Tis article introduces the Sokush k of Kyoto, a lay confraternity engaged in

the service of the kaihgy practitioners of Mt. Hiei. While it is naturally the
Tendai circumambulating monks who have captivated the attention of popu-
lar as well as scholarly publications, my study seeks to bring to light the sup-
port group behind them, focusing on a lay association whose members serve
the gyja during their rounds of Kyoto. I discuss the Sokush ks possible ori-
gins, its current structure, its ranks and practices, and the services it performs
for the kaihgy monks. I also examine why people join the confraternity, atti-
tudes within the group, and the challenges it faces.
keywords: k Tendai kaihgy sendatsu Mt. Hiei Katsuragawa geango
Sokush k
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/1: 115142
2006 Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture
Catherine Ludvik
In the Service of the Kaihgy Practitioners of Mt. Hiei
Te Stopping-Obstacles Confraternity (Sokush k) of Kyoto
115
Caiheiine Ludvik is an Adjunci Piofessoi ai ihe Sianfoid Japan Ceniei in Kyoio. Hei long-
ieim ieseaich piojeci focuses on ihe concepiual and iconogiaphic developmeni of ihe god-
dess Benzaiien fiom India io Japan.
T
his study originated in the spring of 2003, when the monk Fujinami
Genshin , abbot of Hshin on Mt. Hiei, was in the
midst of his great circumambulations of Kyoto (Kyto mawari
). Although I had been aware of the sennichi kaihgy (one-
thousand-day circumambulations-of-the-mountain practice) of Mt. Hiei
1
for
years and had met a few of the monks who had completed this arduous form
of Tendai mountain asceticism, it was not until the spring of 2003 that I was
directly exposed to the practice itself and to the practitioners (gyja )
entourage. I was deeply impressed, not only by the intensity of the practice and
Fujinamis dedication to it, but also by the dedication of the remarkable individ-
uals who devotedly served him as guides through the city. Tis group of lay peo-
ple belong to a religious association known as the Kyto Sokush k
, Stopping-Obstacles Confraternity of Kyoto, to which this study is dedicated.
Following a brief introduction of the kaihgy, I will discuss the possible origins
of this confraternity, the current structure of the group, its ranks and practices,
and the services it performs for the gyja. I will also examine why people join the
Kyto Sokush k, attitudes within the group, and the challenges with which it
is faced.
Te Kaihgy
Te kaihgy is ofen called a walking meditation (hok zen ) and inter-
preted as a form of the constant-walking samdhi (jgy zanmai ), one
of the four types of meditation (shishu zanmai ) practiced in Tendai.
2
In
spirit it is traced back to the Never Disparaging (Jfugy ) Bodhisattva of
Among ihe Kyio Sokush k membeis, I would paiiiculaily like io ihank iwo of ihe long-
ieim membeis, iefeiied io heie as Mi. T. and Mi. N. (peisonal inieiviews conducied beiween July
io Decembei :oo( and May :oo,), foi kindly speaking io me aboui ihe Sokush k, foi paiienily
iesponding io my numeious quesiions, and foi being so geneious wiih iheii iime. I am also veiy
giaieful io dai ajari Miisunaga Kakud , chief piiesi (jshoku ) of Nanzenb
of Mi. Hiei, foi claiicaiions iegaiding ihe kaihgy, as well as ihe Sokush k (inieiview
in Ociobei :oo(); and io dai ajari Uehaia Gysh , piiesi in ioiaiion (rinban ) of ihe
Myd and chief piiesi of Zenjin of Mi. Hiei, foi his commenis (inieiview in Sep-
iembei :oo,). On issues of cloihing and foi hei commenis on ihis aiiicle, I am indebied io Piofessoi
Toiiimoio Yukiyo of Kyoio Noiie Dame Womens Univeisiiy (inieiviews in Novembei
:oo( and Januaiy :oo,, as well as coiiespondence).
:. Hencefoiih iefeiied io as kaihgy. Heie Mi. Hiei is ihe mouniain (h ) alluded io in ihe
name of ihe piaciice.
:. On ihe foui kinds of mediiaiion, see S1vvvso :86. On ihe consiani-walking samdhi, see
also Gvovv :oo:, :,6,.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 117
the Lotus Sutra, who went about paying obeisance to monks and laymen alike as
future buddhas. In the kaihgy, reverence is extended to all of nature, includ-
ing every tree and blade of grass, for they too are endowed with Buddha nature.
While those who complete this practice are believed to be living buddhas, the
kaihgy is in fact a bodhisattva practice, wherein the gyja stop short of attain-
ing buddhahood in this life so as to continue to help all sentient beings.
3

Te kaihgy consists in walking around the sacred space of Mt. Hiei along
a set course, stopping to worship at numerous sites along the way, including
temple halls, shrines, graves, peaks, forests, trees, mounds, stones, waterfalls,
ponds and water sources, by forming mudras and reciting mantras. Troughout
the circumambulations, furthermore, the gyja recite the mantra to Fud My
, the central deity of the kaihgy. Worship, therefore, is not limited to
the established stops, but represents, ideally, a constant state.
Te one-thousand-day practice is divided into one-hundred-day segments
and can be completed over a period of seven years: during the frst three years,
each year consisting of one hundred days of walking, the course extends over
7.5 ri
4
and includes some two hundred and sixty worship stops; during the
next two years (fourth and ffh years), two hundred days each, the same route
is followed; during the sixth year, the course is extended to ffeen ri
5
over one
hundred days; during the seventh year, it is extended further still to twenty-
one ri
6
over one hundred days, as the practitioner circumambulates both Mt.
Hiei and Kyoto (Kyto mawari), followed by a fnal segment of one hundred
days along the 7.5 ri route around the mountain.
7
In the fall of the ffh year,
. On ihe puipose and ihe dociiinal backgiound of ihe kaihgy, see Mis.xi :,; Hiv.m.1sU
:8:; H.o.mi :86, ::::8; Ruouvs :8,, :8.
(. Te disiance of ,., ri is usually said io be ihiiiy kilomeieis, calculaiing one ri as ihe equivaleni
of foui kilomeieis. Howevei, Mi1sU.o. Kakud (:6, ,,) explains ihai ii does noi make sense
io conveii ihe ,., ri inio kilomeieis because ihe numbei ,., is based, noi on disiance, bui on Bud-
dhisi ieachings and on ancieni Chinese numeiology. In Chinese ihoughi, accoiding io Miisunaga,
eighi is ihe peifeci numbei, and in esoieiic Buddhisi ieachings, eighi iepiesenis a siaie of compleie-
ness. Since ihe kaihgy is a bodhisaiiva piaciice, if ii is bioughi io compleiion oi buddhahood,
ihe piaciice can no longei be peifoimed. Teiefoie, ihe monk coveis ,., ri, so as io iemain in ihe
bodhisaiiva siage, and noi eighi ri. Te aciual geogiaphical disiance is aboui iweniy-ve kilomeieis
(Mi1sU.o. Kakud :6, ,8).
,. Te disiance of feen ri iepiesenis ihe doubling of ,., ri. Te aciual geogiaphical disiance
coveied, howevei, is aboui ien ri oi less ihan foiiy kilomeieis (Mi1sU.o. Kakud :6, ,,, :,6).
6. Te numeial iweniy-one is, accoiding io Mi1sU.o. Kakud (:6, ,,, :,o), anoihei numbei
(, x ) signicani in Buddhism, and ihe aciual geogiaphical disiance coveied is aboui sixiy kilome-
ieis.
,. Ii is noi obligaioiy, howevei, io compleie ihe one-ihousand-day kaihgy in piecisely seven
yeais following ihe above piogiam. Piaciiiioneis may follow a dieieni schedule, as in ihe case of
ihe gyja cuiienily engaged in ihe sennichi kaihgy: Hoshino End , who is in ihe fh
yeai of his one-ihousand-day piaciice (:oo6), has been peifoiming one hundied days of kaihgy
each yeai (iaihei ihan iwo hundied days duiing ihe fouiih and fh yeais as pei ihe seven-yeai
piogiam).
