NEW ESSAYS

A, 2uaite>iXy, Q.t(M>ted to the Jttudij, oft Modem Society,

Volume 1
1934-1935
Introduction to the Greenwood reprint by
PAUL MATTICK
Former Editor, New Essays
Greenwood Reprint Corporation
Westport, Connecticut
1970
Introduction
Copyright 1970 by
GREENWOOD REPRI NT CORPORATI ON
This reprint edition reproduces the entire contents
of the original publication as far as it
has been possible to determine
This work has been printed on long-life paper
and conforms to the standards developed
under the sponsorship of the
Council on Library Resources
Printed in the United States of America
The following introduction by Paul Mat tick consists of the remi-
niscences, present views and opinions of one of the persons most
closely involved with this journal.
THE PUBLISHER
I ntroduction
This series of publications, which appeared during the years
1934 to 1943 under the title International Council Correspon-
dence, later to be renamed Living Marxism and, finally, New
Essays, expressed the political ideas of a group of American
workers concerned with the proletarian class struggle, the condi-
tions of economic depression and worldwide war. Calling them-
selves Council Communists,
1
the group was equally far removed
from the traditional Socialist party, the new Communist party,
and the various "opposition" parties that these movements brought
forth. It rejected the ideologies and organizational concepts of the
parties of the Second and Third Internationals, as well as those of
the stillborn "Fourth International." Based on Marxist theory, the
group adhered to the principle of working-class self-determination
through the establishment of workers' councils for the capture of
political power and the transformation of the capitalist into a
Socialist system of production and distribution. It could be re-
garded, therefore, only as a propaganda organization advocating
the self-rule of the working class. Because of the relative obscurity
of this group and its ideas, it may be well to deal briefly with its
antecedents.
Labor organizations tend to see in their steady growth and
everyday activities the major ingredients of social change. It was,
however, the unorganized mass of workers in the first of the
twentieth-century revolutions that determined the character of the
revolution and brought into being its own, new form of organiza-
tion in the spontaneously arising workers' and soldiers' councils.
The council, or soviet, system of the Russian Revolution of 1905
disappeared with the crushing of the revolution, only to return in
greater force in the February Revolution of 1917. It was these
councils that inspired the formation of similar spontaneous organi-
zations in the German Revolution of 1918 and, to a somewhat
lesser extent, in the social upheavals in England, France, Italy, and
Hungary. With the council system, a form of organization arose
that could lead and coordinate the self-activities of very broad
masses for either limited ends or for revolutionary goals, and that
could do so independently of, in opposition, to, or in collaboration
with existing labor organizations. Most of all, the rise of the
council system proved that spontaneous activities need not'dissipate
in formless mass exertions, but could issue into organizational
structures of a more than temporary nature.
In both Russia and Germany the actual content of the revolution
was not equal to its revolutionary form. Although in Russia it was
mainly general objective unreadiness for a Socialist transformation,
in Germany it was the subjective unwillingness to institute socialism
by revolutionary means that largely accounts for the failures of the
council movement. The great mass of German workers mistook the
political for a social revolution. The ideological and organizational
strength of social democracy had left its mark; the socialization of
production was seen as a governmental concern, not as the task
of the workers themselves. The workers' councils, which had made
the revolution, abdicated in favor of political democracy. In Russia,
the slogan "All Power to the Soviets" had been advanced by the
Bolsheviks for tactical and opportunistic reasons. Once in power,
however, the Bolshevik government dismantled the soviet system
to secure its own authoritarian rule. The Russian soviets proved
unable to forestall the transformation of the soviet into a party
dictatorship.
It is clear that workers' self-organization is no guarantee against
policies and actions contrary to proletarian class interests. In that
case, however, they are superseded by traditional or new forms of
control, by the old or newly established authorities. Unless spon-
taneous movements, issuing into organizational forms of proletarian
self-determination, usurp control over society and therewith over
their own lives, they are bound to disappear again into the
anonymity of mere potentiality. This is not true, of course, for the
j/
minority of conscious revolutionaries who expect and prepare for
new social struggles and to thai end concern themselves not only
with the critique of capitalist society but also with the criticism of
the means required to put an end to it.
This accounts for the Left opposition within the Communist
movement, which arose as early as 1918 and directed itself against
the opportunism of the Bolshevik party in its endeavor to secure
the existence of the Bolshevik government. Although bad expe-
riences with bourgeois parliamentarianism and with the class-
collaborationist practices of trade unionism had turned Western
Communists into antiparliamentarians and anti-trade unionists, and
thus into supporters of the council movement, the Bolsheviks
insisted on a reversal of policies and the return to parliamen-
tarianism and trade unionism. The Communist parties were split
and their left wings excluded from the Communist International.
Lenin's pamphlet, Radicalism, an Infantile Disease of Communism
(1920) was written to destroy the influence of the Left in western
Europe.
With the prestige of success on their side, and with the material
means available to government to influence or destroy rival social
movements, the Bolsheviks succeeded in reducing L^ft communism
to practical insignificance. But it was never completejy extinguished
and has continued to exist in small groups in a number of countries
down to the present day. For a time, it even won a hearing in the
United States, where the lack of revolutionary conditions con-
demned communism to exist in merely ideological form. The
formation of groups of council Communists was first made possible
here during the Great Depression, which saw the spontaneous
growth of organizations of the jobless and of councils of the
unemployed.
With the demise of the unemployed movement, the group of
council Communists elected to continue to function as an educa-
tional organization. A split in the Proletarian party added to their
membership and made possible the publication of Council Corre-
spondence. At the founding of the group it adopted the temporary
name United Workers party, soon to be changed to Council Com-
munists. It was, perhaps, due to the character of the group and its
V
K
. '. _ V. , "
intentions that it failed to attract intellectuals into its ranks. With
the exception of articles translated from European sources^all the
material published in Council Correspondence was written by
employed or unemployed workers. Contributions were not signed
because they expressed the opinions of the group even when written
by individuals. There was, of course, no money available to pay
for printing, and the magazine was produced by voluntary labor.
Only with an increase in the number of readers, which coincided
with a membership decline in the group, did it become both
possible and necessary to print the journal. In view of the reduced
membership, however, it was clear that Council Correspondence
did not promote the growth of the organization but was practically
no more than a vehicle for the elucidation of the ideas of council
communism. For this reason the change of name to Living Marxism
was decided upon. Eventually, however, the general decline of
radicalism resulting from America's entry into World War II made
the name Living Marxism seem rather pretentious, as well as a
hindrance in the search for a wider circulation. It was changed to
New Essays, but this did not yield the hoped-for results. After a
few issues it became clear that a sufficient number of subscribers
to make the magazine financially viable was not forthcoming.
Throughout the existence of International Council Correspon-
dence no attempt was made to simplify its style or content to suit
less-educated workers. The intention was to raise their level of
understanding and to acquaint them with the complexities of social,
economic, and political issues. The magazine was also written for
politically advanced workers and for the council Communists
themselves so as to improve the collective knowledge of the group.
It was a forum for discussion, unhampered by any specific dogmatic
point of view, and open to new ideas that had some relevance to
the council movement. The magazine eventually succeeded in
attracting contributions from Socialist writers who were not asso-
ciated with the group. And it had, of course, at its disposal the
work of some academic people, for instance, Anton Pannekoek
(writing under the pseudonymJ . Harper), an advocate of workers'
councils since their very inception.-Others, like Otto Riihle, had
been active in the workers' councils in the German revolution. It
f / /
was Karl Korsch,-however, who became Living Marxism's most
prominent academic contributor as well as theoretician of the
council movement.
Because large-scale unemployment was the most important
aspect of the depression years, it received special attention in
Council Correspondenceparticularly with regard to self-help
organizations and direct actions that attempted to alleviate the
miseries of the unemployed. Connected with this in a special sense,
but also for general reasons, was a great concern with the inherent
contradictions of the capitalist system and their unfolding in the
course of its development. The nature of capitalist crisis was more
intensely discussed, and on a higher theoretical level, than is
generally the rule in labor publications, encompassing as it did the
-mfest recent interpretations of Marxist economic theory and its
application to the prevailing conditions. The various articles
devoted to this subject make their perusal highly rewarding even
today, since they have lost neither their actuality nor their validity.
In political terms, the rising tide of fascism, and thus the
certainty of a new world war, occupied most of the space in
Council Correspondencenot only with regard to the European
scene but also with respect to its interconnections with Asia and
the United States. From its earliest beginnings, German "National-
Socialism" was recognized as preparation for a war to redivide
economic power on a worldwide scale favoring German capitalism.
The reactions to Fascist imperialism were considered as being
equally determined by competitive capitalist interests. Fascism
and war were seen as directed against the international working
class, for both attempted to solve the crisis by capitalistic means
in order to sustain the capitalist systemas such.
The anti-Fascist civil war in Spain, which was immediately a
proving ground for World War II, found the council Communists
quite naturallydespite their Marxist orientationon the side of
the anarcho-syndicalists, even though circumstances compelled the
latter to sacrifice their own principles to the protracted struggle
against the common Fascist enemy. The essays devoted to the civil
war were of a critical nature and for that reason possessed a high
degree of objectivity, which made the failure of anti-fascismas a
!/!/(
mere political movementmore explicit. Not only were the polit-
ical-military struggles, foreign interventions, and frictions within
the, anti-Fascist camp adequately dealt with, but even more atten-
tion was given to the short-lived collectivization of industry and
agriculture in the anarchist-dominated i nters of revolutionary
Spain.
Insofar as the problem of the collective economy has been dealt
with at all in nineteenth-century Socialist literature, it was in
terms of the nationalization of productive resources and govern-
ment control of production and distribution. Only with the Russian
Revolution did this problem assume actual importance, even
though the socioeconomic conditions in Russia allowed for no
more than a state-controlled economy that retained all the essential
economic categories of capital production. This system may best
be described, as state capitalism. In spite of its differences from the
capitalism of old, it was, as far as the working class was concerned,
merely another system of capitalist exploitation. The council
movement did not recognize \ts planned economy as either a
Socialist economy or a transition to such an economy, and opposed
it not merely by denunciation but by developing its own concept
of a Socialist society as a free association of producers in full
command of all decisioning power connected with the production
and distribution process.
The organization of socialism was, then, a recurrent theme in
Council Correspondence and Living Marxism, for the questions it
raised could be answered neither by the localized collectivization
of economically backward Spain nor by the centralized govern-
ment pjahning in equally economically backward Russia. Quite
generally, however, Russia's state capitalism was either bewailed
or celebrated as the realization of socialismor, at any rate, as
the road leading to itand this illusion, though aiding Russian
state interests, was detrimental to the international labor movement.
It was the function of council communism, through its publica-
tions, to aid in the destruction of this illusion. There was no longer
an urgent need to oppose social democracy. It had already, through
its own practices, demonstrated its non-Socialist character and was
now in the process of shedding its Socialist ideology as well. This",
IX
however, gave the no less counterrevolutionary activities of inter-
national bolshevism an unwarranted nimbus. Much space was,
therefore, given to analyses of both the theory and practice of
bolshevism, going back to its earliest critics, such as Rosa Luxem-
burg, and bringing tliis criticism forward by following the history
of bolshevism down to World War II. This criticism was all-in-
clusive, philosophical, political, economical, and organizational,
and expressed at an early date what became, only much later, a/
more widely accepted recognition of the true nature of bolshevism.
Criticism of the old labor movement, whether reformist or
revolutionary in its tactics, did not exhaust the repertoire of Council
Correspondence. Many of its articles and essays dealt with issues
of a scholarly nature of more general interest, ranging from prob-
lems of psychology, sociology, and literature to such items as
geopolitics, nationalism, and imperialism. Quite a number of these
essays have been steadily reprinted by other publications and have
served different authors as material for their own productions. Yet.
for some years after World War II, the ideas propounded in the
publications of council Communism seemed to be totally lost.
Since then, however, a new interest in workers' councils has brought
into being a great international library devoted to the subject and
its history. This new interest was undoubtedly fostered by the
institutionalization of workers' councils, shop stewards, and
workers' committees in almost all the west-European nations, by
the rather emasculated workers' councils in the Yugoslav "market
socialism," and, last but not least, by their emergence as revolu-
tionary organizations in the recent social upheavals in "Communist'
Poland and Hungary. In view of this situation, this reprint of
International Council Correspondence and its successors is not only
of historical interest but may, in a small way, throw some light on
the potentialities of a future labor movement.
PAUL MATTICK
Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1969
X'
NOTE
1. Radical Periodicals in America, 1890-1950, published by Yale University
Library, 1964, states erroneously that council Communists "never affiliated with
any major party," and that the "great majority of its members were former
members of the German Sozialislische Arbeiter-Partei." However, council
communismwas the programof th^first west-European Communist parties
before they were changed into parties of the Leninist type to fit theminto the
Third International. As regards the American group, none of its members
had belonged to theSozialislische Arbeiter-Partei, which held a position mid-
way between social democracy and Bolshevism. The few Germans in the
American group came fromthe German council movifhent. The large major-
ity were native workers, and those with a political background came either
fromthe Industrial Workers of the World or fromthe left wing of the Prole-
tarian partythe most "American" of the three Socialist groups that had
vied for Russian acceptance as the "official" Communist party.
/ ^ \ >
< ; 4
W
W
\
XT
COUNCIL
CORRESPONDENCE
ENGLISH EDITION
For Theory and Discussion
CONTENTS:
What is Communism?
Future of the German Labor movement.
Unity of the American Workers Party and
the Communist League?
The Strike Wave.
Reports and announcements.
OCTOBER, i 9) 4 - No. i
UNITED WORKER'S PARTY
r \
FORTHZCR* hH> D.OCUSS'Otf
f ^ . .rftCA t^jr UNI71D VloAKjLF^ PlfiTY
\j!pM' " *
/ 6 o 4
N O^^OFNIft *
C l ^ ^ CHICAGO-ILL
OCT. 1934
HUhB.* '
' WHAT /S COMMUNISM?
I n communism, the- prcoess of producti on i s no l i nger a process
of capi tal expansi on, but onl y a l abor process i n which soci ety
draws from nature the means of consumpti on whi ch i t needs. No
l onger are val ues produced, but onl y arti cl es f or use. As an
economi c cr i ter i on, the necessi ty of which i s undeni abl e, si nce
both producti on and the producti ve apparatus must be made to
conform to the soci al need, the onl y thi ng which can st i l l
serve i s the l abor ti me empl oyed i n the producti cn of goods. I t
i s no l onger the 'val ue
1
but the cal cul ati on i n terms of use
arti cl es and the i mmedi ate l abor ti me requi red f or thei r pro-
ducti on which i s the necessary form of expressi on of a regu-
l ated communi st' ecbnoray.
V
And s$, from the standpoi nt of Marxism, the Russi an exp?ri ments
i n pl anned economy are not to be rated as soci al i sti c. The Rus-
si an practi ce i s not di rected accordi ng to communist pri nci pl es,
but f ol l ows the l aws of capi tal i st accuraul ati cn. fie have here,
even though i n modi f i ed f orm, a surpl us- val ue producti on under
the i deol ogi cal camouf l age of " soci al i st constructi on". The
wage rel ati on i s i denti cal wi th that of capi tal i st producti on,
f ormi ng al so i n Hussi a the basi s f or the exi stence of a grc.vi ng
bureauoracy wi th aountj ng pri vi l eges; a bureaucracy whi ch, by
the si de of the pri vate capi tal i st el ements which are 6ti l l
present, i s str i ctl y tp be apprai sed as a new cl ass appropri a-
ti ng to i tsel f surpl us l abor and surpl us val ue. From the
Russi an experi ence no posi ti ve concl usi ons can be'drawn whi ch
have a rel ati on to communist producti on and di stri buti on. I t
st i l l of f ers onl y exampl es of the way i n whi^h communiBm can
not be devel oped.
The deci si ve probl ems vf a communist economy do net come up
unti l af ter the market, war;--? 2s.bcr, i cc'; , e*:c., have been com-
pl etel y di spensed wi th. The very f act of the exi stence of the
wage rel ati on si gni f i es that the'means cf producti on are net.
control l ed by the preuccers, but stand ever agai nst them i n the
form of capi tal ; a-id thi s ci rcumstance f urther compels a repro-
ducti on process i n the form of capi tal accumul ati cn. Thi s l at-
ter i s, by the Marxi st theory, btei 'i e and because of \ ts ual i d-
i ty as a law of cri ses and col l apse, at the sa-ne ti me the
ul ati on of mi sery, and hence al.co the Russi an workers aio-
/
>
totu&l l y growing poorer at the same rate aa oapi tal accumul ates.
The producti vi ty of the Russi an workers i nsreases f aster than
thei r waces; of the i ncreasi ng sooi a.l product they reoei ve a
rel ati vel y ever smal l er sh*re. To Marx thi s rel ati ve pauperi gap
tl cn of the workup popul ati on i n the oou.rse of aooumul ati on is/
onl y a phase of the absol ute pauperi zati on; i t i s onl y another /
expressi on"?or the i ncreasi ng expl oi tati on of the workers, and'
to denomi nate thi s as the "growth of sooi al i sm" i s af ter al l
hardl y possi bl e.
The gi st of the Bol shevi st "thsory of soci al i zati on" may he
sketohed. as f ol l ows: With the revol uti onary overthrow,i .e. the
expropri ati on of oapi tal , the power over the means of producti on
and henoe ths control over producti on and the di stri buti on of the
products passes i nto the hands of the state apparatus. This
l atter then organi zes the vari ous branohes of producti on i n ac-
oordanoe wi th a pl an and puts them, as a state monopoly, at the
servi oe of sooi ety, With the ai d of stati sti cs, the oentral
autho*i ty oomputes and determi nes the magni tude and ki nd of pro-
ducti on, as al so the apporti onment of the products and producers.
To be sure, the means of produoti on have here passed from the
hands of the pri vate entrepreneurs i nto those of the State; as
regards the producers, however, nothi ng has ohonged. No more
thrm under oapi tal ism do they themsel ves exeroi se the oommand
over the produots of thei r l abor, f or they st i l l l ack the oontrol
over the means of produoti on. J ust as bef ore, thei r only means
Of l i vel i hood i s the sal e of thei r l abor power. The only di f f er -
ence i s that they are no l onger requi red to deal wi th the i ndi vi d-
ual capi tal i st, but wi th the tot&l capi tal i st, the State, as the
purohaser of l abor power. I n the mind of the Bol shevi st theoret-
i oi an, as in that of the Sooi al Demoorat, monopoly oapi tal ism has'
al ready made produoti on "ri pe f or soci al i zi ng"; the only thi ng
l ef t to do i s to gi ve a "sooi c*l i sti o" form to di stri buti on. The
deol s ive i i spect or the matter here i s the organl zat i onal - teohni -
c-il si de of the produoti on prooess; the si de devel oped by monop-
ol y oapi tal ism or to be oopi ed from i t, i nstead of the trj sl y
basi c f actor of oommunist eoonomy: the eoonomio rel ati on between
product and producer.
The concepti on that the mere central i zati on of the matins"' of pro-
duoti on fn the hands of the State i s to be regarded as soci al i -
zati on preol uded the praoti oal employment of an accounti ng uni t
i n keepi ng wi th a oommunist mode of eoonomy. Central i zed power
over sooi al produoti on and di stri buti on admi tted of no form of
aocounti ng by whioh an uni nterrupted eoonomio prooess was pos-
si bl e .-is a substi tute f or money eoonomy, The Russi an attempts at
a natural eoonomy duri ng the peri od of "war communism" compl etel y
mi soarri ed. Money accounti ng had to be re- establ i shed.'
Under oapi tal i sm, the means of produoti on (mp) and l abor (1) ap-
pear as constant (o) and vari abl e (v) oapi tal . The val ues o^v
oan be appl i ed oapi tal 1sti oal l y onl y so l ong as they produce sur-
pl us val ue ( s) . The capi tal i sti c formul a of producti on i s c/-v/-e.
I t i s only beoause mp^l appear as c/-v, that i t i s possi bl e to at-
tai n e. I f c/-v drops out, so al so does s, and vi ce versa. What
remains i s the ooncrete, materi al form of o/-v, that i s mp/l , the
means of producti on and l abor. The oommunist formul a of produc-
ti on i s - mp/l .
2
The development of mp and 1 prooeeda in any soci ety; i t i s nothi ng
other than the "materi al i nteracti on between man and nature". The
formul a o^v/s, however, i s hi stori cal l y bound wi th oapi tal 1st
sooi ety. I f under oapi tal i sm i t was. only the i nterest in s whioh
determi ned the development of o/-v, si nce? here the need for the ex-
pansi on of oapi tal prevai l s over the sooi al needs, under communism
on the other hand, i t i s only the sooi al needs which determi ne the
development of mpfl . The f ormul a o/v^s presupposes exchange between
the owners of of v and the owners of l . Of oAv i s l acki ng, so al so
i s thi s exchange. I t i s not unti l mp has oeased to conf ront the wor-
kers in the form of capi tal , when i t remains merel y as the tool of
soci ety and i s nothi ng el se. that i t i s possi bl e to speak of a oom-
muni st eoonomy. Labor time as the uni t of reckoni ng would pl ay a
doubl e rol e in the communist eoonomy:
"I ts apporti onment in aooordance wi th a def i ni te soci al
pl an mai ntai ns the proper proporti on between the di f f er -
ent ki nds of work to be flone and the vari ous wants of
the community. On the Other hand, i t al so serves as a
measure of the porti on of the oommon l abor borne by each
i ndi vi dual , and of hi s shatfe in the part of the total
product desti ned f or i ndi vi dual consumpti on. The sool al
rel ati ons of the i ndi vi dual producers, wi th regard both
to thei r l abour and to i ts products.are in thi s case per-
f ectl y Bimple and i ntel l i gi bl e, and that wi th regard not
only to produoti on but al so to di stri buti on". (Capi tal ,-
Vol. I - Page 90 - 91).
Taking the sooi al average working hour aa the oomputing uni t of oom-
muni st soci ety, i t must be oapabl e of embraci ng al l . categori es of
produoti on and di stri buti on. The working hour uni t must be appl i c-
abl e, that i s, to the quanti tati ve consumpti on, the quanti tati ve
reproducti on and the quanti tati ve expansi on of the producti ve f orces.
Rach enterpri se must determi ne the number of working hours i t oon-
sumes, so that they can be repl aced in the same magni tude. Computa-
ti on by working hours i s not di f f i oul t, as al l the presupposi ti ons
f or i t have al ready been formed by oapi tal l et ooet aocounti ng. I n
parti oul ar, the capi tal i st process of rati onal i szti on devel -
oped computing methods whioh are oapabl e of getti ng at the ooet
pri oe both as a whole and al ao down i nto the l ast detai l . And while
these computing methods sure today rel ated to the common denomi nator
di f f i cul ti es
0 0 0 nv e
r si n i nto the working hour i s attended by no
The produoti on formul a of any enterpri se, as al so that of sooi ety as
a whole, i s very si mpl e. We have al ready stated i t as f ol l ows: mp/l -
produot. With the ai d of the means of producti on, human l abor pro-
duces a quanti ty of goods. We di sti ngui sh between two di f f erent
ki nds of means of producti on: f i xed and oi roul ati ng. So we broaden
our formul a I n aooordanoe wi th thi s di sti ncti on.
m
P |. r J _ 1
TO
e
^
<
"
5
*
r a w
ater i al , eto. l abor power
10,000 working hours 70,000 working hours 70,000 working hours
Assuming that these f i gures are appl l oabl e to a shoe f aotory:
r i h' & i n?Y
Ct
C
I 0

4
70,000*70,0005 50,000 pai rs of shoes in
f f d
11
*?
0ur8
'
0 r
average of three working hours i s oon-
t S ^ 5 *
t h l 0
P
r
4ucti on formul a we have at the same
time the reproducti on formul a f or si npl e /reproducti on. We know how
J"
many l abor hours ere withdrawn from thi s f actory f or the product ion
of 50.000 pai rs of shoes. The same number of l abor hours must ac-
cordi ngl y be restored to i t. And what hol ds f or the si ngl e enter-
pri se Lolds al eo f or the whole of sool ety, whioh of oourse i s onl y
the sum total of al l enterpri ses. The total soci al produo.t i s the
product of mp/r/l of al l enterpri ses. To di sti ngui sh the product ioij
f ormul a of the si ngl e enterpri ses from that of soci ety as a whole,
we sel ect oapi tal l etters f or the l atter . The formul a f or the soci a-
produot (SP) then reads: tfP4-RvL:8P. Assuming MP (the sum of al l the
f i xed means of producti on) to amount to 100 mi l l i on l abor hours,the
correspondi ng sum R to amount to 600 mi l l i on, and the l abor ti me
consumed to be equal to 600 mi l l i on, we have the f ol l owi ng f or the
total produot: MP/R/.LzSP - 100/600/600:1300. Of the total product ior
of 1300 mi l l i on l abor hours, i n condi ti ons of si mpl e reproducti on,
(i .e.- when no expansi on of producti on ooours), we assume that 600
mi l l i on l abor hours are turned over to the oonsumers i n the form of
means of consumpti on.
The appl i oati qn of the soci al average l abor hour as the oomputing
uni t presuppooes the exi stenoe of workers' oounoi l s (sovi ets). Eaoh
enterpri se comes f orward as an i ndependent uni t and i s at the same
ti me, as we ahal l show l ater, oonneoted wi th al l the other enter-
pri ses. As a resul t of the di vi si on of l abor, eaoh f actory has car-
tai n end produots. With the ai d of the producti on formul a mp/r/l
eaoh enterpri se oan compute the l abor ti me contai ned i n i ts end
produced. I n the shoe f actory taken as an example, the end produot-
(one pai r of shoes)- oontai ns an average of three working hours.Thi s
average oajn be found f or eaoh produot i n eaoh enterpri se. The end
produot of an enterpri se, i nsof ar as i t i s not desti ned f or i ndi vi d-
ual oonsunpti on, goes to another enterpri se ei ther in the form of
mp or , and thi s one i n turn oomputes i ts end produots in l abor
hours. The same thi ng hol ds f or al l pl aces of producti on, wi thout
regard $0 the magni tude or ki nd of thei r produots.
When ttye i ndi vi dual enterpri ses have determi ned the average l abor
ti me ountai ned in thei r produots, i t st i l l remai ns to f i nd the so-
ci al average. Al l enterpri ses of the same nature, i . e. - turni ng out
the sftune ki nd of products, must get i n touch wi th eaoh other. From
the I ndi vi dual enterpri ses of a determi nate i ndustry, in a gi ven
ter r i tor y, wi l l be deri ved the total average of al l the gi ven
averages (average of averages) f or these enterpri ses. To take a
rouf^h exanpl e: i f 100 shoe f aotori es stri ke an average of three
hours, 100 others an average of two, then the general average f or
a pai r of shoes i s 2- 1/2 hours. The varyi ng averages resul t from th.
varyi ng producti vi ty of the i ndi vi dual enterpri ses. Yhotqgh thi s i s
condi ti on i nheri ted from capi tal i sm, and the di f f erences i n produc-
ti vi ty wi l l sl owl y di sappear, the def i oi t of one enterpri se must i
the meanwhile be made up through the surpl us of the other. From thi
standpoi nt of sool ety. however, there i s only the sool al average
producti vi ty. The determi nati on of the soci al l abor time oal l s f or
the oartel l i sat i on of the i ndi vi dual enterpri ses. The opposi ti on be-
tween the f aotory- average and the a00i al - average l abor time oomes
to an end i n the producti on oartel .
The sooi al average l abor ti me deoreasee wi th the development of t:
producti vi ty of l abor. I f the produot thus "cheapened" i s one f or
i ndi vi dual consumpti on, i t goes i nto consumpti on wi th thi s reduced
average. I f i t i s an end produot used by other enterpri ses as meanr
of producti on,then the consumpti on of mp/r f or these enterpri ses
y
f al l s, the producti on
1
^osts
n
decl i ne and hence
f orntke products of these enterpri ses i s "duced. The matter of c ^
pensati ng f or the vari ati ons caused in thi s way i s a purel y
cal problem which presents no speoi al di f f i cul ti es.
I f the working hour'eees aa a .seaaura of P<>uotion " "
wise be appl i cabl e to di stri buti on. A very cl ear statement 01 i nw
uni t i s gi ven by riarx:(Critique of the Gotha Programme, pa^e tyi
"What the produoer_has gi ven
t 0
. ,
i 8
w^v i i ^dav^^con-
amount of l abor, e or exampl e: the soci al working aay
sl sts of the sum of the i ndi vi dual s' hours of work. I ne
i ndi vi dual worki ng-ti me of the i ndi vi dual producer i s
part of the soci al worki ng-day contri buted by him, ni s
part thereof . He recei ves from soci ety a voucher that ne
nas contri buted such and such quanti ty of work t al ter ae
duoti ons f rom hi s work f or the oommon fund) and draws
through thi s voucher on the soci al storehouse as much 01
the means of consumpti on as the same quanti ty of work COSTS.
The same amount of work which he has gi ven to soci ety in
one form, he recei ves back in another .
The speci al i zati on of l abor makes necessary the use of some sort cf
certi f i cates f or drawi ng from the f und of soci al arti cl es 01 con-
sumpti on. Each producer recei ves a number of these certi xi cates cor-
respondi ng to the number of houra of l abor he has performed. These
certi f i cates nay be cal l ed l abor money, though they are not money a
al l in the capi tal i sti c sense. "The producers", wri tes.Ma.rx, "n.ay
eventual l y recei ve paper checks, by means of which they withdraw
from the soci al suppl y of means of consumpti on a share correspondi .
to thei r l abor- ti me. These checks sire not money. They do not ci rcul -
ate. " (Capi tal , Vol. 2 - page 4l 2)
The workers cannot, however, recei ve the f ul l output of thei r l abor,
rne l abor time i s not the di rect mee^sure f or the part of the soci al
product desti ned f or i ndi vi dual consumpti on. As Marx goes on to ex-
pl ai n:
"Let us take the words "proceeds of l abour" in the sense of
the product of ^abour, thus ti e co- operati ve proceeds cf
l abour i s the total soci al product.
But from thi s mUst be deducted^ f i r stl y, Reimbursement f or
the repl acement of the means of producti on used up; second-
l y, an addi ti on porti on f or the extensi on of producti on;
thi rdl y, reserve or i nsurance fi i nds to provi de agai nst mi s-
adventures, di sturbances through natural events, and so or.."
There i s l ef t the other porti on of the total product which i s meant
to serve def i ni tel y as means of consumpti on. But bef ore thi s can gc
f or i ndi vi dual consumpti on there has to be taken from i t yet: f i r st-
l y, the general costs Of admi ni strati on not appertai ni ng to produc-
ti on; secondl y, what i s desti ned f or the sati sf acti on of comr.-.unal
needs, such as school s, heal th, servi ces, etc. ; thi rdl y, funds for
those unable to work, etc. , in short, what coroes under the headi ng
of so- cal l ed of f i ci al poor rel i ef today. (Cr i ti uue of the Ootha Pro-
gramme - page 27.) ^
Those i nsti tuti ons which produce no tangi bl e gooiis (cul tural and
soci al estf el ishraents j ' and yet parti ci pate in the soci al consumption
may be reckoned as enterpri ses. Thei r servi ces go over i nto soci ety
wi thout del ay; producti on and di stri buti on here are* one. I n the case
of these enterpri ses, the f i nal goal of communism, *.he "taki ng ac-
cordi ng to need" t i s al ready actual i zed; thei r di stri buti on i s
governed by no eoonomic aeasure. We cal l these publ i c enterpri ses.
or enterpri ses f or general soci al l abor (GSL). Communist accounti ng
i s compl i cated by the exi stence of these GS^enterpri ses j ust as i t
r
was by the varyi ng producti vi ty of the si ngl e
whioh the publ i o enoerp?i eea consume must be drawn from tne stores
of the product i \ 6 el i teVpri ocs,
Going back to our producti on formul a f or. ecoi ety as a whole:
( MP^/ L zmass cf produces, or (100^600 JACCOcmi l l i on working hours.
MD amd R have to be reproduced; there remai n, of the total mass 01
products' 600 mi l l i on worki ng Aoura. The GSi enterpri ses take from
these 606 mi l l i on thei r means of producti on and raw materi al s. l t i s
accordi ngl y necessary to knew the total oonsumpti cn of thesp P
U
|J
C
enterpri ses. I f we desi gnate the moans
o f
D P
r 0
^
c
^
n
- , ^nr n? w5r ^as
enterpri ses as MPs,* the raw materi al s as Rs and t^e l abor power as
Ls, w? get the f ol l owi ng total budget f or G9^; (MPs/Rs )LS: servi ces
of the GSL, or (f or example - g mi l l i on / 5^ mi l l i on - I tg mi l l i on
l abor hours.) From the 600 mi l l i on l abor hours to be oonsumed, 58
mi l l i on must be deducted f or MPs and Rs of the GSL enterpri ses.
There regai n 5^2 mi l l i on l abor hours f or the i ndi vi dual consumpti on
of al l workers. I n the producti ve enterpri ses the workers were em-
pl oyed 600 mi l l i on hours, and i n the GSL enterpri ses 50 mi l l i on. J I
the total output of l abor power there i s avai l abl e f or i ndi vi dual
consumpti on, accordi ngl y, onl y 6$0 cr 11 thi s prop r -
ti on the "f actor of i ndi vi dual consumpti on" (f l vJ .The formul a tor
FIC i s: L-(MPS/RS) over L A Le. Or empl oyi hg the f i gures assumed
i n our exampl e: 600 mi l l i on - 5% mi l l i on* 5*f2 mi l l i on 0.53
600 mi l 1 ion f ~y) raiiiipn-1650 mi l l i on
I f a worker has worked 40 hours, he recei ves a l abor-money cer t i f i -
cate i n the amount of O.gp x 40; }}.2 which he exchanges f or such
arti cl es as he pl oases. Tni s computati on i s possi bl e because al l en-
terpri ses keep an account of thei r consumpti on i n mp, r ana 1. i ne
general soci al bookkeepi ng, which records al l products, has at i ts
di sposal al l data necessary f or determi ni ng the payment f actor,
namel y, L,MPs,Rs and Ls, which resul t from si mpl e sunmati on i n the
current aocount.
I n the GSL enterpri ses, tne "taki ng accordi ng tc needs" was, as we
have seen, al ready real i zed. With the growth <~>f communism, thi s
type of enterpri se reoei ves an ever i ncreasi ng e xtensi on. mean6 of
consumpti on, Swel l i ng, passenger transport, etc. The more soci ety
grows in thi s di recti on and the more enterpri ses are transf ormed i n-
to the GSL type, the l ess wi l l i ndi vi dual l abor be tx.e measure f or
i ndi vi dual oo^sumpti o^ Thi s tendency serves to i l l ustrate the gen-
eral devel opment oi" co'mmunist soci ety.
With the devel opment of communism, the accounti ng f or FIC changes.
Vari ous enterpri ses, such as an el ectri c pl ant, work i n part f or
i ndi vi dual consumpti on and i n part f or purel y producti ve purposes.
To ref er to our exampl e: if the consumers are now suppl i ed wi th
el ectri ci ty, f ree of charge, the el ectri c pl ant bel ongs to a new
type of enterpri se. For accounti ng purposes, these mixed enter-
pri ses must be i ncl uded ei ther under those of the producti ve or of
the GSL type. Thi s el ectri c pl ant must recei ve back from the FI C
the del i veri es of current, expressed i n working hours, goi ng i nto
the i ndi vi dual consumpti on. The addi ti on of thi se parts of al l
mixed enterpri ses gi ves the def i ci t to be made up by the FI C. I f
we cal l thi s part the general def i ci t (D), we have a new di stri b-
uti on f ormul a: FIC - L-TMPS/RS )-D over I ./Ls.
A number of var i at i on are possi bl e here, dependi ng on whether we
assi gn the mixed enterpri ses to the publ i o or to the producti ve ones
or di vi de them between the two. But these vari ati ons do not af f ect
the cl ari ty of the general vi ew.
i
When the rel ati on between producer and product i sesJ **
1
*** *
i tsel f i s a sooi al questi on. The "expenses" of di stri buti on ar
el uded i n the general Audgf ^?J
r
t S!
L
A |j * !v ; Shi ch'l i kewi sf conduct
di stri buti on are enterpri s - of the GSL type wnicn l uce
thei r accounti ng accordi ng o the f ormul a mpf-Tt-i.
sajs:-"
of reproducti on must be accompl i shed on a l o n of cap-
i tal i sm, t U s nrooosa which goes on i n tern* of ^ouwl r ti OB ^o a p
i tal , i s th3 i ndi vi dual fur.ot ^e va. i us P i on. Of the soci al
pri ses. I n 0cm.-nur.iam, howaver : f u r t h e r expansi on of the pro-
product a part i s here empl oyed f cr the f ur^ner p ^ consci ous
duoti ve apparatus. I f thi c expanded reproducti l abor ti me re-
acti on, Waver , i t is o y t o i ^L l f f c r reprSScti on
qui red f or 3irr.ple reproducti on. The formUI a f o x P x an( t ed
i s: MP/R^L.ie the materi a}, apparatus of produotl oi i i s g
by 10% a mass of products of thi s anpunt must be wi thdrawn 1rom i n
di vi dual consumpti on. When thi s " 1 (MP/R)/L. We have
producti on proceed encordmg to the f ormul a. 1.1 V b s 0_
al ready shown that .he sooi ul produot i s c o m p l t o the
ci ety when the i ndi vi dual consumpti on prooeeds acc g
f ormul a FIC " L-(i t?o/-Ra).
Thi s i ndi vi dual coasumpt i on must now be f urther.
(UP/R). I n the case of a 10} expansi on of Producti on, we the:n get
the f ormul a: VTn- T- Or i (MP/RWTMPS^RS ).Thl s general f ormul a
L ^LB
not take the pl ace of the oonorete sol uti on of the ^ wi th*
1
real i ty, but wi thi n the scope of thi s work we must be cn ent wi th
i t and merel y ref er f urther to Marx: "I f we
a

