and require explanation. The complementary studies carried
out in Paris (Moser, Ratiu, & Fleury-Bahi, 2002 [this issue]) give some indi-
cations in explaining these matices.
In the initial article (on the specification of the framework of the research
network) (Pol, 2002), the intrageneration and intergeneration solidarity
dimension of the sustainability concept was highlighted. In addition, the
existence of formal and informal networks of social support, the perception
of proximity and homogeneity perceived between neighbors, and the sense of
belonging resultingfromthe space appropriationprocess were highlighted.
SOLIDARITY AND SUSTAINABILITY
Intrageneration solidarity was considered to be the cooperation among
neighbors to solve problems, the existence of formal and informal networks
of social support, and the perception of closeness among neighbors. These
are key factors in the construction of social identity. In this sense, the empiri-
cal results showed multiple tendencies.
1. When the relationship among neighbors was examined, informal networks of
social support, cooperation, and perception of proximity were observed in the
cases of Viladecans-Barcelona (standard and poor areas), Mexico DF, Cara-
cas, and Guadalajara. The informal cooperation seems to be greater when
there are scarce or null public services, which occurs when the public admin-
istration fails to provide them. However, the informal cooperation tends to de-
crease when the standard of living and the socioeconomic level increase. In
deprived areas, collective strategies of problem solving seem to prevail, al-
though in Mexico DF (also a deprived area) individual strategies of survival
seem to predominate. In this case, the perception of neighbor proximity does
not necessarily correspond with the propensity to participate in the resolution
of community problems. Perhaps this could be explained by the influence of a
big and saturated urban mass such as Mexico City.
2. In urban areas characterized by a higher level quality of life in terms of facili-
ties and urban services as well as a higher socioeconomic level, internal social
cooperation is found only when there is a specific problem in the neighbor-
hood (e.g., the Olympic Village case) or when it is necessary to defend its own
interests and benefits related to the attained level of well-being (e.g., the cases
of Onslow Village and Area 3 of Viladecans). In these cases, sustainability
emerges as an abstract and individualized referent associated, in the best of
the cases, with responsible ecological behaviors of the individual type.
3. According to the parallel studies developed in Paris (Moser et al., 2002), al-
though the habitat and the residential environment are important elements of
social integration, it is idealistic to presume that the local relationship could
develop into solidarity. This corresponds with the Mexico DF results
(Aguilar D., 2002), which were mentioned earlier. Following on what was
pointed out in the initial article of this issue (Pol, 2002), the explanation could
be looked for in the peculiarities of the social relationships and in the possibil-
ities for survival in the macro cities.
Thus, the incipient solidarity at the local level does not guarantee the gen-
erational solidarity. However, we would suggest that this solidarity might
facilitate interest and concern for future generations (intergenerational soli-
darity was not examined directly in these studies).
ATTACHMENT, SATISFACTION, AND SUSTAINABILITY
It was considered in the initial hypothesis that space appropriation, sense
of belonging, and place attachment are psychological factors positively asso-
ciated with satisfaction and environmental care and responsibility. The
empirical results seem to confirm this hypothesis.
In suburban cities located on the periphery of big metropolises, the appro-
priation occurs with respect to the neighborhood and not to the city. That is,
suburban city seems to be an intermediate entity where neither identification
nor place attachment is generated. This is so in the case of Viladecans, where
people tend to feel that they belong to a neighborhood rather than to a city.
This result also corresponds with those obtained in Paris.
The appropriation process is different in areas with historical deficiencies
in infrastructures and services compared with the most recent and well-
equipped areas. In the first caseareas with infrastructure deficienciesthe
appropriation occurs throughout what was called in the initial article action
transformation (Pol, 1996, 1999). This means that the tendency observed in
these kinds of settings is one of direct action of a social group on its immedi-
ate environment to improve it. Such action tends to be associated with the
constitution of social organizations that demand improvements in the neigh-
borhood from the public administration. Additionally, when these actions
have a successful result, a high degree of commitment is observed related to
the obtained achievements.