118 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
furthermore, after seven hundred days of circumambulations, the monk is
secluded in the Myd of Mudji on Mt. Hiei, headquarters of
the practice,
8
for nine days without eating, drinking, sleeping, or lying down,
as he performs mantra and sutra recitations. He emerges from the hall at 2:00
am every night, to gather water for his ritual practices from the nearby Akai
well. Tis seclusion, known as diri (hall-entering),
9
divides the
prior period of practice dedicated to the beneft of the monk (jirigy ),
from the latter period of practice for the conversion of others (ketagy
). Tat is also why the seventh year includes one hundred days of walking
around the populated city of Kyoto. According to Rykais Shokoku ikken
hijiri monogatari [Story of saints once seen in the provinces]
of 1387, the kaihgy used to consist only of seven hundred days of circumam-
bulations and ended with the nine-day diri (see Kodera 1979, 283; Misaki
1979, 28889, 300). Because of the burning of the Enryakuji complex on Mt.
Hiei by military ruler Oda Nobunaga in 1571, very few pre-1571 documents
remain.
10
We know that the one-thousand-day practice was performed follow-
ing this period,
11
and that since 1585, forty-nine monks have completed the one-
thousand-day kaihgy. One monk, Hoshino End, abbot of Daijin on
Mt. Hiei, is currently performing the one-thousand-day practice.
12
Supporters of the Gyja
While it is naturally the gyja who command attention in popular as well as
scholarly publications on the kaihgy, there is a significant support group
behind them, consisting of lay route-guides (osaki or sendsha ),
attendants (gubu ), young monks (koz ), and lay devotees (shinja
8. Te kaihgy of Mi. Hiei was piaciiced by ihiee lineages wiih headquaiieis in dieieni paiis
of ihe mouniain complex of Eniyakuji , including ihe Gyokusen-iy (Mudji hon-
iy ) of Ti piecincis, ihe Shgyb-iy of Saii piecincis, and ihe
Ek-iy (Imuio-iy ) of Yokawa . See Hiv.m.1sU :8:, 6o. Te main suiviving
kaihgy piaciiced ioday is ihai of ihe Mudji honry. Te Shgyb-iy kaihgy is no longei
peifoimed, wheieas ihe Imuio-iy kaihgy, which lapsed foi foui hundied yeais, was ievived in
ihe iweniieih ceniuiy by Hakozaki Bunn , who peifoimed one hundied days of ii, and
ihen by his famous disciple Sakai Ysai , who compleied iwo one-ihousand-day kaihgy.
Sakais disciple Fujinami Genshin likewise peifoimed ihe Imuio kaihgy, nishing his one ihou-
sand days in :oo.
. Te hall in quesiion is ihe Myd.
:o. Te kaihgy piaciice, fuiiheimoie, is an oially iiansmiiied iiadiiion, which also accounis
foi ihe scaiciiy of suiviving documeniaiion. Te gyjas manual of piaciice known as ihe Kaih
tefumi , coniaining ihe lisi of siies io be siopped ai and piayeis io be ieciied, was nevei io
be shown io anyone. In :,,, a Kaih tefumi was isi published (MUv.v.m. :,,, (o,:(), and in
:oo( a tefumi fiom :8:, was pui on display in a museum exhibiiion (1sU-sui Rvxisui H.xU-
vU1sUx. :oo(, g. ::o).
::. KUs Hokurei gyman ki of :6( desciibes ihe one-ihousand-day piaciice.
::. Foi a fullei iieaimeni of ihe piaciice and hisioiy of ihe kaihgy, see especially Hiv.m.1sU
:8:; Kouvv. :,. In English, see Ruouvs :8,; S1vvvs :88, 6:::.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 119
, believers). Te gyja perform their mountain circumambulations on their
own, but they are fnancially supported by lay devotees, and during their rounds
through Kyoto, they are led by guides, accompanied by young monks and atten-
dants, and followed by devotees. Te walks through Kyoto, furthermore, do not
take place only during the one-hundred-day Kyto mawari, but also once dur-
ing each one-hundred-day segment around the seventy-ffh day (Kyto kiri-
mawari ), and likewise constitute ketagy.
13
During the diri as well,
there is a host of attendants and supporters, including a large group of devotees,
increasing by the day, who gather outside the hall when the gyja makes his
nightly walk to the well. From amongst these various supporters of the kaihgy
practitioners, I will focus here on the lay organization known as the Kyto
Sokush k, usually referred to simply as Sokush k, of which the gyjas lay
route-guides are members.
Te Sokush k
As it is used today, the term k (or ksha ) can refer to any kind of con-
fraternity, be it religious, social, political, corporate, economic, or recreational.
It was frst used in Japan in the nineth century as a Buddhist term, referring
figure 1. Fujinami Genshin (seated fourth from lef in front row) and Sokush k members at
Sekizanzen-in, 5 July 2003. Courtesy of dai ajari Fujinami Genshin. All other photos are by the
author.
:. Te seveniy-fh day, oi in piaciice a day aiound ihe seveniy-fh day, is selecied because
of ihe symbolic value of ihe numbei: seveniy-ve consisis in a ienfold muliiplicaiion of ,.,, ihe
disiance in ri coveied duiing a one-day ciicumambulaiion of ihe mouniain, which, in iepieseniing
a bodhisaiiva piaciice, cannoi coniain ihe numeial eighi. See noie ( above. Nowadays ihe Kyto
kirimawari is scheduled on ihe closesi Sunday io ihe seveniy-fh day, so ihai lay, woiking people
can also paiiicipaie.
120 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
to a group of monks assembled in a temple to hear a discourse with ceremony
in connection with a Buddhist sutra. Te k designated the discourse, the cer-
emony, as well as the audience, which eventually came to consist also of lay peo-
ple. Te term k came to be used for all kinds of religious gatherings, and by the
Edo period (16151868) for diferent types of secular associations as well.
14
Te
Kyoto-based Sokush k is a religious confraternity devoted to the service of
the kaihgy practitioners of Mt. Hiei.
Te Sokush k appears to derive its name from a temple in the western foot-
hills of Mt. Hira in Shiga Prefecture known as Katsuragawa Sokush Myin
(henceforth referred to as Myin or as Sokush Myin), an
important center of Tendai mountain asceticism since the Heian period (794
1185). Te temple was established by the founding fgure of the kaihgy, the
Tendai monk S (831918), who performed ascetic practices in this area.
When Fud My appeared to him in a waterfall, S jumped in to embrace
him, and, fnding a log of a katsura tree, enshrined it. Tradition has it that from
this log of katsura he carved three images of Fud, worshipped today at Myin,
the temple he established near the waterfall, at the Myd of Mudji, the tem-
ple he set up on Mt. Hiei, and at Isakiji in Shiga Prefecture.
15
Te name Sokush Myin was frst used for the Katsuragawa temple in the
5th month of the 1st Kenmu year (1334).
16
Te My in question is Fud, and he
is characterized as sokush ending/stopping obstacles in this new name
proposed for the temple because it defnes the Mys vow, the document from
1334 tells us.
17
Te Sokush k would therefore be a religious association that, in
the spirit of Fud, brings an end to obstacles. Since the function of the group is
to serve the kaihgy practitioners, their aim, in accordance with this name, is
to eliminate, wherever and whenever possible (for they are not present through
much of the gyjas circumambulations), obstacles that may present themselves
in the way of the gyja. Since the practitioner is very familiar with the mountain
paths, but not with the city streets and alleys, the confraternity members (kin
or kshain ) show him the way. Tey guide him safely and quickly
through the trafc; they walk ahead, asking people to move out of his way so
that his brisk step is not slowed down;
18
they direct devotees who wish to receive
:(. On ihe hisioiy of Japanese k, see S.xUv.i :6:; in English, see I1 :,: and BoUcuv :8,,
especially :6o6:.
:,. On ihe life of S, see K.ovv.m. :6o, ,::6 (K.ovv.m. :,,, ::(,); Hiv.m.1sU :8:,
::,; and Ruouvs :8,, :86o. On Isakiji, oi in full Isakiji Sokush Myin, see K.ovv.m. :6o,
:::, noie : (:,,, :(,, noie :); Hvivosu. Cuiu Suivv Sv1 ::, 6:(ab; 1sU-sui Rvxisui
H.xUvU1sUx. :oo(, 8:, g. ; Tvv.suim. :oo(.