um
jV rani tal would
were not capi tal i sti c, but communi sti o, then the m J " i t
p
c w r i e B i n_
be enti rel y el i mi nated, and wi th i t the di sgui se which i t carri es i n
to the transact i ona. The questi on i s then si mpl y *
d
" . means of
lem that sooi ety must cal cul ate bef orehand how myoh 1 i nl urv
producti on^ and means of subsi stence i t can
u
J ^
x
h i l d i n _ of r i n_
f or such l i nes of aoti vi ty as, f or i nstanoe, the bui l d g
roads, which do not f urni sh any means of producti on
o r
, '
or any usef ul thi ng, f or a l ong ti me, a year or more, whi l e they re-
qui re l abor, and meana of producti on and subsi stence
nual soci al producti on." (Capi tol , Vol .2 - ?age 361).
Let us consi der thi s exampl e. I f the constructi on of a rai l way Pr
a
necessary, the work i nvol ved vel ongs to the GSL part of the
producti on. I f i t consumes, f or exampl e, three years ' j j ^or i n
certai n number of worki ng hours, thi a sum i s dedue
t
J
y
chargi ng i t to the GSL aocount, from the f aotor of i ndi vi dual
sumpti on (FI C).
I n the rel ati ons between the i ndi vi dual enterpri ses i abor-ti me.
morey i s superf l uous. When an enterpri se del i vers i ts end products,
i t has l i nked m?/-r/l worki ng hours to the great
h a i n
.
soci al l abors. These must be restored to the vari ous enterpri ses i n
the same magni tude in the form of other end products. The l aoor
money i s val i d onl y f or i ndi vi dual consumpti on. As more and more en-
y
trprl 0M are brought i nto GSL producti on, di stri buti on by meana of
l abor money grows l eas and l eas, and rushes on to i ts own abol i ti on-
Fi xi ng the f aotor of i ndi vi dual consumpti on i s the taalc of soci al -
bookkeepi ng. On the oredi t si de of the soci al bookkeepi ng stands L;
on the debi t si de MPs, Re, and L s. "Bookkeepi ng aaa oontrol and ab-
str act summary of the eoonomio process," says Marx, "beoomes the
more necessary to the extent that the process f uncti ons on a sooi al
scal e and l oses i ts purel y i ndi vi dual oharacter. I f i s, theref ore,
mor6 necessary i n capi tal i st produoti on than i n scattered handi craf t
and agri cul tural produoti on, and st i l l more necessary i n oo- operati vc
than i n capi tal i st producti on." Thi s bookkeepi ng under oommunisa
i s merel y bookkeepi ng and nothi ng el se. I t i s the central poi nt of
the eoonomic process, but has no power over the producers or the i n-
di vi dual . enterpri ses. The soci al bookkeepi ng i s i tsel f only an en-
ter pr i se of the GSL type. I ts f unoti ons are: the regi strati on of the
stream of products, the f i xi ng of the FI C, the outl ay of l abor- ti ms
money, the control over produoti on and di stri buti on. The control of
the l abor process i s a purel y teohni oal one, whi oh i s handl ed by
each enterpri se f or i tsel f . The oontrol exeroi sed by the soci al
bookkeepi ng extends onl y to accounti ng f or al l reoei pts and del i v-
eri es of the i ndi vi dual enterpri ses and watohi ng over thei r pro-
duc t iv i ty.
The control of producti on i n the soci ety of f ree and equal producers
does not oome about through persons and authori ti es, but i s con-
ducted through the publ i c regi strati on of the obj ecti ve oourse of
the producti ve process; that i s, producti on l s control l ed through
reproducti on.
The di f f erent i ndustri al organi zati oI B turn thei r groduoti on budgets
over to the enterpri se which conducts the sooi al bookkeepi ng. From
al l the produoti on budgets resul ts the soci al i nventory. Products i n
one form f l ow to the enterpri ses; new ones i n another form are gi ven
out by them. Each conveyance of goods i s reoorded i n the general
soci al bookkeepi ng by an endorsenBnt,#o that the debi t and credi t
of any parti cul ar enterpri se at ai y ti me cam be seen at a gl ance.
Everythi ng which an enterpri se oonsumes i n the way*of means of pro-
ducti on, raw materi al or l abor money, appear on the debi t si de of
the enterpri se; what i t has turned over to soci ety i n the- form of
products appears as a cr edi t. These two i tems must oover eaoh other
conti nuousl y, reveal i ng i n thi s way whether and to what extent the
producti ve process i s f l owi ng smoothl y. Shortage and excess on the
part of the enterpri se becomes vi si bl e and can be corrected. I f an
enterpri se is unabl e to mai ntai n i ts producti vi ty, i f that produc-
ti vi ty decl i nes, then the other enterpri ses, even though they work
beyond the s/ a. producti on ti me, oannot oover the shortage of the
f i r st one. The comparati vel y unproducti ve enterpri se i s unabl e to
reproduce i t sel f , the mal f uncti on becomes vi si bl e and oan be reme-
di ed by soci ety. The control of the GSL enterpri ses runs paral l el
i n part wi th that of the producti ve ones. I t resul ts from the mat-
er i al producti on, through the regi strati on of the arti cl es turned
over to them and thg recei pt of l abor money. The product of the GSL
enterpri ses, however, goes "into eooi ety "gratui tousl y", so that f or
these enterpri ses the aradi t f actor i s l acki ng i n thei r bookkeepi ng.
4j producti vi ty wi l l probabl y onl y be possi bl e
wi th the ai d of comparati ve i nvesti gati ons.
While capi tal i sm the category s. a. l abor ti me i s dependent on
val ue , in communism i t i s onl y a matter of the l abor embodied i n
goods turned out. And whi l e sooi al producti vi ty under capi tal i sm has
/
*
to be regul ated by the market, whioh i nvol ves a gi ganti c waste of
the sooi al f orces of producti on, in oomraunism the l ower, ing of the
s. a. producti on ti me i s e. coneoi oue,soci al l y- regul ated act. I t lead*,
to a general droo .in ~.:A ti mes of producti on. I f , f or exampl e, an
enterpri se has roc ken el i te means c.f producti on at 100,000 l abor
hours, ar.d i f we acsuae tnat thase i nstruments have a ten- year span
of l i f e, then 10,000 *nrki ng hcuro are to bo added on yearl y to the
products of thi s ent er s i s e. I f the s. a. reproducti on ti me of the
means of produoti on- employed i n thi s enterpri se decl i nes, then in
i ts proceso cf reproducti on i t oan f ashi on oetter or more maohi nes
and thus i nci easo i ts producti vi ty, wnich i n practi oe means expand-
ing the producti ve apparatus wi thout the expendi ture of extra l abor.
The producti on ti me f or thi s enterpri se has changed. Si noe the s. a.
reproducti on ti me i s observed, the onl y ohange i s i n the producti v-
i ty f actor of thi s eivifrrpr l se. The s. a. produoti on ti me of the car-
tel wi th whi ch the enterpri se I s connected al ways remai ns the same
aa the reproci.uct i on ti me, fi i nce the means of produoti on, too, fl ow
ir? a conti nuous at ream through al l the enterpri ses. The l owest so-
ci al reproducti on ti mes bl ena agai n and agai n i n the process of
producti on wi th the s. a. reproducti on ti me.
By way of summary , i t may be sai d:
"The bas 33 of the s. a. reproducti on ti me i s the s. a. worki ng
hour. Thi s category i s al ready val i d even i n capi tal i sm.Even
row the i nd/v ii.oe.1 l / f i evi nces f i ne no expressi on i n the oom-
modi tj , f or the product i s converted, on the market i nto money;
that i s, transf ormed i nto the general commodi ty, by which al l
i ndi vi dual di f f erences are abol i shed. I n comnunism, i t i s the
s. a. reproducti on ti me which embraces wi thi n i tsel f al l i n-
di vi dual di f f erences of sl ow and experi enced workers, of cap-
abl e and J .tss capabl e, of manual, aud i nu- i l l eotual l abor. The
s. a. reproducti on time i s accordi ngl y somethi ng which as such,
as sometni r.^ speci al , does not exi st. L i ke the l aws of nature,,
which merel y bri ng out what i s general i n the parti cul ar
phenomena, wi thout exi sti ng as actual l aws, the s. a. worki ng
hour, whi ch i n the concrete sense has no exi stence, embodies
what i s general from among the enormous di versi ty i n the mat-
eri al I nteracti on of soci ety".
THE U. ff. P. GROUPS.
B u f f
al , N.Y ., have conducted qui te a few out-door
e
. ^
re
.
c
as ft ti ngs thi s summer, and the workers responded by ghe hun-
V,a8 a r e l i e f
f
r
these audi encas to hear somethi ng about
tr.e i r own real pi obl ens i n contrast to the C.P. speakers, who i n-
os3oantl y harp on tiie beauti es of "the VJT\:ers>' Fatherl and".Our
Dui f al o group i s organi zi ng a cl ass on "fio /ol ut i onary Marxism".
+ 7
Y
^
k G?
*
ty 3X 6
P
l anni r
- S some very outstandi ng ac-
wi nter season, and we wi l l announce the
evo.i .s in thi s paper from c ima co ti me.
+
C
"
t h 8 00n, r ai i 38 h
ve hel ped to prepare materi al f or
xni - _3B i s, ai d have shown much wi l l i ngness i n supporti ng the Party.
The Chicago group opens i ts annual Worker's Forum on Sun.Oct.7. I t *
S u r , l ay e v j n i
ng thru- out the wi nter. Oot.g a study
^ e ^
X
f v t ^
C
^
a W U 1
regul ar w**kly
5
meet I n
+vL '5f,J Lr
P
* to-..evenings are muoh better attended now than duri ng
summer, months, and the oomrades are enthusi asti cal l y acti ve.
' FORTHCOMI NG ARTI CLES I N THE COUNCI L C0RRE8P0NEENCE.
The Labor Movement"i n Engl and.
I s The A. F. of L. ft Labor f rgani zf tti on?
Kenryk Oroeemanne I nterpretati on of the Marxian Theory of
Accumul ati on and Col l apse of the Capi tal i st
Thesi s on Bol shevi sm.
(Transl ated from the Dutoh "Counoi l Correspondence".)
The present stand of the European Counoil Movement.
,/^erspeoti ves of the Amerioan Labor Movements.
Opposi ti on Groups of the I I I I nternati onal .
Will there be an Amerioan Labor Party?
' <>*
FOR THOSE WHO READ GERMAN:
"natekorrespondenz" (Theor'etl sohes - und Di skussi onsorgan f ur di e
Katobewagung) Horausgegeben von der Gruppe I nternal i onal er Kom-
muni sten Hol l and.
No.I : "Die Zusammenbruohstheori e des Kapi tal i smus". Eine krl ti scr
/.usal nandersetzung Anton Pannekoek's mit dem Buohe Hanryk Gross ma/
n
Da3 Akkumul atI ons- und Zusammanbruchsgesetz des kapi tal i sti schen
Systems" Wei terhi n: "Die Wi rtsohaf tsl age im Nati onal sozi al i amus".
No. 2 : "Dor Hi stori sche Mate ri al i s mus" und " Hi tl er Deutechi and in.
Zsi chpn des Zusammenbruoh3".
t'o.3 s "TheBen uberai en Bol sohewi smus". Eine umfassende und
gl onzende Darste^l ung das Bolsohewismus vom Standpunkt dar
Katabewagung.
No.f : "Zu Pannekoeks K ri ti k i n No.I der "Rate Korrespondenz". PnuL
U'i tti ok antwortet Ponnekoek vom Boden der Grosamannsohen I nterpre-
tati on der Marx'sohen Akkumul ati onsthaori e.
J ede Nummer 10 cent. Portof rei . Bestel l t bei "Uni ted Workers Par.
1604- N. Cal i f orni a Ave., Chioago, 111.
BESTELLT - L E^ - Verbrei tet -
"KAMPFSIGNAL" Deutsohas der Ratebewegung gowidmetes Organ, dar
deutechen revol uti onaren Arbei tar New Y orks. - Einzelnummar 5/ .
Gesohaf tsstel l e: - 799 Broadway (Room 413) New ?ork Ci ty.
/o
THE FUTURE OF THE GERMAN_LAB0g^_MOVEMENT.__
Any specul ati on regardi ng the possi bi l i ti es of the German l abor
movement must take i nto aooount, not merel y the ti mo^cf the vari ous
organi zati ons, but the struotural transf ormati ons i n modern soci ety
duri ng the l ast deoade. Thi s ohange i n the eoopcmio tetup, to-
gether wi th i ts pol i ti oal consequenoes, i s l i kewi se the i ndi spens-
abl e key to- the complete understandi ng of f asoi sm.
I n the present ori s i s, the monopol i st form of eoonomy devel ops
wi thi n i tsel f stagnati ng tendenci es di reoted economi cal l y agai nst
the l ai ssez- f ai re pri noi pl e and pol i ti cal l y agai nst "formal democ-
racy ". The prooese of capi tal concentrati on, which conti nues dur-
ing the ori si s, aots as a spur to al l sooi al groups, though i t i s
onl y the working cl ass which oan be moved i nto a genui ne opposi ti on
to the exi sti ng order. The eooncmio dependenoe of the middle ol aaa
al l ows i t no pol i cy of i ts own; i t devel ops only a backward i deol -
ogy, si nce any sooi al advanoe bri ngs wi tl f i t the downfal l of thi s
ol aas as a speoi al group.
The f act that the mi ddl e cl ass haa beooma the chi ef support of the
faooiflt--movement i s onl y a si gn of i ts own hi stori cal l nai gnl f i oan-
oe. The pol i oi es of the exi sti ng eoonomlo system can not be sub-
ordi nated to the f asoi st i deol ogy, and the l ouder that i deol ogy
or i es, the more surel y i t al so destroys i tsel f . Being Lnoapable
of bri ngi ng about a revol uti onary ohange i n economic system,
f asoi sm i s oompel l ed to f ol l ow lawe wnioh si mpl y f oroe the im-
poveri shment of the middle ol aaa aa wel l . T
k
:-3 f asci st i-ioveaant
must of necessi ty, in the oouree of devel opments, ehri nk to a
f asci st state apparatus whioh has openl y to donrend the i nterests
of the eoonomlo al l y" strongest groups agai nst sooi ety as a whole.
Practi oal l y, fasoi sm can onl y be apprai sed as the expressi on of
the pol i ti oal necessi ti es of the monopol i sti c groups duri ng the
cr i si s. I t i s nothi ng other than the convul si on to permanent
oAi rori sm agai nst the working cl ass; and tel a compul si on re-
s- ats from the f aot that the f urther endangeri ng of i ndustri al
prof i ts by aooi al unrest oan no l ongar be tol erated, si nce the
al ready i nsuf f i ci ent prof i t bri ngs I nto questi on more and more
tue oonti nued exi etenoe of the eoonomlo system. 7as0l a3. f ur-
thermore, has to wage the ol aaa struggl e ag-iinct the cl ass
struggl e whioh i t deni ea, ao as to prepare the "nati on" f or
the i mperi al i sti c cl ashes to be expected. *
Aa a resul t of the nnntl i ote of i nterests wi thi n aoci ety - "*
oonf l i cta deni abl e only i n words, not in re<?.1 i ty - fasoi em
may change i ta l eadera and symbols or may even undj r certai n
oi rcumstanoes, aa a resul t of new aooi al uphaavaZ e, gi ve pl aoe
to a neo-democrati o regi i ce. But praoti cal i y, thi s transf orma-
ti on would be nothi ng morn than an. exchange of l eaders and
syrrbol a, a inoe even tho .-^storac ^democraoy" would be corbel l ed
to adopt the f aeci st pol i ci es, Even a democrati cal l y "miuiad"
state apperatus would have to pr-.'act the exi ati ng socl e cy wi th
the necessary means, which tod&y are means of terrori sm. Without
overl ooki ng the di f f erenoea between fasoi sm and democracy, i t may
st i l l be sai d- that both theae s.oci al forma, wi thi n the framework
of the preaent eyetem, have only the aame poesi bi l i tl ea of acti on,
si noe pol i ti oa i s always di ctated by the eoonomlo necesai ti ea.
n
From thi n standpoi nt, any struggl e f or demooraoy i s onl y a pseudo
struggl e. Ahd f or thi s .reason, suoh a struggl e i s qui ts out of
the questi on f or T;he workers, and oan onl y be oonduoted by those
groupe whioh are wi l l i ng to pl ay oapi tal i sti o pol i ti os, that i s,
merel y -want to govern. Thie f i ght wi l l not even be deoi ded by ths
"f i ghters", but by the prooesaos wi thi n the eoonomio system. Only
the f al se assumpti on that the present eoonomy i s st i l l oapabl e of
f urther progressi vs devel opment oan f eed the i l l usi on of a new
democrat i o era.
I n Germany al so, the real ol ass struggl e wi l l not turn on the ques-
ti on of demooraoy, and al l attempts to ereot a new l abor movement
on thi s basi s are doomed i n advanoe. The ef f orte Of the soci al i st
movement to get a new l ease of l i f e through the radi cal i zi ng of i ts
phraseol ogy f al l down on the obj eoti ve i mpossi bi l i ty of turni ng hi s-
tory baokw&rd. The demand f or the rehabi l i tati on of demooraoy i s
no l ess l aughabl e than the f ai th of the f aaoi st i n the restorati on
of the "good ol d ti mes".
The attempts of the vari ous oommunist groups to bui l d up i l l egal
movements i n the ol d party styl e ehow that they thoroughl y share
the i l l uei ons of the soci al i st movement. Nothing' has ohanged as
regards the i dea hel d by these groups as to the rol e of the party.
What was onoe l egal shal l now conti nue to f uncti on i l l egal l y i n
the same f orm. Theyoompl etel y f ai l to see that the ol d party
movement waa j ust an expressi on of f ormal demooraoy, and ooul d
exi st nowhere el se. The party i s bound up wi th demooraoy, the one
i s not possi bl e wi thout the othor. Anyone f'-.o f anci es that strong
party organi zati ons oapabl e of pl ayi ng a deoi si ve rol e i n hi story
oan be bui l t up anew, such a person must necessari l y, however muoh
he may protest, bel i eve i n the possi bi l i ty of a new demoorati o era,
elnd, l i ke the rasoi sts and sooi al i sts, i s merel y i ntoxi cati ng hi m-
sel f wi th tradi ti ons.
Nothi ng i s more nai ve than the vari ous asserti ons of the di f f erent
pol i ti cal groupe i n Germany to the ef f eot that they have so and so
many thousands of i l l egal members i n thei r ranks. These computa-
ti ons oan onl y be made and peddl ed about i n f orei gn oountri es.
They are i noapabl e of proof , and spri ng onl y f j om the oompeti ti ve
needs of the vari ous parti es i n the countri es which have not yet
gone f asoi et. Those computati ons are dubi ous f or the very reason
that there i s absql -utel y no way of making; them; no control l ed, i l -
l egal l abor movement embraoed on party pri nci pl es exi sts i n
Germany.
I t i s true that the Communist Party suoceeded, duri ng tha f i r st
few months of the di ctatorshi p, i n l eadi ng portl one of i ts non-
renegade membershi p to engage i n pigmy demonstrati ons, i n col -
l ecti ng dues f rom the membershi p, i n prompti ng them to the di s-
tri buti on of l eaf l ets, eto. But thi s aoti vi ty was possi bl e onl y
because the f asci st terror was st i l l l acki ng i n system, ar.d we
f i nd that the comm'.nist acti vi ty l et up i n the same measure i n
which the f asci st 'Tcheka" spread i ts nets. Thi s "revol uti onary"
spi r i t of the C.P. - a spi r i t which was asl eep at the proper
moment, beoaus'e I t di d not want that moment to OOGB - ool l apsed
f rom i ts own eenwkl ossnees. Thousands of f anati c i s ed party han-
gers- on dr i f ted i nto the concentrati on carape f or di stri buti ng
l eaf l ets contai ni ng nothi ng more than the phrase, "Hands of f the
Sovi et Uni on". The f l uctuati ons i n membership was peoul i ar to
the C.P. The S.P. waa oomposed ofV>l d f el l ows, i noapabl e of ohmnging,
whi l e the C.P. was l argel y oomposed of younger el ements whdofa-j netsad
of oonvi oti ons had onl y uni forms to ohange. These deserters made i t
al l the easi er f or f *soi sm to wipe out the i l l egal aoti vi ty of tha
C.P, i n the sho.-.feeb ooace'vcbl e ri me. The gl adi ator pol i ti os of the
C.P. was not even the courv^
;
of despai r, but served merel y to j usti f y
the oomtruai st "tl ;6!i oor.s tract ore
r
, who of oouree had asserted tnut
the rul e of Hi tl er coal a bo cf o.r:.cf durati on. The real re-.a--.
ti ons ox oj wer oontratf l ot3d thi s cri mi nal pol i oy desi gned to conceal
embarrassi ng f aots, anu. undor the ax of the f asoi et exeouti oneers,the
deepeet-dyed party f anati ci sm went to pi eoes.
Though pol i ti oal groups were reorgani zed undergroung, the f asci st
pol i ce apparatus c2.no adj usted i tsel f to underground. *
af ter day oooured, and & I i l l ooox.'S, the arrest of of j . i oi al e, the
suppressi on of meeti ng pl aces, tho sei zure of oontaot men. What i s
bui l t up today la tomorrow al readv destroyed. Slowly but wi th deadl y
certai nty, the very begi nr.-ngs -.f the i l l egal mi vamen*. are bl otted out.
I t was these ol roumstoncee nrhiolj ^j .rst c l earl y reveal ed how deep the
nati onal sooi al i at i deol ogy LP 3ti 31 rooted even i n the workers. They
put themsel ves wi l l i ngl y uo 3&:xi oo of the authoi i ti es f or t/io
purpose of extermi nati ng . A s-oate of general di strust l oread
over the movenant. who st i l l sat i n the "party" or-aaoilii tod**',
mi ght l i tand reveal ed as a Nazi tomorrow. The ideologic?.'^ 9.7*,y
Nazia over the great messes brought i nto the l abor mcve-w.r.t r
oppress l og resi gnr.ti on ar.d . f eel i ng tor the necessi ty 0/ ;>ov,--i e"^
change of pol i oy. Anythi ng that the hands of the Li-iJ .c
f oul of thi s resi gnati on, iVhat jp.ina ie a ve,ry an&J l c ji
hounded revol uti oni sts who, i n v\
r
r.{ of ihe true a: "rus* * :T._. i*.'.ght]y
oonti nue f or the present to keep tuei r o"n oo.r.po r.>. Ton . :/. to
them, apart from a few exoepti ons, means notr. ng *:'>' &;"<> groups
of f i ve" i nol ude workers from the most di sparage campb -: "-d
l abor uovement. The groupe themsel ves serve f or the preeent merel y tc
assure the mutual understandi ng of those engaged i n the movenwnt; they
r ef r ai n f rom al l outsi de aoti vi ty.
Havi ng shattered the ol d l abor movement , FasoiPm nei ther can ncr vi l j
permi t the bui l di ng up of another. What i s rj orr, - th the 1 urtht. r
deepeni ng of the ori el s, the terrori sm must st i l l oo-.ti nua to L'*
sharper. The neoessl ty of ato ml zi ng the ma3see f- ;I '~l y n
-
-
i ng them under the di rect oontrol of the f esoi rr, 3t.?.v? door-
not, however, do away wi th the eoonomio neoessi ty ol L L i - . ' - i J ' C T
gether i n fereat numbers i n the enterpri ses, i ndustra.ee, ample;, .ti.
bureaue, l abor servi ce oamps, etc. The i mpossi bi l i ty cf for-nJ 3t
r
;
organi zati ons doee not abol i sh the ol aes struggl e i teel f ; in t
w
o v.e
a i tuat I on, i t wi l l eimply assume new f orms. The absence of do Mir -in.
permanent organl zati one wi l l and can onl y l ead to the extensi on cf c..
workers-oouno 11 movement. The eoci al devel opment has reaohed a pel*;
which makes the oounci l movement the natural and onl y poeei bl e one.
ibiat hi therto has been propaganda ari ses now from the rel ati one them-
sel ves. Sl noe the ol ass struggl e, vi ewed as the essenti al form 'f
hl stori oal movement, is not suscepti bl e of bei ng forbi dden,, the stru,
of the workers f or thei r exi stenoe must take the spoi l t anaone characte
under the f aaol st di ctatorshi p and w_l l be one wi th the organi zati on.
The-.oounoi l s exi et onl y so l ong as they are i n rati on; they ere i n ao
ti on ae eoon as they exi et. I n order to be permanent, they have f i r s
to wi n. They are at the same ti me the real i zati on of the uni ted f rc.
i noe they are not bound together on the basi s of i deol ogi es, but ar.
the exprees ion of the materi al l i f e needs of the combatants wi thout r.
gard to thei r i deol ogy. They make a real i ty of what coul d hi therto b
\
val i d onl y i n words; namely, that the Revol uti on la not a party
matter, but the af f ai r of the ol aaa.
To avoi d goi ng off I nto empty specul ati on regardi ng the oomlng Ger-
man l abor movement, i t must be real i zed that the peri od of di ai nte-
?
rati on of exi sti ng sooi ety consti tutes a new hi stori cal epooh whioh
ol l ows i ts own laws and not those of tho- paat. The ol d party move-
ment whioh regarded i tsel f as the deoi sl ve f aotor of the revol uti on
was i n rea^l ti ? onl y a chi l d of aspi ri ng capi tal i sm; a oh 11 d whioh the
oanul bai l i a^i o mether devours tn^the oti ai s. The aetti ng i n of thi a
new epeon i s neoefosarl l y bound ufrnrl fn the end of demooraoy and henoe
wi th the end of the previ ous l abor movement. The past, to be aura,
st i l l weighs upon the present and l eads to the bui l di ng or neo-
sooi al i st, neo-oommunist and other such "neo" organi zati ons, but al l
tradi ti ons must yi el d i n the f aoe of the ohanged oi roumstanoes. The
-world ori si s i s st i l l I n i ts f i r st stage, the prooesa of di ai ntegra-
ti on has onl y begun. The f arther thi a process advanoep, the more
must the terrori sm agai nst the workers be sharpened. But thi s terror -
ism serves f or thei r pol i ti oal eduoati on.- I n the oourae of devel op-
ment, faaoi am wi l l be compel l ed to destroy i ta own organi zati ons;
nature 6eta a l i mi t even to the greatest j oy i n thral l dom. Famiahinu,
f asci sts cease to be f asci ata. Resi gnati on ki l l s i ndi vi dual s, but
not cl asses. Every attempt of the workera to ward of f thei r i mpover-
ishmont wi l l be oombated i n the manner in which r ebel l i on are put
down. Thus even the most baokward workers wi l l be compel l ed, i n nrde
to save themael vea, to aot aa i f they were oonsoi ous revol uti oni sts.
Every assembly of workers becomes a reservoi r of revol uti onary energy
The weakness of the i l l egal organi zati ons wi l l not permi t of f.ny rv
degree of control <Ver t h e maeses. I n oomml+tees of aot ion and w.
kere Qounoils they wi l l oreate thei r own form of organi zati on and
thei r own l eadershi p. And i t I s only in these f i r st be.j i ^ri nga and
thei r quanti tati ve growth that the revol uti onary movement can be di s-
oerned.
The tempo of thi s development i s determi ned by that of the peri od of
di si ntegrati on, Unleaa there oooura a audden and rapi d deepeni ng of
the ori ai s or unl eaa a new war fundamental l y ohanges the whole worl d
pi cture, nothi ng muoh of a eurpri al i i B nature i n ref erence to the
l abor movement wi l l happen i n Geriw.y i n the nses- f utur e. Of a res-
torati on cf the l abor movement upon the basi s of "the ol d, nothi ng of
the sor* need be l ooked f cr, Eo'that, so f ar as concerns the party
movement, one wi l l ha^e tc l ony i ts very ex;.etence. I t i9 imposeiDle
to c ^ 'ei ve of any way in. which i t coul d sex. I t9el f up a? a qui ta
Sppci-i-i. feroup, si nce the movement i s i denti oal wi th the workv.'.pr cl aee
i bCe./. /.nd neverthel ess, st i l l more surpri si ngl y than di d the
fhs. oi .i cc, tac.t movement wi l l one day anatoh the power I nto i ta handt:
The Ootober.I aeue of the MODERN MONTHLY contai ns, betweon
other i nteresti ng arti cl es, a cr i ti ci se or
Workers Parco', by Paul katti ok, from the vlowpot/rt cf -he
counci l neveri ant. Also a cri ti que of Lcwia Cor.:"-" hook,
Hl .o Decl i ne of Ameiioan Capi tal iota" from the E tc..,~po
J
..;
of over-accumul ati on.
/ /
UNITY FOR WHAT?
Communist League and the Amor l oan Workers' Party
Move to Form New Party.
Aooording to the"Ml l i tant" (#57) the organi zati onal uni ty of t h*
groupe i i ol oae at hand. The pol i ti cal bargai nera ue j l MBt iJUI
to put thei r detl through to the sati sf acti on ot all conoer:
n
?J '
Tb
membership of both groupa wi l l bp^very happy, and they wi l l Pe
proud of a l arger and more i mportant organi zati on. The Trotsky
bodyguard wi l l easi l y f orget that onl y yesterday the J ustei tes
were f aki ra and pol i ti cal aooundrel a. The Muate orowd wi l l soon
agree that Troteky on the aame ai de wi th thei r "American Leni n ,
the former and present Pri est Muate i s not so bad. Together they
wi l l f i ght f or the Amerlosn ki nd of a revol uti on, and oel ebrate
the memory and bonea of Amerioan Bourgeoi s rebel s dead 150 yeara
or more.
The whole master i s a j oke, only i ndi cati ng that by thi s merger
they hope to etop the di si ntegrati on goi ng on in both groups. I t
i s of no i mportance to the working ol ass, and as a matter 01 i act
the workera i gnore both of "the onl y ones". Divoroed or com-
bi ned, they hava no f uture as thei r only weapona are outworn tra-
di ti ons whioh may st i l l oonfuse part of the workers, but never
real l y i nf l uence them.
Practi oal l y i t may be aummed up as an expressi on of the sound
pol i oy "f or bi ggr and bettor busi ness". As l ong as i t i s not
posi ti ve that thi s uni ty wi l l actual l y take pl aoe, i t ia ^
o t
worthwhi l e to daal wi th i t at great l ength. We wi l l oome baoic
to the aubj eot i n one of the f uture i aeues of the C. C.
WE WISHVTO ANNOUNCE: -
A Monthly Organ of The I nternati onal Communist Workera' Counci l
Movement.
"LIVING MARXISM"
A monthly magazi ne to be publ i shed begi nni ng J an. I , I935 "Li vi ng
Marxism" wi l l b# unique i nsof ar r.s i t wi l l not be restri cted by
party i ntereate, wi l l xx>t aerve te i ntereeta of any parasi ti o
boxooracy, or be obsoessed by l eader f eti shi sm. I t wi l l deal wi th
vi tal problems of i nterest to workers, and wi l l publ i sh onl y such
materi al whioh wi l l be of val ue I n the revol uti onary struggl e f o:
Communism. I t wi l l publ i sh the never-mentioned opi ni ons of Marx-
i sts l i ke Rosa Luxemburg, Franz Mehri ng, Karl Li ebnepht, Anton
Pannekeok, Herman Gorter, and many others. "Li vi ng Marxism" has
correspondents, revol uti onary workers, and wri taxs i n almoat
every oountry. I t wi l l be abl e to present obj eoti ve reporta cf
the si tuati ons in the vari ous oountri tf s,and on i nternati onal
eoal e. I t wi l l al so bri ng forward the eoonomio works of Henryk
Grossmann and others, of the greatest I mportance f or the i nter-
nati onal worki ng ol asa movement, whioh J iave been i gnored and aup-
preeaed by the "of f i oi al l abor f aki ra".
I t wi l l be publ i ahed by the Uni ted Workej e
1
. Party of Amerioa i n
col l aborati on wi th the Groupa of I nternati onal Communiate in Hol-
l and and Benmark, and the Council Movement* i n Germany,England,
Franoe,Bul ge-ri a,Checho-Sl ovaki a and Hun^n^y.We can expect no hel p
from the " of f i oi al l abor movement", eo we II&K. f or your euppcrt an.
aubaori pti on.Wri te to Uni ted Workers'Party - Chi cago, HI -
>$
-THE STRIKE WAVE.-
The present atri ke wave ia characteri zed by def eats and betrayal s.
The workers suf f er def eats beoause of thei r i nsuf f i ci ent and * ...
treacherous organi zati ons on the one hand, and beoause the capi tal -
i st ol ass and i ta atate oannot permi t a vi otory to the workera on
the other. Capi tal i am i n the peri od of general cri si s, must combat
to i ts f ul l est extent any attempt by the workers to improve thei r
oondi ti ons. Vi otory f or the workera would mean endangeri ng the posi -
ti on of oapi tal i sm. Every atri ke ia praoti oal l y l oat i n advanoe.
But thi ^ doee not excl ude the'neoeaa i ty of workera f i ghti ng every on-
sl aught on thei r l i vi ng atandard. We rauat take part in every one of
theae struggl es, and enoourage the worker to f i ght, because the pre-
sent stri ke wave in' spi te of i ts shortcomi ngs i s more i mportant than
the whole of the "of f i ci al pol i ti oal movement" at thi s ti me.The f aot
that theae stri kes are desti ned f or def eat or betrayal does not mi ti
v
r

vol ut
'i nary val ue of the struggl e. We may poi nt out that
on the basi 3 oi the present l abor movement no vi otory is possi bl e,
but we have to f i ght j n al l these l abor struggl e as they are. and
not as we. rui^.i
+
want them. We must stri ve tohi nder the l abor f aki rs
~ I f T ? taece stri kes to thei r own. advantage, and thi s i s beAt
done by the most aoo.wi ty on the actual 8tri ke f ront.
The f i ght f or exi stence ia the f i ght of today; and the struarKle f or
8

i e t
y
o a n
only grow out of these dai l y struggl es* Aa theae
truggi ee i norease, and aa the worker gai ns experi ence
i f f * ? i *kt changes i ta qual i ty and beoomea revoi u-
overthrow of the present system. A communist
?
a

r
denm the oharaoter of the stri kes and the or-
f o? thl
1
?!
b u t he mus t t a k e
P
ar t
^
t h e
stri kes and f i ght
of capi ta] iam
r t e 0 t T

ad t 0 r e v o l u t i o n 1x1
the decl i ni ng peri od '
t 0 g e t t h e n e x t i 8 0 u e of C oun
ci l Correa-
on nhal ! i enti rel y devoted to the transl ati on of the
. i J S i f . 0^818ti ng of ten separate arti cl es on thi s
o^ Hoi i i nS rt ^
0 i n t l
y
b
y
l h e
Group of I nternati onal Communists
si a "of fiSinWio
8
^
xcep
tl onal and comprehensive hi story and anal y-
T h er e W i l 1 onl
y
a
l i l t ed amount of copi es
avai l ao.i.e, ao order yours now.'
^
r
p J S =
d
*5
n

xt
pamphlet to be publ i shed by: Polemic Publ i shers
A cr i t iaue of tV\~T "
THE I NEV
ITABILITY OF COMMUNISM"',
I t % wttteJ f r S J ho V
s
I nterpretat i-n of Marx" by Paul Matti ck.
ArSTioT
v
l ew- poi nt of the Uni ted Workers' Party of
Should be in f h e ^h a S ^v l J y ^i l t f
6 0
' *
r 6 V 0 l U t i 0 n
^
MERICAN
b
W0RKER7
On b
fl
U ni t

d
Workers' Party: - "WHAT NEXT FOR THE
the needs 2 5 ft"}
16
* deal i ng m a si mpl e manner wi th
neeos ana f uture of the American l abor movement.
8 t
Hi have some copi es of :
World-Wide Fascism or World Revol uti on" - 10/
Bolshevism or Communism" - 5^-
UNITED WORKERS ' PARTY 160* M.Cal l f orni a Ave., - Chicago, I U .
/I
COUNCIL
CORRESPONDENCE
ENGLISH EDITION
For Theory and Discussion
CONTENTS:
T HE PERMANENT CRI SI S:
Hcnryk Grossmann's Interpretation of Marx's Theory
of Capitalist Accumulation.
Upton Sinclair on the road to Fascism?
The Uprising of the Dutch Unemployed in Amsterdam.
French Trotskyites go over enmass to the Socialist Party.
The Spanish Class Struggle.
NOVEMBER. i 9J 4 .. No. j
UNITED WORKER'S PARTY
AN APOL"OGY.
I n the f i r st i ssue of Counci l Correspondence we announoed
that thi s i ssue would be devoted to the "Thesi s on Bol she-
vi sm", a seri es of ten arti ol es prepared j oi ntl y by the
Group of I nternationaT""Commviiists of Hol l and. We are sorry
to aay that di f f i cul ti es encountered in the transl ati on of
the thesi s f orces us to postpone thi s materi al to the next
i ssue, number three - avai l abl e Dec. I ,
AN EXPLANATION.
I n March I93^> the Uni ted Workers' Party publ i shed the pam-
phl et "World-Wide Fasoi sm or World Revol uti on?" - the Mani-
f esto and Program of the Party. This mani f esto made a very
general and b^i ef anal ysi s of the most i mportant questi ons
wi th no attempt to take up any subj eot in detai l . I t was
hoped that subsequent bookl ets would treat eaoh subj eot
more f ul l y, and oover other subj ects not possi bl e i n the
f i r st paphl $t The pamphlet "Bol shevi sm or Communism?"
f ol l owed soofi fefter, and took up the questi on of the rol e
of the Party and the l eaders i n the revol uti onary movement.
The f eature arti ol e i n Counoil Correspondence #1, "What i s
Communism", hel ps to expl ai n our atti tude to the USSR. The
main arti ol e I n thi s i ssue el aborates the economio anal y-
si s in the mani f esto. A popul ar pamphlet now gone to press
enti tl ed, "Wlaat Next For The Amerioan Worker?'' wi l l al so
deal wi t^ questi ons not gi ven muoh spaoe in the f i r st book-
l et. Future i ssues of thi s paper, as wel l as the contem-
pl ated monthl y j ournal "L i vi ng Marxism", to be publ i shed
by the Uni ted Workers' Party in col l aborati on wi th the Euro-
pean groups, wi l l take up in datai l f or di soussi on al l the
questi ons aoifl problems of vi tal import to the Revol uti on-
ary Prol etari at.
For Theory And Discussion
INTERNATIONAL
COUNCIL CORRESPONDENCE:
PUftUSHED BY
UNITED WORKERS PARTY
English I60A N CALIFORNIA AV
^ Edition CHICAGO ILLINOIS p
P ^7? NOV 1934 NO. 2
\\ " //
THE- PfrP,AAAN ErNl CRISIS
Henryk Grossmann's I nterpretati on of Marx's Theory
of Capi tal i st Aooumulation
I .
Accordi ng to Marx, the development of the producti ve forces of so-
ci ety i s the motive power of hi stori cal devel opment. In acqui ri ng
new producti ve foroee men change thei r mode of producti on, and in
changi ng thei r mode of product i on, the i r manner of gai ni ng a l i vi ng,
they change al l thei r soci al r el at i on. Thi ';ranaformati on of the
spi nni ng wheel, the hand-lo^m Uid bl acksmi ths sl edge, i nto the sel f -
tendi ng mule, the power-l cou ar.d ""-h? ai e^j a hawrcer was not only ao-
oompanled by a ohange of the smal l , md.u i dual shops of the cr af ts-
men i nto huge i ndustri al pl ants employing thousands of workers, but
there al so oame wi th i t the soci al overturn from feudal i sm to capi -
tal i smj that i s, not merely a materi al revol uti on, but a cul tural
revol uti on as wel l .
Capi tal i sm as an economic system had the hi stori oal mission of de-
vel opi ng the producti ve f oroes of sooi ety to a mich greater extent
than was possi bl e under any previ ous system. The motive foroe in
the development of the produoti ve f oroes in capi tal i sm i s the race
f or prof i t. But f pr that very reaaon thi s process of development car
oonti nue only as l ong as i t i s prof i tabl e. From thi s poi nt of vi ew,
oapi tal beoomes a barri er to the oonti nuous development of the pro-
ducti ve f oroes as soon as that development comes i nto conf l i ct wi th
the necessi ty f or prof i t. "Then the monopoly of capi tal becomes a
f etter upon the mode of produoti on whioh has sprung up and f l our -
i shed al ong wi th, and under i t. Oentral i zati on of the means of pro-
ducti on and soci al i zati on of l abor at l ast reach a poi nt where they
become inoompat i bl e mi th thei r capi tal i st i ntegument".
Marx always consi ders the eoonomic l aws of motion from twpoi nts
38
"
a
prooess of natural hi story": second, in i ts
speci ri o, soci al form. The development of produoti ve forces went on
1
i n
V0
^y sooi al system, a prooess consi sti ng of an ever i noreasi ng
producti vi ty of l abor due to better working tocl s and methods. The
producti ve prooess under oapi tal i sm, in addi ti on to produci ng the
necessi ti es of l i f e, al so produoes val ue and surpl us val ue, and i t
my to thi s f aot that oapi tal i sm has been abl e to aocel er-
>
Hov.19^ Couno 11 Correspondence Page
2
t
ate the development f the producti ve f orces eo tremendousl y. They
are not only maohi nes, raw materi al and l abor-power, but al so oapi -
* tal . The development of the i nstruments of produoti on means the ex-
pandi ng of produoti on and reproducti on of oapi tal , and thi s i s only
possi bl e when surpl us val ue or prof i t i s the resul t of the produc-
ti ve process of oapi tal . By anal ysi s of the preoess of produoi ng
surpl us val ue, Marx f i nds the tendenoy of a oonf l i ot between the
materi al producti ve f oroes and thei r capi tal i st i ntegument. When
i nauf f i oi ent surpl us val ue resul ts from produoti on, i f oapi tal oan-
not be "uti l i zed", there i s no possi bi l i ty of conti nui ng the devel -
opment of the producti ve f oroes. The oapi tal i s ti o forms must burst
asunder to make pl aoe f or a hi gher, more advanced, eoonomio and
soci al system.
I n the capi tal i st system wage l abor i s,necessary f or the produoti on
of surpl us val ue. I n buyi ng l abor power, the capi tal i st aoqui res the
ri ght to use i t f or hi s own benef i t. By hi s l abor, the worker i s
abl e to produce a, greater val ue than he
v
oonsum9s, i . e. - he produces
more val ue than the capi tal i st pays him I n form of wages. Sinoe the
capi tal i st buys l abor-power at i ts exohange val ue, and has f ul l con-
trol of i ts use val ue, the resul t i s the oreati on of surpl us val ue
out of which he takes a part f or addi ti onal oapi tal , f or accumul a-
ti on, pays i nterest to the banker and rent to the l andl ord, al l ows
the merchant hi s conneroi al prof i t, and retai ns the rest f or hi s own
consumpti on.
All commodities have in^oommon the qual i ty of bei ng products of
l abor; they are measured*and exohanged in proporti on to the soci al l y
neoessary l abor time I ncorporated in them; thi s i ncl udes al so the
oommodity l abor power. The development of the producti ve f oroes
means i noreased producti vi ty of l abor, and i noreased producti vi ty
means l ess l abor i ncorporated in eaoh commodity, or l ees val ue,and
consequentl y IBSB surpl usval ue. This deoreaae in the val ue of one
si ngl e oommodity can only be compensated by the l norease of the quan-
ti ti es of commodities produoed, which means an l norease in the ex-
pl oi tati on of l abor. This i s done by two malnmethods: by l engtheni ng
the working day (" abs oi ute surpl us val ue"), or by shorteni ng the l a-
bor time neoessary f or reproduci ng the wages of the workers ("rel a-
ti ve surpl us val ue"). I f the l engtheni ng of the working day I s im-
possi bl e, then there only remai ns the shorteni ng of the necessary
l abor time whioh can only be done by decreasi ng the val ue of l abor
power. The deorease in the val ue of commodities i s the only means f
roduoi ng the val ue of l abor power, but thi s I n i ts turn oan only be
the resul t of i noreased producti vi ty. This process i s, at the same
ti me, an accel erator f orci ng teohni oal development at an ever i n-
creasi ng tempo t o war da mass produoti on and gi ganti c and oostl y
maohi nery, concentrated in huge i ndustri al pl ants, el i mi nati ng i n-
di vi dual and smal l / capi tal i sts in f avor of bi g capi tal i sts and cor-
porati ons.
Si nce wage l abor i s the souroe of hi s prof i t, the oapi tal 1st shoul d
be i nterested in expl oi ti ng as many workers as possi bl e. The more
workers, the more surpl us l abor and val ue, the more prof i t. But i t
i s neverthel ess a f act that from the very begi nni ng of the capi tal -
i st epoch, the number of workers employed rel ati ve to the oapi tal
employed, has been f al l i ng. Even i f thei r number has absol utel y i n-
creased f or a peri od, they have i noreased more sl owl y them oapi tal
Nov. 193** Counoll Correspondence Page 3.
has acoumul ated. Today the number of workers employed has f al l en, not
onl y rel ati vel y, but absol utel y. (Si nce 19*8 the number of those em-
pl oyed in American i ndustry has oonti nuQusl y deoreased though pro-
duoti on i noreaced unti l l y29.) I noreased producti vi ty coupl ed wi th
the process of concentrati on of oapi tal thus resul ts in a constantl y
growi ng mass of commodities produced by fewer and fewer workers, -
i ncrco^ed producti on, in i ncreased unemploymsnt. This f aot, in the
f ace of the capi tal i st urgent need f or more extensi ve expl oi tati on,
i ndi cates the l i mi ts of capi tal i st producti on. The more expl oi ta-
ti on j e i ntensi f i ed, the f aster these l i mi ts are reached. "The same
oi roumstar.eea whioh have i ncreased the produoti ve power of l abor,
augmented the mass of produced commodi ti es, expanded the markets,
accel erated the accumul ati on of oapi tal , both as oonoerns i ts mass
and val ue, and l owered the rate of prof i t, these same oi roumstances
have al so created a rel ati ve over-popul ati on and conti nue to create
i t al l the ti me, on over-popul ati on of l aborers who are not employed
by the surpl us oapi tal on account of the low degree of expl oi tati on
at whioh they might employed, or at l east on aocount of the low rate
of prof i t whioh they would yi el d wi th the gi ven rate of expl oi tati on.
The law of val ue i s, aocordi ng to Marx, the regul ator of the produc-
ti on of commodities and determi nes In what proporti on the work of
soci ety i s di stri buted, but thi a only hol da good f or soci ety aa a
whole, not f or i ndi vi dual capi tal i st uni ts. I n real i ty the law of
val ue i s only enf orced through the competi ti on of i ndi vi dual enter-
pri ses; aotiXal exohange of commodities does not take pl ace accordi ng
to val ue, but accordi ng to pri ce of producti on. I f ohe capi tal i st
sel l s above val ue, another oapi tal i st sel l s below. Compet i t ion, which
resul ts, in the establ i shment of the average rate of prof i t, al so es-
tabl i shed the l aw of val ue as the f i nal and general l aw which under-
l i es the sum total of I ndi vi dual transacti ons at*the pri ces of pro-
duoti on.
y
Without thi s, the rate of prof i t would di f f er from one branch of pro-
duoti on to another accordi ng to the rate of surpl us val ue, peri od of
capi tal turn- over, and the organi c composi ti on of capi tal . The grea-
ter the rate of surpl us val ue, the hi gher the rate of prof i t. (The
rate of surpl us val ue or expl oi tati on i s the surpl us val ue di vi ded
A* u
i n v eB
ted in wages, - the vari abl e oapi tal . The rate
oi pr ont i s the surpl us val ue di vi ded by the total capi tal i ncl ud-
ing constant oapi tal : - means of produoti on, and vari abl e oapi tal . )
ino qui cker the turn-over of capi tal , - i . e. , the qui cker the cap-
i tal i st gets hi s capi tal outl ay pl us surpl us val ue back, - the
hi gher the rate of prof i t, and vi se versa. The rati o between the
meana of produoti on and l abor power, expresaed in val ue form aa con-
J ? l
0 o a
P
i t al

we
cal l the organi c composi ti on of oap-
i taa. lhe hi gher the organi c composi ti on, the l ower the rate of pro-
t h
5
r a t
!
0f
P
r o f i t f 0
* i ndi vi dual capi tal s, but al so the
fnf ^ P
r o f l t
. conti nuousl y si nks on aocount of the ri se in
i f t S 5
a
2^ J
I )
S
i t
i
0 n

0 f o a
P
i t al
>
8ma11
capi tal s would be destroyed
i ste^Z ^ere unabl e to i ncrease thei r capi tal suf f i ci entl y. The ex-
oSi l tf i Sf i
e 0
* P
i t a l l 8 t
depends on a conti nuous i ncrease of hi s
oS
p r

d u c t l o n c o s t s
below normal . He stri ves to gai n
w 5
y
?F
oduoin
e ^ sel l i ng hi s products over thei r i n-
d
S
t h 6 i
S
E 0 0 i a l v a l u s
-
E ac h
^t a U s t has of neces-
si ty the same desi re and s o each capi tal i st must accumul ate.
Nov.19^.
Coui ol l Correapondenoe
Pago
I f he a t ops re invea t ing part of hi e auxpl ua val ue in hi e enterpri se,
he runs the ri sk of hl a oapi tal becoming val uel eaa, i f i ta j feohni oal
form io f al l i ng behi nd the general development of the producti ve f or-
gea, Thia f act reeul ta in agai n r a i s ing the
f urther l oweri ng the rate or prof i t, and thereby haatena the tempo
of development by eti mul ati ng tlw aearoh f or eartra- prof i t. To reai at
would mean economic aui ci de f or the oapi tal i at.
To underatand the acti on of the law of val ue and aooumulat ion.,. we
must f i r ot di sregard theae i ndi vi dual and external movementa, and
oonsi der accumul ati on from the poi nt of vi ew of total oapi tal ,
8
^
o e
the total eoci al oapi tal vfcluea and total pri oea are i denti cal . The
moat i mpor-unt f actor in thi a i nqui ry l a the oompoai ti on of oapi tal
and the changes i t undergoes in the oourae of the prooeaa of accumu-
l ati on". I n the oapi tal i at mode of producti on, and in that al one, ie
the development of the producti ve power not only expreaaed aa a
growth of meana of produoti on i n order to have more reeul ta wi th l eaa
l abor, (as *t ia expreaaed i n al l eo.onomio ayatema) but aa a ri ae in
the organi c oompoai ti on of oapi tal , more oonetant oapi tal , l eaa var-
i abl e oapi tal and a consequent f al l i ng rate of prof i t. "A f al l in the
rate of prof i t and a haateni ng of aooumulat ion are i nsof ar only di f -
f erent expreaai ona of the same prooeaa aa both of them i ndi cate the
development of the preducti ve power. Accumul ati on i n i ta turn haatena
the f al l of the rate of prof i t, inasmuch aa i t i mpl i es the concentra-
ti on of l abor on a l arge aoal e and thereby a hi gher oompoai ti on of
oapi tal ".
The f al l in the rate of prof i t i a at the aame ti me accompanied by an
i noreaae in the mass of prof i t aa l ong aa oapi tal aooumulatea f aater
than the rate of prpf i t f al l a. The si nki ng of the rate of prof i t and
the growth of the maaa of prof i t are theref ore both oauaed by capi -
tal i st accumul ati on. At the aan time the a i nki ng rate of prof i t acta
as an i ndex to the rel ati ve f f cl of the mass of prof i t. When the ao-
cumul ati on of oapi tal reaches a oertai n poi nt, the maaa of prof i t
wi l l f al l act onl y rel ati vel y to tte total oapi tal i nveated, but al -
ao absol utel y; a l arger aool al oapi tal wi l l bri ng an absol utel y
smal l er prof i t. But thi a poi nt only appeare at the end of a oertai n
peri od of aooumul ati on. Up to that poi nt, "the aame development of
aooi al producti vi ty of l abor expreaaes i tael f in the couree of cap-
i tal i at produoti on on the one hand in a tendency to a progreaai ve
f al l of the rate f f pr of i t, and on the other hand i n a progreaai ve
i noreaae of the abaol ute maaa of the appropri ated eurpl us val ue, or
prof i t; ao that i n the whole, a rel ati ve deoreaae of vari abl e oapi -
tal and prof i t ia accompanied by an abaol ute I noreaae of both."Thi a
ia the oharaoteri sti o expreaai on of the progreaai ve development of
the producti ve power of l abor under the capi tal i at mode of produc-
ti on.
I I .
Accumul ati on and Ori ai a.
The f al l in the rate of prof i t has thrown bourgeoi s eoonomy out of
bal ance. For Marx "the f al l i ng rate of prof i t turns i nto an antago-
nism of thi s mode of produoti on at a certai n poi nt and requi res f or
i ts def eat peri odi cal ori s I s." Accumulation and a hi gher organi o
composi ti on of oapi tal are i denti cal . With i t goea the f al l of the
rate of prof i t. With an organi o oompoai ti on (1:1) aay 3oonatant
oapi tal and vari abl e oapi tal , and a rate of expl oi tati on of I0$,
the rate of prof i t wi l l be 5C$. With an organi o oompoai ti on (5:1)
aay 25" constant oapi tal and 5vari abl e oapi tal , and the aame rate
Nov. 193*1 Counoll Correspondence
of expl oi tati on, the rate of prof i t wi l l be 16.6$. (As stated before
tho rate of auxpl ua val ue (here iOOS) la determi ned by the proporti o.
bewcer. the ne^ebao."y ar . t he ouip'.uR l ab^i ti me. But the rate of
pro
1
'i t su.'pi i o di vi ded by the fecial oapi tal ; i .e.- conatadt
ani vp.rl.able bo^h. ) . u su^'e 0 turpi e, both constant and vari abl e, oap-
i tal :.s L xreoaea. N-t only ia ti e ooal o of producti on expanded, but
the of w^rkaro employed ii.croa&ed. We began wi th a low organ-
ic composi ti on ( l : i ) end end wi th a hi gh (5
;
1) This i s both a oausu
an! expressi on of che mrrtMuad pr OiUiotlvity of l abor that al so must
bo PI pi c-Sw-ed I n an i ncreusoc ra'.e of surpl uc val ue. We had a rate of
a'Lrr>iv.6 vt?ue of ICO#,, but the i ncreased producti vi ty shortens the
necfl tesr;* l abor ti me ar.5 i ncreases the rate of surpl us val ue, which
0 .^r.oraotb the f al l of thfi rate of prof i t. I f the rate of surpl us
vai uo 19 I noreased frcm 100$ to 3 t h e n even a hi gh organi o 00m-
pcj i ti cn 01 capi tal (5"1) would yi el d the aame rate of prof i t, that
i s as the low organi c oompoai ti on ( l : 1) wi th a rate of Buapius
voi'.ic- of ;0Oft. 3e6 ides thi s, through the i ncreased producti vi ty of
l abor, the rate of surpl us val ue may al ao ri ae due to other oawsts
a,nd t lio reby compenaate f or the i noreaae in the organi o composi ti on.
We shal l l ater i nvesti gate thi s, but i n whatever way thi s may be ac-
comp: i s heel, the f act i s that the f al l i ng rate of prof i t i s ^aocom-
pan.led by a ri se in the maea of prof i t that oounteraota thej danger
i mpl i ed iii a f al l i ng rate. But thi s growth of oapi tal in turn im-
pl i ee a f urther f al l in the rate of prof i t. Thus the si nki ng rate
of prof i t createa f urther attempts to rai se the surpl ua val ue aa ia
actual l y the oaae.
Si nce at f i rat the f al l in the rate of prof i t ia accompanied by an
i noreaae in the masB of prof i t, i t ia di f f i cul t to understand how
the col l apse of oapi tal lam would reaul t from the deol i ne in the rate
of prof i t, and what rel ati on there ia between peri odi c cri al a and
the f al l i ng rate of prof i t. An expl anati on of thi a oonneoti on haa
of ten been attempted, but al l of thoae attempta have f ai l ed becauae
in eaoh oaae the expl anati on waa baaed on, and l i mi ted to, the i n-
vest l gati on of the f al l i ng rate of prof i t al one. Henryk Qroesmann
waa the f i rat to poi nt out that the cri ai a and the f i nal ool i apae
muet be expl ai ned not only bv the f al l i ng rate of prof i t, the mere
jn.dejc _gf,_pr_ f i t, but_by the aotual maaa of prof i t underl yi ng i t. Ac-
cordi ng to Marx, capi tal i at accumul ati on i a determi ned not only by
the rate of prqf i t, bu$ al ao by the maaa of prof i t. I n other worda
the eurpl us val ue may absol utel y i ncrease, but i t wi l l neverthel ess
be l nauri i ci ent f or the needs of accumul ati on becauae the ri si ng or-
gani c composi ti on oonstantl y BWBLIIOWS an ever greater part of sur-
pl us val ue.
Capi tal aooumulat ion i ni ti ated a aeri ea of great booms i nterrupted
f tf 7
0
cri sea. Aa he rate of accumul ati on grew, the i ntenai t"
?o
gr eW Wl t h i t
'
T he
oapi t&l i ot prootss of reproducti on'
^ mi?
ti
?
e f o r r a of a
ci rol e, but aa a spi ral , nar-
I ^ P^duoti on of val ues must, due to i ts mher-
+
a
'
l e a d t 0 l t B 0wn
negati on; but only the aooumule
t h
eee contradi ct ione oan transf orm -them i nto somethi ng qua..
resol uti on. The aame laws which had at
T ~~T . aotJ ve forces of a rapi d development cf ospi-.P
of capital ThlT^
ool l ap3o~aoea not devel op evenl y and in a al i g h t downward l i ne. J
i ? i nterrupted ae oapi tal i at real i ty modi fi es the gene-,
al abetra^t law of capi tal i st accumul ati on. Marx el aborated no
M- 1. - *- A . -
epeoi al theory of ori ses, but hi e anal ysi s of the l af B of ^Pi *
8
^*
8
^
reprQduoti i J n, or aoourau] ati on, vraa al so a theory of orl *i B. 1kJ*V
i l l ustrate wi th an abetraot tabl e the law of capi tal i st reproducti on.
I n order that accumul ati on may be possi bl e, J
h
|??
u r
P ^t Y S; ^f
be di vi ded i nto three parts; one to be i deated
1
*i n Addi ti onal c ^
etant capi tal , one i n addi ti onal vari abl e capi tal , ^d ftlJ iS tto
to be consumed by the capi tal i st ol ass as i ndi vi dual s. Pari ng
ri se of oapi tal iam, vari abl e capi tal growB as wel l as o^stant oap-
i tal , only ppre sl owl y. We begi n, i n our tabl e bel ow"- J * "* ~
gani o composi ti on of 2:1. The oonstant oapi tal grows at a yearl y rate
of 10$ the vari abl e at The rate of surpl us val ue remaps IOOJ
(Conetant capi tal we oal l C, vari abl e I . The consumpti on fund of the
capi tal i sts i s R. AC i s surpl us val ue avai l abl e f or accumul ati on or
oonstant capi tal ; W f or vari abl e. The val ue of the yearl y produot
we oal l VYP; the percentage of surpl us val ue ooneumed by the oapi tai -
i ata we oal l R%; the rate f or accumul ati on A#, tne rate of prof i t PJb.
2E
. 25T
5|25.9'
04 26.9'
Cg 127. 95
33.3
52.6
31.3
i 2al .
We see how i n thi s tabl e aooumul ati on i noreasee in spi te of a f al l -
ing rate of prof i t. Aooumulation pays f or the capi tal i eta, f or whi l e
thei r revenue beoomes smal l er rel ati ve to the surpl us val ue PS a
whole, i t i noreasee abaol utel y. During the f i r at year the oapi tal -
i ata command 75
000 aa
revenue (R); duri ng the f ourth year, S3.37^.
Thia tabl e i s a f l oti on that shoul d i n no wise be mi ataken f or real -
i ty. A progreaa i vel y hi gher organi o oompoai ti on accompani ed by a
oonetant rate, of expl oi tati on ia an i mpoaai bi l i ty, nay an absurdi ty.
The tabl e i s onl y meant to i l l ustrate the tendenoy of aooumul ati on
wi th.no di sturbi ng and compl i cati ng tendenci es. Even wi th a constant
rate of surpl us val ue,$acoumul ati on oan take pl ace so much f aster
wi th an i noreased rate"of expl oi tati on. Thi s tabl e al so ref l ects ao-
oumul ati on c*ily i n i ts val ue-f orm, not expressed in the\quanti ty of
use val ues; to express i t thus, would oauae many modi f i oati ons. The
deval uati on of capi tal neoeasari l y ooi neoted wi th ao oumul at icn--here
has been di sregarded.
I f we, l i ke Henryk Grossmann, extend thi a tabl e to the 35
t h
year, we
ahal l be abl e to show i f not aotual capi tal i st aooumul ati on, at
l eaat i ts "i nner l aw". But to arri ve at oapi tal i at real i ty, we must
in addi ti on to baai ng ourael ves cn the i nner law of oapi tal i at ao-
cumul at icr. al so take i nto acoount the el ements di sregarded in the
i l l ustrati ng tabl e. - I t must be bome in mind, however, that the
elera^nte i ter3gi i .c
,
.9d in the tabl e only determi ne the tempo of the
process of aocumul ati cn, ei ther hasteni ng or sl owi ng i t down; but In
ei ther case the prooesa remai ns essenti al l y the same. Let us f ol l ow
the tabl e:
.... ~w
29.C7J 29.3
30.30l ?8.^
53.37! H-}
55* 07 16."+
99.551 9-7
104.611 9.3
o8:
:
'<M .-^0.-1\iir3 , i3^r l l l ^M 64iW25,01 , 642, 097
0 /-51Q563/-14.75 156.275
f
V
J
, ^ ~.,r- .. iSFil
:1
i--
Oorre
oe 71 .
The tabl e ahows that the ^ame f orces whioh at f i r at made the ri se of
capi tal iam possi bl e at a certai n phase of accumul ati on l ead to 0*.-
aooumul ati on and UB Csequences. The constant capi tal , that in tne
f i r st year ( f i r st tabl e) was 5* .<* the y
0 a r s
t hB
the 35th year (second tabl e) 62.9$- The revenue (R) that unt J . the
20th year only i ncreased rel ati ve to the total mass of eurpl uB value
as shown by ( W from then on decr eases^ol ut el y. I * 35th year
i t di sappears compl etel y. I t i s onl ytaf ter the 20th yea.r thi t t:he
f al l i n the rate of prof i t i s f i r st f ext as an abs 01 ,,f al l that
part of the mass of prof:.t whioh the capi tal i st cl sas had at i ts di s-
posal f or i ts own pri vate consumpti on. Unti l the 20th year, accumu-
l ati on was a payi ng proposi ti on aa treasured by the returns. From tne
21st year, these returns dwi ndl e down to a vanl ahi ng poi nt. Bee idee
that, frcm the assumpti on made that the addi t l cj i al var i abl e capi tal
i noreaaea yearl y AV has a def i ci t. I nstead of the needed 26,2co
in the 35th year, only 1^,756 i s avai l abl e, l eavi ng a def i ci t of /
11,509. Thi s def i oi t would represent the i ndustri al res*.sy<r army as '
the i nevi tabl e outcome of the capi tal i st process of aocumul ati on .The
oapi tal accumul ated in the 35th year oan't f uncti on compl etel y. Be-
cause 11,509 workers oannot be empl oyed, the whole addi ti onal con-
stant capi tal (AV: 51 ^>5^3) oannot be rei nvested. ^1 the bas ia of
our assumpti on, a popul ati on of 551,548 i n the 36th year would re-
qui re a oonstant capi tal of 5>6l b,200j consequentl y by a popul ati on
of 5^0,075 only 5,499,015 oonstant oapi tal coul d be i nvested. There
i s a oapi tal surpl us of 117,185 that cannot be used. I nsuf f i ci ent
oapi tal "uti l i zati on" has l ed to over-acoumul at i on. We have a sur-
pl us of oapi tal unabl e to expand and an unusabl e surpl us popul ati on.
I The empi ri oal researohes, e.g. by W.C.Mitohel i n the U.S.A. has
shown that in time of eoonomio expansi on prof i t i s uni nterruptedl y
i noreasi ng, whi l e a cr i si s i s preoeded by a decrease of prof i ts. )
Thus, i ncreasi ng "uti l i zati on" df oapi tal i s the chi ef oause of cap-
i tal aocumul at i on, and the l ack of a suf f i ci ent "uti l i zati on" of
capi tal the oause of cri si s.
The theoreti oal f ormul ati on of the theory of over-aooumul at ion as
here presented was f i r st undertaken by Henryk Grossmann who conai d-
era hi s work as only a reoonstruoti on of Marx's theory of accumul a-
ti on whioh i s the theory of cri si s and col l apse. Aocordi ng to
Gross nann, i f aooumul ati on is to take pl aoe, the organi o composi ti on
of oapi tal must i ncrease and then a rel ati vel y ever greater part of
the surpl us val ue must be taken f or the purpose of the addi ti onal
constant oapi tal (AC). As l ong as the absol ute mass 'of the total so-
oi al capi tal of a low organi c composi ti on i s smal l , the surpl us
val ue i s rel ati vel y l arge, and l eads to a rapi d i ncrease i n accumu-
l ati on. For exampl e: by a oomposi ti o of 2C0 fl / 100 V (- ICO S
(surpl us val ue), the oonstant oapi tal oan (assuming the total surpl us
val ue to be used f or tbe aooumul ati on) be i ncreased by 5 ^ i ts
ori gi nal si ze. At a hi gher stage of capi tal accumul ati on, wi th a con-
si derabl y hi gher organi o composi ti on, e. g. 14, 9 C / 100 V / 15O 8
the i noreased mass of surpl us val ue i s only suf f i ci ent, when used aa
addi ti onal oapi tal (AC) f or an i ncrease of 1%7
By oontl nued aooumul ati ai on the basi s of an ever hi gher organi o com-
posi ti on, a poi nt must be reaohed when al l accumul ati on ceases. Not
every fragment of oapi tal oan be used f or expansi on of producti on. A
def i ni te minimum proporti on i s needed which grows conti nuousl y wi th
the/progress ive accumul ati on of oapi tal . Theref ore, s inoe i n the dev-
el opment of oapi tal accumul ati on, a not onl y absol utel y but al so
pv.
j. Csuoc 11 Corresponds nee -
rel ati vel y greater part of the mass of s urpi us v a c ^^u l a t Ton**
f or the purpose of accumul ati on. At a hi gh stage f g( f f >
where the total soci al capi tal i s of huge u at become BQ
val ue demanded f or addi ti onal constant oapi tal '^0) . n0i nt
great that i t f i nal l y absorbs al l of the surpl us val . J L i t i o n a l
must oome when the parts of surpl us val ue to be decrease ab-
workers and f or capi tal i st consumpti on (AV and R)mus or evi ousl y
soi utel y. This would be the turni ng poi nt at which th p
l atent tendency, to o oi l apse begi ns to.be aoti ve. l t l c J a B ,
that condi ti ons neoessary f or the progress of
ac