However, the same physical conditions could lead to nonattachment and
deterioration of space when there are no expectations of permanence or when
there are clear intentions of mobility to other places that do not have these
problems.
In those areas well equipped with urban infrastructure and public services,
the appropriation occurs through identification with the positive image of the
place. Despite that this is a different process of appropriation, it also implies
an intention to preserve the environment. In Guildford, Viladecans, and
Olympic Village, we found examples of this kind of appropriation. In the last
two cases, people with a higher sense of attachment showed a higher propen-
sity to sustainable behaviors.
The parallel studies carried out in Paris found that small settings favor a
higher participation in collective activities and a larger sense of responsibility
to the environment compared with the anomie and feeling of alienation
observed in big cities. This tendency appears related to the perception of
well-being, satisfaction with the neighborhood, and, according to Moser
et al. (2002), with some concrete attributes such as green spaces, aesthetic
quality, low levels of noise, and the like. However, in Viladecans, a small
peripheral city, an inverse relationship was observed: When the quality of the
environment and living conditions were lower, the community was more
active and participatory in the neighborhood. This tendency was also
observed in other cases such as Analco-Guadalajara, Nezahualcyotl
Mexico DF, and Pan de AzcarCaracas, but in smaller proportions.
In other words, precarious conditions favor collective action seeking the
improvement of the settings living conditions. However, this collective
action tends to decrease when living conditions improve.
In conclusion, there is enough empirical evidence to affirmthat appropria-
tion of the environment generates a higher predisposition to its care and pres-
ervation (which does not necessarily mean a sustainable orientation). In
addition, it can be said that some physical characteristics of urban environ-
ments might promote this appropriation. Big cities, understood as abstrac-
tions of positive salient social categories, seem to generate in their
inhabitants identification with the city, reinforcing the sense of belonging.
This seems to support the identification model proposed by Turner (1987).
On the other hand, in the case of neighborhoods in suburban cities, what pre-
dominates is place attachment because of the appropriation via action trans-
formation, which seems to support the cohesion model. It is interesting to
note that the peripheral city emerges as an intermediate entity (between the
housing setting and the metropolis) that does not generate identification or
attachment (as in the case of Viladecans-Barcelona).
Finally, there are some contradictory results regarding the influence of the
physical characteristics and the direction in which they act. Thus, it will be
necessary to further study this topic in the future.
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION
In this section, we will discuss which of the two theoretical models of
identity construction proposed at the beginning of the researchthe identifi-
cation model (IM) or the cohesion model (CM)prevails in the analyzed
cases. We will also analyze the incidence of the residential satisfaction and
quality of the urban environment variables in the development of social
identity.
Overall, the statistical analysis confirms that social identity is built as
much for identification as for cohesion. Furthermore, both models contribute
to explain a substantial part of the sustainability phenomenon. However, the
quality of the urban environments establishes differences in the predomi-
nance of either model. In contexts with negative or adverse urban conditions,
the social CM plays the predominant role in the development of the social
identity. This is the case for Caracas, Guadalajara, Valle de ChalcoMexico
DF, and Viladecans-Barcelona (Areas 1 and 2).
On the contrary, in settings with well-structured urban conditions and with
a certain social status, the IMplays a predominant role in the construction of
the social identity. This mainly happens during the first years of a neighbor-
hood (e.g., the case of Prados de la EncrucijadaCaracas). The cohesion
comes later as a result of the coexistence and the occurrence of socially rele-
vant events. That is the case of Viladecans-3 and Olympic Village.
Looking for the explanation of the models adjustment, we have doubts
about the factors that are behind the statistical effect. Viladecans-3 and
Olympic Village are settings that have a clearly urban structure and are par-
ticularly characteristic inside the context of the metropolitan area. They are
also medium- and high-class areas, characterized by more global than local
lifestyles. This might induce one to think that the results are based more on a
social than on an urban dimension. However, the social status of these areas is
higher than what would formally correspond to thembased on their socioeco-
nomic level. This attributed social status characteristic, despite its social
nature, could mainly be attributed to the urban characteristics of the settings.