:6. See MUv.v.m. :6(, :6,, Kaisuiagawa beii gean (Kaisuiagawa iniendanis
explanaioiy pioposal). Piioi io ihis iime, ii had simply been called Myd oi Kaisuiagawa Myd
(T.v.suim. :, :8).
:,. , (MUv.v.m. :6(, :6,).
:8. In ihis day and age of cameias and cell phones wiih video and phoio capaciiy, ihe kin
aie ofen busy iequesiing people noi io iake phoios of ihe gyja, foi his ciicumambulaiions aie a
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 121
the gyjas blessings in the form of kaji to kneel on the side of the road;
19

they make the schedule for the practitioners stops at the homes/businesses of
devotees (who are also members of the Kyto Sokush k) on or very near to
his circumambulation route; they give constant directions to the devotees fol-
lowing the gyja so that they do not inadvertently disrupt his practice in any
way and so that they too are kept well and safe.
20
In other words, they perform
countless tasks in the service of the gyja, trying to eliminate, in the spirit of
Fud, obstacles in the gyjas way.
Te Sokush k is traditionally believed to have existed since the beginning
of the kaihgy.
21
Many gyja would have had lay devotees to serve and support
them in whichever form and to whatever extent may have been possible, but
when exactly devotees frst organized themselves into a religious association is
unclear. It is also quite possible that Sokush k was not the frst name they
used, and that there may have been more than one group serving the kaihgy
practitioners. As regards the association that called itself Sokush k, if its name
derives from the name of the Katsuragawa temple Sokush Myin, which, as
we have seen, was frst used in 1334, the Sokush k would not have existed
before this time. Furthermore, in view of the fact that kin have a role in the
gyjas circumambulations of Kyoto rather than in the mountain kaihgy, and
that a document of 1378 indicates that the practice consisted of seven hundred
days of walking, hence not including the one-hundred-day Kyto mawari, it
is reasonable to suggest that the Sokush k belongs to a timeand perhaps a
considerable timefollowing 1378.
Many of the kin were from the Nishijin district of Kyoto, and the associa-
tion in the form we know it today may have originated amongst them.
22
Te
Sokush k had its own banner, which Mitsunaga Kakud recalls seeing in an
old commemorative photograph: with the large banner stretched out, an ajari
23

ieligious piaciice, which is noi io be phoiogiaphed. Te only ciicumsiance undei which phoios oi
video-iaping is peimiiied, is by special peimission iequesied in advance and gianied diiecily by ihe
gyja himself.
:. On kaji, esoieiic empoweimeni used also foi healing, see Wiviviu :oo,. Te kaihgy piac-
iiiioneis mosi commonly adminisiei kaji by placing iheii iosaiies on peoples heads. Appaienily in
ihe pasi lay folk weie noi peimiiied io ask ihe gyja diiecily foi kaji, so ihe confiaieiniiy membeis
funciioned as inieimediaiies beiween ihem and ihe piaciiiionei (Hou. :6o, :).
:o. Uniil Enami (Uisumi ) Shunshs iime (sennichi kaihgy compleied in :,)
when ihe kaihgy began io ieceive consideiable media aiieniion, only ihe confiaieiniiy membeis
followed ihe gyja ihiough Kyoio. Wiih ihe kaihgy boom iegulai devoiees also joined ihe pio-
cession.
::. Mi1sU.o. Chd :8:, :( and :86, :(,; Hou. :6o, :6, :. Mi1sU.o. Kakud, :6,
:,:,, who biiey discusses ihe Sokush k, does noi addiess ihe quesiion of iis oiigins. Teie is,
in faci, almosi no infoimaiion available in piini on ihis ieligious associaiion.
::. Uniil ihe eaily Shwa peiiod (::6:8), ihe Myd devoiees weie people of wealih and
siaius, like ihe Nishijin weaveis who could aoid io be donois (Mi1sU.o. Kakud, :6, :,).
:. Once he has successfully compleied ihe diri, ihe gyja is called ajari, fiom ihe Sanskiii
crya, ieachei oi masiei. His full iiile is tgyman ajari , ihe ajari who has com-
122 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
in the center was surrounded by men in hakama (divided or undivided skirt)
bearing their family crest, women in formal kimono (tomesode ), and chil-
dren in aprons over splashed-pattern kimono. Te members functioned both as
route-guides and escorts (keigo ), guiding and protecting the gyja during
his circumambulations of Kyoto.
24
Tere is also another Sokush k which is based in Sakamoto, on the east
side of Mt. Hiei, and known as the Tairoku Sokush k , the Sokush
k in the foothills () of the Tendai () headquarters of Mt. Hiei. Te mem-
bers of this confraternity serve not only the kaihgy practitioners, but also
assist in various events at Enryakuji. They used to maintain the gyja paths
and to function as porters, carrying whatever was required in the service of
the practitioners.

Today they take on the role of attendants (gubu) during the
gyjas circumambulations of Kyoto. Sakamoto, as the town that developed at
the gate of Enryakuji monastic complex (monzen machi ), is an obvious
location for a service-based confraternity focused on the needs of the monks of
Mt. Hiei.
25
Since their services were not specifc to the gyjas circumambula-
tions of Kyoto, their existence is not chronologically tied up to the inclusion of
the Kyto mawari in the kaihgy. Teir name, however, is clearly connected
with the Katsuragawa Sokush Myin, so called since 1334. In relation to the
Kyto Sokush k, it is unclear which name, whether the Kyto Sokush k or
the Sakamoto Tairoku Sokush k, was patterned on which, so as to diferenti-
ate one Sokush k from the other.
26
pleied ihis piaciice, and following his compleiion of ihe sennichi kaihgy, he is elevaied io dai
gyman dai ajari , gieai ajari who has compleied ihe gieai piaciice.
:(. Accoiding io ihe piesideni of ihe Kyio Sokush k, ihe membeis used io caiiy swoids.
:,. While ihe Kyio Sokush k membeiship is laigely individual, in ihai ii is ofen noi passed
down fiom one geneiaiion io ihe nexi wiihin families, ihe Sakamoio Taiioku Sokush k membei-
ship is indeed family based, foi ihe funciion passes fiom faihei io son (Mi1sU.o. Kakud :6,
:,:, :,). A suiviving documeni daied Meiji (: (:o) iecoids ihe Taiioku Sokush ks puipose,
iis iules, and a long lisi of iis membeis funciions, such as piesideni and iieasuieis, iogeihei wiih
ihe names of all ihe individuals who held ihese funciions foi a ihiee-yeai peiiod. Tis documeni
belonged io ihe faihei of Kageyama Haiuki, who was a membei of ihe Taiioku Sokush k, and a
copy of ii was kindly shown io me by Teiashima Noiihiio, cuiaioi ai ihe Oisu Ciiy Museum of His-
ioiy (isu-shi Rekishi Hakubuisukan). Today, as one of ihe long-iime Taiioku Sokush k mem-
beis infoimed me, iheie aie aboui ihiiiy membeis, all male, wiih funciions limiied io ihe piesideni
and io one iieasuiei.
:6. As I iecenily wiinessed, iheie aie likewise Sokush kin connecied wiih Isakiji (see above). I
was iold by one of ihe Kyio Sokush k membeis, fuiiheimoie, ihai Myin also has Sokush kin
of iis own, bui ihis claim was denied by oiheis and I have noi, ai ihis poini, been able io esiablish
wheihei a Kaisuiagawa Sokush k mighi have exisied in ihe pasi. A siudy of ihe Taiioku and of
ihe oihei Sokush k musi be lef foi anoihei occasion. In ihe pieseni aiiicle, when I iefei io ihe
Sokush k, as ihe Kyio Sokush k is ofen simply called, I mean only ihe Sokush k of Kyoio.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 123
Te Kins Costume
Te costume worn by the Kyto Sokush k members provides approximately
datable indications, although not for the origins of the group, at least for its
present look. Te costume for men consists of a white robe (hakui ), a pure
white robe (ji ) inscribed with the Sanskrit syllable (shuji seed syl-
lable) representing Fud, a divided skirt (kiribakama ) with white and
black stripes (kokura pattern), white hand and leg coverings (tekk ;
kyahan ), and a fat, round sedge hat with the character for mountain (yama
), referring to Mt. Hiei, written on the front of it (ichimonjigasa ).