um
^:_ absol utel y"
oan be met, that the mass of surpl us val ue though gr wn oddi -
i s i nsuf f i ci ent to take care of i ts three f unoti cns. i n i U-
tl ooal constant capi tal (AC) is taken from the surpl us val
essary quanti ty, then the revenue at di sposal i s i nsui i i oi
take care of the consumption of workers and empl oyers at - - "
vai l i ng scal e. A sharpened struggl e between the working oi as
empl oyers over the di vi si on of the revenue thus becomes in
I f , on the .other hand, tho capi tal i sts by pressure from the workers
are f oroed to mai ntai n the wage scal e and the part earmark d
cumul ati on (AC)thua deoreases, the tempo of accumul ati on ax s o ,
- a-d *he producti ve apparatus oannot be renewed and expanded t
pace wi th techni cal progress. All f urther aooumulat i on must, under
such condi ti onsi ncr ease the di f f i cul ti es, , si nce f or a gi ven p p-
ul ati on the mass of surpl us val ue oan only be rai sed by a tri l l i ng
amount. Surpl us val uefl owi ng from the previ ousl y i nvested capi ta-
must theref ore l i e f al l ow, arfil there ari ses a surpl us of i dl e cap-
ita."
1 1
"nk
ir
jq; J
nT>
Sf
Thus accumul ati on i s a pr-ocess that i nevi tabl y l eads to overproduc-
ti on ot capi tal , to ever i ncreasi ng enerrploymf-nt, to a surpl us ot
OTTTn: UNABLE TO FUNCTION PROFITABLY^. and an unuseabl e surpl us pop-
ul ati on. And thi s i s the f i nal great contradi cti on of capi tal i st
producti on that causes i t to go to pi eces. "The-fact tfcat the means
cf produoti on and the producti vi ty of l abor i ncreases more rapi dl y
than the producti ve popul ati on, expresses i tsel f , theref ore, capi -
tal i sti oal l y "in the i nverse form that the l abori ng popul ati on always
i ncrease more rapi dl y than the condi ti ons under whioh capi tal can
employ thi s i ncrease f or i ts own s el f -expansi on .
^n the basi s of thi s anal ysi s of accumul ati on, the questi on no l ong-
er i s whether the .capi tal i st system wi l l col l apse, but rather why i t
has not al ready ool i apsed. We have hi therto fol l owed the process of
accumul ati on in a f i cti ti ous capi tal i sm. Real i ty i s di f f erent. The
law of capi tal i st col l apse as demorstrated by us f uncti oned in a^
"pure" capi tal i sm, - a oapi tal ism that actual l y does not exi st. In
order to best i l l ustrate the J.aw of capi tal i st aooumul ati cn and c-
t-e^uences fl owi ng theref rom, we have had to di sregard the secondary
f eatures and tendenci es that are characteri sti c of ,the real capi tal -
ism. For the'purpose of our i nvesti gati on up to now, they were qui te
i rrel evant sui ce they only obsoure the i nner law of the process of
capi tal i st accumul ati on. Outside of the al ready ment i oaed s impl if i -
ca i ons, we deal t only wi th the prooess of producti on, di sregardi ng
ire.1 if i cati ons of accumul ati on by the process of ci rcul ati on. Only
i Vj dynamics of soci ety as a whole i nterested us, so that we di d not
;3i ci der the i ndi vi dual spheres of producti on, and di sregarded oom-
pj - .i ti on and i ts modi fyi ng ef f eot on the tempo of accumul ati on. I n
c r anal ysi s of accumul ati on there was no f orei gn trade which from
the poi nt of view of capi tal i st producti on i s of great i mportance.
flav. 1954 Counci l Qerreapondenot ? y i -
We di sregarded the middle ol ass groups, and pok -7*
l abor. There was i n our anal ysi s no credi t probl em. We
i t as well as other i mportant items that more or l ess modixy the ab
sol ute law of accumul ati on. I n short, our anal ysi s of Mounul nti on
i s baj ed on a non- exi stent oapi tal i sm. All that we set out t d as
to -oaai rate that by f ol l owi ng the process of accumul ati cn i n^such
a
r
pu oai i tal i et system, the resul t would wi th mathemati cal ^er-
t amt / be col l apse of the system.
Si nce, in real i ty, there i s no such "pure" capi tal i st system, i t
f or. ows that the tendency to col l apse does not operate in the acove
dowcri bcf' "pure" form. I nstead, the "pure" tendency of capi tal i st
act uiiu.'.at i on :s sl owed down in i ts di zzy pace by counteracti ng ten-
den.:.-
4
.?? which sl .i o ari se out of the capi tal i st devel opment, ihe ten-
dency towards ool i apee whioh i s expressed through cri ses i s neverthe-
l ess olowed down and temporari l y hal ted by these very cri ses though
they be the embryonic form of the f i nal col l apse; but the counter
tendenci es are essenti al l y of a temporary oharacter. They oan post-
pone the col l apse of the system. If the cr i si s i s only an embryonic
cpl l apce, the,.f i nal col l apse of the capi tal i st system i s nothi ng
el se out a ori si a~ f ul l y devel oped and uni l i ndered by any counter
tendenoi es.
I f the causes of ori s i s are over-accumul ati on which makes the "uti l -
i zati on" of capi tal i mpossi bl e, then new means must be establ i shed
to assure agai n the necessary oapi tal "uti l i zati on" i n order to eflSd
the cri j si s. According to Marx, a cri si s i s only a prooess of heal i ng,
a vi ol ent return to f urther prof i tabl e expansi on; from the poi nt of
view of the capi tal i sts, a "cl eani ng out". But af ter the "cl eani ng"
wi th i ts seri es of capi tal i sti c bankruptc i es, and the starvati on of
the workers, the process of aceumuLsti oh i s conti nued and af ter awhi l ;
the "uti l i zati on" nf capi tcu at'ai 'i becojjeg i nsuf f i ci ent. The sel f -
expansi on stops as the accumvl c-ed capi tal agaim becomes too l arge
on i ts new basi s. The new cri si s oet3 i n. In thi s mamer, the ten-
dency towards col l apse i s broken up i nto a seri es of apparentl y i n-
dependent cycl es.
I l l
*
How Cri si s Are Overcome.
The changi ng peri ods in the economic cycl e may be l onger or shorter,
but thei r peri odi ci ty i s a f act. I t i s furthermore a fact, that the
boom peri ods are always growing shorter, whi l e the durati on and i n-
tensi ty of the peri ods of cri si s i s i noreasi ng. Thi s reveal s the f act
that the tendenci es which serve to del ay the col l apse of capi tal i sm,
whi l e bei ng an i ntegral part of capi tal accumul ati on, are neverthe-
l ess greatl y weakened wi th every passi rg cycl e; and the overcoming
of ori sds beoomes an ever greater di f f i cul ty. The Uni ted States has
passed through a seri es of i ndustri al cri ses fol l owed and preceded
by boom peri ods. The cri si s of IS37
w
as preoeded by a f everi sh ac-
ti vi ty of constructi on. A nat i orwi de network of roads were bui l t,
canal s were corstruoted and stea
r
crhi p rtr^f f io devel oped. G igc nt io
amounts of oapi tal were i mported, and a general opt i -rusti c anti ci pa-
ti on of prof i ts devel oped specul ati on. By tho f i r st si gn of i nsuf f i -
ci ent- prof i tproducti on, "busi ness" fl owed i nto specul ati on that
then took the most bandi t- l i ke forms. A cri si c shortl y fol l owed. To
bourgeoi s eocncmi sts, the or i s i s appeared to be caused by tne"i m-
possi bi l i ty of payi ng i nterest on borrowed oapi tal , as the rate of
%
Htov. 1934 Couio'll Correspondence Page 10.
prof i t that ooul d be yi el ded wa too smal l . "'The pani o of 1357 was
preceded by a peri od of i ntoxi cati on due to the di scovery of Cal i -
f orni a gol d, and the l arge rai l road oonstruoti ons ai di ng i ndustri al
development In general . Again prosperi ty was transf ormed i nto I n-
tensi f i ed specul ati on whioh i s always the oase when prof i ts beoome
smal l . The ori el s was agai n expl ai ned by the probl ems of "i nterest".
Accordi ng to bourgeoi s concepti ons, the rai l roads were ccni truoted
too 'qui ckl y", i ndustry devel oped too "hasti l y", and i t beoama im-
ppos ibi.-i to pay i nterest en the money i nvested in i ndustry. Capi tal
h'J-Cl growr. f aster than the possi bi l i ty of "uti l i zi ng" thi s growth.
Thle was f al l owed by the ori s i s of 1373, 1893, 197, 1921, - to name
onl y the moat i mportant.
In whatever manner these cr i si s were expl ai ned, each i ndi vi dual ex-
pl anati on suggested that prof i ts were i nsuf f i ci ent, that f urcher ex-
pansi on of i ndustry was unprof i tabl e and f ot that reasai coul d not
take pla.ce, so that eaoh expl anati on, unoonsoi oual y i t i& true, gi ves
over-ai cumul ati cn as the cause of cri ses. But no one spoite about
th
4
.s.ad the i nevi tabl e outoorae of the oapi tal i st prooeso of aouumu-
l ati o.o: ti l l s f aot was aiwsya di sgui sed as "overproducti on of corn-
mod i t leu'
1
, '^a too heavy burden of debts aiid i nabi l i ty to pay i nterest"
The i al l of pri ces, theref ore, was aooepted as tne oauoe of cr i si s.
Accordi ng to Marx, in ti mes of ori si s, the rate of prof i t and wi th
i t the demand f or i ndustri al capi tal al most di sappears. There i s n 0
purehas I ng power wi th whioh to expand product l on. out, no use
I s rn.de of thi s purchasi ng power because i t does, not oay to expand
produ';i on 6l noe expanded product ion does not br i rft i n more but
l ess surpl us val ue tftah on the previ ous so ale"." Though "expansion oi
prodacr.tai has "become unprof i tabl e, prodi xsti on at f i r st conti nues x
at i ts previ ous volume. By thi s conti nuati on of producti on at i ts
previ ous rate, each .year, there i s produced surpl us val ue part of
whioh .is i ntended f or accumul ati on, but wi thout any ohance f or such
appl i cati on. Thereby the stock of unsol d means of producti on, .of ui -
sol d goods 'i n general grows; cost of stori ng i ncreases, pl ant equi p-
ment i s unnecessari l y ti ed up si noe there i s no ref l ux through sal es
of commodities produced. The oapi tal i st must at any cost sel l , to
obtai n the means of conti nui ng producti on at i ts previ ous scal e.Thi s
l eads to pri ce cutti ng and l i mi ted operati ons of f actori es. Enter-
pri ses go bankrupt; unemployment grows.
The capi tal i st soi uti ari to thi s probl em l i es In the reestabl ishment
of the "uti l i zati on" of oapi tal . To do thi s, ei ther the val ue of
the constant capi tal ' must be deoreased, or ,the surpl us val ue in
orea&ea. Both possi bi l i ti es are found in the sphere of producti on
ae wel l a3 in the sphere of oi rouL ati an. We shal l deal here only
wi th a lew of the tendenci es that overoome cri ses and del ay the col -
1 apso of the system.
We sai d the oapi tal i st always sees the f al l of pri ces as the cause
.of or u i3. A ri se in pri ces, consequentl y means to him the begi nni ng
of recovery, Bourgeoi s economi sts cl ai m that as pri oea f al l , bankrupt-
cy eo inor.j ace proporti onal l y, aod they of f er stati sti cal demonstra-
ti on i ni a f act. A'.-ooriing to.them, pri ce stabi l i ty i s a guaren -
tse ot soci al stabi l i ty. 3ut what they real l y show i s only the i n-
creased producti vi ty of l ob or expressed in pri ces. The bemoaning of
tenkr- pto lee only i l l uetratee the prooees of capi tal concentrati on,
in spi te of thi s, bourgeoi s economi sts have al ways, in thei r super-
jjov. 1934 Counci l Corresponds rce _Pag?_Al_i_
f i oi al manner poi nted to the f al l of pri ces as the oause of cri ses,
and they sti l l hol d to thi s eti i pi d expl anati on in f ace of the f act
that in the U.S. si nce 1925 & boom peri od took pl aoe wi th f al l i ng
pri oes. I t i s al so a f act that the expansi on of the producti v^ap-
paratus takes pl ace in ti mes of depressi on when pri ces are l ow. Only
when the demand created by that expansi on exoeeds suppl y wi l l pri ces
i ncrease. Therefore, the ri se in pri oes, i f i t takes pl aoe, whioh i s
not absol utel y neoessary, i s the ef f eot and not the cause of recov-
ery. Nay, prof i tabl e operati on must be made possi bl e at the low
pri oe l evel bef ore reoovery can b&gin. Thi s demands i ncreased pro-
ducti vi ty of l abor whioh agai n means hi gher organi c composi ti on of
capi tal , or the reproducti on of the ori si s on a hi gher pl ane.
I ncreased producti vi ty i s, besi des other thi ngs, a prooees of con-
cent rat ioa and central i zati on accompanied by amalgamat ion of i n-
dustri al uni ts and general rati onal i zati on. So that the cri ses,even
though they are accompanied by "overproducti on" are always overcome,
in spi te of that, by a f urther expansi on of producti on. That thi s
l eads to i noreased l ayi ng off of workers f i r st rel ati ve to capi tal
employed, l ater al so absol utel y does not al ter i ts neoessi ty. Sta-
ti sti cs show that i n peri ods of upswing in the I toi ted States those
bankruptci es whioh occurred i nvol ved smal l enterpri ses, and that
whi l e these bankruptci es i ncreased, trusts made superprof i ts in
spi te of f al l i ng pri oes. Trusti f i cati on made l arger prof i ts at l ower
pri oes possi bl e, whi l e the smal l enterpri ses outsi de thi s movement
of "rati onal i zati on" suooumbed. Prof.Ei temanj n wri tes:
"The l<5w pri oes which had prevai l ed duri ng the depressi on
of 1873, enoouraged the i ntroducti on of l abor- savi ng de-
vi ces by i ndustry in order to cut cost of manufacture. This
searoh f or oheaper methods of producti on oonti nued even
af ter the return of prosperi ty, and resul ted iiC a steady
downward trend of pri ces".
'he i ncreased producti vi ty of l abor, and the thereby rel ati vel y dim-
i ni shed cost of constant capi tal makes the "uti l i zati on" of capi tal
agai n possi bl e. This tendency i s apparent duri ng the present ori si s.
Reports l i ke the f ol l owi ng are not i nf requent:
"General El ectri o's new power pl ant of $4-, 000, 000 wi l l be
ready f or operati on rsxt spri ng. Aooording to the esti -
mates of the engi neere, the pl ant wi l l produce steam and
ki l owatt hours of energy at a l ower ooet than has ever
before attai ned"^
At the eaae time that the "Merohant Fl eet Corporati on" al l owed 124
shi ps of approxi matel y one mi l l i on tqns to be destroyed, the con-
structi on of 20 mi l l i on tons of new shi ps are pl anned even though
"overproducti on" l eaves a great number of these shi ps i dl e in port.
I n the cri si s, i n spi te of "overproducti on", the apparatus of pro-
ducti on i nstead of becoming restri cted has been enl arged, neverthe-
l ess, previ ous cri ses have passed. The ori si s, then, i s not a re-
stri cti on of the real apparatus of producti on, but a breakdown of an
aooepte,d system of pri ces ahd val ues and i te reorgan i zat ion on a
new l evel .
Acoording to Marx, the tendenoy i n the f al l of the rate of prof i t i s
acoompanied by an i norease i n the rate of surpl us val ue, or in the
rate of expl oi tati on of l abor. By the development of the producti ve
H ov -1Q-& Come11 Correspondence ~^
e 12
^
f orcea, c o mi t i es are * a* o h e a ^ S l p U aT
mod I t lea oonsumed by the workers >tte el emi 8 inks and rate of expl oi -
are made oheaper. The val ue cf J abM P b i ntensi f yi ng l abor by
tat i on i noreaeea. The aame ef f ect i s gai e y Qf 8paedp_ upt o r
teohni oal rati onal i zati on and by m^P . t i mportant meana la
by l engtheni ng the working day. One
f
the ^P ; * ! w taki ng ad-
b? t h/ f or oSj j of .; bal owthe val ue of l abor f o w a r
vantage of the growiaig array of ^f t ^ ben0me a "basi a" of exl atenoe
# i ^S ^^i a ^l ^I ^r f d l o ^o o S e p t i o f . h a t by moreas* g
f or uho *1.0x6 system.} ine ri axoux overoome haa always
ia l nC r e' d b y ^T l t ^- r l t ol r g that P ur chase power
S i ! f ur ther ^I t I s . S ot l ?
capi tal lam tri ea to overoome the ori al e. Thus,
Fl nanoi al Chroni ol e" wri tes:
-The manufacturer ifl no l onger abl e to pro4> I ^
a prof i t, end accordi ngl y he atopa produci ng at al l nno
a3 a oonaequonce, hoeta of f w *
6
" o S S i d be
i dl e and out of employment. I t the
p
*
e
i S t ^e a
induced to prevai l upon the wage earners to adj ust age
to a l ower baa 1a, one more nearl y in aocord wi th tne
tiTBe, trade depreeai on would aoon beoome a thi ng
the paat."
Stati sti cs, f or example those of the U.S.Steel Corporati on, show
that cri ai a ar.d i ncreaai ng expl oi tati on run paral l el .
Aug. 1,1918 1<# i noreaae i n "ages
Cbt. 1, 1918- - 8 hour baai a day adopted
FV* I T Q5 O 1 CPL ir\n -naoaa H n WOO-AP
Feb. 1,1920 1
i ncrease i n wages
Mav 16! 19^1 20% deoreaae
J une 6 1921 basi o "
abol i ahed
hour da
cent hourl y
- - deoreaae tc
Sept. 1,1922 26% i noreaae
Apri l 16,1923 - - 11* "
Cot. 1.1931 10% deorease
The orl sl s of 1921 destroyed the previ ousl y adopted 8
l ed to sharp wafce outti ng. I n 1931 thi s waa repeated. The i ntenal
f l oat i on of expl oi tati on is cme of the strongest tejodenoiee working
agai nst capi tal i st ool i apse.
The shorteni ng of the time of oapi tal turn- over I s al j o a J ?
6
aoti ng agai nst col l apse. The main means f or accompl i shi ng thi s out-
ai de of i ncreased producti vi ty, are better and more di reot j eane
f
0ommunioatioiB, especi al l y transport, and dl mi nuati o n of took
1
atorage, eto. Furthermore, an i noreaae i n use-val ues at the same
exohange val ue, and the foundi ng of new spheres of P *
d
^t i
w
*th
l ower organi o oomposi ti cn weakens the tendeaoy towards the ool i apse
si noe these branches of producti on yi el d exceptl ai al l y hi gh prof i ts.
Aa the capi tal i et ol asa cannot -di spose of the appropri ated surp_us
ti al uo al one, but oust di vi de i t wi th the middle cl ass groups, xne
c l i e la i s a], ways the begi nni ng of an i ntensi f i ed f i ght betvreen chess
ri oupp I n the form of a ti ght of "actual " producers agai nst grouua
rent oonraoroial prof i ts, and al l other "parasi tl oal elements., ^n
bl crt, a f i ght of i ndustri al oapi tal l ata agai nst al l other capl uaJ -
Hov.1934
Counci l Correspondence
Page 13.
i sts and the mi ddl e-ol eas groups who expl oi t l abor I ndi rSoti y thru
the i ndustri al l sts.
An i mportant el ement In r e - e , t o h j n g prof
deval uati on of oapi tal . l hi s detoalua nt a amal l er val ue,
amount, of means of product i on bei ng rep organi o composi ti on
The touhni oal oompoei ti cn (H.P. :L) "mai ne, the J gan ^ ^
(O.V.) si ni s. The mass of surpl us val ue remai ns tne a ^ l t
i s now cal cul ated on a smal l ei oapi tal baa , f ^ a t r u m_
xi aen. I.; wars Se f l gS uo S X a t i . of
O-IB pri ces. Cri si s and capi tal i sx wars axe gx6u< f ^0
constant cent al by vi ol ent destructi on of val ue as wel l of use
val ue formi ng i ts materi al baoi s.
By ever drawing in new f orei gn uee-val uea, oapi tal J
B t
T ^^por ti ng
expanded and the tendenoy towards ool i apse "sake re ^ i ncreases
of cheap f oodstuf f l
w
ere the val ue of
1
a P f n l s h i x l g 0f oheap
the rave of surpl us val ue p r u p o r t ^l y . By t heJ uxni ^ ^ a r 4
raw materi al s, tuo ei e^nta of oonetant capi tal are a0l l x 0eS
-he rate of r r of l t i ooreaaed. Tnia i s why the axruggxo x 1nt f l r na_
OT- raw materi al s ooi i trl buteo one of the main objeox eaual i zati cn
ti onai oapi tal i et pdi vl cs. Through tho tendency of ^/ ^i z a t i o n
of prof i ts, the mOre hi gi ay (ievexoped counxrxos P P t ^g T^18
of the surpl us val ue oroated Xu the les& deve] pe prof i t. By f or -
extra prof i t oouateraota tho c i nki ng Cjff the rate of prof i t. tfy^ror
ei gn trade, the movement towards u oi l apse is si matter of l i f e
thi s, wi th the development of aoounul ^i on ^eoomee a matter of l i f e
and death to the capi tal i st system, i t heads i mperi al i s P
to become more and more vi ol ent.
The i nternati onal oharaoter of ori el s devel ops wi th
The same f actor al so l eads to the development of ^
yet even though so much cepi tal has been aoo^ul ated thdt. W|her
aooumul ati on, though i cbeesary, I s unprof i tabl e a " >11^ ' ^
aystem need not f ol l ow i s lcr.g as
s u f f 10 i e n t o a
Pl tal
eign l oans and i nvestments oan f i nd a rew and Bati af ao y
"uti l i zati on". Thi s makes the export of oapi tal
0
k
ar
ater 1stl c f
i mperi al i sm All these el ements, concentrated i n i mperi al i sm, are
remediea agai mt 'the i nsuf f i ci ency of prof i ts The f i nal oaawgj n. a
of i mperi al i sm i s the pol i ti cal annexati on of f ore ign terri tori es
ao that the securi ng of an addi ti onal stream of aurpl u a ,
to postpone oapi tal i st ool i apse. As the progress of accumul ati on
makes the threat of ool i apse more imminent, the i mperi al i st tende
ci ea are proporti onal l y strengthened.
IV
Permanent Cri si s.
We have previ ousl y shown that the Marxi st theory of accumul ati on i s
the l aw of the ool i apse of the oapi tal 1st system. We have rurtner
demorstrated that thi a law is jB*eroome by oounter-ten denei es _or ^er-
tai i i peri ods. But these counter-tendenol ee are themsel vee cve.c^ffi
In V.J& course of development or l oee thei r ef f ect through siocia-
u'.at.ion. Rati onal i zati on beoomes f ai l i ng rati onal i zati on. Aii\..r
r
sjta.-
or merging of i ndustri al ui i ts, i s made unfavorabj .e oy v.
i 'ri u w2 ib*ht of ol osed down - j ni ts. Wage outti ng and i ntenp \t it ' -
x
"
o. .'i. ts.; ion al so have thei r l i mi ts. The workers%cannot perma'^r ti y be
pai d below thei r ooat of reproducti on. Dead and starvi ng wo.:kcie
Cornel l Correspondence . Page 1^.
produces no surpl us val ue. The shorteni ng of the time of oapi tal
turn-over has i ts l i mi t beyond whioh i t breaks the conti nui ty of
produot i on and oi roul ati on. Even i f oommeroial. prof i ts were el i m-
i nated al together, the si nki ng of ths rate of prof i t .would eti l l
conti nue. Forei gn trade as a oounter-tendenoy el i mi nates i tsel f by
turni ng oapi t,al -i mporti i g ooui tri ea i nto capi tal - exporti ng countri es
by f oroi ng thei r i ndustri al development through a het house growth.
As the f orce of the oounter-tendenoi es i s stopped, the tendenoy of
capi tal i st ool l apse i s l ef t i n oontrol . Then we have the permanent
ori el s, or the death ori s is of oapi tal ism. The only means l ef t f or
the oonti nued exi stence of oapi tal ism i s then the permanent, absol ute
and general pauperi zati on of the prol etari at.
I n previ ous ori ses i t has been possi bl e to regai n suf f i oi ent oapi tal
"uti l i zati on" wi thout permanent outti ng of real wages. Marx sai d: " in
the measure as oapi tal accumul ates, the si tuati on of the workers,
whatever i ts pay, hi gh or low, must beoome worse". Al l stati sti cs
avai l abl e show that accumul ati on and pauperi zati on of the workers
are two si des of the same process. But i n the peri od of the ri se of
oapi tal ism only a rel ati ve, but not neoessari l y absol ute, pauperi za-
ti on of the workers took pl aoe. This f act formed the basi s f or re-
formi sm. Ctoiy when the prol etari at must neoessari l v be absol utel y
pauperi zed are ob.leot l ve condi ti ons r l pef c
T
movement.
real revol uti onary
I f , i nstead -of mi sl eadi ng oursel ves by the aotual i ncrease of nomi-
nal wages in the Uni ted States duri rg the l ast three deoades, we
examine the trend of wsges in rel ati on to producti on, we shal l have
a true pi oture of the rel ati ve pauperi zati on of the Amerioan prol e-
tari at. I f we divicte the i ndex of real wages by the i ndex of pro-
ducti on, we have the iitftex of the purchasi ng "?bwer of the workers.
I ndex of purchasi ng" power
100"
91
70
g
b*r
J 2L
Injflex of pur phasi ng power"
6{5
IS
68
II
I S
1909
191*
1919
1920
1931,.
The purchasi ng power of f actory workers i n the Uni ted States has not
I noreo^ed in proporti on to the total produot of the f aotorl esj i t has
l agged. The workers posi ti on i s rel ati vel y worse. This i s true in
spi te of real wages havi rg i ncreased from 100 in 1900 to 123.6 i n
1928. But in the same peri od the volume of producti on i noreased from
100 in 1899 to 283.8 in 1928. The workers l i ved better, but were
more expl oi ted i n 1928 than i n 1900. To Marx thi s rel ati ve pauperi -
zati on wae only a Phase of absol ute pauperi zati on. I f wages at f i r st
only deol i ne rel ati vel y to general weal th, they l ater deol i ne abso-
l utel y as the quanti ty of commodities f al l i ng to the worker's share
heoomes absol utel y smal l er. This rel ati ve worseni ng of the workers
posi ti on i n the f aoe of absol ute improvement, onl y oonti nues as l ong
as condi ti ons permi t suf f l oi snt i ncrease i n the mass of surpl us val ue
to al l ow suf f i ci ent "uti l i zati on" of oapi tal . I n the f i nal phase of
oapi tal lam, the surpl us val ue i s i nsuf f i ci ent f or the mai ntai nenoe
f both previ ous wsge l evel s and Bal i sf aotory uti l i zati on
1
'. Tn^re-
f ore, the or i s i s oan now enl y be overoome by a sati sf actory rate of
Nov. 19* Coi nol l Correspondance Page 15.
accumul ati on ard the reestabl ishment of prof i ts at the ooet of the
wo.-kers. What di f f erenti ates the f i nal from al l previ ous ori ses is
that, wi th renewed prof i tabl e operati on the wage l evel oannot be re-
e3tabl i shed, - that the l atter wi l l si nk permanentl y i n ti mes of
"prosperi ty" as duri ng the cr i si s. While oapi tal "overooipea" the
the workers remai n under i ts sway, and if they ref use to l et
^nemselves be destroyed, they have no other reoouse but the abol i tl
of she capi ta
1
i st system.
rhe l evel of worl d i ndustri al producti on i s today below the scal e o.
I ?:U-. The depressi on i s worl d-wi de. Rel ati ve to the hi gh stage of
-.j oumul atl on, the cri si s may vary from country to oountry, but the
i nternati onal oharaoter of the ori s i s 1s everywhere peroept i bl e. The
3a_ i nki ng of the domesti o market sharpens competi ti on in the worl d
market whioh l i kewi se shri nks due to protecti ve tar i f f s. The shri nk-
ing of worl d trade i ntensi f i es the cri si s by making thei r economic
ai d f i nanci al status more precari ous. These events are paral l el ed bj
a heavy l oss in prof i ts. The condi ti on of bank capi tal i s catastro-
patoal .The number of unemployed in the Uni ted States al one in 1933
was about 16 mi l l i oi s. All thi s i ndi oates that the present orl si s in
toe Uni ted States as everywhere di f f ers from sill previ ous ori ses by
i ts extent and i ntensi ty. I t i s the greatest orl si s in oapi tal -i st
hi story; whether i t wi l l be the l ast f or oapi tal ism as well as f or
the workers, depends on the acti on of the l atter . The "Roosevel t
prosperi ty" i n the Uni ted States to whioh the bourgeoi s press re-
f erred as the "end" of the depressi on was of a very temporary ohar-
aoter and di d not ef f ect .the worl d orl si s at al l . Anything the U.S.
di d gai n f or a short whi l e was a l oss f or some other country. The
i nf l ati onary poi i oy al l owed the Uni ted States to compete better on
the worl d market, but only as l ong as the other ooui tri es were not
ready to hi t back, by i nf l ati ng thei r own money or f i nd other raear-s
of f i ghti ng the American competi ti on. I nf l ati on as the means of
general wage outti ng and the el i mi nati on of the mi ddl e cl ass, as
wel l as the el i mi nati on of prof i t- eati ng bank oapi tal l ets, to a cer-
tai n extent may spur producti on because thi s agai n beoomes prof i t-
abl e f or a short whi l e. But thi s prof i t i s only gai ned by a pauper-
i zati on prooess . not only of. rel ati ve but of absol ute character. I t
i s a boom" in the death- cri si s, a gai n that does not i ndi cate dev-
elopment but deoay. I t showB that we are not at the "end", but only
at the begi nni ng of the, ori s i s.
The actual begi nni ng of the present depressi on in the Uni ted Statec
I s alwaye ooi neoted wi th the stook market orash, though the l atter
was the ef f eot rather than the oause of the cri si s which had al rec.:/
begun., As f ar back as 1927 the "uti l i zati on" of oapi tal in the U.S.
had beoome more and more di f f i oul t. The f al l i ng rate of prof i t i n-
di cated the over-accumul ati on. But in spi te of that, exparsi on of
i ndustry took pl aoe unti l 1929, but not to such an extent as woulci
have been raoessary aooordl ng to the rate of accumul ati on In pre-
vi ous years, and on the basi s of aocumul ated capi tal al ready exi st
I ndustri al prof i ts, whioh ooul d not more f ul l y be rei nvested in in
kanks. The surpl us l ay f al l ow in the oanks;
deposi ts i n member banks of the Federal Reserve System was 'by the
end of 1927, 17 bi l l i ons of dol l ars more than in 1926. While an 'x-
oreaae of 5^ was consi dered normal , thi s amounted to g%. Si nul ta*
ecusi y avai l abl e credi t grew. Specul ati ve l oans f or tlie stock rau,r-
.et and specul ati vel y i nf l ated stook quotati ons were the resul t,
ori ngl i g on the Wall Stree f ever of specul ati on endi ng i n the stock
Nav. 1934 Oounoll Correspondence PflgO
market orash. But the apeoulative fever waa only the irwlex of tme
lack ef poaalbilltiea for auffioient product ire inveatmenta. A
8
**
aurilua ef oapltal lewered the rate of intereat to 1 P
10
.?*' *
h