Therefore, it is reasonable to think that in the case of best adjustment of the
IM(in comparison to the adjustment of the CM), the physical characteristics
of the place are part of a positive social image. They are, in terms of Tajfel and
Turner (1986), salient prototypical categories. Thus, these characteristics
might play an important role accelerating the emergence of social identity. If
this assumption is true, the comprehension of this process opens some possi-
bilities and strategies that allow advancement toward sustainability. We will
focus on this topic in the next section.
PROMOTING SUSTAINABILITY:
SOME GUIDELINES FOR
ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT
From what we have already exposed, and acknowledging the impossibil-
ity of being exhaustive, we can outline some conclusions as well as applica-
ble guidelines for environmental management and sustainability.
We have assumed that information is a necessary condition, but it is not
sufficient enough as a basic skill to change attitudes and behaviors toward a
more sustainable society. Although the information is necessary, it is not
enough for the proposed objective. If we assume that a backboned society
will be more inclined to adopt behavior patterns and values of sustainability,
as our empirical results allowus to affirm, the management will be guided to
actions that can facilitate the social support and not just give information
about environmental problems, possible risks, and desirable behaviors at
individual levels.
If social backbone generates social identity, this can come from cohesion
and/or fromidentification with the social group, and the urban structure plays
a decisive role, then we suggest that it will be necessary to become acquainted
with the social processes of each specific collective to be able to establish the
most suitable strategies in each case.
In this sense, if there is theoretical and empirical evidence to affirmthat in
standard and adverse situations of survival, social identity emerges on social
cohesion, the management will be primarily oriented toward facilitating this
cohesion, subsequently favoring sustainability.
In well-being situationsnot as much in terms of wealth as in equilibrium
identification with the group seems to prevail. In this case, the physical struc-
ture, the appropriation, and the symbolic value of the space play an impor-
tant, referential, and categorical role for this identification. In addition, in the
social prototypes of industrial and postindustrial societies, identification
seems to precedealthough not substitute forcohesion. Based on this, the
operation on the level and quality of the urban setting (more froma symbolic
point of view than from a functional one) can facilitate the emergence of
social identities that at last will favor sustainability. However, the urban
forms are crucial to guide this identity through identification as well as social
cohesion.
As has been seen, satisfaction influences identity and sustainability. At the
same time, action-transformation opportunities or, in other terms, implica-
tion, participation influence satisfaction (in Piagets words pleasure to cause
something). Thus, adapting, correcting, or transforming social structures,
practices, or management styles that are inhibitors of the participation and
the civic implication will be fundamental for sustainability. Of course there is
a political dimension that may make this unfeasible due to the variety of inter-
ests involved.
Social intervention may have among other objectives deepening and con-
solidating an affected community or changing the current situation in terms
of urban infrastructures, public services, and so forth. Considering this, a
necessary stage prior to carrying out any planning or intervention is to value
the harmony, the consistency, or the incongruity within the affected commu-
nity that seeks to change the form, the uses, and the meanings of a place (sym-
bolisma priori). Moreover, this is relevant if we take into account the key role
of social backbone for well-being and sustainability. Finally, the slower
speed and more traumatizing nature of social change with respect to urban
change should also be taken into consideration.
Thus, in the same way that natural spaces are declared to be protected or
that architectural elements have a patrimonial value that must be preserved,
preexistent social communities should be studied before any intervention to
determine how they could be affected by it. In fact, this aspect is already
explicitly, although timidly, contemplated in some legislation, such as the
environmental impact assessment. However, this evaluation is not always
carried out before an urban intervention. Thus, unsustainable effects may
derive as much from the ecological impacts of an intervention as from the
impact of the breaking the social fabric.
Finally, the local studies of the CIS Research Network and the general
results give some empirical evidence supporting the redesigning of strategies
to advance sustainability; however, new doubts also emerge and require fur-
ther study.
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