Te members wear their confraternitys kesa (strip of Buddhist robe)
27
and
carry a Tendai rosary in their lef hand. Although their footwear today consists
of white socks and white running shoes, they used to wear straw sandals (waraji
) with Japanese-style socks (tabi ) until the 1950s, and then traditional
carpenters shoes (jika tabi ).
With the exception of the hand and leg coverings and the footwear, which
have a long history, the members items of clothing all belong to the Edo
period (Toriimoto Yukiyo, personal communication). In the Jidai Matsuri
of Kyoto, a very similar uniform is worn by soldiers (heishi ) carry-
ing swordsjust as the confraternity members used toand guns (Fujioka
:,. Te ieim kesa iefeis io ihiee kinds of iobes woin by Buddhisi piiesis. A siiip of ihese gai-
menis, also called kesa, is woin boih by cleigy and laiiy aiound ihe neck on ceiemonial occasions oi
duiing ihe peifoimance of piaciices. On ihe dieieni kesa woin by ihe Kyio Sokush k membeis,
see page ::.
figure 2. Tree members of the Kyto Sokush k, Kyto kirimawari, June 2005.
124 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
1995, 21, fgs. 910). Unlike the kin, their clothing is made of dark colors and
they do not wear the same hat. Te ichimonjigasa is worn by a few other fg-
ures in the Jidai Matsuri, including the archery administrator (yumibugy
), the head of the inspectors (metsukegashira ), and the bow and
gun carriers (yumimochi ; teppmochi ) (Fujioka 1995, 5051, fgs.
4245; see also 33, fig. 27). In other words, the uniform is connected with
doing battle. As to why it should have been chosen by the confraternity mem-
bers, the reasons may be both practical and ideological. It is clearly a con-
venient form of dress in terms of mobility, and hence also very useful for the
kin who engage in lengthy stretches of walking. Te ichimonjigasa was prob-
ably likewise included in the uniform because of the protection it afords from
figure 5. Hand coverings and rosary.
figure 3. Ichimonjigasa.
figure 4. Sanskrit syllable for
Fud on pure white robe (ji).
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 125
rain, snow, and sun, and because its fat shape does not impinge on the wear-
ers range of vision in the way some other hats do. In terms of ideology, the
battle-connected uniform, I would suggest, is particularly suitable for Sokush
k members, who, in the spirit of Fuds vow, seek to end the obstacles (sokush)
that may present themselves in the gyjas way. Whether or not the uniform was
chosen or gradually developed with this point in mind, however, is entirely
unknown. At any rate, once the form of dress was established, it was modifed
so as to imbue it with appropriate symbolism. Te clothing was made white, like
that of the gyjas costume.
28
White is associated with death, for it is the color
of the death shroud, and might be interpreted as the confraternity members
symbolic death to the everyday world in his complete dedication to the service
of the gyja, to the point of death itself if need be. White is also the color of
laymens clothing (Hbgirin 19292003, fasc. 3, 217 Byakue). Te kins cos-
tume, furthermore, was inscribed with characters appropriate to his purpose:
the Sanskrit syllable for Fud was written on the back of his pure white robe
(ji), and the mountain character/symbol referring to Mt. Hiei was drawn on
the front of his hat. Today a kin usually asks the priest in rotation (rinban )
of the Myd of Mudji or another ajari to calligraph the seed syllable on his
white robe, while he draws the mountain symbol on his hat himself. When the
gyja walks behind the kin acting as route-guide, he sees the syllable symbol-
izing his principal deity Fud on the confraternity members robe, and people
seeing the procession note the mountain character, signalling the approach of
the gyja. Even the clothing of the kin, therefore, is designed in the service of
the gyja, functioning as a point of focus both for the monk, as well as for the
city dwellers, for whose beneft he circumambulates Kyoto (ketagy).
Te current clothing for men thus points to the Edo period, by which time
the Kyto mawari, central to the services of the Sokush k, had been included
in the kaihgy (see above). Te present uniform, however, does not necessarily
reveal the origins of the confraternity, for there may also have been a previous
uniform or a period without uniform. We do not know, furthermore, when the
current Edo-looking costume was frst established, whether in the Edo period
itself or shortly thereafer. Toriimoto Yukiyo (personal communication) con-
jectures that the uniform existed in the Meiji period (18681912) and that an
adapted Edo look may have been adopted so as to invest the confraternitys cos-
tume with a period character that might strike a balance with the gyjas period
dress, which points to the Heian era onwards.
Te uniform for women is clearly very late. It consists of a white robe (hakui)
with the Sanskrit syllable for Fud on it, white pantaloons gathered below the
knees (monpe ), white hand and leg coverings, white socks and white
running shoes. Te revealing item is the monpe, which dates from the time of
:8. On ihe gyjas cloihing, see Hiv.m.1sU :8:, (8,o.
126 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
WWII. It was only afer this period, as we shall see below, that women joined the
Sokush k and began to walk with the gyja.
Structure of the Confraternity
Te Kyto Sokush k consists of members without particular rank and mem-
bers with the three ranks of sendatsu , dai sendatsu , and dai dai sen-
datsu . It is the kin who hold sendatsu ranks who act as route-guides
for the gyja.
Tere are two basic types of service that confraternity members perform,
and since people generally specialize in one of the two, this leads to two kinds of
members: those who walk with the practitioner and those who provide his food
during his circumambulations of Kyoto. It is the walking kin who are recog-
nized as Sokush k members; in fact, it is not as well known that the devotees
who receive the gyja in their homes/ofces during his circumambulations are
also kin, who are required to join the confraternity in order to be able to receive
the gyja. Only the walking members done the confraternitys costume
29
and
engage in the practices required to attain the diferent sendatsu ranks. Tey are
certainly the most active and the most visible of the two types of kin, and hence
my study focuses primarily on them. Tey are also the ones who take up posi-
tions of responsibility in the administration of the confraternity: one of them, a
long-time member, assumes the function of the president of the Sokush k (k
shach ), while another acts as the treasurer (kaikei ).
I will begin by discussing how a person may enter the confraternity and some
of the considerations involved in acceptance of a new member. Tis will be fol-
lowed by an explanation of the sendatsu ranks and how they are attained. I will
then address the functions of the president and of the treasurer of the group.
Members
Tose who wish to become members of the Kyto Sokush k can speak directly
to a dai or dai dai sendatsu, who, as a senior kin, has the authority to accept or
reject the person. Te decision is based on whether the individual has faith in
Fud My and is ready to serve humbly (geza hshi obeisance-on-
ones-knees service) the kaihgy practitioners of Mt. Hiei. Te commitment to
work actively in the service of the gyja is expected to be long-term. For those
who join with the intention of walking with the practitioners, physical stamina is
also an issue. Te Kyto mawari is a particularly intense period of commitment,
for the members are expected to walk around Kyoto with the monk as ofen as
possible over the one hundred days, keeping up with the monks pace so that the
:. I have, howevei, seen a few of ihe male membeis who do noi engage in walking weaiing ihe
ji.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 127
set distance is covered within the established time. Walking, furthermore, takes
place not only during the day, but also throughout much of the night (12:30am
5:00am), and it is the working members who take the night shif so that they
can go straight to work in the morning.
30
Te kins residence, therefore, is also
an issue because consistent and frequent participation, especially during the
one-hundred-day Kyto mawari, is only possible for people living in or near
Kyoto. For those who receive the gyja in their homes and serve him food, fur-
thermore, residence in Kyoto is of course a necessity. Tat is why this Sokush
k is based in Kyoto and why in the past all members were Kyoto residents. In
fact, it was said that ones family had to have resided in Kyoto for at least three
generations (Honda 1960, 23; Mitsunaga Chd 1981, 24). With improve-
ments in transportation means, rules have slowly become less strict, and in the
last thirty years people from further way, including Mie, Osaka, and Nara, have
joined. No foreigners have ever been, or have ever asked to be, members, as far
as I am aware.
Both men and women can now become kin and eventually sendatsu, but
only the men have a formal function to perform. Mt. Hiei was ofcially opened
to women in 1872, but it was not until afer WWII that they began to enter the
Kyto Sokush k and to follow the gyja in his circumambulations of Kyoto.