dustrial oriaia waa fallowed by a bank orieia.; and in spiteof *e
law rate ef lntereat, from whloh tha bourgeoiae oojaomi
the turn towarda proaperity, no oradlt waa demanded by ln^atry.The
*0hioago Dally Tribune" writeai "What idle money has piled "P in
banka had diffioulty in finding aafe out Jet a, intereat ratea ^PP
d
but laana and inveetmenta did not
lnorea8
_*
Thi
"
peouliar for the United 8tatea, but general 2 i i S f
world. J.P.Morgan testified at a Senate inquiry. The JJP?!"}!
1 1
' **
the firat time aa far aa I know in the hietory of the wo Id,
wideapread no oeuntry oan lend money in any other. At the present
time there ia no demand for oapltal for industry.
Thia aituatian oan, nevertheless, only be everoome by further j ooumu-
l ati on; i.e.-expanaion of the produotive apparatua ar J**** *
fixed oapital on a larger aoale. The maBB neoeaaar:r for
n
ie dependent on the previoua volume ef fixed oapltal regardleea of
whether thia has only been utilised at half of ita oapao lty, 1;"
aooumulation 1B determined by the rate of apeed it haa P
1
**^
8
^ .
trai ned} and this aooumulation must take place on a lower prftce level
as expansion of production ia coupled with a fall in prioea. There-
fore, if accumulation ia to oontinue, then the expansion of Promo-
tion must lower the oost of production so that the expected mass of
profit will oompanaate for the fall in the rate of profit. For this
reaaan, "Barrona Weekly"'eaya in its yearly survey: "the extent to
which the pressure of aooumulating oapital may be effective in pro-
moting eoonomio reoevery depends on whether the necessary adjust-
ments have been made in other parts of the mechanism - in oost or
production and prioes, in supply and demand relationship for indi-
vidual oommodities, and in the governmental aervioes, in their ooqt
to the tax payer and their real value to the oountry; in ehrt, on
whether oapital oan earn a profit and keep it".
A Btatio ayatem af capitaliem la an impoBBibility: oapital must
either ga forward, i.e.-aooumulate, or oellapae. Aooumulation pre-
supposes reeetablishment of profitable operation; hence we see vio-
lent efforts an an international aoale ta aohieve thia end. But al l
previous measures taken ta everoome the depth of the present ori el s
have failed miserably.
As we have said before, the reeumptien af profitable operation de-
penda an the lowering of the arganio oompoaition af capital, or the
increase, by other meana, af the aurplua value. The devaluation of
oapital lowera the organio oompoaition. In praotioe, this means the
ruin af many individual oapitaliata; from the point of view of total
oapital, from the point of view of the system, it means rejuvenation.
The devaluation af oapital is a oontlnueue prooeas, an expreseion oi
inoreaaed productivity of labor, but in the oriels it progresses vio-
lently. The Inoreaaed rate of bankruptcies ehowa that the deval uati on
of oapital ia also taking plaoe today. But bankruptcies, while ex-
pressing the speedy and violent devaluation taking plaoe, are not
aymptamB of an intensifioatian af the orieie; up till new they have
been aids in overcoming it. In all previous orises, the number and
the speedy growth in the number of bankruptcies were oonneoted with
a speedier overooming of the orisis. That today this effeot ia gpane
merely proves that aooumulation has reached a point where devalua-
tion oeaaee to be an effective element in overooming the orleia.
Nov. 1934
Counci l Correspondence
There are not enough bankruptci es, or the deval uati on accompl i shed ;
i nsuf f i ci ent to l ower the organi c oompoai ti on of oapi tal enough, to
make oonti nued prof i tabl e aooumul ati on agai n possi bl e. Thi s f act i s
oi csel y oonneoted wi th the struotural ohange i n oapi tal i omf romcom-
peti ti on to monopol y capi tal .
"Cl assi cal " capi tal i smanswered a ori si s wi th a general f al l i n
pri ces that l ead to wi deapread bankruptci es and f oroed the survi vcrr
to adsypt themsel ves to the newpri oe l evel by I nstal l i ng of newma. i
i aery . The demand of f i xed oapi tal f el t i n some I ndustri es caused
other i ndustri es to be drawn i nto the boom. But i n monopol y, or as
Leni n oal l ed i t, "stagnant" oapi tal i em, the cri si s does not have the
same resul ts. Here we have prol onged oondi ti on of huge masses of pro-
ducti ve machi nery l yi ng i dl e wi thout bei ng destroyed as the charac-
teri sti c f eature of cri si s under monopol y capi tal i sm. The reserve
f unds of f i xed oapi tal created by monopol y oapi tal i smare, i n bocm
peri ods, put at the servi ce of producti on and make the constructi on
of addi ti onal enterpri ses unnecessary, and thereby i ncrease the di f -
f i cul ti es of a transi ti on to expandi ng produoti on. When the ci i si r
comes, producti on i s restri oted, and when l ater the demand i ncreases
i t i s suppl i ed by openi ng the ol osed enterpri ses. I n thi s manner
techni cal progress i s hi ndered by monopol y capi tal i sm, and the marke*
f or means of produoti on narrowed. How smal l the i mportance of vi oi en.
deval uati on of capi tal i s can be seen when one compares the monopo-
l i es wi th the total of sooi al l y produoti ve f oroes. (We have i n t he
! Uni ted States 37 ti re produoerB; f i ve of themaocount f or 70%of the
total producti on, the other 33 di vi de the remai ni ng 30$ among them-
sel ves. I n the automobi l e i ndustry, 75$ of the total producti on i s
acoounted f or by two enterpri ses: General Motors and Ford. Two steel
trusts (U. S. Steel and Bet hl ehem) control 52$ of the total steel pro-
duoti on. I n the meat paoki ng i ndustry 70$ of the total producti on i e
control l ed by f our f i rms: Swi f t, Armour, Wi l son and Cudahy. ) I n other
i ndustri es si mi l ar si tuati ons are f ound. What ef f eot oan the ool l apsc
of smal l enterpri ses have here? The f usi on of capi tal and the resul t-
ant strengtheni ng of monopol i es strengthens thi s tendency towards
stagnati on and decay, whi oh real l y means that permanent depressi on Is
a characteri sti o of monopol y oapi tal i sm. Even the huge wri ti ng down
of capi tal val ues i s onl y a rai d on the smal l share hol ders, but not
a move towards recovery. I t i s al so cl ear that a techni oal revol uti on
scrappi ng huge masses of oapi tal by anti quati ng them, cannot be ex
peoted today si noe the restri cti on of producti ve f oroes has become a
H
neoe6si ty" of oapi tal i sm. To expeot an end of depressi on through
deval uati on i s to pi n hope on a sti l l hi gher f ormof oapi tal i smthan
monopol y- capi tal i sm, and that i s i mpossi bl e wi thi n the f ramework of
pri vate property i n the means of produoti on. (State capi tal i smi s r.c ~
a hi gher eoonomi o f ormof monopol y oapi tal i sm, but onl y a di f f erent
pol i ti cal mask tryi ng to strai ghten out the mal adj ustments of ol ase
f orces, whi oh due to the narrowi ng down of the rul i ng cl ass and i ts
retai ners under monopol y oapi tal i smneeds more di rect state i nter-
f erence to mai ntai n cl ass rul e. )
Tc i norease the mass of surpl us val ue, the oost of produoti on must
. u. wered. Thi s i s attempted through the pneooess of general rati onai i
"U' i on ; Dut i ncreased rati onal i zati on l eads to i rrati onal i sat i on.
r
rx i i ae> the prof i ts of i ndi vi dual enterpri ses are i ncreased by i ts u-,
sa' . i on, but the net i ncome f romthe total soci al l a' j oi i s di mm-
I ndi vi dual s become ri cher, sooi oty poorer. Howf ar thi s sari -
of rati onal i zati on has gone can be seen by the researches of the
Hov. 1934 Oounol l Correspondence Page 18.
teohnoorate. Rati onal i zati on i s onl y ef f eoti ve when the savi ng i n
wages made possi bl e i s greater than the i ncreased cost of 41xe. d cap-
i tal made necessary. Rati onal i zati on causes t he
v
shut - down of many
enterpri ses, and theref ore the savi ng i n wages must exoeed, not onl y
the i noreased oost of f i xed capi tal i n the rati onal i zed enterpri ses,
but i n addi ti on , bal ance the l oss oaused by depreci ati on of f i xed
oapi tal i n i dl e enterpri ses. I f the oostB of f i xed oapi tal are i n-
oreased, al l enterpri ses become more sensi ti ve to downward f l uctua-
t i on of \ eonomi o acti vi ty. Rati onal i zati on, theref ore, l eads to an
i norease . i nstead of a decrease i n oost of producti on, and thus ii>-
oreases the di f f i cul ti es of overoomi ng the ori si s. By overdevel op-
i ng the producti ve apparatus, rati onal i zati on at a hi gh stage of ac-
cumul ati on hastens the ool l apse of oapi tal i smi nstead of del ayi ng i t.
The Ameri oan produoti ve apparatus was rati onal i zed i n the years of
prosperi ty f ol l owi ng 1931, and thl B was one of the causes of the
l ength of that phase. I n spi te of oonti nued rati onal i zati on, the
cri si s arri ved and oroated a si tuati on whi oh hardl y al l owed the uti l -
i zati on of 50^ot' f ae rati onal i zed enterpri ses, and thereby annul l ed
the i ncrease i n surpl us val ue gai ned by rati onal i zati on. Thi s case
of "l rratl onal i zati on" shows def i ni tel y the i mpossi bi l i ty of reoovery
through f urther rati onal i zati on.
I norOase i n surpl us val ue through shorteni ng the ti me of oapi tal
turnover, l i kewi se f i nds i ts obj eoti ve l i mi ts i n the devel opment of
aooumul ati on. The peri od of turnover of total oapi tal has been pro-
l onged by the deoreased uti l i zati on of f i xed oapi tal . The same rate
of prof i t f or one peri od f turnover becomes thus a much smal l er .
yearl y rate of prof i t. The| f al l of pri oes, though l i mi ted by monopol y
oapi tal i sm, today outwei ghs thfe sti l l remai ni ng possi bi l i ti es of re-
duci ng the peri od of turnover^Decreasi ng the s took to rai se the
rate of prof i t i s l i mi ted by the demand f or conti nui ty i n producti on
and ci rcul ati on. Outsi de *cf t hi s, the aoti on of the ori si s causes an
i norease i n the stock of unsol d commodi ti es that f urther decrease
the rate of prof i t both by the cost of stori ng and by the f urther
causi ng a f al l i n pri oes through f oroed sal es. The net ef f eot i s that
stock on hand i ncreases, the peri od of \ ^urnever i s prol onged, and the
rate of prof i t f al l s. The i ncreased stock i s especi al l y Evi dent i n
rawmateri al s. The worl d' s suppl y of rawmateri al s were at the nd
of 1939 - 193, and 1933 - 365. To reduoe themt o normal woul d mean
the oessati on of worl d producti on f or months.
The oost of oi roul ati on i ncreases due to sharpened competi ti on dur-
i ng the ori el s. Whi l e the number of workers engaged i n producti on
permanentl y deoreases, the number of those i n di stri buti on i ncreases.
(Adverti si ng expenses al one have l atel y been over a bi l l i on dol l ars
a year i n the Uni ted St at es. ) Thi s natural l y f urther decreases pro-
f i ts.
I n the ori si s of 1930 and 1931, 30^of al l enterpri ses i n the Uni ted
States were i dl e representi ng approxi matel y a 30 bi l l i on dol l ar i n-
vestment. I f depr edat i on and mai ntai nanoe i s esti mated at 10$, thi s
means a cl ear l oss of three bi l l i on dol l ars or the val ue of the l a-
bor of one and a hal f mi l l i on workers. Thi s takes pl ace today on an
even l arger soal e oauol ng a f urther f al l i n the rate of prof i t. As
16 mi l l i on workers are unempl oyed i n the Uni ted States, i t becomes
neoessary f or those empl oyed besi des compensati ng f or the causes al -
ready menti oned, al so to produoe as much addi ti onal surpl us val ue at
these workers woul d have produced i f empl oyed, or the mass of prof i t
f
Nov. 1934 Counoi l Correspondence Page 19.
wi l l deorease and suf f i ci ent accumul ati on beoome sti l l more di f f i - /
cul t. The decrease i n the mass of prof i t sharpens the struggl e f or
i ts di vi si on. The banks have advanced oapi tal to i ndustri al enter-
pri ses duri ng the peri od of prosperi ty; oredi t that was based on
pri ces as they then were, Fal l i ng pri oes "f reeze" these oredi ts and
cauBe, f i rst, i ndustri al bankruptci es, and eeoond, ^bank f ai l ures,
hasteni ng the process of concentrati on of oapi tal general l y. At the
same ti me, there has been an enormous change i n the di vi si on of pro-
f i ts between i ndustri al and money oapi tal i n f avor of the l atter. The
acuteness of the cri si s and the pri oe f al l makes the l oad of debts
unbearabl e f or i ndustri al capi tal . Onl y a general reducti on of debts
makes general bankruptci es unnecessary. Thi s i s done through i nf l a-
ti on whi ch unl oads the l i qui dati on of these debts on the workers, the
prof essi onal mi ddl e ol ass, and money oapi tal .
The depth of the ori si s i s al so shown i n the vi ci ous attacks of oap-
i tal on the standard of l i vi ng of the mi ddl e cl ass groups. I n spi te
of i ncreasi ng expropri ati on of the mi ddl e cl asses, reduci ng those
cateri ng di reotl y to oapi tal i st consumpti on, the ori si s conti nues to
deepen, , nul l i f yi ng those methods of retai ni ng a greater part of sur-
pl us val ue i n the hands of the oapi tal i st cl aas. But af ter ai l , these
groups ooul d onl y be el i mi nated once, and even bef ore thi s was done,
another barri er woul d have been set up agai nst f urther expropri ati on
of themby the f aot that the oonti nued rul e of the oapi tal i st cl ass
depends on thei r exi stenoe. And i n contradi cti on to these strenuous
ef f orts to el i mi nate expendi tures f or unproducti ve acti vi ty, these
expendi tures are i ncreasi ng. The growth i n taxati on was more rapi d
than the growth of the nati onal i ncome i n the Uni ted States. I n-
creasi ng pauperi zati on oauses i ncreasi ng rel i ef expendi tures, and
i ncreasi ng expendi tures f or the purpose of vi ol ent repressi ons of
revol t, and f or i mpef i al i Bt desi gns.
I n the present cri si s, a f al l I n the ground rant "has to some extent
sof tened the f al l i n the rate of prof i t" but at the cost of rai si ng
the threat of agrari an revol t. AB a matter of sel f preservati on, i t
has been neoessary f or the capi tal i st ol ass to counteract these ten-
denci es f avorabl y to themsel ves by al l otment pl ans, agrari an protec-
ti ve tari f f s, pri ce subsi di es, etc. A suf f i ci ent i norease of prof i t
by a deorease i n ground rent oannot l onger be expeoted.
I n t hi s cri si s, al l f orces worki ng towards overcomi ng i t have thus
ei ther neutral i zed each other, or have been i nsuf f i ci ent J Thi s even
appl i es to the strongest i mperi al i sti c means of reoovery: - capi tal
export. Duri ng the l ast years there has practi cal l y been no capi tal
exported f romthe Uni ted States. I n other i mperi al i st countri es, the
si tuati on i s si mi l ar. Thi s has sharpened the competi ti ve struggl e
fcr tne worl d market tremendousl y between al l i ndustri al nati ons. The
prof i t f l owi ng back to the Uni ted States f romprevi ous oapi tal ex-
port i n f ormof i nterest on f orei gn i nvestments oan nei ther be i n-
vested he,re or abroad. Si mul taneousl y, the Uni ted States makes i t
i mpossi bl e f or the debtor nati ons to pay i nterest by f orci ng themou
OJ thei r markets f or means of producti on. Thi s al so makes i t i mpos-
B' LI S f or themto buy rawmateri al " and f ood stuf f s, as they are ur-
ates to sel l means of producti on to pay f or them. The end of tni s
devel opment must be ei ther an i nsol ubl e, i rrati onal cri si s, or a new
v^rl J scal e butchery.
. he l awof accumul ati on i 6 the l awof col l apse of capi tal i sm. A ooi -
i F.pse del ayed by counteracti ng tendenci es unti l these tendenci es
HOY. 1934 Counoi l Correspondence Page 30.
spent themsel ves or beoome i nadequate i n f aoe of t ho growth of oapi -
tal aooumul ati on. But oapi tal i emdoes not ool l apee automati cal l y; the
f aotor of human acti on, though condi ti oned, i s powerf ul . The derth
ori el s of capi tal i smdoes not mean thatthe systemoommi ts sui oi de,
but that the ol ass struggl e assumes f orms that must l ead to the over-
throwof the system. There i s, as Leni n sai d, so absol utel y hopel ess
si tuati on f or caoi tal i s; i t depends on the workers as to f cowl ong
oapi tal i smwi l l be abl e to vegetate. The "Communi st Mani f esto" sounds
the al ternati ve: Communi smor Barbari aml A stati o capi tal i smi s i m-
possi bl e; i f the accumul ati on oannot conti nue, the ori si e' b&oomes
permsment and the condi ti on of the workers wi l l oonti nCi al l y worsen.
8uoh a ori si s i s barbari smj
Today, hal f the workers i n the great i ndustri al oountrl es are unem-
pl oyed and the enormous i norease of expl oi tati on does not compensate
f or the smal l er number of workers empl oyed; and sti l l there i s no
other way f or oapi tal i smbut oonti nuous attaoks on the workers. The
general , absol ute and permanent pauperi zati on of the workers has be-
oome an absol ute necessi ty to the exi stenoe of capi tal i st sooi ety.
Thus, aooordl ng to Marx, the f i nal and most i mportant consequenoe of
capi tal i st aooumul ati pn and the f i nal reason f or every real ori si s
i s the poverty and the mi sery of t he broad masses, i n oontradi oti on
to the essenti al dri vi ng f oroe of oapi tal i smto devel op the produc-
ti ve f oroes to suoh an extent that onl y the absol ute consumpti on
possi bi l i ti es of -sooi ety be i ts barri er. Under suoh condi ti ons, the
bourgeoi si e oan rul e no l onger , si no. e, as the "Communi st Mani f esto"
poi nted out, "i t i s unf i t to rul e beoause i t i s i ncompetent to assure
an exi stence to i ts sl aves wi thi n hi s sl avery, beoause i t oannot hel p
l etti ng hi msi nk i nto suoh a state that i t has to f eed hi m, i nstead
of bei ng f ed by hi m".
The anal ysi s of oapi tal i Su aooumul ati on ends, as Marx sai d i & a l et-
ter to Engel s: "I n the ol ass struggl e as a f i nal e i n whi oh i s f ound
the sol uti on of the whol e smear! " I n the phase of accumul ati on
where the f urther exi stenoe of t h4 systemi s onl y based on the ab-
sol ute pauperi zati on of the workers, the ol ass struggl e i s trans-
f ormed. Froma struggl e over wages, hours and worki ng condi ti ons r
rel i ef , i t becomes, even as i t f i ghts f or those thi ngs, a struggl e
f or the overthrowef t hecapi t al i st systemof producti on, - a strug-
gl e f or prol etari an revol uti on.
* * *
THE STRUGGLE AGAI N8T THE REDUCTI ON OF
UNEMPLOYED RELI EF I N AMSTERDAM.
(Frem"Raetekorrespondenz" #4 of the Group of I nternati onal
Communi sts f t f Hol l and. )
I n the f i rst days of J ul y, the Dutoh Government out the unempl oyed
(oash) rel i ef to an extent whi oh aroused the unempl oyed to spontane-
ous demonstrati ons at the rel i ef stati ons and on the streets. These
demonstrati ons were at once ' oombatted by the pol i ce and the guards-
men i n the most brutal manner. I n the "I ndi an Di stri ot" and the
"J ordaan Workers Di stri ot" of Amsterdamthe unempl oyed di d not al l ow
the pel i oe to break thei r demonstrati ons up wi thout a f i ght. Tl i ey
answered the bul l ets and sabers of the pol i oe wi th t he stones they
got f romthe pavement. The struggl e l asted many hours. I n the eveni ng
Nov. 1934
Counci l Correspondence Pflgfi 31-,
af ter the workers l ef t f or group meeti ngs whi oh had been hasti l y ar-
ranged, these groups i n paspl ng through the streets grew i n a very
short ti me tu powerf ul ar.cL i arr<? demonstrati ons whi oh the pol i oe a-
gai n tri ed t* break cp The wofl cers ereoted barri cades to keep the
pol i oe out of the street*. as i c i s i mpoeBi bl e to def eat bul l ets wi t
stones. The street l i ghts were destroyed i n ?rder to make i t di f f i -
cul t f or the pcl i oyJ i p advance. Tni s, whi oh was done i n a f ewstreet
beoame the c-. tuati 9cf^. n the whol e "J ordaan Di stri ot" the next dey . At
al l oorners hftsti f.y but wel l erected barri cades were seen* the
streets were torn *ip t* exol ude al l f ast transportati on. On thi s day
the workers suooeeced i n dri vi ng every pol i oenan out of the di stri ct
whi oh by eveni ng was enti rel y i n the hands of the workers. The unem-
pl oyed were vi ctori ous f or thi s day; but, by twel ve o' ol ook at ni ght
they al l returned to thei r hemes ana the pol i oe moved i n agai n wi th-
out a f i ght.
On the f ol l owi ng day the guardsmen took possessi on of the di stri ct.
They oame wi th tanks, armored automobi l es and machi ne guns. They ar-
ri ved i n suoh a strength that the unempl oyed al one coul d never be
abl e to f i ght themsuccessf ul l y. They were not oowardl y i n not op-
posi ng the guardsmen beoause the events of the day bef ore had
brought proof that they were good f i ghters. However, i n the f aoe of
thi s strong enemy, a f i ght woul d have been sui ci de.
The struggl e had grown out of a rel i ef questi on. The i mmedi ate goal
of the f i ghters was te f oroe the government to reoal l the rel i ef cut.
Workers who want to f i ght the government at l east need the support
of very broad l ayers of the worki ng ol ass. Thi s support was not
f orthcomi ng. The maj ori ty of the workers wi l l onl y parti ci pate i n a
movement whi oh embraces thei r i mmedi ate i nterests. But the f i ght wae
merel y a f i ght f or unempl oyed rel i ef ; i t di d net I nvol ve the empl oy-
ed workers. Wi thout thei r support, there was no sense to go f arther
i n th struggl e, and i t ended i n a def eat.
The rel i ef out wae an absol ute necessi ty f or the Dutoh bourgeoi si e.
The wages of the empl oyed workers had become so l owby a seri es of
wage outs that there wae al most no di f f erence any more between the
rel i ef and the wages} but bef ore f urther wage outs ooul d be made,
the rel i ef had nowto be out f i rst. The conti nuati on of the prof i t-
abl eness of the oapi tal i sti o systemmade thi s absol utel y neoeesary.
Thi s i s why the government answered a si mpl e demonstrati on of the
unempl oyed i n a way i n whi oh f ormerl y onl y revol uti onary upri si ngs
woul d have been answered. I t was marti al l aw. Thi s of f ensi ve agai nst
the unempl oyed was a ohal l enge agai nst the whol e worki ng cl ass. Ther^
ooul d onl y be one answer af ter the brutal attaok of the pol i ce and
the guardsmen: "The General Stri ke"; but the trade- uni oni st tradl -
# ti ons made i t hardl y possi bl e. I t i s i mportant to note that i n f ac-
tori es not control l ed by the trade uni on, the workers wal ked out i n
sympathy wi th the unempl oyed*
As bi tter as the battl e wad, whi ch the unempl oyed put up and whi ch
spread as a gueri l l a warf are al l over tho ol ty, i n a f ewdays the
whol e thi ng was crushed. Af ver the def eat of the upri si ng, the at-
tack agai nst the exi sti ng l 3bor organi zati on sex i n. I n al l l abor
organ
1
. zati ons, suoh ao press bureaus, ol f i oee, attf. , the pol i oe
searched f or documents, stol e the i mportant parts of the pri nti ng
presses, put many workers i n j ai l , f orbade every ki nd of . ' overs'
aoti vi ty. Al though thi s may hurt the l abor organi zati on very muoh.
gov. 1954 Oounoll Oorreapondcnoe Page igj.
it 1B not bad at all from the viewpoint of the actual olaea strug-
gle of the working olaea. The fighting strength of the workers ao-
tuall> increases through suoh measures of the ruling olaaa. To for-
bid the olaas struggle itself ia i mpossi bl e, but if the bourgeoisie
makes the existence of the pseudo-revolutionary organizations im-
possible, it also removes at the same time an gbataol.e against the
real revolutionizing tf the workers. The workers oannot merely be
neutralized by the labor fakers; they have to find their own way.
Their labor beownes more difficult to be sure, but alse more effec-
tive. What they now do If to aotually fight and not engage in some
opportunistic sidetraoking of the real issue in the fields of parl-
iamentary fake-suooess, eto.
The greatest value for the revolutionary movement is the fact that
actions of this kind, and the actions of the ruling olass whioh
followed 'them, showed the weaknesses of the present day labor move-
ment in all its ugliness. One stroke of the ruling olass sufficed
to do away with the Communist Party and all its affiliated organi-
zations. The leadership of the 0P. had not anticipated this, and
aotually, the bourgeoisie had really nt reason to be so hard on this
organization whioh, in spite of all their self-assuranoe, 1B only
trying to live and prosper inside of the oapitalistio system. Even
the last number of the Oomaunist Party of Holland's paper, the
'Tribune", before'it was suppressed, tried to support the Bystem of
private property. We read therein regarding the action of the unem-
ployed ("Tribune" - July 6), "Fight IgalnBt Looting and Provocati ons"
"When the workers in the Jordaan District were fighting
a mass battle, some oriminal elements were trying to
loot the stores. The workers have nothing in common
with these elements. They have to fight them. The wor-
kers want the sympathy and the support of many small
business men in Jordaan. They, like the workers them-
selves, are hit hard by the depression and also by the
relief out".
(By the way: The lootings hit the firm "Jamin", a big capitalistic
enterprise in foodstuffs,-* chai n store*)
Tne C.P. also advised the workers in order to combat the military
onslaught of the ruling olass to engage in suoh silly things aa to
organize "sohool strikes," "don't pay rent movements", eto.; but
not a single word tf the only thing whioh was logioally necessary,
"The General Strike".
The moat,Important lesson to be drawn from the struggle of the un-
employed in Amsterdam is the faot that successful group struggles
are no longer possible. The difficulties in whioh the bourgeoisie
finds itself, not only in regard to their diminished profits in this
oountry but in their extended neoessity to compete on the world
market and thus prepare for the imperialistic actions, forces them
to majce of the workers not only paupers, but also willing tools In
the handa'of the ruling olaas. They are unable to stand even the
weakest opposition on the part of the workers', and each demonstra^-
tion against the polioy of the bourgeoisie is translated by the
ruling class as a direot menaoe against its existenoe.
What took place when the Bailors of "De Zeven Provinoien" revolted
v,1^34
Counoi l Correspondence
was repeated wi t h thi s demonstrati on of the unempl oyed. The sai l ors
demonst r at e a^, i rst". thei r mi serabl e oondi ti on, but they were
treated as i f t he -l ad started a revol uti on. 9o agai n the "Handel s-
bl aad" of J ul y J wri tes: "Whosoever i s bui l di ng barri cades i n the
Ci ty v.i l l be answured as i t i s the customto answer when barri cades
are bui i ' c".
The brutal i ty wi th wni ch the bourgeoi si e answered even the sl i ght-
est protes
-
: of +he workers oomes actual l y as a surpri se to these
workers. They di e. not even understand thi s at f i rst. The sai l ors of
"D
e
zeven Provi nci en'
1
l ocked up to the army pl anes, and l aughi ng,
they never thought that these army pl anes woul d drop bombs to dee- ,
troy the rebel s. The workers of Amsterdamdi d not dreamthat a
mere demonstrati on woul d turn the ci ty i nto a bat t l e f i el d, wi th
mi l i tary tacti cs, barri cades and ki l l i ngs; but they l earn and they
l earn f ast as thei r acti on proves. They wi l l soon know that not
even the weakest aoti vi ty wi l l be granted to them; that the rul i ng
cl ass i s deadl y seri ous I n thei r determi nati on to ki l l al l aoti one
i n f avor of the worki ng cl ass.
The peri ods of "Democracy", of "Parl i amentary Humbug", of "Ref orms"
and of "Legal Acti on" i s def i ni tel y over. Nowmachi ne guns make
hi story, and real i zi ng thi s new si tuati on, the workers wi l l al so
f i nd out that i t i s absol utel y necessary to adopt a cl ass pol i cy,
and that sucoess i s onl y possi bl e i f the present systemi s destroy-
ed through prol etari an revol uti on.
THE CLA3S STRUGGLE I N SPAI N.
I n the mi ddl e of September, "La Naci on", a l eadi ng bourgeoi s news-
paper i n Spai n, wrote. "that the danger growi ng out of thi s si tuati on
of stri ke acti vi ti es can at thi s ti me onl y be combated by the erec-
ti on of an open di ctatorshi p". Si noe then the days were marked by
i ncreasi ng provocati ons by the government agai nst the l abor organi -
zati ons, as wel l as the whol e worki ng cl ass. Deponstrati ons, meet-
i ngs, organi zati ons were f orbi dden, the press suppressed, el ecti ons
decl ared i l l egal and oommuni st and soci al i st deputi es repl aced by
reacti onary ones. The bourgeoi s pres6 spoke of a pl anned revol uti on,
and supported the devel opment of the f asci st organi zati ons. Al l thi s
di d not decrease the stri ke acti vi ty, and the consequenoes i n whi ch
these stri kes were carri ed through. The economi o struggl e beoame
at once a struggl e agai nst the government, as the government has to
assure i ts capi tal i sts prof i ts. The rul i ng cl ass i s determi ned to
bri ng, by al l means, the acti vi ty of the worki ng cl ass to a stand-
sti l l , and i s prepari ng f or an open di ctatorshi p supported by the
growi ng f asci st f oroes.
I n the begi nni ng of October, the stri ke si tuati on changed to ci vi l
warf are. Ootober 5th, about 100 deaths were reported, and the days
f ol l owi ng, thi s number i ncreased more and. more. The government en-
gaged al l mi l i tary means to suppress what they cal l ^u an upri si ng
of the workers, af ter they had 6tarted thi s el aught, ri r. j cf
+
he
workers merel y f or vhei r Btri ke acti vi ty. The at resi t, of Madri d and
of many cf the smal l er oi ti es became battl ei i -I ci c. The hei ti i mcf
the workers was remarkabl e i n the f ace of thei r wftagx? - sevens. "The
troops have been gi ven orders to f i re on any suspi ci ous p^rsj . n or
mani f estati on". "Al l extremi sts carryi ng weapons shal l be shot J ",
Nov. 1934 Qounol l Correspondence Pflfle 34,
ordered the premi er. Onoe more i t beoame cl ear , Vhat a real General
Stri ke of t he workers i n euoh a si tuati on i a i denti oal wi t h oi vi l
war
' \
Usi ng t hi e mel ee, the separati sts el ements, partl y supported by the
O. P. Bl ogans of nati onal sel f - determi nati on, al so struok f or thei r
speci al i nterests. They decl ared Oat al oni a temporari l y an i ndepen-
dent republ i o, " and l ed t he ol ass straggl e i n thi s part of Spai n on
the si detraok of nati onal i sm.
The i ssues of t he workers were not ol ear. They were, by thei r di f -
f erent organi zati onal i nterests, i n a terri bl e i deol ogi oal , mess.
Anarchi st s, syndi cal i sts, oommuni sts and soci al i sts were f oroed i n-
to one f ront agai nst t he f asoi sti and the f asoi st atti tude of the
government. They sti l l f ought i n spi te of thi s common enemy f or
thei r speci al group i nterests. Thi s weakened the strength of t he
workers and al so di d away wi t h al l hope that out of the struggl e
woul d oome anythi ng more t han a terri bl e def eat . Onl y by way of
struggl e, and especi al l y thi s ki nd of struggl e, wi l l the workers
reoogni te thei r t rue i nterests whi oh f orces themnot onl y to tbo
6%tthrow of thi s f eudal - oapi tal i st combi nat i on of expl oi tati on i n
Spai n, but al so to t he recogni ti on that the enemy must be f aced by
a worki ng ol ass uni ted on one i ssue, the i ssue of communi sm. The
present ol ass struggl e oan be regarded aB evi dence that ol ass con-
sci ousness nowadays takes on at onoe oonorete f orm. The workers
l earp to understand thei r probl ems, not merel y on a purel y i deol og-
i oal basi s, but they l earn at onoe by aotual praoti oe. The real i ty
i s more revol uti onary t han the i deas of the workers; and so even a
def eat of t he workers i n S^ai n oan i ndi oate nothi ng more than a
temporary one whi oh al so oarri es wi t h i t the weapons f or oertai n
suooess i n the f uture.
UPTON SI NCLAI R ON THE ROAD TOFAMI SH*.
Two years ago, i n rel ati on to Si ncl ai r and the Ei senstei n movi e,
"Thunder Over Mexi co", the ori ti os al ready tri ed
hi s i deol ogy was of a f asoi st oharacter. Wi t h hi s atti tude ^ar ds
the cutti ng up of the movi e, he had l ost hi s presti ge as a soci al -
i st and was consi dered on the road to the cl ass enemy. A good bus-
i ness man, however, i s not neoessari l y al so a f asoi st, and the
noi se about 8i nol ai r' s perversi on soon di ed out.
He ran f or governor several ti mes on the Soci al i st ti cket, and now
he enters the Democrati c Party wi t h hi s Epi c Pl at f or;
(
End Poverty
I n Cal i f orni a) tryi ng t o gai n as a bourgeoi s candi date what he had
f ai l ed to reaoh as a Soci al i st. Fromour poi nt of vi ew, thi s makes
no di f f erenoe, but f or the Soci al i sts i t i s outri ght betrayal , and
they l ook npwupon thei r f ormer f ri end as a trai tor, who i s hurti ng
the oause of soci al i sm.
Si ncl ai r brought the Democrati c Part y, as he h *
ms
f l f l easts, about
300, 000 members i n a Bhort ti me. He reoei ved about 40j
0
0
v
ot ee
and soon started a newspaper whi oh i n a f ewweeks attai ned a ci r-
cul ati on of 175, 000. He al so sol d about 300, 000 oopi es of hi s pl at-
f orm. A very successf ul man, and we understand, the envy of an
l abor- f akers wi thout a doubt.
\
i
l [ov. 1934
v
" Oounoi l Qorreepondenoe Page 25.
The C. P. consi der hi mthe Orange Hi tl er of Cal i f orni a. I n one of tfaa
l atest i ssues of "NewMasses" (whi oh had to take up the matter as
Si nol ai r i s a l i terary f i gure) he i s cl assed as a f ul l - f l edged f as-
oi st, and? shoul d be treated as suoh. The "pure" f el l ows of the New
Masses" are, however, a bi t mi si nf ormed. Duri ng August i n Mosoow, at
the Congress of Russi an Revol uti onary Wri ters, ' ; one of the many under
organi zati ons of the C. I . , a resol uti on was adopted and sent to
Si nol ai r whi oh says i n part: "acoept our most hearty and brotherl y
greeti ngs, because you have al ways done and you are sti J J . aoi ng
wi th heroi smyour duty as a f ri end of t he worki ng ol asS". We al so_
fi nd Theodore Drei ser, who adheres to the Thi rd I nternati onal , works
di reotl y f or Si nol ai r' ' S oampai gn f und. Drei ser al so got a. ni oe. tel er-
gramf romMoscow. At the ti me t hese tel egrams were sent, i t was
posi ti vel y known, and the MoscowOon&ress was aware, that Si nol ai r
was al ready a member of the Democrati c Party f or more than a hal f
a year and i ntended to run f or governor.
Thi s does not make the sl i ghtest di f f erence to the Thi rd I nterna-
ti onal as Si ncl ai r at l east entered a party whi oh compl eted t he
recogni ti on of Russi a by the Uni ted States, and whi ch BeemB to be
f avorabl e to hel p i n def endi ng t he "f atherl and of the workers , i n
caee the bargai ni ng bet ween Russi a and J apan shoul d col l apse, ana
i f a war beoomes necessary to settl e the di f f erences between these
two nati ons. I n thi s event, i t beoomes the duty of Ameri can workers
to vol unteer i n the Ameri can Army te hel p "def end the Sovi et Uni on .
Si ncl ai r i d doi ng heroi oal l y, a l i ttl e earl y perhaps, what ay
eventual l y be the duty of the whol e Ameri can worki ng cl ass. But
thi s i s not the onl y reason the Thi rd I nternati onal l i kes Si ncl ai r.
They knowthat i t i s possi bl e f or Si nol ai r to f i ght i n the Democra-
ti c Party f or the "status Quo" of oapi tal i smj ust as wel l , i f not
better, than i n thei r own f reaki sh organi zati on, the C. P. , whi oh
the Thi rd I nternati onal i s sl owl y l i qui dati ng. Tel egrams ana warm,
brotherl y greeti ngs f or Si ncl ai r; f or the workers i n the C. P. the
empty phrases agai nst Si ncl ai r i n order to use themf or reacti onary
purposes i ndi reocl y; a purpose whi oh Si ncl ai r di rectl y serves.
But Si nol ai r i s j ust a f reak. He never had any sci enti f i c under-
standi ng of oapi tal i smor Soci al i sm. He merel y wrote senti mental
stori es to sof ten the hearts of mi l l i onai res; to make a ni ce worl d
out of a oapi tal i st worl d
v
. Meanwhi l e, he made a good l i vi ng. Oc-
casi onal l y he entertai ned the worl d by exhi bi ti ng hi e i mmeasureabl e
stupi di ty, f al l i ng f or al l ki nds of medi cal and sooi al f akers. He
never mi ssed a ohance to put hi msel f i n the spot l i ght; too many
years near Hol l ywood probabl y accounts f or thi s.
Si ncl ai r wants to bl uf f the voters of Cal i f orni a and the workers
al so, that he, si ngl e- handed, oan transf ormthe oapi tal i st system
i nto a Soci al i st one. Al l that i s necessary are a f ewnew taxati on
l aws. "Sock the ri ch" by taxes and gi ve to t he poor. By means of
taxati on f oroe the propri etors of l and and i dl e f actori es to turn
themover to the unempl oyed who wi l l engage on a grand scal e sel f -
hel p- movement, a movement whi ch has been repeatedl y proven a f ai l -
ure. B^thi s means, too, he promi ses the f armer and mi ddl e- oDass a
l i ghter tax burden, as the unempl oyed wi l l provi de f or themsel ves .
Many of hi s ref ormi st i deas, ol d- age pensi ons, etc. , cannot be suc-
cessf ul l y carri ed out i nsi de the f ramework of capi tal i sm, and i f
some of themare, they wi l l deepen the cri si s rather than hel p to
overoome i t.
Hov. 1934
f l mi nnn. Qerrespondeno
The most i mpert&nt parte cf the Epi o programhave been dr9pped, how-
ever. I n order to i nsure hi msel f the support of the Demoorati o
Part y, and i n order not to hurt Roosevel t, he has thrown overboard
hi s pl atf ormeven bef ore he i s el eoted. The state- f arms, f actori es
run by the state, ol d age pensi on, eto. , he dropped; nothi ng re-
mai ns but empty phrases. He i s wi l l i ngl y and knowi ngl y betrayi ng
hi s voters i n order to sati sf y hi s f i l m- star i deol ogy; he aannot
sl eep f el l wi thout bei ng menti oned at l east onoe dai l y i n the papers
He cl ai ms that he and Roosevel t agree on everythi ng, and that the
"NewDeal " has advanced to the posi ti on of ' Epi c
1
. Thi s i s true.
Epi o has l ost i ts mai n poi nts and the NewDeal i s bankrupt. They
are both bankrupt bef ore they start worki ng. Where there i s nothi ng,
there oan be no di sagreement; so the Demoorati o Party adopts Si n-
cl ai r as i ts own.
Dai l yvSi nol ai r Deoomes moro patri oti c. He nowexpresses what he al -
ways rel t. I t was f ormerl y more outstandi ng to pl ay at bei ng a so-
oi al i si , nowthere i s more f ame by showi ng f asoi et tendenci es. There
i s no l i kel i hood that he wi l l beoome a Cal i f orni a Hi tl er, as he i s
seeki ng adverti sement - not power. He f i l l s the space between the
real acts i n thi s hi stori cal drama, and when the soci al f oroes be-
gi n to move, he wi l l probabl y be di sposed of i n short order by the
real Fasci sts #r pushed asi de by a revol uti onary Prol etari at. The
f uture wi l l not be determi ned by f reaks of hi s si ze, but wi l l be
determi ned by the sooi al struggl e f or power.
HOME COMI NG.
The End of the Trotsky Movement.
A short ti me baok the "Mi l i tant" expressed qui te a l ot of pi ty f or
some of the Lovestone group who were tryi ng to f i nd thei r way baok
to the Soci al i st Party. A f ewweeks ago, too, they beoame vehement
i n oompl ai nts agai nst "the treaoherous Thi rd I nternati onal " because
i t started a Uni ted Front f romthe top wi th' the Soci al i st Parti es,
wi th a proposal of mergi ng the two organi zati ons. "The Stal i ni sts
are l i qui dati ng the Communi st Movement", ori ed the Unser Wort, the
Trotsky organ i n Franoe. "Down wi th such a merger. I t wi l l weaken,
not strengthen the revol uti onary movement".
Then ctyne
a
surpri si ng move; the l i qui dati on of the Trotsky group
i n France, and the of f er of the Ameri oan Trotskyi tes to enter the
Ameri can Workers' Party. Yesterday, the l i qui dati on of i ndependent
Communi st parti es was open betrayal of t herevol ut i onary cause. To-
day i n Franoe, these same peopl e subj eot themsel ves to the di sci p-
l i ne of the Soci al i st Party, and i n the Uni ted States merge wi th
the petty bo&rgeei s Ameri oan Workers' Party.
These events sui t us f i ne. The oommon sense di spl ayed by the
"l eaders" i s to be congratul ated. I t hel ps cl ear up the real si tua^-
ti on i n the l abor movement. The revol uti onary workers knownowby
aotual i ty that behi nd the "revol uti onary" sl ogans nothi ng exse was
conceal ed but the el d l abor f akery of the Sooi al i st Part y. These
are ti mes of stress f or "Labor' s Leaders". I t i s dangerous nowto
hi de behi nd revol uti onary sl ogans. There i s the perspecti ve, too, of
Nov. 1934
Counci l Correspondence Page 27.
the eventual destructi on of the ol d l abor movement, and wi th i t the
i ncome and presti ge of
!,
:,eadcro' - Faced wi th thi s common danger, the
petty di f
F
erehVei of orgt/ uzati uns are f orgotten; uni ty on the Daei
of "Statuo Quo" i s establ i shed, and the prof essi onal revol uti oni sts
are saved f romwhat they oal l "The Horri bl e Fracti on of Fasci sm".
We wi l l be good; no more revol uti onary sl ogans; gi ve us a chanoe;
f asoi smi s not necessary; l abor and onl y l abor, under a saf e and
eane l eadershi p, can oi l the troubl ed sea of eoonomi o chaos!
"Comrades", oal l B the Nati onal Conf erenoe of the Communi st League o
France, "j oi n us i n the ranks of the Sooi al i st Party f or the revol u-
ti onary struggl e of the prol etari at. Wi thout renounoi ng our past an<
our i deas, but al so wi thout any mental reservati ons of sectari ani sr. ,
we speak out what i s. I t i s neoessary to enter the Sooi al i st Party,
not f or the sake of exhi bi ti ons nor of experi ences, but f or seri ous
work under the banner of Marxi sm". J . P. Cannon, i n the Mi l i tant #39^
wri tes: "Pri or to the deci si on of the conf erence to take thi s step, ^
the Nati onal Commi ttees of the Communi st League of Ameri ca deci ded
by a maj ori ty of ei ght to one, to recommend thi s course of the
Frenoh comrades, despi te the great dangers and di f f i cul ti es i nvol ved
i n such a drasti c reori entati on. We reoommended thi s course wi th
f ul l conf i dence that they woul d remai n true tp thei r banner and car-
ry i t wi th themi nto tho Soci al i st Party".
The above, i n pl ai n Engl i sh, i s a oommand to j oi n the party of soc-
i al chauvi ni sts; to j oi n wi th the murderers of Li ebknecht and
Luxemburg; to j oi n wi th the Otto Bauers, the Thomases and Vander-
vel ts. The members of the Communi st League i n Franoe who coul d not
stomach thi s "reori entati on" were expel l ed. Do the Trotskyi tes real -
l y bel i eve that thi s "turn" wi l l speed "soci al oonvul si ons" and l ead
to a "radi cal i zati on of the masses"?; that i n thi s "revol uti onary
ri se" the Soci al i st Party wi l l f i ght f or the "Fourth I nternati onal "
efftd for Communi sm? I s thi s why they "ori entate" f romthe "wi ng" of
the Communi st Party to f ol l ow at the "tai l " of the Soci al i st Party?
They don' t!! The new ori entati on of the S. P. i s based upon the
thesi s that the Soci al i st Movement i n Austri a dnd Germany f el l De-
cause i t was too revol uti onary; that the S. P. must drop i ts revol u-
ti onary sl ogans, wi n the mi ddl e cl ass, gai n power and i n that way
make f asci ra i mpossi bl e. The S. P. i 6 of f eri ng to perf ormthe task cf
the f asci sts themsel ves, and i n thi s enterpri se f i nds hel p f romthe
Thi rd I nternati onal and i ts "wi ngs", whi ch i n real i ty cannot oe di s-
ti ngui shed f romthe "Noeke" and "Schei deman
1
s".
We have sai d that the el d l abor movement reaohes f rom"Noske" to
Trotsky. I t has departed onl y temporary. The departure was onl y a
f ami l y f i ght; nowthey are uni ted agai n. The "Lef t Leadershi p" cf
the ol d l abor movement have gone over to the petty bourgeoi si e. The/
have come home not to di e, but to eat. I n order to eat, these f akt. s
of f er themsel ves to the capi tal i st cl ass as a way out that i s cett. "
than f asci sm. Ir. doi ng sc, they become, i n the worc. 3 ~A Trotsky: "t.;o
party of counter- revol uti onary despai r. " They prov, to the workers
by these zi gzags that they are cheap demagogues, servants of capi tal -
i sm, enemi es of the revol uti on who l i ve by betrayal . They prove by
deeds that thi s "Bol shevi k Leni ni st kernal " i s a6 moul dy and worm-
eaten as the other peas i n the pod. They prove that the Soci al i st
Party, Communi st Party add Lef t Opposi ti on have al ways been af f l i c-
ted wi th a capi tal i st i deol ogy. They prove that they are revol uti on-
i sts i n name, consti tuti onal i sts i n deed. Thhy f i ght wi th thei r f l a^
Nov. 1934 Counci l Correspondenod Page 38.
unf url ed, and must be oruahed wi th the capi tal i st tradi ti ons of yes-
terday. They are f akers agai n maki ng hi story, struggl i ng i n a f eebl e
ef f ort to ward of f the di al eoti a movement of real i ty. Meanwhi l e, the
olaoe struggl e deepeiis - real revol uti oni sts must oarry on!

I t has oome to our noti oe that the Wei sbord group, another
"wi ng" of the Bol shefci ks, who have ' adhered" to the Trotsky
movement i nternati onal l y whi l e opposi ng the Lef t Opposi ti on
i n Ameri oa, have repudi ated Trotsky and hi s whal e movement
on the baBi s sf thi s newori entati on.
REA 0:
BOLS HEVI 8U OR C0MMUNI 6M.
(A pamphl et whi oh f oretel l s the events desori bed
i n the arti ol e abevef and anal yzes the
enti re Bol shevi k movement . )
5 oents per oopy - The Uni ted Workers' Party.
WOBLD WI DE FASCI SMOR WORLD REVOLUTI ON.
(Mani f ests and Programef the Uni ted Workers' Part y)
Table of Contents:
The Permanent Cri si s
"State Capitalism" and a "Planned Eoonomy"
Fasoism
The Ol d Labor Movement
The NewRevol uti onary Lafeor Movement.
10 oents per oopy.
J UST OFF THE PRE88, NOV. i Bt, 1934 -
"WHAT NEXT FOR THE AMERI CAN WORKER?"
(A newand popul ar pamphl et, deal i ng wi th present day oondi ti one
i n the Uni ted 8tates, and gi vi ng a perspecti ve of what
the workers oan expaot i n the f uture. )
10 oents per oopy.
UNI TED WORKERS PARTY
1604 North Cal i f orni a Avenue
Chi oage, 111.
COUNCIL
CORRESPONDENCE
ENGLISH EDITION
For Theory and Discussion
CONTENTS:
THESES ON BOL SHEVI SM;
1 The significance of Bolshevism.
2 The preconditions.
3 The class groupings.
4 The essence of Bolshevism.
5 The directives.
6 Bolshevism and the Working Class.
7 The Bolshevist Revolution.
8 Bolshevist Internationalism and the National Question.
9 State Bolshevism and the Comintern.
to Bolshevism and the international Working Class.
Produced jointly by th Group of International CommuniM. of Holland.
[Fun Engtuh Translation from "RATEKORRESPONDENZ"J
WHA T'S BEHI ND T HE NEW DEAL?
DECEMBER. i 9J 4 - No. j
UNITED WORKER'S PARTY
> v-
PAAAPULEIT PUNJ AB BY
UNITED WORKER)" PARTY
WORLD WIDE- FASCISM <9
OR WORLD REVOLUTION [
CONTENT/"-^
MA N, r E 51
0 W PROGRAM U. W. P
rwf PERMANENT CRISIS
'SftTf CAPITALISM"*-cL CL ^PLANNED ECONOMY*
FASCISM
WE CLD LAQOP MOVEMENT^
M NEW REVOLUTIONARY LAbOR MOVEMENT
&OISWEVISM OR COMAAUNISAA ?
THE QUESTION OF A NEW COMMUNIST PARTY<~d--
TUE % OURTH''IN TERN A TI ON A L
ANAL17/N6 LEADSHIP 4ND THE ROLE OE THE PARTY
^P^WUATNtXT POk TME
AMERICAN WORKErR"?
A POPULAR PAMPHLET DEALING WITH THE
PRESENT' DAY AMERICAN CONDITIONS AND
OUTLINING A PERSPECTIVE Of- THE FUTURE-
<,>*
ATTRACTIVE BUNDLE- RATtS ON ALL
OAXUA. THE- ABOVE- PAMPMLE-TS
UNITO WORKER' S PARTY
1604 N. CALIFORNIA AVt CHICAGO ILL
wur i,
11
' -
1
-
1
1n' : -

DEC.
1934
Mo 3
INTERNATIONAL
COUNCIL
CORRESPONDENCE
TME.'ES ON BOLSHEVISM''
(prepared J oi ntl y by the Group of I nternati onal Communista
of Hol l and. Transl ated From "Ratekorrespondenz #3, the
Qounoil Correspondence Publ i shed by the 0. of I . 0. or H.
at Amsterdam,Hol l and,-the I nternati onal Correspondence
Bureau of th4 L ef t Communist Croups and the Counoil Move-
ment of Europe.)
I . - The Si gni f i cance of Bolshevism.
1. I n Sovi et Eoonomy and the 8ovi et 8tate, bol shevi sm has created
f or i tsel f a dosed f i el d of sooi al praoti oe. I n the
T hl
J
d
.
i onal , i t has organi zed an'i nstrument f or control l i ng and
the l abor movement on i nternati onal paths. I ts d:i reoti vaa i n
of pri nci pl e and taoti os are el aborated i n "Leninism . The i
h
ari ses: I s the Bol shevi k theory, as Stal i n says, Marxism i n the epooh
of i mperi al i sm and the sooi al revol uti on? I s i t, accordi ngl y, tne
axi s of the revol uti onary movement of the prol etari at on an i nterna-
ti onal soal e?
2. Bolshevism obtai ned i ts i nternati onal reputati on i n the prol s^
tari an cl ass movement, f i r st, by i ts consi stent revol uti onary
gl e agai nst the World War of 1914-18 and, secondl y, by the Russian
Revol uti on of 1917. I ts worl d-hi stori o importanoe l i es- i n the f act
that, under the consi stent l eadershi p of Leni n, i t reoogni zea tne
problems of the Russi an Revol uti on and at the same time oreatea, in
the Bol shevi st Party, tfce i nstrument by whioh tfcott problems could be
praoti oal l y sol ved. The adaptati on of Bolshevism to the problems
rai sed by the Russi an Revol uti on was brought about by 30 years or
pai nstaki ng and consi stent development wi th the ai d of l nsl gn i nto
the fundamental cl ass questi ons i nvol ved.
3. The questi on of whether ti l s successf ul mastery of i te tasks
enti tl es Bolshevism to l eadershi p, I n theory, tacti cs and organi za-
ti on of the i nternati onal prol etari an revol uti on i nvol ves, on tne one
hand, an exami nati on of the sooi al bases and precondi ti ons of the
Russi an R6volutSon, and, on the other, of the problems of the prol e-
tari an revol uti on i n the great capi tal i st countri es.
- 1 -
VDeo.1934 - Counoil Correspondence.
I I . - The Precondi ti ons of the Russi an Revol uti on.
4 Russi an sooi ety was deci si vel y condi ti oned by i ts posi ti on be-
s

commercial capi tal i st development,*the P
ol i
J
i oa
J :
h

u
J ^ol i ti st state
'S!K"s:'
and pol i ti oal systems i n i ts own peoul i ar way.
u i^ra'sajwisrpsi;^gsSgf
1

1
^
u!l l Sti ?i tJ S iS III era^of^i mperi al i st
u
P*^ng oreated two mutually
trl ^l i zed area of Western Europe and North ^e^oa, ana tne ooioniai
oenter of passive i mperi al i st plunder in the fj*ultura
;
L reg:lone of
Eastern Asia. The olass menace to the i mperi al i st system thus ari ses
fromboth these centers: the i nternati onal prol etari an revolution
finds i ts pivot in the highly developed oapi tal i et oounitrieipeasant
Europe and Amerioa, the national
a
?
r ar i
{^ the dividing *
countries of Eastern Asia. I n Russia, rtlo} rtjod at the dividing
point between the spheres of influence of the two i mperi al i st oenters,
the two revolutionary tendencies were mingiea.
6, The Russian eoonomy was a combination of anti quatei agrarian
production characteri sti c of Asia, and of modern i ndustri al eoonomy
oharaoterl sti o of Europe. Serfdom in various forms J "***
1
*} gj f "
tioe for an enormous mplority of Russian Peasants. The email begin
.lings of capi tal i st agi cul ture were thus
tent. They merely oaused the breaking up of the Russian vi l l age, i ts
I ndeeorlbable pauperization, while leaving the peasant chained to a
J oll whioh no longer was able to nourish him. Russian agrloul'ture,
smbraoing f our- f i f ths of the Russian population and more than half
ti e total production, was unti l 1917 a feudal eoonomy sprinkled with
oapi tal i stl o elements. Russian industry
t aB
enpaf ted upon the coun-
try by the ozari st regime, which wanted to be Independent of foreign
countries especi al l y in the production of army supplies. Since, how-
sver, Russia laoked the basi s of a.well developed system pf handi-
crafts and the rudiments for the building* of a cl ass of free labor-
*78", thi s state capi tal i sm, though born as mass produotion, created
r.d wacre-working ol ass. I t was a system o^oapi tal i sti o serfdom, and
preserved strong traces of thi s pecul i ari ty down to 1917 in suoh
'ea'ures as the code of wage payments, barraoking of the workers,
sooial l egi sl ati on, eto. The Russian workers were therefore not only
technically backward, but also to a great extent i l l i terate and in
large part di reotl y or i ndi rdotl y bound to the vi l l age. In many
branches of I ndustry, the labor foroe was made up mainly of seasonal
peasant workers who had no permanent oonneotion with the oi ty.
Russian industry unti l 1917 was a system of capi tal i st produotion i n-
terpersed with feudal elements. Feudal agri oul ture and capi tal i st in-
dustry were thus mutually penetrated with eaoh other's baslo elements
*
Deo.1934 - Oounoil Correspondence.
t
**d had been combined I nto a system whioh oould nei ther be governed
by feudal pri nci pl e# of eoonomy nor furni sh the foundation for an o
ganlo development of l tf capi tal i sti c elements.
7 The eoonoaio task of the Russian Revolution was, f i rst, the
setti ng aside of the oonaealed agrari an feudalism and i ts oontlnued
expl oi tati on of the peasants as serfs, together with the i ndustri al -
i zati on of agri cul ture, plaolng i t on the plane of modern oommodity
production; seoondly, to make possi bl e the unrestri cted oreation of
a ol ass of real l y "free l aborers", l i berati ng the i ndustri al develop
ment fromal l i ts feudal f etters. Essenti al l y, the tasks of the bour-
geois resol uti on.
6. I t was on thi s foundation that the State of osarl st absol uti st
arose. The existence of thi s State depended on an equilibrium between
the two possessing ol asses, nei ther of whloh was able to dominate the
other. I f oapitaliem furnished the eoonomlo backbone of that State,
i ts pol i ti oal prop was provi ded!^ Wis feudal nobi l i ty. "Constitutla#
1
"ri ght to vote", and system^pf
T
sel f-government
i
oould not oonoeal
the pol i ti oal impotenoe of al l ol asses in the osari at State whioh,
under the oonditlons of the country's eoonomlo baokwardness,produoed
a method of government which was a mixture of fcropean absolutism and
Ori ental despotism.
6. Pol i ti oal l i C the taek^'onfrontl i w; the Russian Revolution were;
the destructi on f t absolutism, the abol i ti on of the feudal nobi l i ty
as the f i rst estate, and the oreation of a pol i ti cal consti tuti on and
an admi ni strati ve apparatus whloh would secure poeti cal l y the f ul -
fi l l ment of the eoonomlo taek of the Revolution. The pol l tl oal j paske
of the Russian Revolution were, therefore, qui te in accord with i te
eoonomlo presupposi ti ons, the task* of the botu^eois fevolution*
I I I . - The Olass groupings of the &Ml aP Rgy^l of tt_
10. Due to the peoul i ar soci al oombillation of feudal and oapi tal -
i stl o elements, the Russian Revolution was aleconfronted with com-
pl i cated tasks, i t di ffered I n essence as fuadamenltJ ly from the
olasslo bourgeois revol uti on as the aoolal structure of Russian ab-
solutism at the beginning of the SOth oentpry di ffered, say, from
that of Frenoh absolutism I n the 17th century.
11* This di fferenoe, corresponding to the di ssi mi l ar eoonsalo foun-
dation, found i ts ol earest pol i ti oal expression in the atti tude of tho
various ol asses of Russia toward Csarlem and the revolution. Fromthe
standpoint of thei r economic i nterests, al l these olasses were tondar-
mentally in opposition to Ci ari sa. In pol i ti oal practi ce, however,
thi s pyppsition di ffered not only l a degree but was qui te di fferent
also in i ts aim and goal.
13. The feudal nobi l i ty fought fundamentally only for the exten-
sion of i ts influence over the absol uti st 8tate, wishing to keep I t
i ntact for the safeguarding of i ts pri vi l eges.
13. The bourgeoisie, numerically weak, pol i ti cal l y dependent and
di rectl y bound to Ozarlom through ptate subsidies, made numerous
shi f ts In i ts pol i ti cal ori entati on. The P*o*mbxlt movement of 1836
******* <K7tnjre Mtt+ok on the absol uti st State.
- 3 -
t
Deo. 1934"- "Counci l Correspondenoo.
At t he ti me of the terrori st movement of the Narodni ki i n t he 70 a
and 80' a, they supported t he revol ut i onary movement passi vel y f or
the purpose of st rengt heni ng the pressure on Ozari sm. They al so at-
tempted to ut i l i ze, as a means of pressure, t he
r
^t i onar y stri ke
movement s down to t he Ootober st ruggl es of J -
9
^
5
- l i J i i Smei w
l onger t he overt hrowbut the ref ormof Czari Bm. Duri ng t he parl i amen-
tary peri od f rom1906 to t he spri ng of 1917, they entered upon a
phase of oooperat i on wi t h Osari Bm. Fi nal l y, the Russi an bourgeoi si e,
i n f l i ght f romthe oonsequenoes of the revol ut i onary st ruggl es of the
prol et ari an and peasant masses, arri ved at uncondi t i onal eurrendi er to
ozari at reaot i on i n the peri od of t he Xorni l ov Put sch, whi ch was de-
si gned to reest abl i sh the f ormer power of t he Ozar. I t beoame oounter-
revol ut i onary even bef ore Jrhe t aBks of i ts Rfl SSnuti oi
accompl i shed. The f i rst ol ass oharaot eri et i o of the Russi an Revol ut i on
i s, t heref ore, t he f aot t hat as a bourgeoi s revol ut i on i t had to be
carri ed. t hrough not onl y wi t hout but di reot l y gai nst t he bourgeoi si e.
Thus arose a f undament al al t erat i on of i ts whol e pol i t i cal oharaot er.
14. I n conf ormi t y wi t h thei r overwhel mi ng
became the sooi al group whi ch at l east passi vel y det ermi ned the Rus-
si an Revol ut i on. Whi l e the numeri cal l y l ess i mportant capUal i st i o- -
mi ddl e and upper peasant r y represent ed a l i beral ,
?pol l oy, t he preponderant number Cf f ami shi ng *nd ensl aved Smal l p ab-
sents were f oroed by, el ement al necessi t i es I nt o t he ourse erf vi ol ent
expropri at i on of t he l arge est at es. Unabl e t o PU^e
of thei r own, t he Russi an peasant el ement s f ound t hemsel ves oompel l ed
to f ol l ow the l eadershi p of other ol asses. Unt i l Februaru 1917 t:hey
had, on t he whol e, despi t e sporadi c revol t s, been the f i rmoaei s
\ Czari sm. As a resul t of thei r massi ve i mmobi l i ty and backwardness, t he
H905 revol ut i on col l apsed. I n 1917 they were deci si ve i n bri ngi ng a-
bout the end of Czari sm, whi oh had organi zed t hemi n great sooi al
uni t s i n the army, i n that they passi vel y ori ppl ed the <ond.uot of th
war. By thei r pri mi t i ve but i rresi st i bl e revol t s i n the vi l l ages
duri ng the f urt her course of the Revol ut i on/ t hus doi ng away wi t h the
l arge- est at es, they created
/
- thav, neoessary condi t i ons f or t he vi otory
of the Bol shevi k revol ut i on wh$>h, duri ng t he years of
abl e to mai nt ai n i tsel f onl y by reason of thei r f urther aoti ve assi s-
tance.
15. I n spi te of i t s backwardness, the Russi an prol et ari at possessed
great f i ghti ng st rengt h, due. to t he mer oi l eBBBohool l ng of th<
6
com-
bi ned czarl st and capi t al i st oppressi on. I t t hrew i tsel f wi t h nr-
mous tenaci ty i nto t he aot i ons of the Russi an bourgeoi s revol ut i on
and became I ts sharpest and most rel i abl e i nst rument . Ad of i ts
aot i ons, - through t he ol ash wi t h Ozari sm, beoame a r e v o l u t ? * V'
i t devel oped a pri mi t i ve ol ass- oonsoi ousness whi oh i n the strugg ee
of 1917, especi al l y i n the spont aneous taki ng over of domi nant enter-
pri ses, rai sed i tsel f t o t he hei ght of subj eoti ve communi st wi n.
16. The pet t y- bourgeoi s i nt el l i gent si a pl ayed a di st i nct rol e i n
the Russi an Revol ut i on. I nt ol erabl y rest ri ct ed i n mat eri al ana cul -
tural mat t ers, hi ndered i n prof essi onal progress, sohool ed i n the
most advanoed I deas of West ern Europe, the best f orces of the Russi an
i nt el l i gent si a stood I n the f oref rof tt of t he revol ut i onary movement ,
and by thei r l eadershi p i mpri nted upon i t a pet t y- bourgeoi s, J acocl n-
l cal stamp. The Russi an sooi al - Aomocrat i o movement , i n _te prof eeai onr-
al - revol ut l onary l 6ader- el eoent , oonet i t ut ee pri mari l y a par^y ei , ae
- 4 -
Deo. 1934 - Oauoou Oortas|X>ndanco.
revol uti onary petty-bourgeoi si s.
17. For the ol ass sol ut i on of t he probl ems presented by >hs>*-
ei an Revol ut i on, t here aross a petni l i ar oombi nat l on of f <*
enormous peasant masses f ormed i ts S i . ! ? w2E2*Z
al l y weaker but revol ut i onari l y strong p r oi et ^^ Msses f J J J J i d*-
ted i ts f i ght i ng i nst rument ; t he smal l - i uti I S
t el l eot ual s arose as the mast er mi nd of t he Revol ut i on.
18 Thi s ol ass t ri angl e was a necessary devel opment ox
aool ety whi ch was rul ed pol i t i cal l y by the
St at e, based on t he di sf ranchi sed possessi ng ol asses, f w^l ao-
bi l l t y and the bourgeoi si e. The pecul i ar P
r
J ?
l e
"
pl i shi ng t he bourgeoi s revol ut i on wi t hout o^f?l J !
grewout of the necessi t y f or the overt hrow of
i ng t he prol et ari at and pesyi *ntry i n J
h0
o
, t r
Y
g
f
1
, f
t erest s and t hsreby dest royi ng pot onl y Cl ari s* but the exi st 1M
f orms of f eudal and oapi tel i i i t iZ*
ant s woul d have been abl s to handl e the nat t er J *??'
l oal l y not i n a posi t i on to do so as they were unabl e t o aot ual Hf
thei r ol ass i nt erest s exoept by subordi nat i ng t hesel ves_t o^t he^
l eadershi p of some other ol ass el ej aent whl oh U a oert al n aaa^i W
det ermi ned to what degree t hs ol ass i nt erest s i S i T L J Z !
oarrl ed t hrough. The Russi an workers dsvel oped, i n 191T, t hs f i -
ni ngs of an i ndependent ooaau^i st cl ass pol l oy, but l aokedt h#
sooi al presupposi t i ons f or thsi r v i o t o r y . ? !
prol et ari an revol ut i on woul d have had to be a
Tl
J 2
peasant ry. Thi s wa i mpossi bl e f or the Russi an J ***'
1

i ts vari ous st rat a, numbered but t en mi l l i ons. Aocor t l yy TOsy~-

j ust l i ke t he peasant shad to subordi nat e t hemsel ves td t he l ej der-
ehl p of a group of i nt el l ect ual s not organi cal l y bound up wi t h thei x
I nterests. .
19. The oreat i on of t he organi sed l eadershi p of the
ol ut i on and the devel opment or an appropri at e tacti c i s the meri t ox
t he Bol shevi ks. They aooompl i ehed t hs seemi ngl y hopel ess task or
oreatl ng t he ooxStradi otory al l i ance bet ween the P^Mant masses ri ght-
i ng f or pri vat e propert y and t he prol et ari at f i ght i ng f or oooauni wa,
thus maki ng t he revol ut i on under i t s di f f i oul t condi t i ons possi bl e
and aasuri ng i tB Buooees by bi ndi ng t oget her thi s cont radi ct ory
peasant - worker oombl nat l on wi t h t he i ron l i nks of thei r P*rt y dl otar-
t orshi p. The Bol shevi ks oonst l t ut s the l eadershi p part y of Russi a s
revol uti onary pet t y- bourgeoi s i nt el l i gent si a; they accompl i shed . she
hi st ori cal task of the Russi an Revol ut i on, namel y, t he f i t t i ng or
hi atory to the baok of t he bourgooi e- revol ut i onary peasant ry combi ned
wi th t h* prol et ari an- revol ut i onary worki ng ol ass.
I V. - The Essence Qf Bol Sf rQYl gPi
30. Bol shevi smhae al l t he f undament al oharaot er1st l ea of bour-
geoi a- revol ut i onary pol i cy I ntensi f i ed by t he i nsi ght (t aken pver
f romMar xi sm) i nt o t he l aws of movement of sooi al ol asses. Logi n' s
phraae, "the revol ut i onary aool al demoorat I s the J acobi n . l i nked
wi th the masses", i a more t han an oxt emal compari son. I t i s rether
an expreaai on of the i nner t eohni oo- pol i t i oal af f i ni t y wi t h tfce l aVe-
of tha_^voi i >ti oa#ry ptty- i rauroi i * of the Fr^poh - revol dtkon
I
Deo. 1934 - Oounoi l Correspondence.
31. The basi c pri nol pl e of Bol shevi k pol i oyt he oonquest and ex-
eroi ee of power by the organi sat i oni e j aoobi ni oal . The gui di ng
l i ne of the great pol i ti cal perepeoti ve and of i ts real i zati on
through the taoti o of the Bol shevi k organi zati on f i ghti ng f or power
l a j aoobi ni oal ; the mobi l i sati on of al l sui tabl e t aeans and f oroes o
sooi ety f or the overthrowof the absol uti st opponent, oombl ned wi th
the appl i oati on of al l methods whi oh promi se suooess; zi gzaggi ng anc
compromi si ng wi th any sooi al f oroe whi oh may be used, i f even f or
the shortest ti me and i n the l east i mportant sector of the struggl e.
The f undamental i dea of bol shavi st organi zati on, f i nal l y, i s J aoob-
i ni oal ; the creati on of a stri ct organi zati on of prof essi onal revo-^
l uti oni sts whi oh wi l l remai n a pl i ant tool of an omni potent l eader-
shi p.
22. Theoreti cal l y, Bol shevi smhas by no meane devel oped a thought
struoture of i ts own whi ch ooul d be consi dered a ol osed system. I t
has, rather, taken over the l l arxi st method of l ooki ng at cl asses and
adapted i t to the Russi an revol uti onary si tuati on, i . e. basi cal l y
changed i ttf oontent whi l e mai ntai ni ng i ts oonoepts.
23. The one i deol ogi cal achi evement of Bol shevi smi s the connect-
i ng of i ts own pol i ti oal theory aB a whol e wi th phi l osophi cal mater-
i al i sm. As a radi cal protagoni st of the bourgeoi s revol uti on, i t
f al l s upon the radi oal , phi l osophi cal i deol ogy of the bourgeoi s rev-
ol uti on and makes i t the dogma of i ts own vi ewof human sooi ety. Thi s
f i xati on upon phi l osophi cal materi al i smi s aooompani ed by a oonti n-
ual baoksl l dl ng i nto phi l osophi cal i deal i smwhi oh consi ders pol i ti -
cal praoti ce as i n the l ast i nstance the emanati on of the aoti on of
l eaders. (Treason of ref ormi sm; i ^l at r y of Leni n and 8t al i n. )
24. The organi zati on of Bol shevi smarose out of the soatal - demo-
orati o oi rol es of i ntel l ectual revol uti oni sts and devel op^through
f acti onal struggl es, spl i ts and def eats i nto an organi zati on, of
l eaders wi th the domi nant posi ti ons i n the hands of the petty-
bourgeoi s i ntel l eotuaXs. I ts f urther growth, f avored by the conti nu-
ousl y i l l egal si tuati on, establ i shed i t as a pol i ti oal organi zati on
of mi l i tary oharaoter, based on prof essi onal revol uti oni sts. Onl y
through such a strai ght- l aced I nstrument of l eadershi p ooul d the Bol -
shevi k taoti o be oarri ed through and the hi stori cal task of Russi a' s
revol uti onary i ntel l i gentsi a be f ul f i l l ed.
25. The Bol shevi k taoti o, i n the servi ce of pursui ng the oonquest
of power by the organi zati on, reveal edespeoi al l y up to October 1917-
a powerf ul i nner oonsi stenoy. Ijrs conti nual outer f l uotuati ons were
essenti al l y onl y temporary adaptati ons to al tered si tuati ons and to
al tered rel ati ons of f oroes between the ol asses. I n aooordanoe wi th
the pri nol pl e of absol ute subordi nati on of the means to the end, wi th-
out any consi derati on of the i deol ogi oal ef f eot on the ol asses whi oh
i t l ed, the taoti o-' was overhaul ed even i n apparentl y f undamental
questi ons. I t was the task of the f uncti onari es to make eaoh of these
manouwers understandabl e t o the "masses". On the other hand, avaxy^
I deol ogi oal sti rri ng among the masses, even when f undamental l y i n
contradi cti on to the paxty program, was uti l i zed. That ooul d be done
because the' onl y i ssue was the uncondi ti onal oapture of masses f or
i ts pol i oy. I t had to be done beoause these masses, workers and peas-
ants, had oontxadi otory i nterests and a compl etel y di f f erent oonsci ous-
j i ea*. Preai eal y f or thi s reason, however, the tacti cal method of
Deo. 1934 - Oounoi l Correspondence.
' Bol shevi smreveal s i ts connecti on wi t h revol uti onary- bourgeoi s pol i -
oy: i t i s, i n f aot, the method of that pol i oy whi oh Bol shevi sm; actu-
al i zes. J ,
V. - The Di recti ves of Bol shevi st Pol i oy. Hr
26. The goal whi oh f urni shed the ^starti ng poi nt of Bol shevi smI s
the overthrowof the ozari st system. As an attack on absol uti sm, i t
i s of revol uti onary- bourgeoi s character. To t #i s goal i s subordi nated
the struggl e about the taoti oal l i ne wi thi n t#e Russi an sooi al demeo-
raoy/ I n thi s struggl e, Bol shevi smdevel ops i ts methods and sl ogans.
27. I t was the hi stori cal task of Bol shevi smto wel d together, by
i ts l eadershi p taoti o, the rebel l i on of the prol etari at and peasan-
try, who stood on qui te di f f erent sooi al pl anes, to the end of com-
mon aoti on agai nst the f eudal 8tate. I t had to oombi ne tne peasant
revol t (aoti on of the bourgeoi s revol uti on at the begi nni ng of the
devel opment of bourgeoi s sooi ety) wi th the prol etari an revol t (ao-
ti on of the prol etari an revol uti on at the end of the devel opment of
bourgeoi s sooi et y) i nto a uni f i ed aoti on. I t was abl e to do thi s onl y
by reason of the f aot that i t unf ol ded a grand strategy i n whi oh use
was made of the most di verse cl ass sti rri ngs and tendenci es.
28. Thi s uti l i zati on, strategy begi ns wi th the wi l l i ngness to cap-
i tal i ze the smal l est spl i ts ana oraoks i n the opponent' s oamp. Thus
Leni n onoe spoke of the l i beral propri etors as "our al l i es of , tomor-
row", whi l e at another ti me he oame out f or support of the pri ests
who turned agai nst the government beoause of thei r materi al negl eot.
He was al so ready to support the rel i gi ous seots persecuted by
Ozari sm.
29. The ol ari ty of Leni n' s taoti o, however, reveal s i tsel f i n t he
f aot that, espeoi al l y as a resul t of the experi ences of 1905, he
posed the questi on of the "al l i es of the revol uti on" on the ri ght
l i ne, i n that he turned more sharpl y agai nst al l compromi ses wi t h the
domi nant capi tal i st groups and restri cted the pol i oy of the "Al l y"
and of compromi ses %o the petty- bourgeoi s and smal l - peasant l aments,
i . e. those el ements whi oh al i ne hi stori cal l y ooul d be mobi l i zed f or
the bourgeoi s revol uti on I n Russi a. \
30. The two- cl ass basi s of Bol shevi k pol i oy i s expressed broakl y
i n the taoti oal sl ogan of the "demooratl o di otatorshi p of the workers
and peasants", whi oh i n 1905 was made the general gui di ng l i ne of
Bol shevi k pol i oy and whi oh sti l l oarri ed wi th i t the i l l uei onary
i dea of some sort of parl i amentari smwi thout the bourgeoi si e. I t wao..
l ater repl aoed by the sl ogan of a "cl ass al l i ance between the workers
and peaaants". Behi nd thi s f ormul a was oonoeal ed nothi ng but the ' nec-
essi ty of setti ng both these cl asses i n moti on f or the Bol shevi k
pol i oy of sei zi ng power.
31. The temporary sl ogans under whi ch these two cl asses determi n-
i ng f or the Russi an Revol uti on were' to be mobi l i zed on the basi s of
thei r oontradi otory i nterests were ruthl essl y subordi nated to the
one purpose of usi ng the f oroes of these ol asses. I n order to mobi l -
i ze the peasantry, the Bol shevi ks as earl y as 1905 or thereabout?
ooJ r. od the sl ogan of "radi oal expropri ati on of the l anded propri e-
tors by the peaaants". Thi s sl ogan ooul d be regarded f romthe peas-
ants ' standpoi nt as an i nvi tati on to di vi de the bi g estate' s among
Deo. 1934 - Oounoi l Correspondence.
t he emai l peaeanta. When the Menshevi ks poi nted out the reacti onary
oontent of the . Bol shevi k agrari an al ogana, Leni n i nf ormed themthat
the Bol shevi ks had not i n the l eaat deci ded what waa to be done wi th
the expropri ated estatws. To regul ate thi s matter woul d be the f unc-
ti on of aoci al - demoorati o pol i oy when the si tuati on aroae. The demand
f or expropri ati on of the l arge estates by the peasants waa thus of a
demagogi c oharaoter#but atruok the peasants on the domi nant poi nt
of thei r i nterests. I n l i ke manner, the Bol shevi ks have al so dropped
al ogana among the workers, e. g. that of the aovi eta. Determi ni ng f or
thei r taoti o was merel y the moaentary euoceea of a sl ogan whi oh was
by no means regarded ae an obl i gati on of prj . noi pl e on the P^r^of
the party wi th respect to the maaaea, but aa a propagandi st s meana
of a pol i oy havi ng f or i ta f i nal content the oonqueat of power by
the organi zati on.
32. I n the peri od 1906- 14, Bol ehevi amdevel oped, i n the combi nat i on
of l egal wi t h i l l egal aoti vi ty, the taoti o of "revol uti onary parl i a-
ment ari sm". Thi s taoti o was i n aooord wi th the si tuati on of the bour-
geoi s revol uti on i n Ruaai a. Wi t h the ai d of thi B taoti c, i t aucoeeded
i n l i nki ng the day- to- day gueri l l a warf are between the workers and
Czari am, and between the peasants and Ozari am, i nto the great l i ne of
preparati on f or the bourgeoi s revol uti on under Russi an oondi ti ona. I n
parti cul ar, eaoh etep i n parl i amentary aoti vi ty on the part of the
RuBBi an aool al demooraoy bore, i n consequenoe of ozari st di ctatori al
pol i cy, a bourgeof i a- revol uti onary oharaoter. I n i ts taoti o of mobi l -
i zi ng the two deci si ve cl asses of the
Ru08
J ' ^
R
?
vol u
|
l 0
^.
l n
-
t h

a
I "
tered si tuati on between the revol uti on of 1905 down to the Worl d War,
thi s ai mwas f urther puraued and the Duma waa used aa a tri bune f or
i ta propaganda among the workere and peasants.
VI . - Bol shevi smand the Worki ng Ol aSB.
33. Bol shevi amhas aol ved the hi stori cal probl emof the bourgeoi s V
revol uti on i n f eu&al - oapi tal i at Russi a wi th the ai d of the prol et ar-
i at aa the aoti ve, f i ghti ng i nstrument. I t has al so appropri ated the
revol uti onary theory of the worki ng ol ass and transf ormed that theory
to sui t i ta purpoees. "Marxi am- Leni ni Bm" i a not Ha*xi sm, but a f i l l -
i ng of the Marxi at termi nol ogy adapted to the needs of the bourgeoi a
revol uti on i n Ruasi a wi th the aooi al oontent of the Ruaai an Revol uti on,
f hi e theory beoomea, i n the handa of th4 Bol ahevi ka, and i n spi te of
I ts bei ng a means of understandi ng the ol aaa structure and tendenci es
of Russi a, al so the meana of vei l i ng the actual ol asa content of the
Bol shevi k revol uti on. Behi nd t he Marxi at oonoepta and sl ogans i a con-
ceal ed the oontent of a bourgeoi a revol uti on whi oh had to be brought
about, under the l eaderahi p of a revol uti onary petty- bourgeoi s i ntel -
l i gentsi a, by the uni ted assaul t of a soci al i Bti oal l y ori ented prol e-
tari at' and a peasantry ti ed to pri vate property, agai nst ozari st ab-
sol uti sm, l andowni ng nobi l i ty and the bourgeoi si e.
34. The absol ute ol ai mto l eadershi p on the part of the revol uti on-
ary, petty- bourgeoi s and j acobi ni oal i ntel l i gentsi a i s conceal ed be-
hi nd the Bol shevi k oonoepti on of the rol e of the Party among the
worki ng cl ass. The petty- bourgeoi s i ntel l i gentsi a ooul d expand i ts
organi zati on i nto an aoti ve revol uti onary weapon onl y on oondi ti on
o'f attracti ng and maki ng use of prol etari an f oroes. I t theref ore
cal l ed i ts j acobi ni oal party prol etari an. The subordi nati on of the
f i ghti ng worki ng cl ass to the petty- bourgeoi s l eadershi p was j uati -
- 8 -
Deo. 1934 - Counoi l Correspondence.
f i ed by Bol shevi amon the theory of the "vanguard" of the prol etar-
i at a theory whi oh i t extended i n praoti oe to the pri noi pl e that the
party i s the embodi ment of the ol ass. The Party, that i s, i a not an
i natrument of the worki ng- ol ass, but the worki ng- ol aes an i nstrument
of the Party.
35. The necessi ty f or baai hg Bol ehevi k pol i oy on the two l ower
ol asses of Russi an sooi ety i s transcri bed by Bol shevi smi nto the
f ormul a of a "ol ass al l i anoe between therprol etari at and the peasan-
t r y"an al l i anoe i n whi ch l ogi cal l y antagoni sti c ol ass i nterests
are oonsci oual y l umped together.
36. The demand f or uncondi ti onal l eadershi p of the peasantry i s
di sgui sed by Bol shevi smwi th the f ormul a of the "pri macy of the prol e-
tari at i n the revol uti on". As the prol etari at i n i ts turn i s rul ed by
the Bol shevi k Party, the "pri maoy of the prol etari at" meana the pri m-
acy of the Bol shevi k Party and i ta ol ai mto governi ng both ol asses.
37. The Bol shevi k pretenti on of sei zi ng power wi t h the support of
t wo cl aaaeB f i nda i ta hi gheet expreeei on i n the Bol ahevi k oonoept of
the "di otatorahi p of the prol etari at". I n oonj unoti on wi t h the oon-
cept of the Party ae the absol ute l eader- organi zati on of t he ol aaa,
the f ormul a of the prol etari an di ctatorshi p natural l y meana maatery
on the part of the j aoobl ni oal bol shevi k organi zati on. I ta ol ass con-
tent i s f urthermore compl etel y done away wi th by the bol shevi k def i n-
i ti on of the di ctatorshi p of the prol etari at as the "cl ass al l i anoe
between prol etari at and peasantry under the pri maoy of the prol etar-
i at". (Stal i n and the programof the Comi ntern. " The Marxi at pri noi -
pl e of the di otatorahi p of the worki ng ol asa i s thus di atorted by
Bol ahevl smi nto the rul e over two opposed ol asses by the j aoobi nl cbi
party.
38. The bourgeoi s oharaoter of the Bol shevi k revol uti on i s under-
scored by the Bol shevi ks themsel ves i n thei r revi sed sl ogan of the
"peopl e' s revol uti on", i . e. the oommon struggl e of di f f erent ol aaBea
of a peopl e i n one revol uti on. That i a the typi cal 8l ogan of every
bourgeoi s revol uti on whi oh behi nd a bourgeoi s l eadershi p bri ngs
masses of petty- bourgeoi s peasants and prol etari ans i nto aoti on f or
i ts own ol aaa ai ms.
39. I n vi ewof the organi zati on' a struggl e f or power over the
revol uti onary ol aaaea, every demoorati o atti tude of Bol shevi smbe-
oomes a mere taoti oal ohess move. Thi s has been proved parti cul arl y
i n the que3ti n of workers' demooraoy i n the sovi ets. The Leni ni st
sl ogan of l i aroh 1917, "al l power to the eovi ete", bore the typi oal
two- ol aaa aspect of t he Russi an Revol uti on, f or the sovi ets were the
"counci l s of workers, peasants and sol di ers" (i . e. agai n peasants' *
Furthermore, the sl ogan was mere taoti o. I t was put f orth by Leni n
i n the February revol uti on because i t Beemed to assure the "peacef ul "
transi ti on of oontrol f romthe aooi al - revol uti onary Menshevi k coal i -
ti on to the Bol shevi ks by the i noreaee of thei r i nf l uence i n the
sovi ets. When, af ter t he J ul y demonstrati on, the i nf l uence of t hj
Bol shevi ks over the Bovi ets deol i ned, Leni n temporari l y abandoned
the sovi et sl ogan and demanded the organi zati on of other si uga^j d of
i nsurrecti on by the Bol ehevi k Part y. I t was onl y when, as a resul t o
the Korni l ov Putaoh, the bol shevi k i nf l uence i n the sovi ets agai n
sharpl y i noreaeed, that Leni n' s party agai n took up the sovi et sl ope
- 9 -
Deo. 1934 - Oounoi l Correspondence.
Si noe the Bol shevi ks regarded the sovi ets preponderantl y^as^organs
of i nsurrecti on i nsteadi of as organs of sel f - government of the wor
ki ng ol ass, they made i t al l too cl ear that to themthe sovi ets wei \
onl y a tool by the ai d of whi ch thei r party ooul d take over the
por^Thi s has been demonstrated i n general practi ce, not onl y by
thei r organi zati on of the sovi et state af ter the conquest of power,
but al so i n the speoi al case of t he bl oody repressi on of tne Kron-
stadt rebel l i on. The peasant- oapi tal i st demands of thi s i nsurreoti oi
were granted by the NEP; i ts prol etari an- democrati c demands, however
were drowned i n worki ng- ol ass bl ood.
40$ The struggl e over the content of the Russi an sovi ets l ed, as
earl y as 1930, to the f ormati on of a genui ne, though on the whol e
sti l l weak, communi st ourrent i n the Party. The workers opposi ti on
(Utyanl kov) represented the i dea of oarryi ng through sovi et d3moc-
racy f or the worki ng- ol ass. Li ke al l other seri ous opposi ti ons of
thi s nature, l ater on, i t was eradi cated by i mpri sonment, exi l e and
mi l i tary exeouti on, but i ts pl atf ormremai ns as the hi stori oal
starti ng poi nt f or an i ndependent, prol etari an- oommuni st movement
agai nst the Bol shevi k regi me.
41. The atti tude of t he Bol shevi ks toward the trade uni on questi on
i s l i kewi se determi ned f romthe poi nt of vi ewof control and l eader-
shi p of the workers by the Bol shevi k party. I n Russi a, the Bol sheui ku
have oompl etel y taken away f romthe trade uni ons .thei r oharaoter pf
l abor organi zati ons, by gOvernmental i zi ng and mi l i tari zi ng themby
the oompul sory oharaoter i mposed upon themaf ter the oonquest of
power. I n the other oountri es, the f i nal resul t of the Bol shevi k
pol i cy has been to protect the bureaucrati c, ref ormi st trade- uni on
organi zati ons, and i nstead of the breaki ng up of suoh organi zati ons,
the Bol shevi ks have advooated the "oonquest" of thei r apparatus. They
were bi tter oppoaents of the i dea of revol uti onary, i ndustri al organ-
i zati ons beoause these l atter embodi ed demoorati o demooraoy. The Bol -
shevi ks f ought f or the oonquest or renovati on of organi zati ons con-
trol l ed by the oentral i sti o bureaucracy, whi ch they thought to rul e
f romthei r own oommand posts.
42. As a l eader- movement of j aoobi nl oal di ctatorshi p, Bol shevi sm
i n al l i ts phases has consi stentl y oombatted the i dea of sel f - deter-
mi nati on of the worki ng ol ass and demanded the subordi nati on of the
prol etari at to the bureauorati zed organi zati on. I n t he di soussi on
whi oh took pl aoe, pri or to the war, on the questi on of organi zati on
wi thi n the Seoond I nternati onal , Leni n was a vi ol ent and vi ndi cati ve
opponent of Rosa Luxemburg and supported hi msel f outspokenl y on the
centri st Kautsky, who duri ng and af ter the war, dear l y reveal ed hi s
pol i oy of cl ass betrayal . Bol shevi smhad even then, as constantl y
si nce, proved that i t not onl y has no under st at i ng of the questi on
of devel opi ng the oonsoi ousness and the ol ass organi zati ons of the
prol etari at, but that i t al so oombats wi th al l means al l theoreti oal
and praoti cal attempts to def bl op aotual ol ass organi zati ons and
nanci es.
VI I . - Thfi Bol shevi k Revol uti on.
43. Bol ahevi amhas cal l ed the revol uti on of February the bourgeoi s
revol uti on, and that of Ootober the prol etari an revol uti on i n order
to be abl e to paae of f i ts l ater regi me as prol etari an ol ass rul e and
- 10 -
Deo. 1934 - Oounoi l Correspondence.
i ts eoonomi o pol i oi es aa soci al i sm. The absurdi ty of thi s di vi si on
of the revol uti on of 1917 beooraes ol ear merel y f romconsi derati on of
the f act that i n that oase a devel opment of seven months woul d have
suf f i ced to oreate the eoonomi o and soci al presupposi ti ons f or a
prol etari an revol uti on i n a oountry whi ch hed j uet entered the pro- \
cess of i ts bourgeoi s revol uti on, i . e. si mpl y to l eap an eoonomi o
and eooi al phase of devel opment that woul d at l east requi re deoades. i
I n real i ty, the revol uti on of 1917 i d a qui te uni tary soci al prooesa
of transf ormati on, begi nni ng wi th the ool l ap' se of Czarl emand at-
tai ni ng i ts cl i max wi th the vi ctori ous armed i nsurrecti on of the
Bol shevi ks on November 7th. Thi s vi ol ent process of transf ormati on
i s that of Russi a' s bourgeoi s revol uti on under the hi stori cal l y
oreated, pedul i ar Russi an condi ti ons.
44. I n thi s prooess, the party of the revol uti onary, j aoobl ni oal
i ntel l i gentsi a sei zed power on the two eooi al waves of peasant and
prol et ari an mass i nsurrecti on and created i n the pl aoe' of the shat-
tered governi ng tri angl e, Ozari sm, nobi l i ty, bourgeoi si e, the new
governi ng tri angl e, bol shevi sm, peasantry, worki ng ol ass. J ust as
the state appartus of Ozari smrul ed i ndependentl y over the two poss-
essi ng cl asses, so the newBol shevi k state apparatus began to make
i tsel f i ndependent of i ts doubl e cl ass basi s. Russi a stepped out of
the condi ti ons, of ozari st absol uti smi nto those of Bol shevi k absol u-
ti sm.
45. Bol shevi k pol i oy attai ns, duri ng the revol uti onary peri od, i ts
hi ghest poi nt i n the way of embraoi ng and masteri ng the ol asa f oroes
of the revol uti on. The acme of thei r revol uti onary taoti o l a reaohed
i n the preparati on and oarryi ng qut of the armed i nsurrecti on. The
queatl on of the vi ol ent upri si ng became f or the Bol shevi ks a ques-
ti on of an exact, thoroughl y sohedul ed and pl anned mi l i tary acti on,
the head of whi oh as wel l as i ts dri vi ng and control l i ng f orce was
the Bol shevi k Party wi th i ts mi l i tary f ormati ons# Oonoepti on, prepar-
ati on and executi on of the armed i nsurroti on by the Bol shevi ks bear
the obvi ous stamp of the j aoobi ni oal oonsDi raoy, (i n the Russi an
Revol uti on agai n t he onl y possi bl e pol i cy) that i s, of i nsurrecti on
under the pecul i ar oondi ti ons of oarryi ng through the bourgeoi s rev-
ol uti on agai nst t he bourgeoi si e.
46. The i nner oharaoter of the Bol shevi k revol uti on as a bourgeoi s
revol uti on reveal e I t sel f i n i ts eoonomi o sl ogans. To the peasant
masses, the Bol shevi ks represented the vi ol ent expropri ati on of the
l arge estates by the spontaneous aotl on of the l and- hungry smal l
peasantry. They perf eotl y expressed i n thei r agrari an praoti oe and
sl ogans (Peaoe and Land) the i nterests of the peasants f i ghti ng f or
the seouri ty of smal l pri vate property, henoe on capi tal i sti c l l nea,
and were thus, on t he agrari an questi on, ruthl ess ohampi ons of smal l -
oapi tal i st, hence not sool al l at- prol etari an i nterests agai nst f eudal
and capi tal i st l anded propert y.
47. Nor wi th regard to the workers were the eoonomi o demands of
the Bo-l shevi k revol uti on f i l l ed wi t h a sooi al i tt content. Leni n on
several oooasi ons repel l ed wi th dl sti not sharpness the Menshevi k
ori ti ci emthat Bol ehvl emrepresented a Utopi an pol i oy of Bool al J za-
ti on of producti on i n a oountry not yet ri pe f or i t. The Bol shevi ks
decl ared that i n the revol uti on i t was not at al l "a questi on of soo-
i al i zati on of produoti on, but oonti ol of producti on by the worker

- 11 -
Doo. 1934 - Oounoi l Correspondence.
The . l og. n Of control
?
J Pr * . n pr,
capi t al i sma#a f oroe :fox of expi r at i on. The boa:
duot i on, but depri vi ng i t
r oV
ol ut l on and t he Bol shevi k ael f -
geoi s oharaoter of t he Bol ehevi k, charact er, as opposed to t he
roet rl ot i on t o thl a ?So ovsrtti rowof 1917, ooul d not be
0?
8
l j t hi s . l ogon of oont rol of produot l on.
40. The el ement al f oroe of t he > ZnShUe
and t he sabot age of t he f arther i nto taki ng, Over the
drove the Bol shevi k
i nd
}j "
t
f j j
1
n
52 J
or nmen
t al bureauoraoy. The state
i ndust ri al ent erpri ses by t he ne ,g
eX
i ,
0
d of war communi em, al -
eoonomy whi oh at f i rst , t hroughout geper i oa ox
L enl n
as Bf i Sl i i t l i produot of t he 8tal i ni t era.
49. Lenin hlm.elf had, how.ver n^other J
of soci al i zati on of Qerman war eoonomy and the postal
duoted state eoonomy. To him the German
l 2 a t l o n
i
#e
, eoonomio
servi ce were i l l ustrati on, of MOMIg oentral i stl oal l y
-organi zati on of a;i MWgk]. J he teohni oal , not the prol etaf -
oontrol l ed from^ove. !Be
pr0
bl em. Lenin l i kewi se based
lan, sooi al side of the sool al i zat P .
Qn t h e 00
noepts of so-
hi meel f, and with him Bolshevism, i n genera ,
l n hl # - r i n
_
oi al i sati on propounded by the o e n t r
a
completely or-
anoe Capi tal " had eketohedan_
i
J eal i zed p
l a l l 2 l n g
production,
ganlzed oapi tal i sm. The aotual probl emi ns organi zati on of
i .e. tfce taki ng over of the enterpri ses and the organi sati on ^
eoonomy through the working ol aes and i t . i t by. I t had to be
shop counoi i s; Bolshevism has completely p < <nn nt fraa and
J aaSeS S? bemuse the Marxist " ea of the associ ati on
a
equal produoers i s dl reotl y opposed * ***.
d i d no t
pptaess the so-
j aoobl ni oal organi sati on, and beoause :RUSBJ ooialism. The soci al i ze-
oi al and eoonomio condi ti ons necessary for so . . mmi tal i st
u concept of the Bolsheviks i s therefore
1 l

i 8 t
eoonomy taken over by the State and di rected from the j j ei aa ana
from above by i ts buxeauoxaoyf The Bolshevik soci al i sm
ganized oapi tal i sm.
VI I I . - Bol shevi k I nternatl f tntf -
i an an
^
t hg
50. Duri ng t he Worl d *<tr, the Bol . hevU. represented o6l et ent -
l y i nternati onal st andpoi nt under, the sl ogan Oo:
n
J *t
Hal Tel
con-
war i nto oi vi l war" and had apparentl y *???l i l mwas 11
si stent Marxi st s. But t hei r revol ut i onary i nt er nat i o^i smwa*
much det ermi ned by i ei r taoti o i n t he J oggl e f or t he Rueei an Re o
l ut i on as was l ater t hei r swi ng t o the KI P. f heappeal to t he i nto
nat i onal prol et ari at was onl y one si de of a pol :
l
J ?
da war
i nternati onal support of t he Russi an revol ut i on. The other si de war
t he ool i oy propaganda of "nati onal sel f - det ermi nat i on
the ol ass out l ook was even more def i ni tel y j j ori f l oj d
oonoept of "^peopl e' s revol ut i on", i n f avor of an appeal to al l
cl asses of cert ai n peopl es.
51. Thi s doubl e- f aoed "two- ol ass I nt ernat i onal i sm"' of the Bol e
1
y, i ks corresponded to the i nternati onal si t uat i on of Russi a and 01
- 13 -
Deo.1934 - Oounoil Correspondenoe.
revol uti on. Russia stands between the two oenters of the i mperi al i st
world system, geographically and eooi ol ogi oal l y. I n Russia, where
the aoti ve i mperi al i st and the passi ve col oni al tendencies met, the
svstem ool l apsed. The reacti onary cl asses of Russia were lnoosqpetent
to put i t together again, as thei r deoi sl ve defeat in the l orni l ov
Putsch and l ater In the oi vi l war has proved. The only real danger
threateni ng the Russian revol uti on was that of I mperi al i st i nterven-
ti on. Only mi l i tary invasion on the part of i mperi al i st oapi tal
oould stri ke down Bolshevism and restore Ozarlsm - the old realms
whioh had been bui l t i nto the world system of i mperi al i st expl oi ta-
ti on both as an instrument and as materi al at the same time.The prob-
lem of aoti ve defenss of Bolshevism agai nst world imperialism oonr
si sted, therefore. I n oounter-attaoki ng in the i mperi al i st center*
of powr. This was brought about through ths two-sided i nternati onal
pol i oy of Bolshevism.
53. With the standpoint of the i nternati onal prol etari an revolu-
ti on, Bolshevism propagated aa I nternal attaok by the i nternati onal
prol etari at on the oenter of world imperialism in the hi ghl y develop-
ed capi tal i st oountri es. With the pol i oy of "the ri ght to nati onal
sel f-determi nati on" Bolshevism propagated an attaok by the oppresl
peasant peoples of the Far East on the ool oni al oenter of world im-
peri al i sm. I n a double-phased i nternati onal polioy adj usted to tre-
mendous perspecti ves, Bolshevism attempted to lengthen the prol etar-
ian peasant arms of i ts revol uti on i nto the i nternati onal
etretohes of world oapi tal i sm.
53. The posi ti on of Bolshevism on the "nati onal question" i s pxao-
tl oal , henoe not merely an expedient of the bourgeois revol uti on of
i ts own oountry, - a revol uti on whioh wished to stri ke Ozarism with
the aid of the nati onal l neti nots of the oppressed peasant elements,
and nati onal i ti es of the Russian I mpire. I t is* at the same ti me,the
peasant i nternati onal i sm of a bourgeois revol uti on whioh was aooo>-
pl l shed in the age of world imperialism and whioh oould hold out in
the meshes of the i mperi al i st net only with the ai d of an i nterna^
ti onal l y ori ented and aotl vated oounter-pol i oy.
54. As instrumente of Bolshevist l eadershi p for thi s pol i oy of
I nternati onal support for the bourgeois revol uti on accomplished on
Russian soi l , Bolshevism attsmpted to oxeate two i nternati onal ox-,
gani zati ons: the Thixd I ntexnati onal to mobilise the woxkexs of the
highly developed capi tal i st oountxiee, and the Peasant I nternati onal
as an organi zati on for Bolshevik mobi l i zati on of the ori ental peas-
ant peoples. As the f i nal guiding thought of thi s i nternati onal
double-olaae polioy there appeared the I dea of the world revol uti on,
in whioh the i nternati onal iIuxopean-Amexloan) prol etari an revol uti on
and the nati onal (mainly Ori ental ) peasant revol uti on were to be
ri veted i nto a new i nternati onal uni ty of bolshevik world pol l or
under the etri ot l eadershi p of Mosoow. Thus the oonoept of "world
revol uti on" has for the Bolsheviks an al togethex di ffexent ol ass oon-
tent. I t no.longer has anything in oottnon with the i ntexnati onal
prol etari an revol uti on.
55. The i nternati onal polioy of Bolehevism was thus dl reoted to
repeati ng the Rueslan Revolution on a world soal e by slosaltaneous
uti l i zati on of the prol etari an and the peasant-bourgeois revofcut190s
and thereby making the l eadershi p of the Bolshevik party of Ruesia
- 13 -
Dec.1934 - Counol l Correepond4oe.
the oommander of a worl a bolalxevik system of coupl i ng together the
oommuni et-prol etari dn and paaeant- oapi tal i Bt i nterests. Thi s pol i cy
was i nsof ar posi ti ve as i t has protected the Bol shevi k State from im-
peri al i st i nvasi on by oonti nual l y di squi eti ng the capi tal i st States,
and thoi tby has gi ven i t ti me to. bui l d i tsel f gradual l y i nto the
worl d i mpcrl ul l yt fjyct^magai n by the capi tal i st metnods of oommer-
ci al rel<?.c ion&, doonoraio agreements and non-agressi on pacts. I t has
gi ven Russi a the ortpor-canity f or an unhi ndered nati onal bui l di ng up
and extent', .u JI i ts own i nternal posi ti oh. The two- f ront pol i oy of
Bol shevi sm r;-as nc^ati v* i n that on both si des the attempt to carry
over the acti ve bulsheviL. pol i ci es onto a worl d scal e has ool l apsed.
The experi ment o: the Passant I nternati onal has ooi rpl etel y broken
down wi th the dof eat of bol shevi k pol i oy i n Chi na. The i hi rd I nter-
nati onal , af ter the pi ti f ul col l apse of the Communist Party of Ger-
many, i s no l onger a f actor in bol shevi k^worl d pol i cy. T..e gi ganti c
at to-apt to transpl ant tho bol shevi k pol i cy of Russi a i n-o world re-
l ati ons "i s hi stori cal l y a f ai l ure, and proves the nati onal , Russi an
l i mi tati ons of Dolsheviym. At any rats, the bol shevi k experi ment i n
i nternati onal MEBHt^olitlk has af f orded ti me and spaoe f or the re-
treat of Bclshe;"i?m onto 3ts nati onal (Russi an) posi ti on and f or the
oonversi on to capi tal i st- i mperi al i st methods of i nternati onal pol i cy.
Theoreti cal l y, thi s retreat found i ts expressi on i n the formul a so-
ci al i sm i n one oountry
11
, thereby removing the i nternati onal ti es
from the concept of "soci al i sm" af ter the Russi an economic praoti oe
had al ready robbed i t of i ts prol etari an cl ass content and turned i t
I nto a di sgui se of statecapi tal i st tendenci es found as wel l i n re-
formism and i n petty- bourgeoi s fasoi sm.
56, Actual l y, i t i s unessenti al , now that we have the resul ts of
15 years of the bol shevi st 8tate and of the bol shevi st i nternati onal ,
whether Leni n at or bef ore the foundi ng of the Comintern had or had
not a di f f erent i dea about the ef f ect of thi s bol shevi st i nternati on-
al . I n practi oe, Bol shevi sm wi th i ts ooncept of the "ri ght to nati on-
al sel f - determi nati on" has devel oped the tendenci es to a worl d-bol -
ahevlk Machtpol l ti k. I t has alBO, through the Comintern, deci si vel y
contri buted to the resul t that the European prol etari at was unabl e to
ri se to the hei ght of revol uti onary communist i nsi ght and i nstead re-
mained stuok i n the mud of ref ormi st oonoepts revi ved by Bolshevism
and decorated wi th revol uti onary phrases. Thus i t has come about thac
the oonuept of the "Russi an Fatherl and" has become the oornerstone of
the whole pol i oy of the bol shevi k parti es, whereas f or prol etari an
oommunism the i nternati onal 'worki ng ol ass stands at the oenter of al l
i nternati onal ori entati on.
IX. - 8tate Bol shevi sm and the Comi ntern.
57, The establ i shment of the 8ovi et State was the establ i shment of
the rul e of the pa- ty of bol shevi k-Maohi avel l i sm. The soci ol ogi cal
basi s of thi s statd power, made i ndependent of i ts supporti ng ol assot
and creati ng the new sool al element of the bol shevi st bureauoraoy,was
composod of the P.'.seian prol etari at and peasantry. The prol etari at,
enohained wi th the mt:.ode ci compulsory membership i n the trade
uni ons and oho terrori se oi! tho To'neka, formed the basi s of the bol -
shevi sti c, burHu-;rfitioali.7 c. aduoted state economy. The peasantry
conoo/J og end st i l l conceal s i.i i t3 ranks the pri vate capi tal i st ten-
denoi ee of tha': eoonomy. The Sovi et State i n i ts i nner pol i oy was
oonti nual l y bei ng tossed back and f orth between the two tendenci es.
- 14 -
Deo.1934 - Counci l Oorrespondenoe.
I t has attempted to master them through vi ol ent organi zati onal meth-
ods suoh as the f i ve- year pl an pol i oy and oompuleory ool l eotl yl zatl on
I n praoti oe, however, i t has only i ncreased the eoonomio di f f i cul ti es
to the danger poi nt of an expl osi on of the eoonomio oontradi ottozm-bj r
the i ntol erabl e overtensl oni ng of the f oroes of the workers and peas-
ante. The experi ment i n bureauorati oal l y pl anned state eoonomy can by
no means be denoted as a compl ete suooess. The great i nternati onal
oataol ysms threateni ng Russi a are bound to l noreaee the oontradl o-
ti ons of i ts eoonomio eystem t i l l they become i ntol erabl e and may
enormously hasten the col l apse of the hi therto gi ganti c eoonomio ex-
peri ment.
58. The i nner oharaoter of Russi an eoonomy i s determi ned by the
f ol l owi ng ol roumstanoes: i t rests on the f oundati on of commodity
produoti oni i t i s conducted aooordi ng to the vi ewpoi nts of capi tal -
i st prof i tabi l i ty; i t reveal s a deoi aedl y capi tal i st system of wages
and speed-up; i t has carri ed the ref i nements of capi tal i st rati onal -
i zati on to the utmost l i mi ts. Bol shevi st eoonomy i s state produotl oQ
wi th oapi tal i sti o methods.
59. Thi s state form of producti on al eo produoes surpl us val ue,
which i s squeezed out of the workers I n f ul l est measure. The Russi an
State does not, to be sure, reveal any pl ass of peopl e who i ndi vi du-
al l y and di rectl y are the benef i ci ari es of the surpl us-val ue produc-
ti on, but i t pookets thi s surpl us val ue through the bureaucratl o,
parasi ti oal apparatus aB a whole. I n addi ti on to i ts own qui te costl y
mai ntenance, the surpl us val ue produced serves <or the expansi on of
produoti on, the support of the peasant ol ass and as a means of settl e-
ment f or the f orei gn obl i gati ons of the State. So that, i n addi ti on
to the eoonomi oal l y parasi ti oal el ement of the rul i ng bureauoraoy,
the Russi an peasants, as a di sti nct part of i nternati onal oapi tal , are
the benef l oi ari es of the surpl us val ue produced by the Russi an wor-
kers. The Russi an state eoonomy i s theref ore, prof i t prodviotlon and
expl oi tati on. ecDnopy. I t i s state capi tal i sm under the hi stori cal l y
uni que condi ti ons of the bol shevi k regi me, and accordi ngl y represente
a di f f erent and more advanced type of capi tal i st produoti on than eveb
the greatest and most advanoed oountri es have to show.
60. The f orei gn pol i oy of the Sovi et Uniqn has been subordi nated
to the poi nt of view of securi ng the posi ti on of the Bol shevi st Party
and of the state apparatus whioh i t oontrol s. Eoonomioally, the Rus-
si an government fought f or support of i ts i ndustri al oontruotl on,
whioh was pushed forward wi th the greatest exerti ons. The i sol ati on
of Sovi et Russi a's economy l ed to a strenuous pol i oy of doi ng away
wi th the oompuleory autarchy whi l e mai ntai ni ng oontrol of tne f orei gn
trade monopoly. Commeroial treati es, oonoeeel onnai re agreements, as
wel l as extensi ve credi t arrangements, reestabl i shed the bond of Rus-
si an state eoonomy wi th capi tal i st worl d produoti on and i ts marketp,
i nto whioh Russi a entered partl y as a oourted customer and partl y aB
a keen oompeti tor. On the other hand, the pol i oy of eoonomio attaofa-
ment to worl d oapl tal oompelled the sovi et government to cul ti vate
f ri endl y and peacef ul rel ati ons wi th the capi tal i st powers. The pri n-
ci pl es of a bol shevi st worl d pol i oy, where they were st i l l propagated,
were opportunl sti oal ly subordi nated to the bare oommerolal treaty.The
enti re f orei gn pol i oy of tne Russi an government took on the stamp of
a typi oal l y capi tal i st diplomaoy and thus, I n the i nternati onal
Sphere, def i ni tel y tore bol shevi st theory l oose from bol shevi st pao -
tl oe.
- 15 -
Deo. 1934 - Counci l Correspondence.
61. i n the oent ur of t hef or ^gnpr opag^r f u^^^Sa' a! ! ?
1
"
shevi smpl aoed the thesi s of l mpe -
l n t he
l east wi th the
Uni on" though euch a phrase di d ^
of
-
l nt
er est 8 and thei r
compl i cated l i nes of ??^t ed to mobi l i ze the i nter-
oonti nual l y changi ng groupi ngs. I t a P ^ through a partl y
SJ i ; ! f . n! Sj
at
pSS- SS. SS. ^
h
P
e
o/ - ^
8
f
8
?tf
ea
1r
t
o!S
e
w
0
i ?S
n
i n
t
d
i et Union.
62. o The oppo si t i one bet we en
V
pQ
P
^anda
&
of the Comintern"
powers led to the ideol ogical "J
t
p
^
0
U. 8. 8. R. "Proteot
under the slogans:
n
^^
t
^
a
J
0
^^
8
;
e
J e p^sented irith these op-
the Soviet Union". I n that the ^orsere wo* v
po l i o y
, they
posi ti ons as the only and
det er
^J "
t
?
t 0 t he
aotual real i ti es of
were prevented fromgaining "J . ^J nts of the communist parti es be-
I nternati onal pol i ti os.
T
^^l l nd Lid opportunistic defenders of
oame, before everything
e1
?
0
' of the faot that the So-
the Soviet Union and were kept J
n
f
^f ?J ^
K
ed faotor in imperial ist
vi et Union had long ago beoome a ful l -fl eagec i auw*
world pol i ti os.
63. The continual ory of al ar* ahout^i m*i nent^.ar
blned i mperi al i st powers against the . *, ,
l ta
_4-a^i on
0
f labor and
pol i ti cs for j usti fyi ng the i n^nsi ned mi l i tari zati ontOi ^ ^
the increased pressure on the ^si an p
a W 8 t l nt
erest In the
however, the Soviet
Un
*A
h
| "J ?,??"
y
confl i ct with other States,
unconditional avoidance of any mi l i tary J --,*-,*,. internal l y in lararo
The existence of the ^l ^evl k gove^ent^epj nd^l nternal l y I n^ar.o
measure on the avoidanoe of al l vol utionary. Therefore the Com-
pol i ti cs, bot h mi l i tary as eU as r evol uUonai y. ^ner ei or ^
I ntern has in praoti oe, in *y*^
f