Despite the inclusion of women in the k, the confraternity today remains a
world where primarily the men are visible. Women members may be asked to
help in one way or another, but always in a more inconspicuous manner. Tough
they may hold the rank of dai or dai dai sendatsu, they cannot function as route-
guides for the gyja. Even if there is a shortage of men sendatsu, women who
hold this rank are not asked to step in, but instead a male kin who does not yet
hold the rank of sendatsu is nevertheless asked to function as a route-guide. Just
as gyja are exclusively men, so are their lay guides.
Sendatsu
A sendatsu is one who advances ahead (saki ni tassuru ), and
hence who precedes in understanding and/or achievement in any feld, be it
scholarship, art, religious practice, and so on.
31
His precedence, therefore,
makes him a leader and a guide for others. From the late Heian period, the
term sendatsu came to indicate a religious person who, having acquired merit
through training, guided pilgrims to specific shrines/temples and to sacred
o. Te Kyto mawari, involving ihe ciicumambulaiion of boih Mi. Hiei and Kyoio, is pei-
foimed on one day clockwise, siaiiing fiom Mudji and nishing in Kyoio, and on ihe nexi day
couniei-clockwise, siaiiing fiom Kyoio and nishing ai Mudji. On ihe isi day ihe walk aiound
Kyoio is done duiing ihe dayiime and on ihe following day ai nighi. Te woiking membeis who do
ihe nighi walks, iheiefoie, do noi walk eveiy nighi, bui eveiy oihei nighi.
:. I have biiey discussed ihe sendatsu sysiems of ihe kaihgy piaciiiioneis and of ihe lay
devoiees who seive ihem in LUuvix :oo,.
128 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
mountains, especially to Kumano. In the Shugend sects, whose internal orga-
nization was preeminently modeled on that of the Kumano Sanzan (Earhart
1970, 23), it also came to refer to ranks within the religious order, based on the
number of times the yamabushi had entered specifc mountains (nybu )
for ascetic practices and on other qualifcations, and to high-ranking ofcials
(Earhart 1970, 31, 169; Swanson 1981, 6263; Miyake 1987). As leaders of pil-
grimage groups, sendatsu provide both practical information as well as guid-
ance in methods of worship, and also narrate the legends of the site(s). Shikoku
has experienced a modern sendatsu boom (parallel to the junrei boom
) with the formal establishment of a sendatsu system by the organization
of the Shikoku pilgrimage temples (Reijkai ) in 1965.
32
As in Shugend,
sendatsu ranks are primarily based on the number of pilgrimages performed,
but with the great diference that there are no restrictions on the means whereby
the pilgrimage is performed: whereas the yamabushi must walk, the Shikoku
pilgrims aiming at sendatsu ranks may ride buses and taxis.
Te kaihgy practitioners of Mt. Hiei likewise have a system of sendatsu,
which is based on the number of times a gyja attends the annual Katsuragawa
geango ,
33
a summer retreat held from 16 to 20 July at Katsuragawa
Sokush Myin. As in the Shugend nybu, the temple is reached by foot, and
the retreat is referred to as nyji entering the temple. Te Tendai kaihgy
is also called hokurei no shugen Shugen of the northern peaks, cen-
tered on Mounts Hiei and Hira, in contrast with the nanzan shugen
Shugen of the southern peaks, centered on Yoshino, Omine, and Kumano, and
started, according to tradition, by En no Gyja .
34
Te founding fgure of
the kaihgy, as we have seen, was the Tendai monk S, who leaped into a water-
fall in the western foothills of Mt. Hira to embrace Fud. In the Katsuragawa
geango the gyja reenact Ss leap into the waterfall by a jump onto a spinning
:. By :ooo iheie weie moie ihan seven ihousand sendatsu (Rv.uvv :oo,, :,(). On ihe modein
sendatsu sysiem of Shikoku, see Rv.uvv :; Rv.uvv :oo,, :,:,.
. Te chaiacieis ango liieially mean iianquil dwelling and iefei io ihe Indian iainy sea-
son ieiieai, duiing which Buddhisi monks siayed pui foi ihiee monihs of siudy and mediiaiion
(Ou. ::,, (,b; N.x.mUv. :8:, :b; Soo1uiii and HouoUs :,, :::b). Te geango is ihe summei
ieiieai. As indicaied by Rykais Shokoku ikken hijiri monogatari (see Kouvv. :,, :8(), iheie used
io be iwo seven-day ieiieais ai Kaisuiagawa, ihe Renge-e (Loius Flowei Ceiemony) duiing
ihe sixih monih and ihe Hokke-e (Lotus Sutra Ceiemony) duiing ihe ienih monih, bui only
ihe Renge-e is now held and iakes place fiom :6 io :o July. Te eailiesi deiailed iecoid we have of a
ieiieai by gyja ai Kaisuiagawa is fiom :,, in ihe Katsuragawa gyja yjin [Piecauiions
foi ihe piaciiiioneis of Kaisuiagawa] kepi ai Myin (K.ovv.m. :6o, ::; K.ovv.m. :,,,
:,,,6). K.ovv.m. (:6o, ::; :,,, :,,) also poinis io a veiy eaily iecoid of a ieiieai ai Kaisuia-
gawa by lay believeis in ::8:. On seclusions ai Kaisuiagawa by lay people, see also 1sU-sui Rvxi-
sui H.xUvU1sUx. :oo(, 8,86.
(. T.xv :8,, :,,. Te ieim shugen is dened as ihe piaciice oi masieiy of gen, ihe powei aiiained
ihiough ihe peifoimance of asceiic piaciices (see E.vu.v1 :,o, :,o). On ihe Tendai kaihgy and
Shugend, see, foi insiance, MUv.v.m. :,8 and Gov.i :8:.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 129
drum (taiko mawashi ),
35
appropriately made of old katsura wood, and
worship at the waterfall in question.
Te gyja walk in procession, based on rank, from Sakamoto to the site of the
geango, following in Ss footsteps: at the back are the shingy , the monks
who have just completed one hundred days of kaihgy and hence participate
in the geango for the frst time; in front of them are the shindatsu who have
taken part in the geango two to seven times; in front of them the sendatsu
(eight to fourteen times), the dai sendatsu (ffeen to twenty-four times),
and the dai dai sendatsu (twenty-fve or more times).
36
Te geango
participants hold daily worship sessions both at Myin as well as at the adjoin-
ing Jishu Jinja . Te popular taiko mawashi takes place on the night of
the eighteenth and is attended by many lay people. Following this festival, on
the nineteenth the monks proceed to the waterfall for worship.
37
Te walk back
to Sakamoto is on the twentieth.
Te sendatsu system of the Kyto Sokush kin is modelled on that of the
kaihgy practitioners whom they serve. Te diferent sendatsu ranks are like-
wise attained on the basis of the number of attendances at their annual retreat at
Katsuragawa held on 1819 July, which occurs in parallel with the gyjas simul-
taneous geango at the same site. Te kin are not there for the service of the
gyja, but to perform their own separate practice (gy ),which is neverthe-
less intertwined with that of the gyja.
38
A record of the kin taking part in the
retreat is kept today by the priest (jj )
39
of Myin and by the Sokush k
,. Te villageis and oihei lay people call ii ihe taiko mawashi dium-iuining, bui foi ihe gyja ii
is dium-mouniing (taiko nori ).
6. Te gyjas ianks of sendatsu, dai sendatsu, and dai dai sendatsu lisied heie aie noi io be
confused wiih ihe lay sendatsu ianks of ihe Sokush k modeled on ihem and discussed in ihe nexi
paiagiaph. Te ianks of ihe gyja can be ideniied by ihe coloi of ihe siiing laced inio ihe sleeves
of iheii puie whiie iobe (ji): foi ihe shindatsu ii is whiie; foi ihe sendatsu and ihe dai sendatsu, ii is
puiple; and foi ihe dai dai sendatsu, veimilion (shu ). Monks aie noi iequiied io aiiend eveiy yeai,
and mosi of ihe ones aiiending ioday have in faci only peifoimed a one-hundied-day kaihgy.
Aiiendance has consideiably incieased ovei ihe yeais because ihe shingy did noi always paiiici-
paie in ihe geango, and piobably also because of ihe populaiiiy of ihe kaihgy. Nowadays iheie
aie aboui fy paiiicipanis. Te names of gyja secluded (sanr ) each yeai ai Myin foi ihe
geango aie insciibed on sanr fuda in ihe shape of laige wooden slabs, an enoimous numbei
of which suivive, wiih ihe eailiesi one fiom ::o(. On ihe sanr fuda see K.ovv.m. :,8, :6,6;
1sU-sui Rvxisui H.xUvU1sUx. :oo(, ::, (:, ((,, 8(86.