botf t

e 0
f jy.1
r ea
l revolutionary
propaganda, carri ed on a PPl*y * "5SuSst parti es somewhat openly
prol etari an development and in the
f
P. Soviet Union must
sure, employed strong gestures against imperial ist p<owe
s-.i'r-srs-s.-jsyg
same poi nt of ti me i s, oonversel y, a proof J he i mperi al p
era wi t hi n the bounds of thei r pol i oy of opposi ng i nterests,
S S S 3 a ^ ^ ! 2
io rel ati ons with I tal i an fascism and
H
I or
Union appears as a rel i abl e eoonomlo, and J enoe ^
8
P*"*
41
'
up
^
port of the-most reactionary f asci st di ctatorshi ps in Europe.
64. The policy of unconditional understanding of the J "
h
oapi tal i at and i mperi al i st States has not only fo
no
J gSJ St HniSni
fl
ie i t merely an ei pressl on of mi l i tary i nf eri ori ty. The Soviet talon*a
"peaoe polioy" i s, rather, quite deci si vel y guaranteed by the^lnner
si tuati on of Bolshevism. I ts exlstenoe as an independent state power
1
Deo. 1934 - Cpunoi l Correspondence.
i aDenda on i ts suooess i n mai ntai ni ng an equi l i bri umbetwaan the dam-
i S t S wSkl SJ cl ass and the peasantry. I n . pi t . of the Progress
nade i n i ndustri al i zi ng t he country, the
- trxti* ^^lirssKf'Ssi^sri
1
^"! ^ =;i>T
?n;
deoi si on about the f eedi ng of the oountry. Seoondl y, <
ti nn has strengthened not onl y the eoonoml o, but al so the pol i ti cal
noSar ?f ?heSSa. I nt ry whi ch ae bef ore i s sti l l f i ghti ng f or pri vat ,
capi tal i st i nterest. . (For "col l ecti vi zati on" i n Russi a mean, a ool
l eotl ve uni on of pri vatel y owni ng Pasant etlibStiSS T i n thT thi ^
l l ^^L r t h T i i S S S l S ' S ^S i J t r J Souldlorm
the oondi ti ons' f or a renewed and vi ol ent Peasant "3oi i t i f n
i
bv
t
t hi
#
bol shevi st system; j ust as, on the other hand, a revol uti on by t h.
European prol etari at woul d al . o make probabl e an open j j
t he Russi an worker. . On t he. . MWS' lTltfS
bet ween the Sovi et government and the i mperi al i st power, l . a i i r#
necessi ty of bol shevi st absol uti sm.
65 The Comintern I tsel f has become a tool for the misuse of tfc.
i nternati onal working cl ass for th. pp
r
J uni* o* njtilonki
gl ori fl oati on and the I nternati onal .eouri ty pol icy or the Rus.i a^^
I tate. I t arose, In i ts extra-Ru..i an part., from"*jjf **" .
olutionary cadres of the European prol etari at. By uti l i . i M ti e
thori ty of the bolshevik revol ution, the
and tacti o of Bolshevism was forced upon th. J"**** Ixlo^T
eost brutal i ty and without regard for immediate f Pl i ts. The J*J*-
tive oommittee (E.O.C.I .T - another tool of the leadership of Rus-
ai a's governmental bureauoraoy - was mad. the J ^ol ut.
al l oommunist parti es and thei r polioy was completely out loose fro*
the aotual revolutionary i nterest, of the i nternati onal workingolam..
Revolutionary phraee. and re.ol uti on. f
r
7
d
* * J*** *f .
oounter-revolutionary polioy of the Comintern and i t. partiee,which
In thei r bolshevik manner beoame as adept in working o^a.. betrayal
and unrestrai ned demagogy as the .ooial-demooratio parti es had teen.
J ust as reformismwent down, l n the hi .tori oal .n, on the fusi on
of i ts apparatus with oapitalism, so the Comintern .uff.red .hipwreoi
by the conneotlon, through i t. apparatus, with the oapi tal i .t polioy
Of the Soviet Union.
* - Bolshevism ftnfl IgUOflfc W .
66. Bol shevi sm, i n pri nol pl e, taoti o and organi sati on, i . a move-
ment and method of the bourgeoi . revol uti on l n a preponderantl y PM~
ant oountry. I t brought the ooi al i . ti oal l y ori ented prol etari at and
t he capi tal i stl oal l y ori ented peasantry to a revol uti onary upri si ng,
under the di otatorl al l eadershi p of the j aoobi ni oal i ntel l i gentsi a,
agai nst the absol uti st 8tate, f eudal i smand the bourgeoi si e, f or ts
purpose of smashi ng f eudal - oapi tal i sti o absol uti sm, and, l n a great
strategy of turni ng everythi ng to advantage, j oi ned together the op-
posed. prol etari an end peasant ol aas- i nterests wi t h the ai d of i a-
sl ght i nto the J I - ' R character of the l aw. of . ool al devel opment.
67. Boi ehevi sus -& theref ore not onl y unMr vi oeabl e a. a di r. ot i v.
f or the revol uti onary pol i oy of the i nternati onal prol etari at, but
i s one of i te heavi est and most dangerous i mpedi ments. The struggl e
agai nst the bol shevi k i deol ogy, agai nst the bol shevi k praot i oe. and
Deo.1934 - Oounoll Oorreepondenoe.
henoe agai nst al l groupa eeeki ng to anohor then anew i n the prol etar-
i at i i one of the f i r et tasks i n the struggl e f or the revol uti onary
reori entati on of the working ol aee. Prol etari an poj j oj
1
oped onl y from the prol etari an ol aee ground and wi th the methods and
organi sati onal f orne adapted thereto.
WAT'3 BEHIND THE "NEW DEAL"?
The New Deal l a no harbi nger of a "new soci al order", nor l e i ts
apostl e, Frankl i n Delano Roosevel t, sel f - procl ai med Messiah f or the
"f orgotten man", the real l y unsel f l eh and publ l e- api ri ted i ndi vi dual
he i s portrayed.
Roosevel t's el ecti on was engi neered, J ust l i ke al l other previ ous
el ecti ons, by a group of i ndi vi dual s whose eoonomlc i nterests re-
qui red urgent governmental ai d.
The f al l of 1932 saw the oompl ete ool l apse of Amerloan i ndustry and
a ri si ng ti de of agrari an dl soontent. The current occupant of the
White House/] Herbert Hoover, pl aced there by the Morgan and Mellon
f i nanci al I nterests, appeared total l y obl i vi ous to the desperate
atral te of tpese two groups. I t was onl y natural that these groups
shoul d str i yi f or that pol i ti oal power I n the coming el ecti on which
would enabl e'them to pass benef i ci al l egi sl ati on f or themsel ves.
Why was Roosevel t sel eoted to "l ead" the country out of eoonomlc
chaos? Not onl y becauss he had caught the nati on's attenti on as a
much adverti sed "l i beral " pol i ti ci an, but even more so because hi s
own economic i nterests were i denti cal with those of the group push-
i ng hi s candi dacy.
J ames Roosevel t, f ather of Frankl i n D., one-ti me^vfcre-presi dent of
the Delaware & Hudson R.R., accumulated such a,tremendous f ortune i n
rai l road organi zati on*, both down South f ol l owi ng the Ci vi l War, and
i n the East, that-tte was consi dered one of the f i ve ri chest men in
New York Ci ty. Although young Frankl i n D-, had expressed a desi re to
enter the Navy, the el der Roosevel t persuaded him to study law i n-
stead and thus better equi p hi msel f f or the ul ti mate management of
the eatensl ve Roosevel t hol di ngs. Fol l owi ng graduati on from Harvard
and Columbia Law School , Roosevel t entered the of f i oes of the beat
establ i shed fi rm of management l awyers I n New York Ci ty. While I n
thei r employ, he di rected the af f ai rs of the huge Aator estate, and
thereby establ i shed a very cl ose f ri endshi p with William Vi ncent
Aator, one of th9 country's most i nf l uenti al I ndustri al i sts and ban-
kers. I n a spi ri t of fun, Roosevel t then entered pol i ti cs. Running
si
o r
the state Senate on the Democratic tl oket, he surpri sed everyone
py capturi ng the of f i ce. No sooner was he seated, than Roosevel t, the
yfcomparatlvely unknown, drew nati onal attenti on to hi msel f by l eadi ng
/ an opposi ti on to the Tammany nomi nati on f or U.S.senator (I n those
/ days, 1911, they were el ected by the state l egi al ature) Thus he
/ gai ned through ti l s one act that unfounded reputati on f or unsel f i sh
( devoti on to the peopl e's i nterests that has sndured to thi s day.Next
Roosevelt boosted Woodrow Wilson f or the Democrati c presi denti al
- 18 -
bee.1934 - Counci l Correspondence-
1
nomi nati on i n 1912, stumpi ng f or him ufterwarda duri ng the,succeasf ul
el ecti on campaign- As a reward, Wilson appoi nted him Assi stant Secre-
tary of the Navy. Roosevel t spent seven yeara I n thl a poai tl on.Sever-
al montha ago, the Adml ni strati on publ i ci ty agencl ea made much of the
State department's order removing the U.S.Mari nes who had been sta-
ti oned i n San Domingo (Hai ti ). They di screetl y negl ected to mention
that i t was thi e sume Frankl i n D. Roosevel t who sent them there in
1913 i n hi e f i rat of f i ci al act aa Aasi stant Secretary ostensi bl y to
protect American l i ves, actual l y to protect American i nvestments,
Astor I nterests among others! During the summer and f al l of 1915,our
peace-l ovi ng Asst. Secretary of the Navy began prepari ng the Navy
f or eventual parti ci pati on I n the World War, two yeara bef ore our ac-
tual entry1 I n addi ti on, he devel oped a gi f t f or oratory and began to
advocate publ i cl y f or a much l arger Navy. Thi s mi ssi onary work waa
l argel y i nstrumental i n causi ng Presi dent Wilson to sponsor the l ar-
geat jNavy appropri ati on bi l l up to that ti me. Paased in 1916, i t
provi ded an appropri ati on of $320, 00Qr000 f or naval expansi on.
Af ter America.was propagandi zed i nto the war, thanks to pai d Al l i ed
propaganda pl us the h-elp tendered by American f i nanci al i nterest*,
(J ^.Morgan &. Co.) and young J i ngo'i ata of the Rooaevel t type, our
hero proved hi msel f qui te capabl e. Rooaevel t I nvented the "Macy Botir^"
the f i r at governmental war l abor board, which coordi nated wagep In \
every part of the country. The Nati onal War Labor Board developed
f rom.thi s. Thla l atter Board ahowed i ta regard f or Labor by forbl ri-
di ng al l stri kes f or the termi nati on of the war. Rooaevel t al i o ser-
ved as representati ve of the Navy on the War Labor Pol l cl ea Board,
charged wi th working out l abor pol l cl ea. I n hi a Rapaci ty as Navy l a-
bor expert, Roosevel t helped "arbi trate" l abor di sputes pertai ni ng to
the Navy constructi on yards. Thi s work brought him i nto contac; with
vari ous American Federati on of Labor of f i cl al s> "ho al l di spl ayed
great patri oti sm and extreme reaaonabl eness i n thei r deal i ngs.
The greatest of these patri ots and the most reasonabl e in hl a demands
was the vi ce- presi dent of , the I nternati onal Associ ati on of .Machl nl sta.
Roosevel t never f orgot the favors he recei ved from thi s of f i ci al , and
so when the C.C.C. was I nsti tuted l aat year, at i ts head was pl aced
thi s aterl l ng patri ot, Robert Fechner.
Af ter hel pi ng to win tne war to "make the World Safe f or Democracy".
Rooaevelt returned to ci vi l i an l i f e, resuming hia law practi ce. At
Al fred E. Smi th's behe8t, he reentered pol l tl ca, gai ni ng the govef-
norahi p of New York I n 1928, and agai n I n '30- During thl a peri od,
the Governor di acovered he poaaeaaed a remarkabl e radi o voi ce,, f or a
pol i ti ci an. From auch humble begi nni nga sprang that great American
I nsti tuti on: I nti mate Fi resi de Chata With The Preal ^ent (through the
courtesy of both broadcasti ng systems).
His admi ni strati on as governor, i n spi te of press-agency tc the Con-
trary, shows no benef i ts f or l abor. The l egi sl ati on to whloh Rooae-
vel t poi nts with greatest pri de as a boon to l abor, The New Tork
State Old Age Pensi on Act, doesn't benef i t l abor at al l . Not only
must appl i cants bo 70 yeare or over, (surel y no hel p to moat workera
who never reach 60, l et al one 70 becau8e of modern working condi ti ons
but the prooee.dure i s so l oaded with red-tape that real l y needy i ndi -
vi dual s wi thout money f or l egal ai d oan hardl y hope to aacure i ts
*agre banefi t.a.
19 -
m
Dec.1934 - Counci l Correspondence.
Roosevel t i s not the onl y member of hi s fami l y with extensi ve r ai l -
road hol di ngs. Hi s f i r st couai n on hi s mother's sl 5e, Lyman Delano,
i s today Chairman of the board of di rectors of the Atl anti c Coast
Line R.R.Co., the L oui svi l l e & Nashvi l l e, and has an i nterest in man>
others. Other rel ati ves are J . J . Pel l ey, recentl y resi gned presi dent
of the New York, New Haven Sc Hartf ord R.R., and a sharehol der i n
otners; and Mr. Curry of the Union Paci f i c. Roosevel t's three moat
I nti mate f ri ends are l i kewi se i ndustri al i sts with huge rai l road hol d-
i ngs. The aforementi oned Vincent Astor, besi des extensi ve I nterests
i n i ndustry and ocean transportati on, i s a di rector of the Great Nor-
thern Ry.Co., and .the I l l i noi s Central . Wm.A.Harrlman, hei r of the
ol d rai l road ki ng, I s a di rector of both the I l l i noi s Central and the
Union Paoi f i c. wm.K.Vanderbilt hol ds di rectorates i n the New York
Central , the Michigan Central , and other rai l roads. Besi des these
rel ati ves and cl ose f ri ends, al l who supported Roosevel t's presi den-
ti al campaign with substanti al f i nanci al contri buti ons, almost every
other rai l road mogul i n the country l i kewi se backed him: Robert
Goel et, Arthur C. J ames, Edward S. Harkness, C.S.McCain, David Bruce,
Howard Bruce, Wm.T.Kemper, and F.H.Rawson. The rai l road group behi nd
Roosevel t numbered almost everyone btit, si gni f i cantl y enough, the re-
presentati ves of the roads control l ed by the J .P.Morgan f i nancal l I n-
terests.
The rai l roads had i ndeed taken the worst beati ng of any capi tal i st
group duri ng the peri od of the cri si s, and oertai nl y needed hel p.For
example, i n 1932, 150 sel ected rai l roads showed a def i ci t of
$150,634,00 compared to earni ngs of $896,807,000 i n 1929. The rai l -
road equipment I ndustry l ed by Wto.Woodin al so marshal l ed behi nd
Roosevel t.
Another secti on of i ndustry that ral l i ed behi nd Frankl i n D., was the
mining, parti cul arl y the preci ous metal s - gold and si l ver - group.
Most promi nent here were the Guggenheim and Bernard M.Baruch i nter-
ests, exerti ng a vi rtual monopoly on si l ver through control of the
American Smel ti ng & Refi ni ng Co., which ei ther extracts or ref i nes
f or others al most one-hal f of the world si l ver produced yearl y. I n-
cl uded with these i s al so Wm.R.Hearst,-newspaper publ i sher, l arge
Mexican si l ver mine owner and sharehol der i n the Homestake Gold Min-
i ng Co.Thfo -g^oup i n advocati ng gold deval uati on and greater use of
si l ver f or monetary'purposes enl i sted the l arge f armers' vote who de-
manded that farm produot.pri oes be rai sed through monetary l egi sl ati on.
A pol i ti cal >. *rty that promised to rai se farmer purchasi ng power,"
(f al l en i n 1932 to almost one-hal f that of 1929) was bound to gai n the
support of i ndustri al i nterests dependent on the f armer; aad so we
f i nd th6 McCormicks, owning the monopol i sti c I nternati onal Harvester
Co., and other farm implement a/d f er ti l i zer manufacturers j oi ni ng the
Roosevel t band-wagon.
Minor i ndustri al i nterests i ncl uded the l i quor concerns who wanted re-
peal of the Prohi bi ti on Amendment, and constructi on i ndustry moguls
such as C.R.Crane of Crane Co.> J esse H. J ones (R.F.C. head) and J .T.
J ones of the J dnes Lumber Co., etc.
Behind both pol i ti cal parti es was al so a grim struggl e between two
f acti ons f or control of the gi ant Chase Nati onal Bank. Backing the
Republ i can Hoover wore hi s 1928 mentors, the House of Morgan. Opposing
- 20 -
* i
Dec.1934 - Counci l Correspondence.
J .P.Morgan was thi s other group-of stockhol ders headed by J ohn Rocki
f el l er, J r. , and i ncl udi ng Vi ncent Astor, the Vanderbl l ts and Guggei.
hel ms. The f i ght centered about the pol l oy of J .P.Morgan, who con-
trol l ed the bank, i n f orci ng the Chase Nati onal to engage in practl c
es outsi de i ts own l egi ti mate f i el d, such as l endi ng money, f or sped
l atl ve purposes, the f l oati ng of new stock and bond I ssues, *nd buy-
i ng and sel l i ng on the stock market. Rockef el l er, J r . , and hi s al l l c
who are pri mari l y i ndustri al i sts, vi ol entl y di sapproved of thi s pol-
i cy bl ami ng i t i n great part f or the stock market crash of '29.They
not onl y wanted to gai n control of the bank and return i t to I ts not
mal commercial banki ng practi ce, which i s to provi de funds to I ndus
try and busi ness f or meeti ng current expenses, on good securi ty, but
they wanted control of the fedea-al government i n order to enact f ed-
eral l egi sl ati on agai nst the Morgan pol i cy which had become wide-
spread under the i nf l uence and example of the Chase Nati onal . The
Lehman Bros, (among which i s Gov. H.H.Lehman of N.Y .) the country'#
second l argest f i rm of I nvestment bankers, and other i nvestment
houses such as Hal sey Stuart, supported thi s attempt to l egal i ze
agai nst thei r competi tors. f
Roosevel t was no sooner i naugurated than he commenced to remamber the
"f orgotten men". Fi rst on the l i st, of course, were the Rockef el l ers,
So on March 15, 1933, J .P.Morgan was summoned bef ore the Senate Bank-
i ng I nvesti gati on. Hi s revel ati ons and those of 'Al bert H. Wl ggi n.the
nomi nal head.of the Chase Nati onal appoi nted by Morgan, were so'dam-
agi ng that Wiggin was foroed to resi gn and the Rockef el l ers gained
the bal ance of voti ng power, enabl i ng them to el ect thei r own map
Winthrop W. Al dri ch to the Chairmanship of the Board of the Chase
1
Nati onal Bank.'When Al dri ch appeared bef oreHhe Banking I nvesti ga-
' ti on, he announced that the Chase Nati onal would di vorce i ts Chade
Securi ti es Corp. He arguad^or a compl ete dl ^rce' of the securi ti es
busi ness and commercial deposi t banki ng. Thi s suggesti on was em-
bodi ed i n the Gl a8s-Steagel l Banking Act (J une 16, 1933) orderi ng al l
commercial banks to be separated from t.hei r securi ti es busi ness wi th-
i n twel ve months. Restri cti ons were al so pl aced agai nst l oans f or
specul ati ve purposes.
The deval uati on of .the gold dol l ar, fol l owed l ater by the nati onal i -
zati on of si l ver, enri ched i mmedi atel y the gold and si l ver producers.
Thi s monetary pol i cy pl us crop curtai l ment as practi ced by the A.A.A.
has i ncreased farm pri ces to some degree. The Admi ni strati on, however,
overl ooked the obvi ous f act that hi gher food pri ces rai se the cost of
l i vi ng f or the worker, which i s di rectl y opposed to the i nterests of
the i ndustri al i st who desi res low producti on costs.
The N.R.A. whose f i r8t form was suggested by Bernard M. Baruch as the
resul t of hi s war-ti rae experi ence as Chalrman of the War I ndustri es
Board, was admi ni stered by Hugh J qhneon (a former employe and di s-
ci pl e of Bari i ch's) i n such f ashi on as to al l ow the natural tendency
toward mqnopoly i nherent i n capi tal i st to devel op unrestri ctedl y.
Codes were drawn by the l argest i ndustri al i sts i n each i ndustry and
natural l y they were drawn i n thei r own i nterests. Minimum wages and
hours served to el i mi nate the smal l competi tors who were onl y abl e to
stay i n th^e race by p-.ylng unfcul te7abl y lovv wages and working long
hours. Governmental restri cti on, theref ore, hel ped to l i qui date these
smal l f ry and f ostered monopoly. Si nce anti - trust restri cti ons have
been set asi de duri ng the course of N.R.A., i t i s evi dent that thi s
phase wi l l be conti nued.
- 21 -
Dec.1934 - Counci l Correspondence.
I n the ef f ort to hel p those other "f orgotten irien", the backbone of
hi s pol i ti cal support, the rai l road and addi l i ated i nterests (l nol u-
di ng hi msel f ) the Presi dent has been f orced to adopt a cauti ous and
slow pol i cy. Because they are sUbj eot to f ederal regul ati on, the
rai l roads present a del i cate probl em. Rates cannot be arbi trari l y
rai sed wi thout consent of the I nterstate Commerce Commission. Com-
peti ti on at the hands of the bus, waterway and the aeropl ane has
caused a great drop i n rai l road tr af f i c. For example: volume of
f rei ght tr af f i c today i s onl y 60# that of 1929; passenger tr af f i c
today i 8 onl y 50# of 1929 and 33# of 1920. A coordi nator of rai l roada
was establ i shed af ter Roosevel t took of f i ce. Hi s j ob has been to de-
vel op a pl an to reestabl i sh the roads. Hi s pl ans cal l f or greater
consol i dati on among the vari ous competi ng roads which would el i mi nate
competi ti on between them - - one of the requi rements of the I .C.C. I n
addi ti on, i t has been suggested that the I .C.C. be reorgani zed with
separate di vi si ons f or rai l roads, motor l i nes, ai r l i nes andol her
carri ers i n a coordi nated system of government regul ati on. I f-4rhese
pl ans are carri ed through, and they shoul d consi deri ng Roosevel t's
hol d on Congress today, then the rai l roads wi l l become more of a
monopoly than ever, and ri val forms of transportati on wi l l suf f er.
The government wi l l al so be forced to subsi di ze the rai l roads i n or-
der to modernize them. Pri vate capi tal could hardl y f i nance the costs
I nvol ved today.
Having secured most of i ts real obj ects, or about to secure them,the
"New Deal" can now af f ord to drop i ts mask of "radi cal i sm".Overtures
have been made to bi g busi ness assuri ng i t that the admi ni strati on
is^i nherentl y devoted to preservi ng the prof i t system.Because of La-
bor's growing mi l i tancy and i ts ref usal to obey and accept doci l el y
the tradi ti onal trade-uni on l eadershi p of the A.F. of L., in the
face of -ever-growi ng mi sery, a change i n^be governmental l abor pol -
icy may be expected shortl y. I n return f or some sop, such as unem-
ployment i nsurance of a kind, l abor wi l l be made to gi ve up i ts
ri ght to stri ke. Once the stri ke i s outl awed, i s made i l l egal , wage
cuts wi l l become the rul e. Of course, Labor wi l l be asked to accept
these cuts only "temporari l y unti l busi ness revi vesl "
Our onl y concl usi on i s that Labor onl y by compl etel y changi ng the
soci al and economic system can real l y and trul y gi ve i tsel f a New
%
Deal f or al l ti me.
it. # a *
n- a a x- ###* #_ #
N O T I C E
* Each i ssue of t he Counci l Cor r espondence cont ai ns *
* f i r st transl ati ons i nto Engl i sh of some i mportant a
w
t i de or pamphlet by Marxian theoreti ci ans. Thi s mat-#
* eri al i s not obtai nabl e anywhere el se. Every Marxist *
* needs the Counci l Correspondence. You can assure *
><yoursel f a copy of each i ssue by sendi ng i n your sub-**
* scri pti on f or 1935 NOW. Send $1 and your name and ad-*
* dress to: Uni|ed Workers' Party #
*
1604 N. Cal i f orni a Ave., #
Chicago, 111. #
sKHiii
- 22 -
Dec.1934 - Counci l Correspondence.
ANNOUNCEMENT OF CLASSES CONDUCTED BY U. W. P.
NEW YORK CITY: Monday eveni ngs - 8 P.i i .
I.W.W. Hal l - 94 Fi f th Ave.
Subj ects:- Di al ecti c Materi al i sm
Capi tal i st Cri si s and Col l apse
Producti on & Di stri buti on i n Communism.
CHICAGO Monday evenings - 8:30 P.M.
V 1604 N. Cal i f orni a Ave.
A
Subj ect : The hi st or y ad devel opment of t he
Amer i can Labor Movement .
BUFFALO, N.Y. Thursday evenings - 8 P.M.
533 Broadway (corner of J ef f erson Ave.) 2nd f l oor-
Subj ects: I ntroducti on to the Economic Laws of
Motion.
Di al ecti c Materi al i sm.
FORTHCOMING ARTICLES IN THE COUNCIL CORRESPONDENCE.
I n i ssue of J anuary 1935:
"The Labor Movement and the Workers in Motion" - by Karl Korach
"I s the A. F. of L. a Labor Organi zati on?"
The present Stand pf the Eudjopfean Counci l Movement.
Arti cl e on the Organi zati on'l j tfesti on - by Rosa Luxemburg.
The Labor Movement i n England.
Some new transl ati ons from Karl L l ebtnecht.
To those who have wri tten i n aski ng f or addi ti onal copi es ot the
f i r st i saue of Counci l Correspondence, we are sorry to say that thi s
i ssue i a enti rel y sol d out. We hope to get out the f eature arti cl e,
"What l a Communiam" I n pamphlet form sometime i n the near f uture,
and when we do we wi l l noti f y the workera who have sunt i n these re-
quests. We sti l l have a few copi es of the November i ssue.
* * * *
IN GERMAN: - - BESTELLT - LEST.
"Ratekorreepondenz" (Theoretl schea - und Di skussi ona-
organ f ur di e Ratebewegung) Herauagegeben von der
Gruppe I nternati onal er Kommunisten Hol l and.
J ede Mummer 10 cent. Portof rei . Bestel l t bei
Uni ted Workers' Party
1604 N. Cal i f orni a Ave.,
Chicago, 111.
- 23 -
I
J
4
/
/
COUNCIL
CORRESPONDENCE
ENGLISH EDITION
For Theory and Discussion
CONTENTS:
THE BABBITTS HAVE A PROGRAM.
On the programof the National Association ol
Manufacturers.
CAPITALISM AND PLANNI NG.
THE NEW PROGRAM OF THE "AMERICAN
WORKERS PARTY".
By KARL KORSCH
J ANUARY , 1935 - No .4
UNITED WORKERS' PARTY
/
\
(
/
r
i
/ J AN No. 4
n\i BAftBITIS NAVE A PROGRAM
On The Program of the Nati onal Associ ati on of Manufacturers.
The spi ri t of Hoover, Babbi tt & Company l i ves on, very much unim-
pai red. The Roosevel t Revol uti on came, parsed over i t, and f i nal l y
spent i tsel f in the vapori ngs characteri sti c of predepressi on Cal at
hi s best. The manufacturers, i ndustri al i sts or whatever one chooses
to cal l them (but the word "capi tal i sts" i s taboo) have taker, heart,
emerged from thei r cel l ars and come forward with a "Froposed Fl at-
form f or Recovery" which we understand wa6 adopted.at thei r annual
conventi on at the Wal dorf -Astori a, Dec. 5 and 6. Or i f i t wasn't a-
dopted, that was a mere oversi ght due to the f act that the del egates S
no doubt had a number of more i mportant thi ngs to thi nk about, as,
f or example, the best way to spend the eveni ng.
And if you don't bel i eve that thi s pl atf orm I s a g*m, J ust reed the
f i rst pafee i ntroducti on by Mr.C.L.Bardo, presi dent, and be convi nced.
Here we are i nformed speci f i cal l y that the worthy Babbi tts are i n-
tent on "gi vi ng thei r best thought and uni ty towards busi ness recov
ry" and that "at thi s parti cul arl y cruci al ti me" the "el ements of
recovery" are merely awai ti ng "the materi al i zi ng ef f ect of stabi l i zi n.
pol i ci es". Vhich at any rate seems to prove that the l ords of Americai
capi tal are l earni ng to use bi gger words; perhaps they wi l l actual l y
be readi ng before l ong -- i f onl y the si gns of the ti mes. I n f act,
even the present program contai ns an occasi onal note of alarm regard-
i ng radi cal cri ti ci sm, and a hi nt at f asci st repressi on. 'Ve are warr.e
f or example, to "stop poi soni ng the wel l s of publ i c opi ni on" (as i f
that were not another capi tal i st monopoly); and thp Committee (of
f uture rel ati ons of government to i ndustry) "urges a check upon those
utterances that rashl y assai l the general i ntegri ty and competence of
our i ndustri al l eadershi p or assert the f ai l ure of our economic sys-
tem". But even at the ri sk of i nj ecti ng a l i t t l e more poi son i nto
those wel l s, we wish to take up the vari ous proposal s of the Fl atform
in order and in some detai l .
Tr.e f i r st proposal , "subj ect to rati f i cati on by i ndustry", deal s in a
general way with "The Road to Recovery". The keynote here i s that "re
covery rru.'t be ranked f i r st among al l rel i ef measures" or "recovery
and re-< x. ^.c-yment mu3t not be subordi nated to reform". And how i s re-
- 1 -
Counci l Cor r espondence
covery to be br ought about ? Af t er al l t he t al k oover l ng t hr ee l ar ge
pages, i t al l boi l s down t o t he ol d ol i che of "conf i dence" and t he
removal of "i mpedi ment s i n t he road to r ecover y". I n ot her wor ds, t he
Roosevel t pr ogr amof act i on havi ng f ai l ed, and capi t al i smhavi ng
pr oved t hat i t i s not amenabl e to ref orm, back to t he do- not hi ngl sm
of t he Great Engi neer . The Commi t t ee i s evi dent l y not al t oget her un-
awar e of t he weakness of i t s posi t i on, , and accor di ngl y devot es a
coupl e of par agr aphs here, to poi nt i ng wi t h pr i de to past accompl i sh-
ment s under t he Amer i can Const i t ut i on and t o ut t er i ng a war ni ng a-
gai nst some unment i onabl e mal ef act or s by whom"ouc peopl e ar e now
bei ng t ol d t hat our di f f i cul t i es ar e due t o t he bj j i aakdown of an out -
worn economi c syst em". However , "out of exper i ence i n t he dai l y con-
duct of our busi ness", t he enl i ght ened economi st s go on to be mor e
speci f i c.
Her e we come t o t he real "Pl at f or mf or Recover y" ^hl <*h i n i t s ext ra-
l ar ge t ype cover s f i ve pages and deal s wi t h ~i x di f f er ent subj ect s:
1 - Nat i onal Economi c Pl anni ng and Publ i c Admi ni st r at i on; 2 - Publ i c
Fi nance; 3 - Money, Banki ng and pr i vat e Cr edi t ; 4 - Gover nment Com-
pet i t i on; 5 - Empl oyment Rel at i ons and I ndust r i al Di sput es; 6 - So-
ci al Secur i t y. The whol e t hi ng i s qui t e as hi debound i n i t s conser -
vat i smand as bar r en of any i dea t hat woul d even so much as t end to
pr omot e r ecover y as an edi t or i al by Wi l l i amRandol ph Hear st , or a
Republ i can Par t y pl at f or mwr i t t en, say, by Her ber t Hoover . How any set
of men wi t h even nor mal i nt el l i gence coul d ser i ousl y put f ort h such
st uf f as wor t hy of consi der at i on i n t hi s si xt h year of t he "depressi or
i s r at her a myst er y and can per haps be most sat i sf act or i l y expl ai ned
by t he unconsci onabl e demagogy of t he bour geoi si e t hr oughout t he
wor l d. They seemto f eel t hat t he r adi cal ar gument s have to be coun-
t er ed i n some manner or*' other, and t hat nonsense i s bet t er t han no-
t hi ng.
But her e ar e t he dr ear y exampl es. Economi c pl anni ng i s, of cour se,
r ej ect ed, on t he l ong- hackneyed and pur el y i deol ogi cal gr ound t hat i t
t ends to r egi ment at i on, and t hat "no group of men i s wi se enough to
pl an and cont r ol t he oper at i ons of al l ou^j oani f o 1<$ busi ness act i vi -
t i es"; t hough t hi s l at t er st at ement does at l east cont ai n an i mpl i ed
admi ssi on t hat capi t al i smi t sel f pr ecl udes pl anni ng, and i s per oaps
f or t hat r eason wor t hy of bei ng cal l ed toy1he at t ent i on of al l l i ber al
On t he quest i on of publ i c f i nance, t he gr eat ai m i s, of cour se, to
bal ance t he Feder al budget - - and how? Mer el y by t he "adopt i on of
pol i ci es whi ch wi l l st i mul at e busi ness, r est or e empl oyment . I ncr ease
nat i onal i ncome and per mi t cut t i ng publ i c expenses to f i t r easonabl e
t axes". Her e, however , t he Babbi t t s ar e at t hei r best ; t hey make some
concr et e pr oposal s whi ch mi ght possi bl y pr ove somewhat ef f ect i ve - -
most l y at t he expense of t he wor ker s and ot her s whose budget s ( i f any!
are r ar el y or never bal anced. These i ncl ude r ej ect i ng payment of t he
sol di er s' bonus unt i l due, f eder al appr opr i at i ons f or const i t ut i onal
pur poses onl y ( what ever t hat means) and "an equi t abl e non- cumul at i ve
manuf act ur er s' sal es t ax" to t ake t he pl ace of "exi st i ng st at e sal es
t axes and pr esent sel ect i ve Feaer al sal es and ' nui sance' t axes".
Gover nment compet i t i on i s, of course, a very t ouchy poi nt wi t h t hese
gent r y, and t hei r phr aseol ogy on t he subj ect becomes qui t e l udi cr ous
i n i 18 unguar ded r age. Thus we ar e t ol d to "abandon al l f or ms of
Counci l Correspondence.
government oempeti ti on whldh aq examples thrsaten I nductry, thwdrf
pri vate i ni ti ati ve and ( l tal l se ours), and agai n:
"Stop government eompetltiort
,
*which converts the taxpayer'* money IMN
an i nstrument f or hi e rueti on" ( !) . Demagogy here turn* upon drift
devours I tsel f .
The secti on on employment rel ati ons end i ndustri al di sputes i s squal l ;
ri ch I n what I t trl ee to conceal , thougn more caref ul l y worded. I t-
contai ns i n mi ni ature the cempl ete open-shoe an* no-etrl fce phi l osophy
dear to the hearts of al l i nduetri al l ate. They are very edl l ci teue,ef
oeurse, abeut stri ke- breakers (what they eaXl ^|roteoti ng Men tn thdl r
ri ght te werfc"), they want the government to mm^M t eympathett# oi*
general etrtkee, they weald "ref rai n from pol f ef ee ifei ah attempt dp
f oree men l hte l abor organi sati ons", and abate al l . they would riot
"depri ve i ndi vi dual s and mi nori ti es of thei r ri ght to bargai n f^
theaeel vee", nor, no doubt, of thei r ri ght starts. An<l whi j d
"management recogni ses that the producti vi ty of the voi der ehOui# be
f ai rl y and even l i beral l y ref l ected in ti l s eoapeneetl on", sti l l , of
oeurse, "l afror annot share what i s not produced". We wonder, b+pevex,
i f Labor might no.t reasonabl y ask why I t l a not yro#uoedi Doaid
sel f - sol i ci tous capi tal i sts be good enough to s*pi ai n thdt^'of
such an expl anati on bel ong among those rash utterances uhltfh ttuat be,
cheeked? Or weuld I t el dpl y be to "i gnore eedhoalC" (h. e. carl tdi l |tj Q)
"poeei bl l l ti ed"?
The questi on of "aeei al eoeartty* i s takhnr up i n more detai l in f
speel al proposal f arther en - i n thd "'platform.' I t contai n# not hlntf df
any parti eul ar i ntereet., or at l eftat nothi ng p* vti ca|$rl y new
1
^
expeotsd, eieoept perhepa the apfei*4nt ef f rentenr of the fl reVi ti j p%<
whioh reads i 'Both preventi on ai d rel i ef of uaaii47hertt af e
problems i n whioh management, wanlameee al l ^atf adr eooi al greffi?/
must aocept thei r f ul l share of reeponei bi l l ty". We say "apparent"
because i t i s qui te possi bl e that here the i ndustri al i sts were "thi nk-
i ng of the responsi bi l i ty or these employee* and e'th'e? groups f or
permi tti ng oapi tal i sm to keep on vegetati ng. I n f act, we read on the
previ ous page of the Program about "the normal and.orderl y method
through which a f ree peopl e I n i ts own i nterest authori zes i ts (t)
pri vate enterpri ses to demonstrate by to l ^ntai y acti on thei r capaci ty
f ar sel f - organi aati on, and sel f - control arid eel f-eri foreement cf that
control i n the l i ght of thei r experi ences". (Very obl i gi ng of a tr+*
peopl e, to be sure!) Otherwi se, the "rel i ef pri nci pl es" of the i ndus-
tr i al i sts are, as we sai d.very muoh What was to be expeoted i n view
of the ori gi n. There i s the usual tal k about "rel i ef so extravagant
that i t undermines the moral * of thoss who recei ve i t", and the ueual
concern wi th havi ng wage rates f or ecrfc performed on work rel i ef
lower than current wage rates i n pri vate employment, md the f ear tha'
taxpayers' money might be used in such a ay as to enoourcge or i n-
ci te etri kes. ri nal l y, I t I s suggested that "the amount pflowjdfd f or
rel i ef shoul d be based on actual I ndi vi dual and fami l y neadd and not
t tad tp .feecQfle a mattar of l a*l ri ght". and the ff.C.C. t* oom-
mended aa an "example of successf ul rel i ef tort combined aTtt'dl tf l aan-
shi p trai ni ng".
^.The report of the Committee on the Future Bel et lone of Oovarnmmpt t<>
I ndustry i s perhaps the moat i nteresti ng part of the Program, al nee
i - reveal s the di recti on in which the i ndustri al s thi nk they ace
headed--mcatl y baokward. Of course the Committee "expreeeaa i ta fml tb
- 9 -
Council Correspondence.
in the tested fundamental s of our pol i ti oal and eocnonlo system" and
recogni zee as on essenti al task of statesmanshi p the conti nui ng a-
daptati on of these pri nci pl es to the probl ems peoul i ar to modern l i f e
wi thout oompromise or surrender of the baa io truths whloh they oontal t
I t assumes that the powers contai ned in the Nati onal I ndustri al Re-
covery Aot rest up<fc the asserti on of emergency authori ty and that "i t
i s Obvious the emergenoy wi l l pass"* I t l ooks forward to the "expi ry
date" of the N.R.A. (J une 16.1935) wi th consi derabl e rel i ef , whereupon
i t trusts that i ts own pl an "would provi de a means of seouri Eg, wi th a
minimum of exeouti ve enforcement, the f ree and ef f eoti ve oooperati on
of I ndustry and Government". This pl an oonsi sts essenti al l y in the en-
actment by Ccngrees of a Fai r Trade Praoti oe Aot whioh would di f f er
from the w.R.A. pri mari l y in the f act that the adopti on of codes of
f ai r praoti oe would be vol untary on the part of the di f f erent i ndus-
tri es and aubj eot to approval or di sapproval by an admi ni strati ve
court/ I n f aot, the pl an would go st i l l f arther i n the f reedan granted
to i ndustry, tin that "an approved code shoul d l i kewi se pl ace upon the
i ndustry the pri mary Obl i gati on of pol i oi ng enforcement".
The Program ends wi th a panegyri o to the achi evements of American i n-
dustry,a panegyri o whioh turns out to be a rather lame apoi ogeti o.
The good i ndustri al l ets di spl ay a real i conoern about the f uture of
"thi s great f l nanol al , i ndustri al and humani ty-servi ng struoture"whi oh
to "destroy through prej udl oe or l aok of ui derstandi ng would be to
burn down the house in order to pvaiish son rat". But the l ast sen-
tence reveal s a ohastened and (to the i ni ti ated) hopel ess outl ook whiol;
bel i es al l the brave words that went bef ore, as i f they had f ai ntl y
real i zed that capi tal i sm sti l l drags on merel y by i nerti a and strength
of tradi ti ou. The best that they can gather up heart to say I s that
"onoe ar ti f i ci al obstacl es are removed, and ocnfi denoe restored, i n-
dustry wi l l do i ts f ul l part toward reoovery".
* THE INEVITABILITY OF COi4MUNISM.-by PAUL MATTICK *
* A New Pamphlet J ust Oat #
* Publ i shed by *
* POLEMIC PUBLISHERS *
* , 673 Broadway, New York Ci ty #
* 48 pages. - - 25 a copy. - - Post age pr epai d- Br i er now#
* The edi tori al committee of Counci l Co rrespoffTtence *
recommends the above bookl et and wishes to announce*
* that vre wi l l f eature a review of I t i n the February*
* i ssue of thi s magazine* *
.. .. . ' f K u wl o i
- 4 -
Counci l Correspondence.
^ C A P I T A L I S M AND P L A N N I N O. +*
I .
The l i t er at ur e deal i ng wi t h t he pr obl ems of a pl anned economy has at-
t ai ned pr opor t i ons compar abl e onl y wi t h t hose of t he c. -i sl s whi ch
br ought i t f or t h. I n al l t hi s wel t er of t hought , we may di st i ngui sh
t hr ee mai n cur r ent s: one whi ch st ands f or t he possi bi l i t y of capi t al -
i st pl anni ng, anot her whi ch deni es i t on pr i nci pl e, and a t hi r d whi ct
hover s bet ween t hese ext r emes and f i nds i t s champi ons bot h i n t he
bour geoi s and ' soci al i st ' camps. Whi l e t he f i rst group sees i n t he
pl anni ng t endenci es a vague i nt i mat i on of an har moni ous capi t al i sm,
t he l at t er hopes f or a gr adual and peacef ul t r ansf or mat i on of t he
pr esact economi c syst emI nt o a t hor oughl y soci al i st one.
Though l i ber al i sm I s, pol i t i cal l y, t he I deol ogi cal r ef l exi on of t he
l ai 88ez- f ai r e pr i nci pl e of ' cl assi c' capi t al i sm, st i l l t he di f f er ent
t heor i es of pl anned economy st emI n t he mai n f rom l l ber al l st l c ci r-
cl es. Thi s onl y means, of cour se, t hat t he end of l i ber al i smi s neo-
easari l y bound up wi t h t hat of l ai ssez- f ai r e; we are her e pr esent ed
mer el y wi t h pol i t i cal adapt i ons of accompl i shed t r ansf or mat i ons I n
t he economi c st r uct ur e. I n vi ew of t he concr et e si t uat i on of cri si s,
t he sur vi vi ng r epr esent at i ves of t he l ai ssez- f ai r e pr i nci pl e have a
hard t ^me def endi ng t hei r t heor et i cal post ul at es agai nst t he pl anner s
I t becomes I ncr easi ngl y i mpl ausi bl e t hat t he mar ket mechani sm, of i t -
sel f , can over come t he pr esent di f f i cul t i es. And even i f i t coul d,
t her e st i l l r emai ns open t he no l ess i mpor t ant quest i on cf whet her
soci et y shal l submi t supi nel y to t he br ut al heal i ng pr ocess I n whi ch
t he mar ket pr oduces i t s r egul at i ng ef f ect s or whet her i t shal l not
r at her t ake a consci ous part i n t hi s pr ocess. I n a word: - i s i t not
bet t er to r egul at e t he mar ket t han to r esi gn onesel f t o i t s cont r ol ?
I n spi t e of t he l i vel i ness of t he di scussi on on t he part of t he l ai s-
sez- f ai r es, t he f act no l ess remai ns t hat t hey are hi st or i cal l y super
seded, f or t hei r basi s i n c^l ass i c' compet i t i ve oapi t al i smi s dr awn
f romunder t hem. The ent er pr i ses bound up wi t h f r ee compet i t i on f al l
easy vi ct i ms t o t he monopol i st i c f orces i n whi ch t he pro, cess of cap-
i t al concent r at i on st i l l expr esses I t sel f . The r esi st ance of f er ed by
t hese gr oups to al l pl anni ng exper i ment s I s accor di ngl y not a st r uggl
agai nst any ' soci al i st i c' t endenci es Sf t he var i ous gover nment s but
t he l ast despai r i ng ef f or t s of weaker capi t al i st groups agai nst t he !
monopol i st i c compet i t i on by whi ch t hey are bei ng dest r oyed; and so, i n
t hei r agi t at i on, t hey had to t ake f l i ght fro=a real i t y i nt o a myst i c
f at al i sm; f or monopol y capi t al i smhas undenl aol y grown out of f r ee
compet i t i ve capi t al i sm, and t hus^t he r epr esent at i ves of t he l at t er
cannot at t ack t he f i rst wi t hout at t..e same t i me st r i ki ng t hemsel ves.
The same compet i t i ve capi t al l sj r whl ch i n i ts heyday never t i r ed of
t al ki ng about i ts det er mi ni ng and f or mi ng mi ssi on i n worl d af f ai r s i s
t oday endeavor i ng to r el egat e to t he real mof f ancy any possi bi l i t y
of consci ous r egul at i on of t he economi c l i f e. I t s champi ons, i deol og-
i cal l y bound to commodi t y pr oduct i on, see i n t hei r own end t he down-
f al l of soci et y I t sel f and r ai se t hei r war ni ng voi ces wi t h Mi e asser -
t i on t hat no advance i s possi bl e except t hr ough compl et e pl anl essness
However much suppor t ti . ey may f i nd f or such a posi t i on i n t he past . i t
r emai ns cl ear t uat t he f ut ur e i s not uest i ned to f ol l ow t he pat t er n
of t he past but i mmedi at el y t hat of t he pr esent ; and f or t hat reason
Counci l Cor r espondence.
Counci l Cor r espondence.
thei r cry of protest can i nspi re no more terror or restrai nt than.sa
that of the hogs i n the sl aughterhouse pri or te havi ng thei r throats
cut. Rather as the Engl i sh champion of pl anned economy, Bl ackstt,
wri tes: "The i dea of pl anni ng has passed rapi dl y beyond the stage of
bei ng suspect f or i ts communist connotati ons and has beoome perf ectl y
respectabl e.
u
The ohampions of capi tal i st pl anned economy have the present on thei r
si de. Thei r darts di rected agai nst l ai ssez- f ai re pri nci pl e stri ke
nome, even though they are f i red with cl osed eyes. Of course, the
Marxi sts as wel l as a number of the bourgeoi s economi sts - on di f f er-
ent premi ses, to be sure - rej ect the possi bi l i ty of a parti al pl an-
ni ng, asserti ng that such a thi ng i s a sel f - contradi cti on and that a
pl anned economy necessari l y i nvol ves the meani ngful and harmonious
i nterconnecti on of al l processes i n al l economic and soci al spheres,
to which end the moat consi stent central i zati on of economic di recti on
i s i ndi spensabl e. But such a posi ti on, however correct i t may be, sti i
f ai l s to meet the obj ecti on that a parti al pl anni ng I n certai n ci r-
cumstances i s capabl e of suppressi ng some of the economic f ri cti on, of
overcomi ng a npir.ber of minor di f f i cul ti es and thus of creati ng new
si tuati ons which i n thei r turn can exert a more or l ess f avorabl e i n-
f l uence upon the economic process. I f thi s i s the case, one has a
perf ect ri ght to speak, i f he l i kes, of "parti al pl anni ng", and any
cri ti ci sm would practi cal l y onl y be ti l ti ng agai nst the termi nol ogy
which makes thi s pi ecemeal pl anni ng synonymous with pl anned economy
i tsel f . p
Every pl anned eoonomy has i ts pl anl ess aspects, and every pl anl ess
economy has also i ts regul ated moments. I n the cl assi c capi tal i sm of
f ree competi ti on there were monopol i es, and i n monopoly capi tal i sm
there I s competi ti on, even though of a more l i mi ted sort. From gener-
al competi ti on arose that of the monopol i es among each other, which
amounts to sayi ng that competi ti on has on the one haJ ld waatfd aa #a r
gards compl exi ty I n order to wax i n other forms as regards i ntensi ty.
However much the cl assi c Capi tal i sm may be di f f erenti ated from the
monopol i sti c, st i l l the one cannot be set over agai nst the other:
monopoly capi tal i sm i s the ol d-age mani f estati on of l ai ssez- f ai re, and
i ts planned-economy phraseol ogy i s onl y the makeup which conceal s de-
cay .
I f we i denti f y the resul ts of monopol i zati on, or of the capi tal i st pre
cess of af entrai l zati on and concentrati on, with the experi ments i n
plannedjconomy, we get away from the i dl e and purel y conceptual di s-
pute as to whether the pl anni ng shal l , can or must be carri ed out com-*,
pl etel y or hal f way, at once or gradual l y. Also the questi on as to
where the pl anni ng wi l l l ead l eses al l si gni f i cance, so that onl y the
questi on of pri nci pl e remains open: whether pl anned economy and capi -
tal i sm are at al l suscepti bl e of bei ng combined. We might state i n ad-
vance tnat a negati ve answer to thi s .questi on does not lend, support tc
the opponents of capi tal i st pl anned economy but that such aij. answer i e
at the same ifime an approval of pl anned economy, thcugh enl y af ter the
overcomi ng e/f the capi tal i st system of producti on.
- 6 -
I I I
The maj or part of ti . e t heor i es of pl anni ng hi t her t o devi sed can be ap
pr ai sed onl y as l i t er at ur e, si nce t hei r aut hor s have r ef r ai ned f rom
t ouchi ng upon t he l aws by whi ch capi t al i st r el at i ons ar e gover ned.
Thei r st ar t i ng poi nt was al ways di scont ent wi t h exi st i ng condi t i ons.
They not ed, as anyone may r eadi l y do, what was abl y set f ort h by
Hoover ' s Resear ch Commi t t ee on 3oci l Tr ends: t hat soci et y' s capaci t y
tdr pr oduci ng commodi t i es I s cont i nual l y I ncr easi ng at a mor e rapi d
rat e t han t he pur chasi ng power of t he popul at i on, t hat t he rat i o of
empl oyment f ai l s t o keep st ep wi t h t he i mpr ovement of t he pr oduct i ve
machi ner y, and t hat t he means of communi cat i on bet ween nat i ons change
mor e r api dl y t han t he r eor gani zat i on of i nt er nat i onal r el at i ons. I n
br i ef , t he rat e of gr owt h of t he soci al f or ces of pr oduct i on I s such
and t he f or ms assumed by t hemar c such t hat t he soc' i al r el at i ons can
not be adapt ed t o t hese f or ms but are br eaki ng t hemdown. The nat ur al
concl usi on, namel y, t hat t hese backwar d r el at i ons must be swept asi de
never occur s to t he t heor et i ci ans of pl anni ng and cannot occur to
t hem, si nce t hey are t heor et i ci ans of pl anni ng onl y wi t hi n t he exi st -
i ng soci al r el at i ons. So t hey t ry t o t ur n hi st or y backwar d and to ar-
rest t hi s pai nf ul gr owt h of t he soci al capaci t i es, af t er t he manner
of t hose l ovel y J apanese l adi es who bandage t hei r f eet i n or der to
keep t hem dai nt y. I n bot h cases, t he act ual r esul t i s si mpl y mai mi ng.
To t he economi c pl anner s, i t i s a quest i on of di mi ni shi ng t he pr oduc-
t i ve capaci t y and at t he same t i me of i ncr easi ng t he pur chasi ng power
I n t he cour se of t hi s t wo- f ol d pr ocess e t i me must come when t he di s-
pr opor t i on now exi st i hg bet ween t he t wo wi l l be el i mi nat ed and t he
way pr epar ed f or a har moni ous I nt er pl ay. I n t hi s connect i on t her e I s
no at t empt to bl i nk t he f act t hat such an end r equi r es t he ut most cen
t r al i zat i on of pol i t i cal and economi c power , and t he t he*r et l o 1 ans
hol d as a pr esupposi t i on of al l pl anni ng what has been emphasi zed i n
t he wor ds of Si r Ar t hur Sal t er , one of t he most vi t al of Engl i sh t he-
or et i ci ans: "The congr egat i on of i ndi vi dual wi l l s must be st i l l f ur-
t her cont r ol l ed by t he exer ci se of t he publ i o wi l l , accel er at i ng or
smoot hi ng t he r eadj ust ment or pr event i ng t he ci r cumst ances t hemsel ves
f r omchangi ng so vi ol ent l y".
' i taatever pai ns t he t heor et i ci ans may t ake t o work out t hei r t heses
down to t he l east det ai l , al l t hese pr et t y games wi l l be ver y much
wast ed so f ar as capi t al i smi t sel f i s concer ned. ^To t he capi t al i st s,
t he pr obl emof pl anni ng i s a qui t e one- si ded and pr act i cal mat t er ,
namel y, t he Conver si on and adapt i on of t hei r pr oduct i ve appar at us and
of t hei r busi ness to t he aut omat i cal l y cont r act i ng r el at i ons of t h6
mar ket and to t he changes wi t hi n t he economi c st r uct ur e- - as br ought
about t hr ough monopol i zat i on, car t el l l zat i on and t r ust 1f l cat l on- - l n
or der t o wi n f or t hemsel ves as much as possi bl e of t he soci al pr of i t .
Vhat act ual "pl anni ng" t akes pl ace woul d t ake pl ace even wi t hout de-
c
*
a
*
ve
nodi f i cat I ons- - even i f t he var i ous br ai n t r ust s di d not exi st -
and pr eci sel y upon t he pr escr i bed basi s of t he nat ur al mar ket t enden-
ci es under ' ' monopol i sti c l al ssez- f al re". The "pl anni ng" does not
change t ne soci al mechani sm, but t hi s mechani sm f unct i ons t oday i n a
manner whi ch f al l s i r. wi t h t he tr. eorl es of t he pl anner s. I t expanded
t he pr oduct i vi t y of soci et y i n or der t hen, or, t he gr ound of t hi s ex-
pansi on, to cont r act j rt. Thi s capi t al i st i c sabot age i s not det er mi ned
by any pl ans wn at soevr , - - t ne pl ans mer el y make i t known, r - but by t he
pl ani essness o; the l i st i ng economi c syst em. Capi t al i st pl anned econ-
omy i s t her ef or e not hi ng mor e t han pl anned pl an l essr. ess, or mor e
Counci l Correspondence.
simply stated- - nonsense. With the acceptance of the present economic
system as the onl y ofle f or ffll ti me there can, of course, be no i n-
si ght i nto the f act that any pl anni ng wi thi n i t can only be a f anci f u
one; the present economic system real l y permi ts no genui ne economy at
al l , but onl y one which i s hazed over with the f eti shi sm of commodi-
ti es. To tal k of pl anni ng from the standpoi nt of commo-Mty producti oi .
i s j ust as i nteresti ng as to hear a bl i nd man l ecture on van Gogh.The
pl anner cannot see wi th hi s own eyes, but onl y by way ol' an outsi de
ager.t by which he i s determi ned. But thi s outsi de agent, commodity
f eti shi sm, stands economy on i ts head. The manner in which bourgeoi s
economy thi nks had al ready been characteri zed by Marx: "To be a/gowj r
l ooki ng man i s a product of ci rcumstances, but to be abl e to~r4ad ana
wri t? i s a natural gi f t. "
IV
The shares' of t he i ndi vi dual capi t al i st ent er pr i ses i n t he t ot al soc-
i al pr of i t bei ng dependent on t he magni t ude of t he capi t al s i nvol ved,
so t hat t hei r owner s are compel l ed to keep on i ncr easi ng t hei r capi t a
i n or der to mai nt ai n t hemsel ves as capi t al i st s when pr of i t s ar e di mi n-
i shi ng i n. vi r t u#of t he devel opment of t he soci al f or ces of product i or
si nce t hey must st r i ve to at t si n t he aver age soci al pr oduct i vi t y i n
or der to mai nt ai n t he necessar y aver age pr of i t - - i t f ol l ows t hat t he
hi nder i ng of t he growt h of t he smal l capi t al s means event ual l y t hei r
dest r uct i on. These capi t al i st s ar e wel l awar e of t he f act t hat cont r o
of pr oduct i on means t hei r el i mi nat i on i n t he i nt er est of l ar ger aggre-
gat i ons; t hat t he combi ni ng pr ocess whi ch goes on aut omat i cal l y even
dur i ng t he cr i si s, by way of bankr upt ci es, i s now to be f ur t her pr o-
mot ed by pol i t i cal aaans, t hr ough t he pl anned- economy demagogy; t hat
"f r eeze t he st at us quo" i s i n real i t y t he pl anf ul dest r uct i on of smal l
capi t al s I n or der t o pr ol ong t he l i f e of t he l ar ger ones, whose onl y
r emai ni ng means of subsi st ence i s deat h. The t hi ng whi ch t o some,
( e. g. Pr of essor Mol ey) i s a new humani t ar i an adj ust ment i n t he economl
and pol i t i cal spher es i s to t he ot her s a downr i ght sel f i sh pol i cy of
st r angul at i on, and t hese l at t er ar e j ust i f i ed i n appeal i ng to t he l awe
of nat ur e, whi ch do not admi t of a "st at us quo"; and whi l e t hei r
downf al l i s a pr oof of tl .e cor r ect ness of t hi s concept i on, yet i n t he
capi t al i st sense- - as shown, f or exampl e, by t he per f ect l y nat ur al man-
ner i n whi ch cr i ses occur - - nat ur al l aws oper at e onl y by way of erup-
t i ons. Al t hough t he st agnat i ng t endenci es are doomed to remai n no mor e
t han t endenci es, st i l l , so l ong as t hey wor k, t hey wi l l accompl i sh
t hei r t ask, and t he f at e of many out si der s wi l l be absol ut el y and f or -
ever set t l ed t hr ough t he "unnat ur al st at us quo" of monopol j .
/
No l onger, as formerl y^ does the number of i ndi vi dual capi tal s i ncr er
with the growth of the total soci al capi tal ; rather, as capi tal i st de-
velopment proceeds, that number conti nual l y di mi ni shes. We are going
back, even though with many modi f i cati ons, to condi ti ons l i ke those
which exi sted I n the begi nni ngs of capi tal i st soci ety, when there was
l i ttl e di sti ncti on between expropri ati on and accumul ati on. The reason
i s that at the end of capi tal i st soci ety, as at i ts begi nni ng, the
thi r H f or prof i t and the compul si on to reap i t are greater than dur-
i ng i ts ti me of vi gor. The pri mi ti veness and unscrupul ousness of
chi l dhood repeats i tsel f in ol d age,, though with more f i nesse. The
benef i ci ari es of the capi tal i st system grow fewer and fewer, so that
the struggl e f or shares of the soci al prof i t must grow sharper. While
- 8 -
Counci l Cor r espondence.
on t he one hand t her e ar e i ncr easi ngl y gr eat er possi bi l i t i es f or t he
consci ous r egul at i on of t he economi c l i f e, t hey are mor e and mor e ex-
cl uded by t he pr oper t y r el at i ons. What passes i t sel f of f as pl anned
economy, t hat i s, as a consci ous t aki ng i n hand of t he soci al pr ocess
of l i f e, i s i n real i t y t he shar peni ng of t he st r uggl e of al l agai nst
al l .
So l ong as soci et y i s bound to commodi t y pr oduct i on, i t i s onl y t hr u
t he, mar ket t hat i t s needs can" b"e sat i sf i ed. Wher e t he soci al connec-
t i on of t he i ndi vi dual f unct i ons of mut ual l y i ndependent pr i vat e pro-
ducer s i s del ayed I n i t s r eal i zat i on, wi t hout r ^ar d to soc 1 et y, unt i 1
t he goods reach t he market", any l i mi t at i on i mpdBj p upon t he f reedom
of mar ket i ng i s a l i mi t at i on upon t he i ndi vi dual ent r epr eneur s t hem-
sel ves and can onl y l ead t o shar peni ng t hei r opposi t i ons. Li mi t at i on
of pr oduct i on, whi ch can onl y be br ought about by way of t he market ,
has t he same ef f ect . Even i f t he i dea of a capi t al i st pl anned economy
need not be compl et el y r ej ect ed, i t can be assi gned no mor e t han a
l i mi t ed val i di t y. I t i s onl y under condi t i ons i n whi ch a cer t ai n group
of i nt er est s succeeds i n compl et el y domi nat i ng al l t he rest of soci et y,
t hat t he i dea coul d be j ust i f i ed i n a condi t i onal sense. Yet t he un-
avoi dabl e soci al convul si ons ar i si ng under such condi t i ons are prob-
abl y enough agai n to excl ude t he specul at i on; qui t e apar t f romt he
st i l l wei ght i er f act or t hat under such condi t i ons, wi t h t he r et ent i on
of capi t al pr oduct i on, i t s l i abi l i t y t o cr i si s i s st i l l not done away
wi t h, f or t hat l i abi l i t y i s onl y modi f i ed by t he mar ket and has i t s
f i nal basi s i n capi t al accumul at i on i t sel f . Capi t al i st soci et y neces-
sar i l y pr esupposes exchange. Even i f t he i mpossi bl e shoul d be accom-
pl i shed, namel y, t he embr aci ng of al l capi t al s i n a gi ant car t el , t hi s
l at t er , as t he buyer of l abor power , woul d st i l l st and over agai nst
t ne wor ker s wi t h onl y t hei r l abor power to sel l , so t hat pr oduct i on,
and hence al so di st r i but i on, woul d necessar i l y cont i nue to be ant ago-
ni st i c. Thus we have al r eady at hand t he germof cr i si s and' col l apse,
even under such condi t i ons. Even her e a genui ne pl anned economy woul d
be excl uded, si nce t he cont r adi ct i on whi ch i s pr esent i n t he di st r i b-
ut i on of t he condi t i ons of pr oduct i on cannot be abol i shed wi t hout
st r uggl e and wi t hout changes i n t he soci al f or m. Fromt hi s st andpoi nt ,
i t i s I mpossi bl e to see i n t he cur r ent pl anned- economy t endenci es mor e
t han a new concept ual f or mul at i on of t he l egi t i mat e cour se of t he
monopol i st i c movement of capi t al i smi n i t s per i od of decl i ne. That I n
t hi 8 devel opment we have at t he same t i me t he pr epar at i on of t he
mat er i al f oundat i ons f or a genui ne soci al i st pl anni ng, goes wi t hout
sayi ng.
V
The endeavor to st abi l i ze pr esent capi t al i nvest ment s at t hei r present
l evel , under t he pr et ext of pl anned economy, i s but an expr essi on of
t he f act t hat at a hi gh l evel of capi t al i st devel opment f ur t her t ech-
ni cal pr ogr ess no l onger, as bef or e, i ncr eases pr of i t s but di mi ni shes
t hem. Though t he cont i nuance of monopol i zat i on cannot be hal t ed, t hi s
pr ocess i s at t he same t i me t he dest r uct i on of capi t al i st sour ces of
exi st ence, i n t h^, i t el i mi nat es mor e and mor e such t hi ngs as capi t al
deval uat i ons, t aki ng pr act i cal expr essi on i n mass bankr upt ci es, and
by whi ch t he l oad of t he cr i si s i s l i ght ened. The openi ng up of t he
worl d to capi t al i st ent er pr i se, whi l e becomi ng mor e necessar y to cap-
i t al i sm, becomes at t he same t i me mor e di f f i cul t by r eason of t he ex-
pansi on al r eady at t ai ned, si nce her e i t i s not t he geogr aphi cal l i mi t s
but t hose of accumul at i on whi ch are deci si ve. The mor e i mper at i ve t he
- 9 -
Counci l Cor r espondence.
i mper i al i st i c conf l i ct s become, t he mor e dubi ous al so t nei r r esul t s,
i n snor t , tt.e r est r i ct i on of t he pr oduct i ve f or ces i s at t he same
t i me t hei r devel opment and t ni a devel opment at t he same t i me t hei r
r est r i ct i on. Thi s t wo- f ol d movement has br ought t he capi t al i st econo-
my to a st andst i l l whi ch can onl y be over come t hr ough t he over oomi ng
of capi t al i sm.
I t i s onl y to one who has never del ved beneat h t he sur f ace of capi t a*
i st phenomena t hat t hi s cont r adi ct or y movement appear s to ar i se f rom
t he di spr opor t i on bet ween pr oduct i on and consumpt i on. Though i t car.
not be deni ed t hat such a di spr opor t i on exi sts, , i t i s bound up wi t h
t he mat er i al char act er of pr oduct i on and consumpt i on, achar act er
whi ch i n t he capi t al i st wor l d, however, has val i di t y onl y f or t he i n-
di vi dual s and no. f or t he soci al movement . I f a communi st soci et y,
or i f a si ngl e i ndi vi dual i n l ooki ng on pi l ed- up st ocks of f ood. wer e
to go hungr y, t hat i s, i f bot h wer e crazy, I n t hat case one mi ght
apeak of a di spr opor t i on bet ween pr oduct i on and consumpt i on. But t he
commodi t i es under capi t al i sm, regarded as use ar t i cl es i n t hei r mat -
er i al f or m, pl ay i n t he soci al sense no par t . So t hat when one speakc
of tt.e spr ead bet ween pr oduct i on and pur chasi ng power , one must f i rst
know what al l t he t heor et i ci ans of pl anni ng compl et el y negl ect , name y.
what capi t al i st pur chasi ng power i s. Human consumpt i on capaci t y and
capi t al i st pur chasi ng power ar e f undament al l y di f f er ent t hi ngs. The
sensel essness of dest r oyi ng commodi t i es, e. g. f r omt he st andpoi nt of
nat ur al consumpt i on, i s very ' sensi bl e' f romt he st andpoi nt of capi -
t al i st pur chasi ng poweV, and any one who get s exci t ed about t hi s
capi t al i st ' i nsani t y' ana want s to abol i sh i t under capi t al i smsi mpl y
f ai l s to under st and t hat i nsani t y i s t he pr i me mot i ve of t hi s soci et y
and consequent l y i's not i nsani t y. The nat ur al necessi t i es of a cer t ar
pr opor t i onal i t y bet ween pr oduct i on and consumpt i on asser t t hemsel ves
vi ol ent l y i n t he end agai nst such I nver t ed soci al condi t i ons and f orm
t he cont ent of r evol ut i onar y hi st or y.
pr esent - aay soci et y does not even concer n i t sel f wi t h det er mi ni ng t he
consumpt i on capaci t y or needs of soci et y, i n or der to make a cor r es-
pondi ng adj ust ment of pr oduct i on. I t l eaves t hi s to t he i ndi vi dual s,
whi l e t he onl y soci al concer n i s t he mar ket on whi ch t he pur chasi ng
power depends. Si nce t he mar ket f or ces t he capi t al i st s t o i ndi vi dual
accumul at i on, t he onl y deci si ve f act or i n det er mi ni ng capi t al i st pur -
chasi ng power i s t ne' necessi t i es and possi bi l i t i es of accumul at i on.
Capi t al i t sel f i s t he gr eat est consumer and f or ms i ts own mar ket . To
speak of l ack of pur chasi ng power mer el y means t hat capi t al i s maki ng
no use of i ts pur cnasi ng power , and we have t o i nqui r e about t he
r eason f or t hi s f act . Si nce pr of i t i s t he mot i ve of capi t al i st produc-
t i on, i t must al so f urni sh t he expl anat i on f or t hi s abst ent i on. Wi t h
t hi s quest i on, we come up agai nst t he l aws of capi t al i st movement .
These l aws are wi sel y, negl ect ed by t he t heor et i ci ans of pl anni ng, and
hence t hei r tj / Teori es cannot be t aken ser i ousl y.
VI
Capi tal which f ai l s to i ncrease ..iust of necessi ty some day cease to fc
capi tal . The development of the soci al f orces of producti on can be
ei ther restri cted or promoted by the soci al rel ati ons, but restri cts;
onl y temporari l y. Eventual l y, human advi ce asserts i tsel f in al l
soci al forms, si nce the producti ve f orces, once aroused, are endowed
with sel f-movement and take on ever new and more compl i cated pattern-
- 10 -
Counci l Cor r espondence.
Thi s pr ocess, whi ch under l i es al l soci al and hi st or i cal f or ms, assume
t he capi t al i st i c gar b of t he need f or accumul at i on of capi t al . The
l aws of t hi s necessi t y ret ai n t hei r aut onomous power >ven when t hey
hav ceased t o ser ve human pr ogr ess. The r esul t i ng conf l i ct f or ces tr.
r evol ut i onar y sol ut i on.
Si nce accumul at i on i s i n pr act i ce t he cont i nual gr owt h of t he appar e
t us .of pr oduct i on and of i ts pr oduct i ve capaci t y, i ts pr ogr essi ve ex-
pansi on devour s a gr eat er and gr eat er part of t he newl y pr oduced so-
ci al pr oduct , or, capi t al i st i cal l y expr essed, of t he newl y wor. capi t al
The same pr ocess cheapens l abor and changes t he pr opor t i ons i n whi ch
t he capi t al i s di vi ded. Gener al human advance whi ch consi st s i n t he -
possi bi l i t y of set t i ng i n mot i on mor e and mor e means of pr oduct i on
wi t h l ess and l ess l abor, and hence of t ur ni ng out gr eat er and great e
quant i t i es of pr oduct s, expr esses i t sel f capi t al i st i cal l y i n a mor e
rapi d growt h of t he capi t al i nvest ed i n means of pr oduct i on and raw
mat er i al s t han of t hat i nvest ed i n wages. Thi s f act i s evi dent at one
f roma compar i son of t he capi t al composi t i on of f i f t y year s ago wi t h
t hat of t oday. Capi t al i st prof i t i s, however, comput ed on t he t ot al
capi t al s t hough si nce i n t he f i nal anal vsi s i t i s not hi ng but unpai d
l abor i t vari es onl y wi t h t he magni t ude of t he wage capi t al . The con-
t r adi ct i on bet ween appr opr i at ed l abor as t he basi s of pr of i t and t he
magni t ude of t he or gani c composi t i on cf capi t al ( means of pr oduct i on
and l abor power ) l eads, wi t h t he f ur t her devel opment rf accumul at i on,
to t he f al l of t he rat e of pr of i t and, $t a hi gh 3t age of accumul at i on
to t he act ual decl i ne of t he mass of pr of i t . I n a wor d: a gr eat er
soci al capi t al pr oduces a smal l er soci al pr of i t . Thi s cont r adi ct or y
movement , whi ch her e can mer el y be i ndi cat ed, must l ead to a si t uat i c
i n whi ch t he di mi ni shed pr of i t s not onl y t ake away t he i ncent i ve to
f ur t her accumul at i on, si nce such accumul at i on woul d di mi ni sp i nst ead
of pr omot e pr of i t abi l i t y, but . i n whi ch accumul at i on becomes qui t e i m-
possi bl e. Absol ut el y, t he pr of i t acqui r ed may be gr eat er t han bef or e,
and yet be t oo smal l r el at i vel y to t he demands of f ur t her accumul at i r
"The capi t al i st cr i si s i s but an expr essi on of t he f act t hat f ur t her
accumul at i on i s capi t al i st i cal l y not wort h whi l e or i s i mpossi bl e T
r
capi t al i st s make no use of t hei r pur chasi ng power , si nce i t doesn' t p
t hemto do so or because accumul at i on consumes mor e t han i s at hand
f or i ts pur poses. Fr act i cal l y, t her e t hen t akes pl ace what t he t heor
et i ci ans want to ' pl an' : t he pr oduct i ve appar at us wi l l no l onger be
expanded to cor r espond wi t h t he hi t her t o pr evai l i ng tegi pe of accumu-
l at i on. Of course, pr of i t s cont i nue to be made, but t hose par t s set
asi de f or new i nvest ment s f ai l t o reach t hei r dest i nat i on, f or how-
ever great t hey may be, t ney ar e t oo smal l wi t h r espect to t he deman
of accumul at i on. They l i e i dl e and one get s t he i mpr essi on t hat voo
much capi t al i s pr esent t hough i n real i t y t hi s super f l ui t y i s a de-
f i ci ency of capi t al : an excess of capi t al ar i ses f roma l ack of carl
t al However par adoxi cal t hi s may sound, sci ent i f i c t r ut hs al ways ap-
pear par adoxi cal t o t hat "common sense" whi ch never get s beyond ap-
pea ranc es .
On tr. i 3 basi s i t becomes cl ear t hat t he over pr oduct i on of commr di t i e
i s to be r egar ded mer el y as a resul t and net as a cause of t he cr i si ?
t' ven t hough accumul at i on i s not cont i nued and t he pr oduct i ve apparat i
i s not expanded i n t he necessar y pr opor t i on, st i l l ^t f i rst product i t
goes on at t he pr evi ous l evel . Si nce, however , t her e i s essent i al l y r
new capi t al i nvest ed, so al so i ts mat er i al embodi ment s, t ne means of
- 11 -
Counci l Cor r espondence.
pr oduct i on and raw mat er i al s, remai n uni t ed i n t hei r commodi t y f or m.
Ther eupon, pr oduct i on i a di mi ni shed or qui t e suspended, wor ker s di s-
char ged. The consumpt i on i ndust r i es al so are dr agged i nto t he cri _si e,
whi ch soon sei zes upon al l t he soci al domai ns. Wi t h t hi s, t he eompet
i t i ve st r uggl e of t he capi t al i st s among each ot her gr ows shar per , an
t hi s l eads t o great pr i ce drops, bankr upt ci es and t he gener al pr edi c
ment .
Promt hi s poi nt of vi ew, we see al so t he f act or s whi ch may ser ve i n
over comi ng t he cr i si s. The cr i si s can be done away wi t h onl y t hrough
t he cont i nuous of accumul at i on. Capi t al i st pur chasi ng power must be
st r engt hened. Capi t al i st economi st s st ar e i n per pl exi t y at t he
1
r i ddi
of t he cr i si s. I f t ney dr aw t he f avor i t e par al l el s wi t h t he past , t hey
say t hat ' scar ci t y' was r esponsi bl e f or economi c compl i cat i ons i n al l
pr e- capi t al i st f orms of economy, t hough i n vi ew of t h^ pr oduct i ve cap
aci t y, t hi s f act or of f er s no expl anat i on f or t he pr esent di f f i cul t i es
I n ot her wor as, t hese economi st s are l ooki ng upon t he capi t al i st
wor l d i n a manner i n wh' i ch i t can not be l ooked upon; t hat i s, as a
worl d whi ch ser ves to suppl y t he needs of human bei ngs. Thi s cr i si s
t oo ha3 i t s basi s i n ' scar ci t y' ; scar ci t y, however , not of use ar t i l
bat of capi t al , and t hi s scar ci t y must be over come. i f t he depr essi on
i s t o be weat her ed. Pr of i t abi l i t ymust be r eest abl i shed on t he basi s
of cont i nued accumul at i on. Si nce, however , pr of i t s do not f al l f rom
heaven, but ar e t he resul t of l abor , t hey can be i ncr eased onl y by
r ai si ng t he expr opr i abl e quant i t y of sur pl us l abor whi ch t he wor ker s
because of t hei r soci al posi t i on have to per f or mf or t he capi t al i st s.
I n ot her wor ds: t he r ai si ng of capi t al i st pur chasi ng power, whi ch al or
has any i mpor t ance, pr esupposes l ower i ng t he pur chasi ng power of t he
wor ker s. Over oomi ng t he di spr opor t i on bet ween capi t al i st pur chasi ng
power and t he need f or accumul at i on i s bound up "/i th i ncr easi ng t he
di spr opor t i on bet ween pr oduct i on and consumpt i on. As a mat t er of f act
al l count r i es, even t hose engaged wi th exper i ment s i n pl anned economy,
show t hat t he pur chasi ng power of t he masses i n r el at i on to pr oduct i on
i s const ant l y st i l l si nki ng l ower . The st at i st i cal mat er i al f or t he
Uni t ed St at es i s at hand: i t shows t hat even af t er t he t r i umphal mar ch
of t he NRA, t he di spr opor t i on bet ween t he pur chasi ng power of t he
masses and t he act ual pr oduct i on became gr eat er . I t was pr eci sel y i n
t hi s way t hat a ri se occur r ed i n capi t al i st pur chasi ng power and pr o-
duct i on advanced t empor ar i l y; but to denot e as pl anned . economy t he
f ur t her i mpover i shment of t he popul at i on i s af t er al l a bi t st r ong.
At t he end of each cr i si s, capi t al i smr eor gani zes i t sel f , af t er enor-
mous sacr i f i ces, on a new pr i ce and val ue l evel whi ch enabl es pr of i t -
abl e expansi on of t he pr oduct i ve appar at us f or a f ur t her per i od. How-
ever gr eat l y ' l ogi c' may be scandal i zed, capi t al real l y accumul at es
f or t he saki e of accumul at i on. I f a r eor gani zat i on i s no l onger pos-
si bl e, - - i n vi ew of t he f act t hat t he pr i ce and val ue l evel cannot be
shr unk to zero, si nce a condi t i on i n whi ch t he wor ker s work f or no-
t hi ng i s not possi bl e, - - t hen t her e i s no over comi ng of t he const ant l y
deepeni ng ' depr essi on' t hr ough ot her t han r evol ut i onar y channel s.
"Pl anned economy", i nsof ar as i t cont ai ns consci ous el ement s, i s t he
at t empt to del ay t he at t ai nment of t hi s poi nt , and i n so doi ng, even
t hough agai nst i t s wi l l , i t mer el y dr i ves t owar d t he poi nt mor e rap-
i dl y. I t pl ans agai nst t he possi bi l i t y of a genui ne pl anned economy,
and t hus mer el y pl ans i t s own downf al l .
- 12 -
Counci l Cor r espondence.
VI I
The var i ous exponent s of pl anned economy ar e wel l known. What ever may
be t he nat ur e of t hei r par t i cul ar pr oposal s, t hey al l shar e wi t h J ohn
Dewey t he habi t of vi ewi ng t he probl emf romt he si de of di st r i but i on,
even when t hey speak of pr oduct i on. Var i ous pr oposal s wi t h r ef er ence
to money, cr edi t , banki ng, t ar i f f , car t el l i zat i on, and cont r ol of pro-
f i t ' ar e desi gned to gover n t he mar ket , and wi t h i t , t he whol e economy
accor di ng to pr edet er mi ned pl ans. The l egi t i macy of t he mar ket , t hough
f i rst r ej ect ed, i s now to be cont r ol l ed and agai n made i nt o t he regu-
l at or of t he soci al l i f e. However , t he mar ket and compet i t i on have a
meani ng onl y i n so l ong as t hey work t hei r per ni ci ous ef f ect s; i f
t hei r oper at i ons are cont r ol l ed, t hey ar e depr i ved of t hei r r egul at i ng
f unct i ons and we ar r i ve at t he opposi t e of what we set out t o at t ai n.
Any mar ket cont r ol becomes t he pr i vi l ege of t he gr oups al r eady f avor ed
by t hat mar ket . The i ndi vi dual i nt er est s ar e not gover ned accor di ng to
t he pl anni ng, but t hi s pl anni ng can onl y adapt i t sel f to t he exi st i ng
i nt er est s al r eady est abl i shed as a resul t of t he pr evi ous devel opment .
Compet i t i on i s made r esponsi bl e f or t he over- devel op. . . ent of t he produc-
t i ve appar at us, t hough i t i s onl y t hi s cont i nui ng over - devel opment
whi ch i a t he secr et of capi t al i st pr osper i t y and i t s l i mi t at i on i s
not hi ng but t he phi l osophy of cr i si s. Compet i t i on i s t o be r educed
t hr ough t he f ur t her t r ust i f i cat i on and car t el l i zat i on of ent er pr i ses,
i n spi t e of t he f act t hat t hi s t r ust i f i cat i on i s a resul t of compet i -
t i on. I t may be t r ue t hat wi t hi n t he pr oduct i on car t el s t he over pr o-
duct i on of commodi t i es may be hi nder ed ( a mat t er whi ch i n t he capi t al -
i st sense pl ays no deci si ve par t ) . St i l l t he car t el l i zat i on does not
hi nder compet i t i on bet ween t he car t el s. Nor does i t hi nder t he over -
expansi on of t he pr oduct i ve appar at us; suce over - expansi on i s f aci l i -
t at ed by way of monopol y pr of i t s, si nce
-
each of t he car t el l i zed ent er -
pr i ses i mpr oves and expands i t s pl ant s i n or der t o make di f f er ent i al
gai ns and r ai se i t s pr oduct i on quot a. Capi t al f or mat i on and cont r ol
can never be at t ai ned f r oma pl anni ng st at i on ao, l ong as pr oduct i on
r emai ns i n pr i vat e hand3. The ent er pr i ses as wel l as t he i ndi vi dual
monopol i es can cr oss t he pl ans of t he cent r al bur eau I n hundr eds of
ways and, as a mat t er of f act , i t has been shown i n pr act i ce t hat ways
have been f ound f or get t i ng ar ound t he pl ans as f ast as t hey wer e made.
So i n t he f ace of t hese numer ous cor. t radi ci t l ons, t he economy pl anner s
t ake r ef uge i n t he i l l usi on of a st at i onar y capi t al i sm. However sense-
l ess suce a demand may be, I t i s never t hel ess t he l ogi cal consequence
of al l capi t al i st pl anni ng, whi ch t her eby, t hough of cour se r uef ul l y,
est abl i shes i t s i mpossi bi l i t y. A st at i onar y capi t al i sm i s onl y anot her
name f or t he per manent cr i si s; and even her e t he t er mf ai l s t o hol d
wat er , si nce any per manent cr i si s can onl y l ead t o col l apse and i a ac-
cor di ngl y not st at i onar y. But i t i s onl y wi t h a st at i onar y, i . e. 11-
l usi onar y, capi t al i sm t hat pl anni ng i s possi bl e, si nce any r evi val
pr ompt l y t hr ows al l pl anni ng over boar d. I f t he pl anner s endeavor ,
never t hel ess, t o make t he i mpossi bl e possi bl e, and, f or exampl e, be-
l i eve t hat i n spi t e of t echni cal advances i t wi l l be possi bl e t o hoi a
on to an accept ed pr i ce l evel - - t hat i s, i f t hey f ancy t hat pr i ces
can be j uggl ed wi t h l i ke bal l s - - t her e i s conceal ed behi nd t hese
dr eams not hi ng but a t ot al i gnor ance of t he r eal nat ur e of pr i ces.
Techni cal pr ogr ess, whi ch changes al l val ues, obvi ousl y changes al sp
t he pr i ces to be deduced f romval ues; a mat t er whi ch i n vi ew of tt>
decl i ne of pr i ces whi ch has acoompani ed t he whol e of capi t al i st
- 13
Counci l Correspondence.
velopmer.t, i s hardl y worth menti oni ng' The rr.arget may ez<srMae a nr.on'.
f yi ng i nf l uence on the determi nati on of pri ons, rut more deci si ve tr,t
the market rel ati on i s the development .of the producti ve f orces whicr,
i n the f i r st pl ace formed tni s market a9 one of thei r many expressi on
As a proof of the possi bi l i ty of capi tal i st pl anni ng, we are of ten r
f erred to the control of economy ifc countri es at war. Howevr, the
monopol i st economy of war time was only a means to capi tal i st accumu-
l ati on, to perpetuati ng pl anl essr.ess. A man takes castor oi l in o rdcr
to pet wel l , but i t wi l l not occur to him, merely because he car.,.t<,
l i ve cn caster ai l excl usi vel y. Yet such mental derangement i s actu-
al l y attri bute! to ~api tal i sm. Duri ng the war, the nati onal economy
was not subj ected to the mi l i tary necessi ti es, but the mi l i tary nec-
essi ti es, i - e. the necessi ti es of the strongest capi tal i st groups i n-
terested ir. the war, subj ected al l other groups to themsel ves and f cr
ced thei r wi l l upon them. Here al so the techni cal possi bi l i ty of pl 'n
ni ng was not proved, si nce thi s economic di ctatorshi p remained ti ed
up with the market mechanism. As a matter of f act, today al so we htar
compl ai nts that the thi ng which passes f or a begi nni ng at planned e-
cor.o'my i s in real i ty onl y the economic di ctatorshi p of the stronger
agai nst the weaker capi tal i st groups; that through i t the pcor be-
come poorer and the ri ch ri cher.
VI I I
Even though i ndi vi dual theoreti ci ans of pl anni ng go so f ar as to rai .
the demand f or a "World Economic Council
1
!, most of thei r theori es stc
short with autarchy. The nati onal economy i s to be made i ndependent c
th> movements of the world market. For whi l e central i zati on of econ on
i c power wi thi n .the nati onal boundari es i s hel d possi bl e, there i s
some doubt of the matter as appl i ed on a world scal e. Capi tal i st so-
ci ety i s, however, bound up with i nternati onal trade, as of course th
whole capi tal i st development i s i denti cal with the creati on of the
world market. From di vi si on of l abor wi thi n th'e separate nati ons a-
rose i nternati onal di vi si on of l abor, and the l atter can no more be
cotter, away from than the f i r st. I t may be obj ected here that i ndi vi -
dual countri es, such as the Uni ted States, are capabl e f a sel f -
suf f i ci ng economy by reason of thei r mani fol d natural weal th and are
to be di sti ngui shed from countri es l ess bl e3sed.
r
n thi s assumpti on,
autarchy wouid be a speci al , not a general possi bi l i ty and i n certai n
ci rcumstances would i nvol ve the deatn of countri es whi^h are not ir. a
posi ti on t make themsel ves sel f - suf f i ci ent. Si nce thi s l atter possi -
bi l i ty would not, however, greatl y di sturb the humani tari an theoreti -
ci ans of pl anni ng, we al so arc wi l l i ng to overl ook the matter, ar.c
neverthel ess i t must 3ti l l he noted that th--" very ppssi PI l i t y of au-
tarchy i. t!>e game ti me precl udes i t as an ar: ual i t y The very di ver-
si ty of the ceocraphi ", cl i mati c and cul tural condi ti ons of the
Uni ted States are an obstarl to thei r uni f i ed cr-ordi nati o.n, f or
ur.is di versi ty, under capi tal i st rel ati ons, i s r^thl ng other than a
mul ti pl i ci ty of mutual l y hosti l e i nterests whion are not very di sti n-
gui shabl e from tnose of the conti nent of Europe, evsn though thei r
form3 ar" di f f erent. However smal l may be the part of f orei gn trade
in stati sti cs, i t i s neverthel ess a questi on of l i f e ana aeath to
wr.oie s'o-i al iroup3. However deci si ve may be the domestic market in
ti me of economic upswing, wher. over-accumul ati on sets in the i mperi i '.-
l et: c compulsion becomes the dominant f actor, f or the i nsuf f i ci ent
- 14 -
Counci l Correspondence.
pr of i t at home compel s to t he conquest of addi t i onal sour ces of pr o-
f i t . Even t hough f or ei gn t rade i s not at t he root of ei t her cr i ses or
per i ods of pr osper i t y, t hese l at t er never t hel ess devel op or shr i nk
t he f or ei gn mar ket . Nei t her t hi s mar ket i t sel f , however , nor t he re-
nouncement of i t, expl ai ns anyt hi ng. Whi l e as r egar ds i ndust r y, au-
t ar chy i s i mpossi bl e even i n "war manuf act ur e", so as r egar ds agr i -
cul t ur e, as t he best exper t s bear wi t ness, i t i s qui t e out of t he
quest i on. I n agr i cul t ur e i t woul d i nvol ve st r uct ur al t r ansf or mat i ons
whi ch f r omt he vi ew- poi nt ' of pr oduct i vi t y woul d not onl y be chaos but
whi ch, i n vi ew of t he soci al upheaval s whi ch t hey woul d br i ng i n^t hei r
t r ai n, ar e not at al l l i kel y to be at t empt ed. I t i s speci al i zat i on and
di vi si on of l abor whi ch ar e her e det er mi ni ng, and not t he wi l l of t he
economi c pl anner s.
By way of summar y, l et us r epeat : The t hi ng whi ch l i kes t o pass i t -
sel f of f as pl anned economy i 3 not hi ng mor e t han t he monopol i st i c
f ormof l ai ssez- f ai r e. Pl anned economy and capi t al i smar e i r r econci l -
abl e cont r adi ct i ons; t he one excl udes t he ot her . I f an economy i s
pl anned, t nen i t has al so ceased t o be a capi t al i st economy.
* -.<:< /, .;>. *>* .> >; . a a a a a ;* * v.- *!* a >;'A a a
it ^ vt ,< ;> .
1
w rf v ie v -Jr it '< w w w is H v it ^ if
ON THE NE'V PROGRAM OF THE "AMERICAN WORKERS PARTY" .
By - Karl Korsch.
The f i r st questi on to be put with ref erence to the statement Qf
pri nci pl es of a revol uti onary l abor party has to do with whether and
how f ar that program real l y breaks with the exi sti ng capi tal i st order
of soci ety. The A.'V.P. i s not l acki ng in the subj ecti ve wl 11 to make
that break. I t rej ects not onl y the hi therto exi sti ng form of the
bourgeoi s soci al order and i ts economic foundati on, but also- the pre-
vi ous and f uture forms of the Roosevel ti an New Deal , i ncl usi ve of i n-
f l ati on, "soci al credi t", and "state soci al i sm"; i t recogni-zes Fascism
as merely an attempt to save the capi tal i st State and property, and
l ays bare wi thi n the Roosevel t admi ni strati on the cl earl y ari si ng ten-
denci es to f asci sm. I t rej ects the tradi ti onal American concept of
"pol i ti cs" and the repl acement of the real pol i ti cal movement by the
parl i amentary el ectoral movement. I t procl ai ms a new type of State in
the form of the workers' state based on workers' counci l s as a demo-
crati c i nstrument f or sol vi ng the contradi cti ons of the capi tal i st
system and f or accompl i shi ng the transi ti on to the communist soci ety.
I t takes -he standpoi nt of an uncondi ti onal revol uti onary i nternati on-
al i sm of the l abor movement; and i t separates I tsel f , from the Communis
I nternati onal because pri mari l y thi s organi zati on i s "compl etel y and
mechani cal l y" control l ed by the Russian party and servi ceabl e to the
changi ng of f i ci al i nterests of the Sovi et Union, so that the i denti ty
of i ts tasks with the immediate tasks of the i nternati onal struggl e
of the working cl ass i s no l onger uncondi ti onal l y and at every moment
guaranteed. I n i ts economic anal ysi s i t deci si vel y takes the posi ti on
that even though the present world cri si s may be temporari l y "overcome
decl i ne of the capi tal i st system i s no l onger reversi bl e, and i t
rogards the present cri si s as the "begi nni ng of the end of the present
form j f soci ety". I t makes the cl ai m of havi ng recogni zed the nature
- 15 -
Counci l Cor r espondence.
of t he i mpendi ng r evol ut i onar y change and of hi vi ng t he capaci t y f or
t he cor r ect car r yi ng t hr ough of t he r evol ut i onar y pr ol et ar i an cl ass
st r uggl e and f or t he set t i ng up of a f ree wor ker s' democr acy.
Never t hel ess, t he pr esent draf t pr ogr amdoes not cont ai n t he break
wi t h t he capi t al i st soci al or der and al l pr esent and f ut ur e f ur t her
devel opment s of t hat or der . Even i n t he economi c part of t he pr ogr am
t her e i s a st r i ki ng gap, i n t hat nowher e i s t her e any at t empt to come
t o gr i ps wi t h t he concept of pl anned economy, and much l ess i s t ne
f undament al l y capi t al i st - f asci st char act er of al l pr esent day tal k*
and pr et ense of so- cal l ed pl anned economy deci si vel y poi nt ed out . The
draf t speaks of "pl anned economy" onl y i n t wo pl aces. I n t h one i t
i s t aken, f or gr ant ed t hat a "pl anned soci al i st economy" exi st s and i s
maki ng headway i n t he Sovi et Uni on; and al t hough i n t he next par agr aph
t her e i s expr ess ment i on of t he "compr omi ses" f or ced upon Russi a even
i n t he economi c spher e ana a st at ement of t he i mpossi bi l i t y of bui l d-
i ng a soci al i st economy i n t he Sovi et Uni on al one, t her e i s not a werd
of expl anat i on as t o why and t o what ext ent t he unl l ml t pdl y soci al i st
char act er of t he Russi an pl anned economy accor ds wi t h t hese compr omi s-
es and i mpossi bi l i t i es and I n what t hat char act er oonsl st s. I n t he
ot her passage whi ch r eveal s a l ack of cl ar i t y al most r emi ni scent or
t he Roosevel t l an and Hl t l er i an "economi c pl anni ng", we read t hat t ne
f ut ur e wor ker s' St at e i ssui ng f romt he vi ct or i ous r evol ut i on I s des-
t i ned
h
t o under t ake great pr oj ect s of sooi al r econst r uct i on by t he
pl anned economy ( / t he new soci et y". To t hi s unsat i sf act or y t r eat -
ment of t he concept of pl anned economy may be added t he ambi guous
manner i n whi ch, I mmedi at el y t her eaf t er , i n t he sect i on on Soci al i -
zat i on", t her e i s demanded onl y t he expr opr i at i on of al l monopol i es
i n i ndust r y and l and". I n vi ew of t he monopol i st i c char act er of al l
capi t al i st pr oper t y, t hat may, on t he one hand, mean compl et e soci al -
i zat i on. On t he ot her hand, many door s r emai n open f or l i mi t i ng t he
"soci al i zat i on" t o t he so- cal l ed monopol i es af t er t he manner of t ne
"soci al i zat i on pr ogr am" of t he Ger man and Aust r i an Soci al Democr acy
f r om1918 t o 1933, or even accor di ng t o t he st i l l f ur t her wat er ed
pr oposal s of t he new- soci al i st post - war "soci al i sm" ( de Man' s Pl an
d' act i on") .
Thus i n t he very i ncompl et eness and ambi gui t y of t he economi c demands
i t becomes mani f est t hat t he car r yi ng out of t hi s pr ogr ammi ght re-
qui r e, i nst ead of t he r evol ut i onar y at t uck upon t he whol e of capi t al ,
possi bl y onl y one or anot her par t i al at t ack. Li kewi se t he
t heor et i cal cl ar i t y at t he basi s of t hese demands i s pr oved by t he
f or mi n whi ch ( I n t he l ast par agr aph of t he f i rst chapt er ) cen-
t r al cont r adi ct i on" of t he capi t al i st syst emand i t s "sol ut i on ar e
def i ned:
"The centra' l cont r adi ct i on i s unmi st akabl y cl ear ; i t i s
t he cont r adi ct i on bet ween a pr oduct i ve pl ant ( I ) now
physi cal l y capabl e of suppl yi ng ampl y al l t he basi c needs
of men, of f r eei ng men f or ever f r omhunger , want and *
n
~
securi ' i y, of assur i ng manki nd as a whol e t her eby f ul l and
cr eat i ve 11f e- - bet ween t hi s and a syst emof soci al rel a-
t i ons t hat pr event s t hi s pr oduct i ve pl ant f romoper at i ng
ef f ect i vel y, t ht di r ect s i t s oper at i ons not to t he f ul -
f i l l ment of human needs but to t he maki ng of pr of i t s f or
pr i vat e i ndi vi dual s and cor por at i ons. Out of t hi s cont r a-
di ct i on and t he 1r r eoonci l ubl e cl ass di vi si ons i t cr eat es,
f l ow t he many ot her cont r adi ct i ons t hat devast at e moder n
soci et y. "
- 16 -
Counci l Cor r espondence.
What i s her e pr ocl ai med i s not t he Mar xi st and r evol ut i onar y bcei c
cont r adl cu on bet ween t he product i ve^f or ce. and pr oduct i ve r on.
and ( what i s st r i ct l y I dent i cal wi t h t hi s economi c cont
hi st or i cal sooi al and pr act i cal cont r adi ct i on and st r uggl e bet ween
t h e DOS 80S si nR cl ass ( I nt er est ed i n mai nt ai ni ng t he pr eset r el at i ons
of pr oduct i on) and t he non- possessi ng p r o l e t a r i ^^' " ^c h
i n over t hr owi ng t he pr esent r el at i ons of pr oduct i on) , i* cl ass
accordi ng to Mar x, i s "I t sel f t he st r ongest pr oduct i ve f yi xe' ^t hsr
i t i s her e assert ed, af t er t he f ashi on of St uar t Chase and ot her
moder n apost l es of capi t al i st pl anned economy, t hat even t oday, under
cnni t i l i smi t sel f , a new epoch hoB set i n, i n whi ch scar ci t y pr oouc
t i on" coul d be r epl aced by "pl ent y pr oduct i on" i f onl y t he P
r