,. On ihe woiship ai ihe waieifall, see FU)i1. :,, 8:8:.
8. Te confiaieiniiy membeis do noi aci as iouie-guides foi ihe gyja on iheii walks io/fiom
ihe geango siie. Teie aie, howevei, oiheis pieseni io guide ihe gyja: fiom Shkeji in ihe
village of Toch io Hanaoie Tge , ihe gyja aie guided by a membei of ihe Miyagaki
Zenbei family; and fiom Hanaoie Tge io Bmuia , wheie Myin is locaied, by a
membei of ihe Jki house and a membei of ihe Jman house , who iiadiiionally iake
caie of ihe gyja on ieiieais ai Kaisuiagawa and who aie also ihe village leadeis.
. Te jj is ihe monk who, as ihe funciion indicaies, iesides ai ihe iemple. As ihe peison in
chaige of Myin, he guides ihe people siaying oi living iheie and oveisees ihe peifoimance of
ieiieais and ceiemonies. In piaciice ioday his iesidence ai ihe iemple is limiied io ieiieai and iiiual
130 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
as well. On the eighteenth the confraternity members walk from the village of
Toch in Shiga Prefecture to Myin (ffeen kilometers).
40
Toch is the place
from which S is believed to have been guided toward Katsuragawa by a man
called Miyagaki Zenbei, who gathered one thousand people to build a road up to
Hanaore Tge for S. On his way back, according to Miyagaki family tradition,
S gave this man an image of Fud made from the remaining katsura wood
afer carving the three images of Fud. Tis image is enshrined in the Miyagaki
house just below a temple called Shkeji.
41
Although the lay participants today
walk from Shkeji to Myin, some forty years ago, before there was a bus line
from Kyoto to Toch, they would walk forty kilometers from Demachiyanagi in
northeastern Kyoto, leaving at 1:00 am on the eighteenth. Ten as now, they wor-
ship at temples and shrines along the way, and reach Myin during the morn-
ing. Tey attend a tendoku (ritual turning and reading by fipping through
accordion-like texts) service of the Daihannyagy performed by the
gyja in the afernoon, and then the taiko mawashi at night. In the past the kin
also leaped onto the drum, and they still retain the right to do so, but now there
are so many gyja attending and so few of them actually leap that the lay partici-
pants no longer do so. Te next morning, on the nineteenth, the kin follow the
gyja procession to the waterfall. While the gyja descend down to the waterfall,
they remain above, waiting. When the gyja climb back up from the waterfall,
the entire procession returns to the temple, and the gyja give people kaji. Te
kin then walk back to Toch, and from there make their way home.
Essentially, the confraternity members spend a little less than twenty-four
hours on site during the retreat. Like the gyja, they have three levels of sen-
datsu: ten Katsuragawa retreats are required to attain the rank of sendatsu; ffeen
retreats for the dai sendatsu; and twenty-fve retreats for the dai dai sendatsu.
Advancement in rank is conferred during the geango, immediately following
the tendoku service on the afernoon of the eighteenth. Te individual is called
forward into the inner section of the Myin hall, where the gyja have been
engaged in tendoku, and a document prepared by the priest of Myin formaliz-
ing the advancement is read by the priest himself and then given to the individ-
ual. Tis is a moment of great joy and pride for recipients, whose expressions I
can only describe, based on the two advancements I have witnessed, as beaming.
Te new sendatsu also receive an ing (honorary Buddhist name) from the
iimes. In iheoiy ihe posiiion is held foi ihiee yeais, bui ienuie is in faci someiimes longei, if a quali-
ed candidaie cannoi immediaiely be found, as in ihe case of Miisunaga Kakud, who held ii foi
ve yeais.
(o. Foi eldeily membeis who cannoi walk, ii is possible io iake ihe bus oi diive all ihe way io ihe
ieiieai siie, bui ihey aie iequiied io siop foi woiship ai Shkeji in Toch on ihe way, and iheie io
ieconsidei if ihey will walk oi iide. Foi ihe ieiuin iiip, ii is naiuially piefeiable io make ihe jouiney
back io Toch on fooi, so ihai ihey may walk ai leasi one way, bui foi some in iheii eighiies ihis is
noi an opiion.
(:. On Miyagaki family iiadiiion and on Shkeji, see K.ovv.m. :6o, :(, :,:, noie :.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 131
Myin priest.
42
Te dai and dai dai sendatsu are given new kesa refecting their
respective ranks. From the frst to the fourteenth retreat, the kin wear a black
kesa, the ofcial Kyto Sokush k kesa, which they receive from the president of
the confraternity upon joining; during the ffeenth retreat, when they advance
to dai sendatsu, they receive a white kesa, a Fud kesa, from the Myin priest;
and during the twenty-ffh retreat, the dai dai sendatsu are given a particularly
long gold-colored kesa, also known as a Fud kesa and likewise bestowed by the
Myin priest. Te recipients of these kesa and of the ing, in turn, make an
appropriate monetary donation.
43
Since not all kin attend the retreat, there may
be very long-standing members who are not necessarily sendatsu.
In addition to the Katsuragawa retreat, Hagami Shch , who com-
pleted his sennichi kaihgy in 1953, wrote that confraternity members should
circumambulate Mt. Hiei once a year. For each year of a gyjas practice, they
should perform one day of walking, so that the kins seven days of kaihgy
would correspond to the gyjas seven years of the sennichi kaihgy (Honda
1960, 1819). A confraternity member would request to follow a gyja on one of
his circumambulations, and in this manner would fulfll his one day of kaihgy.
Tis practice has not been maintained, primarily so as not to slow down the
monk in his circumambulations, especially as the kin grew older. A Sokush
k sant junpai (three-pagodas pilgrimage) of Mt. Hiei,
44
consisting of
a one-day kaihgy for the members, was also performed a few times, but never
on a regular basis.
President
One of the male senior members is the president (shach) of the Kyto Sokush
k. Te k shach is selected by the priest of the Myd of Mudji, and holds
the position for life, or for as long as he is in sufciently good health. Te current
president, Mr. N., has been in the position since 1989 and was named by Enami
(Utsumi) Shunsh. His parents were Kyto Sokush k members and he him-
self joined ffy-two years ago, in 1954, when he was still a university student. He
is currently a dai sendatsu. Te president is the contact person for the Myd
(:. Tis name is given io people who make excepiional coniiibuiions io iemples, in ihis case ihe
Myd of Mudji on Mi. Hiei wheie mosi of ihe kaihgy piaciiiioneis aie based, and io membeis
of families who have iiadiiionally ieceived ing. Consisiing of iwo chaiacieis followed by in , ihe
ing consiiiuies ihe isi paii of ihe posihumous piecepi name (see Covvii :oo,, :6,-6).
(. Te amouni of ihe donaiion was isi esiablished by ihe cuiieni piesideni of ihe confia-
ieiniiy, when he became ihe k shach in :8: 18ooo foi ihe new membeis, 1o,ooo foi ihe new
sendatsu, 1,o,ooo foi iise io dai sendatsu, and 1,o,ooo foi ihe dai dai sendatsu.
((. Te ihiee pagodas aie ihe ihiee piecincis of Mi. Hiei: Ti , easiein pagoda, cenieiing
on ihe Konponchd ; Saii , wesiein pagoda, cenieiing on ihe Shakad ; and
Yokawa , side iivei, cenieiing on ihe Yokawachd . A sant junpai foi lay people was
subsequenily insiiiuied by Enami Shunsh and coniinued by his successois ai ihe Myd.
132 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
and Myin priests, and for devotees. His duties are administrative as well as
ceremonial. He calls the yearly meetings of the confraternity, determines how
yearly dues are to be used,
45
assigns tasks to members, receives and responds to
requests from the Myd and Myin priests and from devotees, informs the
Myin priest of kin who are to become sendatsu, dai sendatsu, or dai dai sen-
datsu at the next Katsuragawa retreat, and so on. His ceremonial duties include
walking at the front of the procession or of the gyja during certain occasions,
such as at the beginning and the end of the diri and of the annual eight-
thousand-stick fre ritual (see below), as well as at the gyjas prayer ceremony
in the Kyoto Imperial Palace (dosoku sandai ) following the completion
of his sennichi kaihgy.
Treasurer
Te treasurer is responsible for collecting and keeping a record of yearly mem-
bership dues and of expenditures, consisting almost entirely of donations. Te
confraternitys seal is kept by the treasurer, who stamps the membership-dues
form of every member, certifying payment received for each given year. Te last
treasurer, a male member, held his function for about twenty years. He was suc-
ceeded in 2005 by a younger male member who works in the accounting profes-
sion and who, for the frst time ever, has introduced the use of the computer for
keeping the confraternitys accounts.
Duties
Most of the duties to be performed in the service of the gyja, as noted above,
fall on the men of the Sokush k. On the second Sunday of January, members
gather at Sekizanzen-in to receive kaji from the priest of the Myd. Te kin
hold a meeting during the same month to discuss the coming events of that
year, what requires to be done and who can do it:
Tere are Kyto kirimawari during the summer, the number depending
on how many gyja are performing the kaihgy and in which year of the
practice they happen to be. In addition to duties on circumambulation
days, there are preparations to be made. One month ahead the president
sends out postcards to inform all the kin of the upcoming kirimawari,
so that those who wish to receive the gyja in their homes/businesses
can sign up. In consultation with the gyja, he then sets the schedule of
stops for the circumambulation. Furthermore, approximately ten days
before the kirimawari, the president and another member go to pay their
(,. Te yeaily due is 1,ooo, and ihe sum is used foi donaiions io be given ai ihe Kaisuiagawa
ieiieai, foi ihe Sokush ks ceiemony foi ihe ielease of sh ai Sekizanzen-in in noiiheasi-
ein Kyoio, and so on.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 133
respects at temples/shrines where longer stops are made and request their
cooperation. For reasons of trafc safety, moreover, they also go to the
police stations of the areas through which the procession passes in order
to inform them that approximately one hundred people will be walking
along the set route. Tis is, however, a recent practice, necessitated by traf-
fc conditions. I have never seen police appear or accompany the proces-
sion, though, as is the case for large-scale festivals for instance.
Every five-to-ten years there is a one-hundred-day Kyto mawari, an
extremely busy time for the kin. Prior preparations of the same kind
as for the kirimawari, but on a larger scale, are required. To inform the
police, for instance, the president and the other member also go to pay
their respects at the citys central police headquarters.
On the second Sunday of July, following the one-hundred-day kaihgy
period (28 March5 July) and prior to the Katsuragawa geango (1620
July), the kin sponsor and organize a ceremony for the release of beings
(hje ), in this case fsh. Te Kyto Sokush k hje is conducted
by the priest of the Myd of Mudji at Sekizanzen-in, and attended by
gyja, kin, and by other lay devotees.
On 2 November, marking the death anniversary (meinichi ) of the
founder of the kaihgy S (Konry Daishi ), the priest of the
Myd holds a Konry Daishi ogakki hy (monthly
memorial service for Konry Daishi) in the Myd,
46
followed by a has-
senmai dai goma ku hy (eight-thousand-stick great
fre ofering service)

spread over twenty-four hours (23 November) in the
Gomad of Mudji.
47
A large number of devotees attend both services,
and hence for the fre ritual a temporary wooden structure is set up in front
of the Gomad for them, meals and tea are provided, and futons are also
made available in other temple halls so that people can have a rest. Devo-
tees do not write their own goma sticks (goma ki ), but rather fll
out forms, and the Sokush k members then copy peoples names, ages,
and wishes onto the sticks, so that the writing is easily readable for the
ajari. Te number of sticks is not actually eight thousand, but usually over
twenty thousand. Many devotees send in their forms ahead, and the kin
are then busy for weeks before this fre ceremony writing out the sticks, for
at most they can complete about two hundred sticks in one day. Both male
and female kin help out in writing the sticks, although it is the men who
(6. Accoiding io Toiiimoio (piivaie communicaiion), undei ihe inuence of similaiiiy of sound,
seveial yeais ago ihe gakki hy came io be called gaki hy (seivice foi hungiy ghosis).
(,. Tis iuins inio ihe jmanmai dai goma ku (one-hundied-ihousand-siick
gieai ie oeiing) some yeais following a monks compleiion of ihe sennichi kaihgy.
134 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
are visibly present at the counters during the goma. Te male kin sell and
write the goma sticks, make announcements, and direct people.
Between April and October, the priest of the Myd takes groups of
lay people on the sant junpai of Mt. Hiei, a night walk along the gyjas
kaihgy route. Participants arrive in the late afernoon on a set Saturday,
and following scripture-recitation and dinner, have a rest until midnight.
Te walk begins at 1:00am and the group is usually back at the Myd
between 7:00am to 8:00am. While it is not the express duty of the Sokush
k members to help out in the sant junpai, the priest of the Myd does
ask one or two kin to do so. Tey assist in preparations and clean-up, and
walk at the back of the line during the pilgrimage, making sure that no
one is lef behind. If anyone is having trouble keeping up, they stay back
with the person, proceeding at his/her pace and guiding the individual
safely back to the temple.
Current Membership
Tere are currently about one hundred kin, more than two thirds of whom are
women, but not all of them are active members, either because of age, health,
or other issues. Some join in order to be able to receive the gyja in their homes
during the kirimawari and the mawari, and do not partake in any other kin
activities. Tere are twenty sendatsu, seven men and thirteen women, in the con-
fraternity. Of the twenty sendatsu, there are six dai dai sendatsu (two men and
four women), nine dai sendatsu (four men and fve women), and fve sendatsu
(one man and four women). Two striking features stand out in the current mem-
bership: the large number of women and the senior age of many of the kin.
Te predominance of women, despite their inconspicuous presence, can be
accounted for by the fact that until quite recently, unless there was a family busi-
ness, many city women did not work. Once they had raised their children, they
were relatively free to engage in their own activities. Although four or fve of the
current female members joined in their thirties, most entered in their forties
and ffies, once their children were grown. About half of the women today are
employed. Because the demands on female kin , furthermore, have always been
lesser than those on men, who are required to shoulder most of the responsibili-
ties, it is not as heavy a commitment, which I suspect makes it easier to join.
Since men, in turn, are busy with work until retirement, most of the current
male members joined in their ffies or later. About four of the members, how-
ever, joined in their twenties. One of the men told me he joined when he was
young, but because of work, he was not able to remain active for a good many
years, and as retirement approached, he resumed participation again. Te cur-
rent president Mr. N. has been actively involved for over ffy years. Another
long-term and extremely energetic member is Mr. T., a dai dai sendatsu who
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 135
joined the Kyto Sokush k forty-two years ago. As an example of lifelong
commitment to the service of the gyja, I would like to introduce briefy Mr. T.
He was born in the Nishijin district of Kyoto in 1941 and frst heard of the
taiko mawashi festival at Myin from his paternal grandfather, who was a dai
sendatsu in the Kyto Sokush k. His father was not involved with the confra-
ternity. In his early twenties, Mr. T. went with his grandfather to see the festival
for the frst time and so enjoyed it that he returned to take part in it again in
the years that followed. He joined the Kyto Sokush k in 1964, not because
his grandfather had been a member, but simply because he felt it was some-
thing to be done. He has served six ajari so far during their sennichi kaihgy:
Mitsunaga Chd (sennichi kaihgy completed in 1970), Enami
(Utsumi) Shunsh (1979), Sakai Ysai (frst sennichi kaihgy completed in 1980
and second one in 1987), Mitsunaga Kakud (1990), Uehara Gysh (1994), and
Fujinami Genshin (2003). Right through to Uehara Gyshs time he worked
in a company near Osaka while performing his Sokush k duties during the
Kyto mawari. Keeping a particularly intense schedule, he generally walked
about thirty of the one hundred days. On weekdays, and hence workdays, he
would return home from the ofce around 8:00pm to 9:00pm, bathe, eat, rest,
get dressed, and walk with the ajari from 1:00am to 5:00am. He would then
return home, bathe, eat, and leave for work by 7:30am. Tat night, since there
would be no night walk through the city, he could get a full nights sleep, but the
following night he would be walking again. On weekends, he would walk both
days and nights. During Fujinami Genshins time, Mr. T. had just retired and
hence walked ninety-eight days and nights, and on the two days on which he
was not able to walk, he appeared at one of the ajaris stops. At sixty-fve years
old, he continues to walk and work tirelessly in the service of the gyja, display-
ing a truly formidable amount of energy and dedication. Tese days he spends
three days a week helping out at the Myd.
Motivation and Benefts
People generally come to join the Kyto Sokush k via a connection with the
Myd of Mudji, where they likely attend fre ceremonies centered on Fud
My, performed daily by the priest in rotation, who in most cases has already
completed his sennichi kaihgy. Family members may have brought or led them
to go there. As Mitsunaga Kakud explains, there are also cases where people
come across old family belongings, including a photo of Sokush k members
or of the confraternitys kesa, while rearranging their homes, and as a result end
up going to the Myd (Mitsunaga Kakud 1996, 172).Trough contact with
the ajari and those around him, they inevitably come to learn more about the
one-thousand-day practice. In some instances, it is an ajari who suggests they
join the Sokush k. Motivated by faith, either in Fud or in the ajari who is
136 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
believed to be a living Fud, and by a certain awe for the intensive kaihgy
practice and the individuals who undertake it, they join. Members ofen defne
their attitude as zuiki , a Buddhist term meaning rejoicement in another
persons practice of good actionsin this instance the gyjas kaihgyand
also admiration of these good acts.
48

As for motivations including personal challenge, self-discovery, or spiritual
advancement, while they may have their place in the practice of pilgrimage
(Reader 2005, 8385), they are not considered acceptable approaches in the
Sokush k. Te purpose of the confraternity is to serve the gyja, and hence
individuals interested in joining for reasons such as their own personal practice
or spiritual growth, are simply not needed here, the president told me. Even
the annual Katsuragawa retreat is not to be performed as each persons gy, but
rather as the groups communal practice. For an individual to take part in the
retreat in a manner that does not strictly conform to the established rules of
behaviour and hierarchy as defned by the members sendatsu ranks, is felt by
some to be a nuisance (meiwaku) to the entire groups practice and, if deemed
necessary, expressed in no uncertain terms. Tis is likewise the case for other
activities, such the Kyto kirimawari or mawari, where it is not a matter of the
confraternitys practice, but, even more seriously, of the gyjas practice. New
members, consequently, are not treated with silk gloves, and there have been
cases where young newcomers have chosen, for a complex of reasons, not to
remain in the confraternity.
For members who wish to receive the gyja in their homes, the motivation is
ofen a desire to have the monk(s) pray for their ancestors at their home butsu-
dan (buddhist altar), the confraternitys president explained to me. Hence they
ofer the service of providing food, accompanied by a donation, and in exchange
receive the beneft of prayers for their ancestors by someone whom they believe
to have spiritual power.
Members who wish to walk with the gyja seek to serve him in his actual
circumambulations, and thereby participate in his practice itself. Ideally, an atti-
tude of true zuiki implies unmotivated rejoicement and awe at the gyjas prac-
tice, but it is in fact believed that the kin reap all kinds of benefts from serving,
and even from being in the presence of, the gyja. By virtue of being Sokush k
members, they have the right to get physically closer to the practitioner. In the
set order of the processions through Kyoto, a male kin holding one of the ranks
of sendatsu leads the gyja, who is followed by a few young monks, then by
other Sokush k members, and lastly by believers. Te place of the kin within
the procession represents not only the sought-afer spiritual beneft of close-
ness to the practitioner, but also social status and recognition within the gyjas
(8. N.x.mUv. :8:, 8o8c. Foi addiiional meanings see also Ou. ::,, :o:ob and Soo1uiii and
HouoUs :,, (,:b.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 137
entourage, distinguishing them from other devotees and identifying them as the
Kyto Sokush k. Te confraternity may no longer have a banner, but its mem-
bers certainly have a sense of identity, belonging, and pride. As a rule, regular
devotees are not allowed to walk in front of the kin, a priviledge that is closely
guarded by the female members. As necessitated by their duties, male kin tend
to circulate in the procession, some remaining at the back, while women, who
do not have specific duties while walking, invariably take up their position
behind the young monks following the gyja: their reserved place within the
procession is one instance in which the women can assert themselves. Within
this social circle, confraternity members in general are treated with particular
respect, especially so the men, who are seen carrying out functions. Te direc-
tions of male kin are followed by others, and at the gyjas stops in devotees
homes/businesses, the men are also invited inside, while female kin, the Tai-
roku Sokush k members, and the rest of the procession are served drinks and
snacks outside. Te increasingly advanced age of the very active male kin is
undoubtedly also a consideration when they are ofered a quieter, more com-
fortable place to rest at these stops.
Not only is proximity to the gyja sought afer, but his straw sandals, which
he changes as needed, are a much coveted item. Te awe in which the gyja
and his practice are viewed, in other words, extends also to his belongings. Te
straw sandals he has walked in, which can be given to kin or to other devotees,
are believed to be infused with the power of his practice: they are hung at the
entrance of peoples homes for protection and are considered to have great heal-
ing powers for serious illness, if placed under ones pillow overnight.
In addition to this-worldly merits reaped from the presence and service to
the gyja and even from his belongings, kin acquire benefts for themselves
and their ancestors in the next world: as noted above, not only do the gyja pray
at the butsudan of confraternity members, but participants at the annual Kat-
suragawa retreat receive an ing upon attaining the rank of sendatsu. Benefts
to be gained by kin, however, are not readily discussed, although, as I was told,
there are many. On the contrary, they are downplayed, as the ideal attitude of
zuiki is emphasized.
Future of the Sokush k
Given the advanced age of most of the active members, the question of the
future of the confraternity naturally arises. When I asked the president about
this issue, he expressed concern. No form of pr is used to publicize the group
or to ask people to join. In the past, as noted above, some of the ajari have sug-
gested to specifc devotees to become members. Te president pointed to this
same method to fnd future recruits. While people in the past joined to serve
the gyja, this method turns the tables, as it is the gyja themselves who ask or
138 | Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/ 1 (2006)
recommend that believers become kin. Te tradition of the gyja steps in to
uphold the tradition of the kin, with which it is intertwined in a mutually sup-
portive relationship.
Long-time members are also involved in their own endeavors to sustain their
confraternity. I did notice an attempt at greater visibility during the kirimawari
of 2005, when, at the end of the day, the president made a short speech before
everyone dispersed. A devotee also told me she had been approached by one of
the old-time members, who suggested she might join the Sokush k. Clearly
the wheels are in motion, and given that Hoshino Ends mawari is approach-
ing, younger male members will be needed to help out.
Te rules of the confraternity have already changed considerably over time,
with the inclusion of women and of residents from outside of Kyoto, with the
shortening of the walk to/from the retreat site because of the establishment of
a bus line to Toch, and so on. At this point, there are no indications that I am
aware of to suggest that women might be given a greater role in the future. If
such a move should be made, however, the decision would have to come from
an ajari, specifcally the priest of the Myd.
Although rules have changed or become more lax, there is a sense within
the confraternity, among men and women alike, that the existing regulations
and habits should be strictly maintained to keep tradition, especially with the
arrival of occasional new members. A gentler, more protective approach in edu-
cating newcomers, furthermore, is entirely out of the question, the president
suggested. Adjustments are not to be made to attract or maintain more, and
younger, kin. As if strengthened by this conviction, the president displayed an
air of quiet confdence that his confraternity, believed to have its origins with
the beginning of the arduous kaihgy practice, would somehow, with the sup-
port of the gyja, continue to exist.
Given that most of what we know of the Sokush k does not appear in
written sources and that long-time members are growing older, it is particu-
larly important to gather and record oral traditions. If we do not write down
what people recall of the past, accounts of their own lifelong involvement in the
Kyto Sokush k, the confraternitys current structure, practices and activities,
what we know or still have access to today may be lost to future generations of
scholars, devotees, and anyone else who may be interested in this aspect of the
past. My study represents a frst attempt at gathering and recording the infor-
mation I have been able to fnd on the Kyto Sokush k, which might be added
to and deepened through further research.
ludvik: the sokush k of kyoto | 139
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