n
J -
pr oduct i ve appar at us wer e no l onger " " J ^ver been"
anl y used. As i f t he capi t al i st mode of pr oduct i on had not ever been
at t he same t i me t he pr oduct i on of ' pl ent y and t he
ht
, A
' scar ci t y' and ever t he one onl y t hr ough t he medi umof t he ot her . ,As
i f t he root of t he capi t al i st i c evi l l ay, not i n pr oduct i on i t sel f an
i n t he capi t al i st i c f et t er i ng of t he pr oduct i ve f . rcoa ( l . e. l nj t he
capi t al i st i c suppr essi on of t he pr oduct i ve f or ces whi ch
b e
l eased t hrough t he soci al i st mode of pr oduct i on and Whi ch even now,
. i n t he pr ol et ar i an cl ass st r uggl e, ar e r ebel l i ng f
a
*?
8t
*5 f i ct i on
i st i c r el at i ons of pr oduct i on) but onl y I n an avoi dabl e mi sdi r ect i on
of t hi s pr oduct i on, i n tri e mi suse of t he avai l abl e pr oduct i ve
t us and i n an i mpr oper di st r i but i on! The basi c cont r adi ct i on of c pi
t al i st soci et y i s not bet ween t he avai l abl e pr oduct i ve appar at us a
t he pr oduct i ve r el at i ons. Rat her I s t hi s whol e mat er i al pr oduct i ve
appar at us ( t he t echni cal equi pment of t he i ndust ri es) , ^ t hi s whol e^ ^
enor mous appar at us wi t h i t s capaci t y whi ch I n t i mes of peace, ' even I n
boomper i ods, l a no l onger compl et el y used and whi ch I l ea i dl e dur i ng
t he "Cri si 8- - t hi s appar at us i s never t hel ess, 1/ one wi l l onl y
consi der at i on al so t he "normal condi t i on" of war, st i l l t oday com-
pl et el y adapt ed t o t he capi t al i st i c pr oper t y r el at i ons. Thi s adapt ed
ness exi st s even- f or t he wage wor ker s and f or t he now rapi dl y i n-
creasi ng. ' mass of t hose who are t empor ar i l y and chr oni cal l y unoccupi ed.
j ust as I n t he capi t al i st i c di vi si on of l abor t he pr oduct i ve wor ker s
ar e assl mf l ot red i n t he most exact manner . t o t hei r means of pr oduct i on,
t he "par t - wor ker " to hi s ' t ool ' and t he l abor i ng man has become a mer e
appendage of t he machi ne, so t he gr owi ng army of upempt yyed, even i n
i t s l ong- known qual i t y of t he "i nri uatri al r eser ve ar my" of capi t al
pence and t he mor e so i n i t s new qual i t y ( now gr own I mpor t ant ; or t ne
"mi l i t ar y r eser ve ar my" of capi t al i n war, f or ms i n i t s f unct i ons an
exact l y det er mi nat e component of t he equi pment of t he pr esent - day
capi t al i st mode of pr oduct i on. Any one who t akes aa hi a st ar t i ng poi n
t he means of pr oduct i on whi ch, , ar e act ual l y *at hand- must l ogi cal l y no
onl y r enounce t he pr ol et ar i an r evol ut i on i n f avor of a capi t al i st i c
ref orm, but i n t he end capi t ul at e bef or e f asci sm. The pr esent capaci t y
of pr oduct i on i n i t s capi t al i st i c f or m, comput ed by such t heor et i ci an
as t he Technocr at s and St uar t Chase, I s gi ven by t he exi st ence of t ne
means of pr oduct i on, by t he enor mous capi t al i st i c pr oduct i ve appar at us
at hand. When conf r ont ed wi t h t he st or ms to whi ch t he wor l d mar ket 10
subj ect ed as a r esul t of t he cri al s, wi t h t he r avages of an "unregu-
l at ed" compet i t i on and, l aat not l east , wi t h t he unavoi dabl e rebel -
l i ons on t he part of t he suppr essed and expl oi t ed wor ker s and of t he
gr owi ng mass of under - wor ker a who ar e "pl anf ul l y" l ef t J obl ess I n
t i me of peace, t hat pr oduct i ve capaci t y can be pr ot eot ed onl y by means
of t he st r ong St at e, by whi ch t hl a tecbnl oci l f oundat i on of capi t al i sm
- 17 -
I
Counci l Corresponcience.
" ' "
i s protected under al l ci rcumstances in war and in peace end defended
with al l ordi nary and extraordi nary means agai nst al l attacks of the
workers as wel l as of the I ndi vi dual capi tal i sts and speci al capi tal -
i st groups. That i s the f eel i ng today of the bourgeoi si e, even where
i tsti l f suf f ers under fasci sm, and that i s the f eel i ng of a l arge and
growing part of the peopl e and of the poopl ef, even deep i nto the
ranks of the workers and of the unemployed under-workers. The sophism
at the bottom of al l thi s, the decepti veness of the i l l usi on that the
strong State of a Hi tl er or Mussol i ni or Roosovel t coul d real l y sol ve
thi s problem, and the i nsuf f i ci ency of thi s stati c and evol uti onary
goal i tsel f can be i l l umi nated onl y when the basi c contradi cti on i s
peen not from the materi al si de in the rel ati on between pro'ducti ve
means (apparatus) and the producti ve rel ati ons.but from the human
si de i n the rel ati on between the producti ve f orces which are poten-
ti al l y present in the worki ng popul ati on and the present capi tal i sti c
rel ati ons of producti on (which are i n f ul l accord with the producti ve
apparatus). The modern-working cl ass, which has devel oped upward, not
wi thout the capi tal i sti c means of producti on, but with them and thru
them to the present l evel of i ts economic and hi stori co- soci al -
practi cal producti ve power, but which i n i ncreasi ng cl ari ty of con-
sci ousness i s al ready separabl e froto those means of producti on and
can al ready bjj j oi ned to them i deol ogi cal l y i n new soci al i st f orms,- -
the modern working cl ass represents that "Strongest f orce of produc-
ti on" which i n i ts advanci ng development comes in ever i ncreasi ng
revol uti onary contradi cti ons with the f i xed capi tal i sti c producti ve
rel ati ons, property rel ati ons, di stri buti on rel ati ons, thei r State,
law attd al l thei r i deol ogi es. I ts own State, the prol etari an workers'
State, i s the strong State of which today f asci sts and hal f - f asci sts
technocrats and Stuart Chasi sts dream onl y i n a confused manner, but
which becomes actual through the unf etteri ng of that strongest revol -
uti onary producti ve f orce which even today i s the prol etari an cl ass
- i tsel f , through the bursti ng of those f etters which even today i s
capi tal i t/sel f , and through the vi ol ent sol uti on, in the i nternati onal
prol etari an revol uti on, of the sharpeni ng basi c contradi cti on- exi sti ng
between the two.
I t i s not my i ntenti on to say that t..i s, the real l eani ng of the
Marxi st doctri ne on the basi c contradi cti on of capi tal i st economy,was
mi sunderstood by the authors of the program. There are Marxian
"materi al i sts" who look upon the Marxi st doctri ne of the "producti ve
char.acte.r o-f the prol etari at l tsel f ' as an "i deal i sti c" devi ati on of
the master from hi s own materi al i sm. Thi s draf t program i s i n general
f ar remote from such dogmatic narrowness. Sti l l l ess i s i t my desi gn
to base thi s whole cri ti ci sm, say, on the si ngl e phrase, "producti ve
pl ant. " But the whole passage above quoted, which occupi es a deci si ve
posi ti on i n the program, i s saturated even in i ts styl e wi th those
onl y apparentl y revol uti onary, in real i ty superf i ci al i deas which to-
day are di ssemi nated by the vol untary and i nvol untary pacemakers of
the f asci st counter- revol uti on regardi ng the possi bi l i ty of a New Deal
through a mere transf ormati on of di stri buti on and a few "pl anned-
economic" i nvasi ons i nto the present system of producti on. Even where
the program bri ngs out, with a deci si veness not hi therto attai ned i n
any soci al i st program, the speci al ai gni f i cance of the i ndustri al
workers and parti cul arl y of the "basi c i rui ustry workers", f or whom
the revol uti onary sol uti on i s poi nted to as the only way out because
of thei r very si tuati on i n l i f e, i t def i nes as the goal of thi s acti on
the creati on of a condi ti on i n which "the shops run to a^rvo the needs
- I S -
Counci l Correspondence.
of soci ety and not to make ? prof i t f or pri vato i ndi vi dual s and cor-
porati ons. Thi s, and thi s onl y, wi l l rel ease the machinery now braked
by the overl oad of capi tal debt and the i mpossi bi l i ty of f i ndi ng sol -
vent purchi sers f or commodi ti es". Thi s ostensi bl y revol uti onary goal
of the basi c i ndustry workers can today, i n tho exi genci es of the
cri si s, be taken over even by the capi tal i st who i s threatened with
bankruptcy, and i n Germany we fi nd Hi tl er shouti ng: "The general wel-
f are comes before pri vate wel faro"l
The "Revol uti onary Parl i amentari sm" of the A. W. P.
I n the cri ti ci sm of/ the pol i ti cal part of the draf t program, I take
as my starti ng poi nt the view (won through study of the program and
press of the A.'V.P.) that the A.W.P.at i ts present stage of devel op-
ment i s not yet a di rectl y revol uti onary party but i s merel y on the
way "toward an American Revol uti onary Labor Movement".Thife becomes
evi dent even from the external di vi si on of the program, where the aims
of the party are treated qui te separatel y from the meana and methods
which i n the present and immediate f uture i t thi nks of empl oyi ng i n
i ts "struggl e for^power". The second chapter which treats of "the
aim of the A.W.P." i s i mmedi atel y fol l owed by an I ntercal ated thi rd
chapter which gi ves a cri ti ci sm of the other l abor parti es and shoul d
real l y stand a3 an annex at the end of the program; and i t i s onl y in
the f ourth and l ast chapter that we get the answer to the questi on,
"How the AWP wi l l f i ght f or Power". The si gni f i cance of thi s sharp
separati on betweoji the so- cal l ed "f i nal goal " (questi ons of the maxi-
mal program, questi ons of the program of pri nci pl es) and the so-call*d
"present tasks" or "transi ti onal sl ogans" (questi ons of the minima.-,
program, questi ons of the program of acti on) i s suf f i ci entl y wej l
known to anyone f ami l i ar with the Marxi st movement from the hi story
of the European l abor parti es of pro-war ti mes. Sch a party i s (at
the best) revol uti onary i n i ts theory and i n the meaning which i t
theoreti cal l y assi gns to i ts present acti ons and to the connecti on
between them; i t i s al so revol uti onary i n i ts practi cal tendency --
more or l ess di rocted to the "f i nal goal "--and i t may in a certai n
measure, even i n i ts present practi ce, f ul f i l l that rol e which the
Communist Mani festo of 1847-48 had once procl ai med f or the Communists:
namely, that they "represent i n the present-day movement at the same
time the f uture of the movement" or (what merely concreti zes the same
thi ng from two di recti ons and i n another form) that they represent in
the nati onal at*the same ti me tho i nternati onal -movement and in the
pol i ti cal at the same ti me the economic and soci al movement on which
i t i s based, i t i s not yet abl e, however, - whether from obj ecti ve
causes, based on the outer devel opment, or from subj ecti ve oiust**. ^
based on i ts own development - to combine i ts di f f erent acti vi ti es,
di stri buted over di f f erent spheres and ti me I nterval s, among eacn
other and with al l the other acti ofi a of the prv>><rtaj*AeLH o)na - i n' o
coheaiVQ whole of one revol uti onary acti oa*
Where such a si tuati on i s gi ven - and that thi s appl i es to the A.W.P.
to i ts own character and i ts posi ti on wi thi n the present-day American
l abor movement i s cl earl y, proved, i n my opi ni on, by the present draf t
program - i t would be i mproper to take the standpoi nt of a "pure" and
total revol uti onary i deol ogy and to regard the di f f erence between the
f i nal sl ogans and the present demands of the program offhand, as so
many "contradi cti ons" and "i nconsi stenci es", or to deny to the party
i n questi on any sort of "revol uti onary" character because of the
- 19 -
I
Counci l 'Cor.roapondence.
l i mi tedneas of i ts i mmedi ate practi cal tasks. The cr i ti c of such a
program, and parti cul arl y the outsi de cr i ti c, must rather set out rrou
the diacodflnoctedness and transi ti onal character of such a program ns
from a given f act. He must conf i ne hi msel f to poi nti ng out the cases
i n which as a rosul t of thi s (wi thi n certai n l i mi ts unavoi dabl e)
di vi si on between f uture aims and present means and methods of -he
atruggl e, the revol uti onary devel opment of the party, ori ented in l ta
' acti ons on thi s program, i s hi ndered and endangered. He. can protest.
when the revol uti onary theory degenerates to a mere i deol ogy, to the
i deol ogi cal cl oak f or an actual l y opportuni sti c practi ce, and he cm
prove that in- certai n cases, as a resul t of the pecul i arl y revol uti on-
ary" posi ti on of the party on a certai n form of prol etari an*aotl vl ty,
the present f orce of thi s prol etari an acti vi ty i s i n real i ty weakoned
and i ts f uture revol uti onary devel opment f estered, whi l e wi th an ap-
parentl y l eas revol uti onary atti tude together wi th maximum i nten8l f l -
cctti on of the present acti vi ty the way f or a real l y revol uti onary f ur-
ther devel opment i s much better kept open.
The gi ven starti ng poi nts f or such a cri ti ci sm, one which i s not i deo-
l ogi cal l y doctri nai re but r eal i sti cal l y revol uti onary, i s of f ered by
the posi ti on taken i n the program, on the one hand, to the questi on
of uarl l amentarl am, and on the other to the questi on of trade uni on
8.
Al l the mi stakes commi tted i,n tho earl i er devel opment of the Marxi st
parti es i n Europe and there al reudy shown up by real i ty are brouglnt
together wi th oncycl opi ai c compl eteness i n the program s p.ttl tuae LO
Darti ci Dati on i n el ecti ons. I t i s not a matter of cr i ti ci si ng the de-
ci si on adopted by the party i n thi s f i el d of tacti cs. A sober exposi -
ti on of mere grounds of expedi ency, which make parti ci pati on i n el ec-
ti ons a tr ansi tor i l y unevadabl e necessi ty i n present- l ay Ameri ca,even
f or a prol etari an and i n i ts tendency revol uti onary party, would suf -
f i ce i f not to ref ute al l the fundamental obj ecti ons which might ari se
agai nst the tacti cal deci si on, at l east to make them practi cal l y of
no account. I nstead of that, the present draf t program has, i n the
f i r st pl ace, taken a posi ti on on thi s questi on which i s thorol y con-
tradi ctory - - and thi s i s by no means a di al ecti cal contradi cti on,
brought about thru the rel ati on between f i nal goal and present tasks,
v but a si mpl e and di rect contradi cti on ari si ng thru uncl ear and i ncon-
si stent thi nki ng and speaki ng. I t has, f urthermore, at the pl ace wnere
uftTer l ong beati ng about the bush i n the very l ast secti on of the pro
gram the practi cal deci si on i s now real l y taken, i t has f orthwi th
added on to thi s opportuni sti c deoi si on an i deol ogi cal and apol ogeti ,
i l l usi onary and "revol uti onary" j usti f i cati on by which i tsel f ana i n
addi ti on to other or others are decei ved. I n doi ng so, i t has decl dea
not si mpl y f or parl i amentary acti vi ty of the party, but has rather
taken up wi th that thorol y unreal monster of a so- cal l ed "revolut^I OQ-
arv barl l smentari sm" the nothi ngness of which has been proved by
previ ous experi ence of al l Marxi st parti es i n Germany and. i n al l oi-ner
European countri es bef ore and si nce the war,- - a somethi ng wn 1 on, ar e
the cl ose of that hi stor i cal peri od i n which the Parl i ament consti tuted
f or the bourgeoi s revol uti on i tsel f a means of struggl e and not yet, a
mere means f or coordi nati ng the di f f erent competi ng cl ass i nterests
wi thi n the bourgeoi si e, hence i n the enti re epoch of th<? begi nni ng
prol etari an revol uti on has actual l y never end nowhere exi sted and which
l i kewi se wi l l by no means exi st f or the present and f uture America now
enteri ng upon the era of the f i nal atruggl e between revol uti on and
counter- revol uti on, democracy and f asci sm, soci al i sm and capi tal i sm.
- 20 -
p
Counci l Correspondence.
Because of the i mportance of the matter, I shal l sketch I n some de-
tai l the di f f erent stages "by*, which i n thi s program a revol uti onary
pri nci pl e, which from the very begi nni ng i s f ormul ated ambi guousl y
becomes converted i nto, a mere revol uti onary phrase.
As earl y us tho second chapter, (which i n i tsel f i s not concerned wi th
present Practi ce, but onl y wi th the "goal " of the party) we get some
remarkabl e phraseol ogy concerni ng the al l egedl y "common aims of al l
pol i ti cal parti es- - as i f (and parti cul arl y from the vi ewpoi nt of tho
revol uti onary f i nal goal ) there coul d be such a common character of
prol etari an and capi tal i at parti es oven f or a moment. The program i t-
sel f descri bes i n detai l , i n two speci al secti ons, The Nature of the
Capi tal i st Di ctatorshi p" as tho rul e of a mi nori ty and the techni que
by which the capi tal i st cl ass i mposes thi s rul e upon the great maj or-
i ty of the peopl o and of the worki ng cl ass wi th al l f orcef ul means,
di rect and i ndi rect.
Thi s exposi ti on i s counterbal anced i n the next secti on by "The Speci -
f i c Aims of a Revol uti onary Party", and on thi s occasi on, i f **"<fs
have any meani ng, parl i amentary acti on as a possi bl e means f or the
attai nment of even the smal l est part of these speci f i c aims i s radi c-
al l y rej ected. Thi s rej ecti on begi ns- - sti l l somewhat weakl y--wl th the
observati on that the A.W.F., to bo sure, l i ke the capi tal i st parti es
aims at the conquest and consol i dati on of state power, but that, uptake
the capi tal i st parti es, i t regi rdsthi s measure "merel y as an essenti al
( I ) step to f undamental l y changi ng the whole order of soci ety". I t
wants to bri ng thi s about "not by steppi ng i nto state power.th? pres-
i dency or Congress, but by doi ng away wi th the present basi s of state
power enti rel y" . The whole exposi ti on i mmedi atel y f ol l owi ng reaches
l ta cl i max I n the resul t that i n the gi ven condi ti ons of the pol i ti cal
di ctatorshi p of capi tal , resti ng upon the economic and soci al cl ass-
character of the capi tal i st order, i t would be Utopi an f or the workers
to bel i eve that they coul d take over the state power al ong parl i amen-
tary paths. To thi s end, the worki ng cl ass would rather requi re other,
newly f orged weapons. The uni ted acti on of the worki ng cl ass organl z
ti ons must provi de the basi s f or the constructi on of trul y uni ted
revol uti onary worl cl ng-cl ass organi zati ons; the workers' counci l s,
which carry through the struggl e f or power "wi th al l means".
But al l the theoreti cal cl ari ty whicrt wi th these f ormul ati ons seems
at f i r st to be won, not onl y f or an acti on l yi ng i n the remote f uture,
but i n tendency al so f or tho present acti on of the revol uti on".ry l ab-
or party, - - j thdt becomes i l l usory through the statements of the f ourtn
chapter by which they are i rreconci l abl y opposed. Hero we f i nd, I n the
next to the 1s t secti on, devoted to the "Uni ted Front", the remark-
abl e i nversi on of the real rel ati on between a genui ne workers' uni ted
f ront and the revol uti onary sei zure and exerci se of power through
the workers' counci l s; namel y, that the uni ted f ront i s not denoted
as a breedi ng ground f or the workers' counci l s, but i nversel y "the
so- cal l ed (why onl y so- cal l ed?) workers' counci l s"as merel y "the most
hi ghl y devel oped form of the uni ted f ront" . But thi s l i t t l e di screpant
between tho f ourth and the second chapter compl etel y di sappears bef ore
the magni tude of the catastrophi c downf al l which now comes about i n
the l ast secti on of thi s chapter, on the l ast page of thi s whole pro-
gram. Once more i n thi s secti on, which i s headed "Parti ci pati on in
El ecti ons", but thi s ti me i n a much more ci rcumspect and reserved
f ashi on, the "movement to the bal l ot box" i s denoted aa "i n the l ast
- 21 -
Counci l Correspondence.
i nstance (!,) not (J )' the (I ) most i mportant (5) form ( !) " of the pol -
i ti cal mass-movement. Thi s reservati on now sorv~s merely es i transi - \
ti on to the pompous observati on: "This does r.ot me-.n th-.t the AWP
wi l l negl ect the tradi ti onal motho'ds of American pol i tl ; s" . I t wi l l
rather- - the dam i s now broken, and the fl oods so lor.g hol d up rush
buck boi sterousl y i nto thei r ol d accustomed course--"wherever and
whenever possi bl e, parti ci pate in l ocal , state and nati onal el ecti ons,
and wi l l f i ght j,o win el ecti ons".
Now to the j usti f i cati on of thi s tacti c there march up, one behi nd the
other, .i l l those well-ttnown i deol ogi cal pseudo-reasons which i n Ger-
many and el sewhere have over and over agai n been thorol y depri ved of
f orce. Begi nni ng with the "revol uti onary" possi bi l i ti es of the el ec-
ti on struggl e as a tri bune f or propagati ng the aims and program of
tho party and f or uncoveri ng the mi sl eadi ng and conceal i ng manoeuvers
of the opponents, and endi ng with those "strategi c posi ti ons" i nto
which the vari ous el ected party members wi l l be pl aced through thi s
el ecti on al l egedl y f or the support of the organi zati on and of the
workers' struggl es and for breaki ng down the capi tal i sti c control
over the 3tate and f or the publ i c pi l l ori ng of the f raudul ent govern-
ment pol i ti cs. One sees that the revol uti onary "theory" of the basi c
part of the party program and especi al l y the solemn promi se "not to
step i nto state of f i ce, the Presi dency or Congress" i s here actual l y
reduced to a pure i deol ogy of conceal ment, which enabl es the party
al so on i t3 own account to f ai thf ul l y carry on "the tradi ti onal
methods of American pol i ti cs" .
The Trade-Uni on Pol i cy of the A.'W.P.
I n the trade-uni on questi on al so there i s a contradi cti on between the
theoreti cal posi ti on of the A.VV.P. as consci ousl y procl ai med in the
program, and i ts actual practi ce as shown by the previ ous and con-
ti nui ng development of the party and as i t rocei ves at .l east an i n-
di rect expressi on in the concrete posi ti ons taken i n the program on
the questi ons of the present-day American trade-uni on organi zati on ana
tacti c. I n i ts actual practi ce and in al l concrete questi ons, the
A.'W.P., which in i ts past "has f uncti oned pri mari l y i n the economic
conf l i cts of tne American l abor scene", recogni zes even yet today the
pecul i ar and i ndependent si gni f i cance of the economic and soci al
struggl es of the working cl ass and renounces expressl y not onl y a
"mechani cal " but actual l y al so any other form of rul e over the trade-
union organi zati ons ana the subordi nati on of thei r speci al aims to
the "hi gher" aims of the "pol i ti cs" carri ed on by the "Party". I n i ts
theoreti cal posi ti on on the trade-uni on questi on, however, i t takes
i ts stand on that tteory which in the best case (Leni n) i s .1 acobl nl -
ca 1- revol uti onary and i n the worse cas,e (the German Soci ul Democracy
and other marxi st.parti es of pre-war ti me) i s simply bourgeoi s;
namely, the primacy of pol i ti cs over economics and of the pol i ti cal
over the trade-uni on struggl e. While i t ri ghtl y reproaches the
American Soci al Democracy with drawing too sharp and arbi trary a
l i ne of separati on between the pol i ti cal and economic l abor struggl e,
with l eavi ng the l eadershi p of the l atter compl etel y i n the hands of
the ul tra- ref ormi st bureaucracy of the A.F. of L. and with supporti ng
in the trade-uni ons in al\l cases the reacti onary measures of the
ri ght -wing bureaucracy agai nst the progressi ve tendenci es wi thi n the
trade uni ons, sti l l in the f ormul ati ons of pri nci pl e of i ts draf t
program the A.W.P. i tsel f f al l s into the oppoai to oi i e-3i dodness. One
- 22 -
Counci l Correspondence.
may say that in the American l abor movement of the present timo the
Soci al i st Farty repeats the actual development, whi l e the A.W.P. re-
peats the 1deology of the German Gonial Democracy of pre- and post-
war ti me, where the true rel ati on between party and trade uni ons was
even then mi rrored i nversel y.
I n a sharp break with the actual character which i t has previ ousl y
reveal ed, the A.W.P. today wants to be above al l a "pol i ti cal " party/
For thi s reason i t wi shes to gi ve a stri ctl y pol i ti cal ori entati on
not onl y to al l i ts own acti vi ti es, but in an extraordi nari l y ab-
stract f ashi on to subordi nate al l other acti vi ti es of the working
cl ass to thi s pol i ti cal acti vi ty of the Party. All other cl ass or-
gani zati on of the f i ghti ng prol etari at appear accordi ngl y, even in
thi s new program, under the bad and unspeci f i c general name of "mass
organi zati ons" (to be won by the party!). Even the trade uni ons, which
in real i ty represent a pecul i ar and i ndependent basi c form of the
prol etari an cl ass organi zati on not repl aceabl e by the party, come
under thi s theoreti cal vi ewpoi nt. In the present draf t program they
are treated as, to be sure, most i mportant but yet onl y of equal rank
with the other "mass organi zati ons" (by the si de of f armers,negroes,
prof essi onal workers and unempl oyed),thru which the Party,mai nl y bent
upon i ts own narrower pol i ti cal party tasks, stri ves to extend and
strengthen i ts i nf l uence in a secondary way. Though I n thi s cor.nectl or
the overwhelming i mportance of the i ndustri al workers and especi al l y
of the "workers in the l arge shops,mi l i s, f actori es and mines of the '
basi c i ndustri es" i s correctl y emphasi zed,y et i mmedi atel y fol l owi ng,
with a somewhat stri ki ng "i deal i sm", the actual winning of preci sel y
these most i mportant workers i s practi cal l y set equal to the purel y
i deol ogi cal task of thei r merely theoreti cal attracti on i nto the i n-
ner ori entati on of the Party. The prograjn says that the A.W.P. wants
to support i tsel f "i n a two-fol d sense" on these i ndustri al workers.
I t wants to win thei r membershi p,thel r confi dence and i nf l uenti al
posi ti ons in thei r organi zati ons; but even though the actual progress
aimed at i n thi s way among the i ndustri al workers were to be sl i ght,
the A.W.P. wants to "make the needs and the hi stori cal posi ti on of
these workers the vi ewpolnt of i ts theoreti cal ori entati on". Thi s
"i f i eal i sti c" turn of speech I s not onl y suspi ci ousl y remi ni scent of
the manner of a merely parl i amentary and el ectoral party, which al so
ever takes care to put the needs and the si tuati on of broad masses of
voters "i n the mi d-poi ntof i ts ori entati on". I t al so shows very cl ear-
ly the i nsuf f i ci ency of such a merely formal atti tude of the pol i ti cal
party of the prol etari at to al l acti vi ti es of the prol etari an cl ass"
struggl e which are not or "not yet" pol i ti cal l y formed.
Now of course the A.W.P.i n thi s very prof essi on of al l egi ance to the
primacy of pol i ti cs over economics and to the superi ori ty of the con-
sci ous pol i ti cal struggl e of the Party over al l other l ess developed
forms of the prol etari an f i ght f or emanci pati on, has wished to pro-
f ess al l egi ance to that revol uti onary concepti on of the rel ati on be-
tween economics and pol i ti cs, party and trade uni ons, wtilch si nce
Lenir. and Trotsky i s regarded as the true Marxi st posi ti on on the
trade- uni on questi on. The A.W.P. wants i n i ts turn to repeat that
great struggl e which Leni n, around the turn of the century, carri ed
through in Russi a and on ttn i nternati onal scal e agai nst the "Econo-
mi sts", and to restore to honor that famous phrase of the Communist
Mani festo which states that in the l ast i nstance "every cl ass struggl e "
I s a pol i ti cal struggl e". I t qui te correctl y recogni zes behi nd the
- 23 -
Counci l Correspondence.
apparent bowing of the "Soci al i st party" to the "trade uni ons" the
real al l i ance of al l backward i nstead of forward l ooki ng el ements ir.
party and trade uni ons.and wants to set over agai nst thi s al l i ance of
al l reacti onary el ements under the "hegemony" of the trade-uni on bur-
eaucracy the al l i ance of al l progressi ve el ements of the whole l abor
movement under the l eadershi p of the revol uti onary party. Su~h a gen- ^
uir.e combi nati on of the economic and pol i ti cal struggl e and of al l
othr forms of acti vi ty of the -working cl ass i nto the si ngl e whcle of
a di rectl y revol uti onary struggl e i s the necessary goal of al l prol e-
tari an revol uti oni sts, regardl ess of whether they concei ve thi s al -
l i ance in the "Leni ni st-Communi st" manner as a bri ngi ng together of
al l i sol ated forms of struggl e i nto the revol uti onary pol i ti cal strug-
gl e or i n the ^'syndi cal i st" manner as an extensi on and i ntensi f i cati on
of the di rect economic acti on i nto the si ngl e whole of a di rectl y
revol uti onary and 3ocl al struggl e. Or. thi s poi nt there scercel y re-
mains ir the revol uti onary end- resul t a si ngl e di f f erence between the
two tendenci es which today are competing with and warri ng upon each
other. The very same Marx whr cal l ed every cl ass struggl e a '"rol i ti cr.l
3t ruggl e" has al so in exactl y the 3ame sens$ cal l ed pol i ti cs a "con-
cert rated economi cs". The coi nci dence of the two -oncepti ns regard-
i ng the rel ati on of the economic to the pol i ti cal cl ass struggl e f i rst
practi cal l y comes about, however, in the moment or in the peri od when,
ir. the di rect revol uti onary acti on of the workers' counci l s, economic?
and pol i ti cs actual l y coal esce. Unti l that ti me the cl ai m to hegemony
put f orth by both of the tendenci es, the "pol i ti cal " one of the
Marxi sts and L eni ni sts no l ess than the "economic" one of the syndi c-
al i sts, contai ns a one-si dedne3s whi"h restri cts and weakens the
practi cal cl ass struggl e of the prol etari at. The i denti ty which i s
present i n be-begi nni ng of the economic, and pol i ti cal cl ass struggl e
of the workers can f i r st be compl etel y actual i zed i n the f ul l devel op-
ment of the di rectl y revol uti onary struggl e. I t can no more be brought
about ir. advance through a merely formal "subordi nati on" of the"trade
union inasS organi zati ons" to the vi ewpoi nt of a revol uti onary party
than through the r.o l ess formal rej ecti on of al l "pol i ti cs" i n the
other camp; and the damage unavoi dabl y resul ti ng from such an empty
formal i sm stri kes, as i s especi al l y l earl y shown by the f ate of the
German Soci al Democracy, i n the end not onl y and not even most Be-
verl y the trade uni ons and the possi bl e forms of organi zati on to be
"pol i ti ci zed" and "l ed" by the party i n accordance with i ts "revol u-
ti onary" i deol ogy, but al so the party i tsel f , J ust as in an earl i er
peri od with the German Soci al Democracy, so with the AWP even today
there i s conceal ed behi nd the i deol ogi cal l y rai sed cl ai m to th* pri -
macy of the party over the trade uni ons, I n real i ty the opposi te
practi cal tendency of subj ecti ng i ts revol uti onary pol i ti cal theory
to the preponderance of the trade-uni on mass organi zati ons and thei r
practi ce, ori ented to thei r own and by no means revol uti onary i nter-
ests. Such a germ of f uture capi tul ati on i s conceal ed, f or example,
behi nd the extraordi nari l y general decl arati on of the pi rty agai nst
"ar.y general pol i cy of dual uni oni sm" and the equal l y general asser-
ti on, added to thi s decl arati on as the onl y reason f or i t, that any
"di vi ded trade union movement opens the way f or f asci sm." Thi s passage
may be appl i cabl e to the pol i cy of the Communist Party- - a pol i cy which
i s descr|>4d imbued i atel y thereaf ter i n, consi derabl y more concrete fortr-
with i>3 paper re'fi uni ons bound to-*ffie l i ne set by the party l eader*
shi p, though even f or thi s trad union pol i cy of the C.P. the most
f atal mi stake--a poi nt which the program compl etel y overl ooks--con-
si stea i n the f act that i t hi a bea an iinp:i:*ctpla<i tuci-ii' 4i ^'f'rent
- 24 -
Counci l Correspondence.
f or di f f er ent count r i es ana cont i nual l y vaci l l at i ng i n t he cour se of
t i me, ana has accor di ngl y been no mor e a consi st ent pol i cy of spl i t "
t i ng tri e t r ade uni ons t han a consi st ent pol i cy of conquer i ng t hem;
but how can a r evol ut i onar y pr ol et ar i an par t y i n t he USA- - a part y
whi ch i s up i n ar ms agai nst t he i ner adi cabl e r ef or mi smof t he A. F. of
L. bur eaucr acy, and at t he same t i me has to war d of f t he new hal f -
f asci st t endency of t he Roosevel t admi ni st r at i on t o t ur ni ng t he t r ade
uni on movement i nt o an I nst r ument of st at e pol i cy, and whi ch f ur t her -
mor e pr opagat es as t he next st age of devel opment to be ai med at wi th
r ef er ence to wor ker s' uni t ed f r ont act i ons t he f or mi ng of r evol ut i on-
ary wor ker s' counci l s- - how can such a par t y, i n such a pompous manner
r esi gn i t sel f to r ecogni zi ng t he now exi st i ng t r ade uni on or gani za-
t i ons f or al l f ut ur e t i me? I n r eal i t y t her e i s her e r eveal ed, i n t hi s
f i r st pr act i cal dr awi ng back of t he Amer i can Wor ker s Par t y bef or e ti l e
enor mous di f f i cul t i es of i t s t heor et i cal l y pr ocl ai med r evol ut i onar y
t asks, t he unavoi dabl e devel opment al t endency of a pol i t i cal par t y
whi ch, i nst ead of i nj ect i ng i t sel f as a def i ni t e par t , f ul f i l l i ng i m-
por t ant par t f unct i ons, i nt o t he exi st i ng wor ki ng- cl ass movement ,
comes f ort h wi t h a"t heor et i cal " cl ai mto t ot al i t y, i n t he ncme of a
"r evol ut i onar y" t heor y whi ch, under t he gi ven rel t i ons, i s unavoi d-
abl y conver t ed i nt o an i deol ogi cal gl or i f i cat i on of a much mor e
l i mi t ed pr act i ce, and behi nd whi ch t he pr ocess of r educi ng t he r evo-
l ut i onar y pr ol et ar i an par t y to a bour geoi s opposi t i on par t y and i ts
f i nal dest r uct i on t hr ough t he amer i can Mussol i ni or Hi t l er can be
accompl i shed t he mor e r eadi l y.
IN GERMAN:-- BESTELLT - LEST.
"Ratekorrespondenz" (Theoreti sches - und Di skussi ons-
organ f ur di e Ratebewegung) Herausgegeben von der
Gruppe I nternati onal er Kommunisten Hol l and.
J ede Nummer 10 - Portof rei . Bestel l t bel
Uni ted '.Yorkers
1
Party
1604 N. Cal i f orni a Ave.,
C rileago, 111.
N O T I C E
.. *>;:;; *.; .hi .HHH*a WHHHHKHHHHK-iHHHf a a s
>: Each i ssue of the Counci l Correspondence contai ns
f i r st transl ati ons i nto Engl i sh of some i mportant ar- '<
* ti cl e or pamphlet by Marxian theoreti ci ans. Thi s mat- *
* erti al i s not obtai nabl e anywhere el se. Every Marxi st #
* needs the Counci l Correspondence. You can assure
yoursel f a copy of each i ssue by sendi ng in your eib- *
scri pti on f or 1935 NOW. Send $1 and your n.-me ad- *
if dre30 to: Uni ted Workers' Party
1604 N. Cal i f orni a Ave., *
Chicago, 111.
25 -
COUNCIL
CORRESPONDENCE
ENGLI SH EDI TI ON
For Theory and Discussion
CONTENTS:
First Compl ete English Transl ati on of
LENINISM OR MARXISM?
~ by ROSA L UXEMBURG.
THE A .F. of L. AND THE PRESENT CRISIS.
MARXISM- WI THOUT DOCTORS:
NO.5 FEBRUARY , 1935 10 Cents
UNITED WORKERS' PARTY
FEB. 1935 No. 5
Fi rst Complete English Transl ati on
L E N I N I S M OR . M A R X I S: M ? H*
By ROSA LUXEMBURG.
I ntroducti on.
"Sensi ti ve soul s wi l l agai n l ament," wrote Rosa Luxemburg at the end
of her quarrel with the pseudo-Marxi sts of the Second I nternati onal ,
"that. Marxi sts wrangle among themsel ves, and that approved "authori -
ti es" are combatted. But Marxism i s not a handf ul of i ndi vi dual s who
conf er upon each other the ri ght of "expert judgment" and bef ore whom
the great mass of bel i evers i s expected to di e in a state of bl i nd
conf i dence. Marxism i s a revol uti onary view of the world which must
constantl y stri ve f or new i nsi ghts, which eschews nothi ng so much as
the hol di ng on to forms which have l ost thei r val i di ty, and which best
preserves i ts vi tal strength in oj scasi onsl cl ashes of sel f - cri ti ci sm".
These senti ments of Rosa Luxemburg, wri tten i n J ai l duri ng the "/orld
War, deserve to be repeated today l ouder than ever. The cry f or uaVty
which i s now so much i n f avor, and which, af ter the f ri ghtf ul defeeta
of the i nternati onal prol etari at, serves merel y to vei l the f act that
with the present l abor organi zati ons the formi ng of a genuine prol e-
tari an cl ass f ront i s i mpossi bl e, must be answered by the revol uti on-
ary workers with unspari ng cri ti ci sm. The ol d, outl i ved l abor movement
excl udes any real uni ted f ront, which i s possi bl e onl y upon the basi s
of the genui ne cl ass struggl e and not upon that of organi zati ons. The
uni ty of the uead form i s the death of the f i ghti ng spi ri t of the
working cl ass. The proper concern i s rather with breaki ng up the or-
gani zati ons which have become a f etter upon the cl ass struggl e, in
order to make the working cl ass f i t f or struggl e. And what today must
be brokon up are not onl y the wretched remains of the di l api dated or-
gani zati ons of the Second I nternati onal and of the trade union move-
ment, but al so the organi zati ons of the "hei rs" of the ref ormi st move-
ment, the Thi rd I nternati onal and i ts vari ous ' ri ght' and ' l ef t ' of f -
shoots.
Counci l Correspondence.
3carcel y had the Russian Revol uti on put an end to the "expert judgment
of the Second I nternati onal i n the matter of cl ass betrayal and murder
of workers, when the new "authori ti es" of the new i nternati onal were
i n thei r turn destroyi ng the f i r st begi nni ngs of a genuine revol uti on-
ary movement, which found i ts new form of organi zati on i n the workers'
counci l s. The ' of f i ci al ' l abor movement has'never been more contempt-
i bl e, more treasonabl e, more nauseous than i t i s today. The negl ect on
the part of the i nternati onal prol etari at to make a vi ol ent end of the
old- l abor movement has been pai d f or .with the bl ood of i ts best
f i ghters. The brazenness of the "owners" of ..the "l abor organi zati ons"
l i ved down thei r betrayal of the working cl^ass duri ng the World War,
l i ved down the sl aughter of the revol uti onary movement of Central
Europe af ter the War, l i ved down apparentl y al so the def eats suf f ered
at the hanos of Fascism i n I tal y, Germany and Austri a, onl y in order
to make a new attempt to conti nue the treacherous busi ness and pro lor.'
i ts parasi ti cal exi stence at the expense of the workers. Though the o.
gani zati ons of both the I nternati onal s a're pol i ti cal l y done f or, they
neverthel ess st i l l persi st aa tradi ti ons i n the minds of the workers
and poison the f i r st attempts at the formi ng of genui ne f i ghti ng i n-
struments. They must furVher be shattered even as a tradi ti on, :nd
wi thi n the scope of thi s necessi ty l i es al so the destructi on of the
Lenin l egend so ar ti f i ci al l y bui l t up.
*The hi story of the L eni ni st, pseudo-communist parti es of the Thi rd I n-
ternati onal i s the hi story of - uni nterrupted i nner cri ses. Thei r devel -
opment coul d real l y take no other course; f or the whole i deol ogi cal
and tacti cal baggage of the Thi rd I nternati onal i s a mi xture of soci al
democrati c tradi ti ons and so- cal l ed 'experi ences' of the Bol shevi st
Party--oombi ned with the heeds of Russi an nati onal pol i cy (di rected
toward making Russi a one of the Great Powers), which determi ne the
pol i ti cal l i ne of that I nternati onal . Yet dne of the el ementary truths
of the materi al i st di al ecti c i s that the methods and mear.F of struggl e
which are proper to a gi ven peri od and to a determi nate pl ace prove
i nept when "t ransf erred ,to another peri od and to other l ocal i ti es and
rel ati ons. For thi s reason, the tacti c of the ThJ rd I nternati onal did
not, and does not, meet the needs of the revol uti onary cl ass struggl e
of the prol etari at; and st i l l l ess .in harmony with thi s struggl e i s
Russian domesti c pol i ti cs.
The aef i l i ng of Marxism, from opportuni sti c consi derati ons, at the
hands of L eni n's i nternati onal , i s no l ess extensi ve than th&t which
i t has suf f ered through the Second I nternati onal . Nei ther of them has
any connecti on with revol uti onary Marxism. The un-Marxi st character
of I .eni n's thought, f or example, may be gl i mpsed i n the f act that, mis-
l ed by the i deol ogi cal backwardness of the, Russi an worklfrs whi l e at tr
same ti me accepti ng the mechani sti c concepti ons- of Pl-echanoff and
Kautsky, he came to the phi l osophi cal concl usi on that the working
cl ass wi l l never be capabl e of devel opi ng a revol uti onary cl ass-
consci ousness but that such consci ousness must be 'i mposed' on the
masses by the revol uti onary party, which gets i ts i deas from the i n-
tel l ectual s. I n hi s pamphlet "What's To Be Done", thi s view i s gi.ven
the cl earest possi bl e expressi on,, and the upshot i s that wi thout a
part^, and, here agai n, a sharpl y central i zed and stri ctl y di sci pl i ned
party, a revol uti onary movement i s - - possi bl e, no doubt, but can in
no case be a successf ul one. Hi s pri nci pl e of organi zati on and revol -
uti on i s of a di sarmi ng si mpl i ci ty; the obj ecti ve si tuati on oreat v*
revol uti onary ferments, which i t i s tta .dutv of tha Parry to expl oi t.
Counci l Correspondence.
Th* Party i s the most i mportant f actor in the process of *verth row.Th'e
qual i ty of the Farty, of the central committee, of the l eaders, of the
sl ogans, the proper turns at the proper moment - on-these ".lone de-
pends, in th l ast i nstance, the weal and woe of. trie revol uti onary
movement. Hence the formi ng of prof essi onal revol uti oni sts and the a&-
mand f or f anati c di sci pl i ne in carryi ng out the party deci si ons, wi th-
out regard f or the f act that ir. thi s way hi story agai n becomes the
"work of great men". The rol e of spontanei ty i n the hi stori cal devel op-
ment was mi sunderstood and underrated; i t was of i mportance only in so
f ar as i t coul d be i nf l uenced by the Farty. The workers' counci l s
(sovi ets) ari si ng spontaneousl y out of the masses themsel ves were of
val ue onl y i nsof ar as the Party was abl et " cpr.trol them. The Farty i t
sel f was the begi nni ng and the end of the Revol uti on.
Such a posi ti on i s i deal i sti c, mechani sti c, rne-3i ded, and certai nl y
not Marxi st. To Marx, revol uti onary consci ousness ccurs not or.lv as
i deology, but the prol etari at as 3uch, wi thout regard to ideel ogi cal
f actors, i s the actual l zatl on ef revol uti onary ccr.3c i n usnes3 . The Part/
to Marx, i s welcome ar.d a matter r f course, but r.ot uncondi ti onal l y
neeessarv; qui te apart from the f urther consi derati on that revol uti on-
ary consci ousness can al so mani fest i tsel f ir. other than the pcrty
forms. Even Without the exi stence of a Farty, wi thout a central com-
mi ttee, and /wi thout a Ler.in, the revol uti on must f i nal l y come about,
si nce i t recei ves i ts strongest nouri shment from the i ncreasi ng soci al
fo rc p. a of producti on and not merely from the producti ve rel ati ons. The
i deol ogy corresponds to the soci al rel ati ons, but trve dri vi ng f orces
of the revol uti onl i e deeper; they are i denti cal with "the prol etari at,
as the strongest f orce of producti on. Cl ass consci ousness, to Marx, i s
not merely the revol uti onary i deol ogy crystal l i zed in the Farty, but
the trul y practi cal cl ass struggl e, through the growth of which (not
the growth of the Party) the revol uti onary movement i s necessari l y
brought to u successf ul i ssue. To Marx, there i s no separati on between
workers and Party; . the exi stence of the Party i s merely an expressi on
of the f act that onl y mi nori ti es can do consci ousl y what the masses
themsel ves are compel l ed unconsci ousl y to do. Ever, wi thout a knowledge
of the di al ecti cal laws, the genui ne movement rfemains di al ecti cal . The
mi nori ty i s a part (though not the deci si ve part) of the revol uti onary
process; i t oovs not produce the process but i s produced by i t. Fo r
Lenir. .however, that mi nori ty i s i denti f i ed with the revol uti on i tsel f .
The L eni ni st aor.cepti on contradi cts al l hi stori cal experi ence as well
as al l theoreti cal consi derati ons, and yet i t i s general l y' accepted to-
l ay i n the l abor movement. The reason f or thi 3, however, consi sts
merely in the f act th;.t i ts untenabi l i ty has been very l argel y obscured
.ri rough the success, of the Bol shevi ks in Russi a. The tradi ti onal en-
hus3 asm f or the Russi an Revol uti on i s sti l l so stror.c tn it the count-
l ess def eats which the i nterr.ati rr.nl pro l et ri at has suf f ered through
r.e acer.cy of thi s s-rme F:.rty has, to be sure, stuttered tr:" confi dence
reposed in L eni n's epi gones but not in hi s pri nci pl es. Ever, tr.ose
p-.irties which take -. posi ti on outsi de the bol shevi st I nt ^rnct i on.ai,
such as ti e Trotsky group or the Ait.erlcm Workers Farty, h^l d f ast tr
e pri nci pl es of thi s I nternati onal , wi thout consi deri ng that by sc
ao.ir.R they convert thei e whole opposi ti on i nto one wf. ich i s ri uvl v
tacti r^i .y.a hence i mpossi bl e. ' ,
nora
P&re the programs of these opposi ti on groups witn tnose >
<e nol sr.evi ks. He wi l l a at ono.- U;ut titwm w
- 3 -
Counci l Correspondence.
merel y seek to restore whit h^.s :l re?dy landed on the J unk pi l e of
hi story. Al l these formati ons urc haunted by the ghost of Lenin who
carri ed to i ts l ogi cal concl usi on what hid devel oped i n tha Second
I nternati onal ; that i s, the compl ete surrender of the working masses
to the pri vate nesas of the pr-f csci cr.: 1 bur.-.auc*"^cy in the organi za-
ti ons. "Baci: to Loni n" us p.oopje -.re uj J onJ of ttTouting tod y, means
to repeat th., bui l ai ng up of l abor organi zati ons which of necessi ty,
by reason of thei r very structure, must become obstacl es to the revo-
l uti onary movement.
I n the current debates on questi ons of organi zati on of the prol etari an
revol uti on.i t i s si gni f i cant that they arc conducted upon a l evel f ar
beneath that of 1916in f act, as wi l l be cl er.r from the work of Rosa
Luxemburg herewi th presented, f ar beneath the 1904 l evel . J ust l et us
compare, f or example, the pol i ti cal concl usi ons 1n.wn by Karl
Li ebknecht from the treason of the Second'I nternati onal with those of
the neo-bol shevi st movements of 1934, ana i t becomes cl ear at once
that these 1 -.tter have f orgotten everythi ng und l earned nothi ng. "The
i nterest of the prof essi onal bureaucracy wi thi n the l abor movement,"
wri tes Karl Li ebknecht, ("Nachl ass" wri tten 1916 in the house of de-
tenti on) "aims at nothi ng so much as the avoi dance of any seri ous di s-
cussi on, any deci si ve conf l i ct. I t i s di rocteu toward of f i ci al rel a-
ti ons, toward the conti nuance of a l abor movement which goes 'l ong at
an ev-en pace, one which i s well tol erated and oven looked upon with
f?.vor by the rul i ng cl asses. The movement must never endanger the
'organi zati ons' and the posi ti ons of the bureaucrats. To them, the
organi zati on i s an end in i tsel f , not a means to the revol uti onary
end. The struggl e o,f the organi zati ons among themsel ves, that i s, of
the source of exi stence of the prof essi onal l er.ders, f or the purpose
of winning members/ i s the one end f or which they can be h-;d f or ,
struggl e's ut al l struggl es wi thi n l ocal l i mi ts, to which they gi ve
thei r consent rel uctantl y at the i ns'i stencS'of the masses. They are
not revol uti oni sts, but ref ormi sts at most; they are compl etel y "above
the battl e"- - /; paradoxi cal l y parasi ti c element attached to the cr.pl tal
i sti c soci al order.
"That i s the f atal ci rcl e in which these organi zati ons movethe great
central i zed af f ai rs provi ded with f uncti onari es l i vi ng on a f i xed sal -
ary and, consi deri ng thei r previ ous cl ass l avel , a very good sal ary. I n
thi 3 prof essi onal bureaucracy they not onl y produce an element which
i s absol utel y hosti l e to the revol uti onary i nterests of the prol etar-
i at, but convert that element i nto thei r l eaders with f ul l powers, who
easi l y become thei r tyrants. Ueanwhile the mental o.nd moral i ndepen-
aencG, the wi l l , the i ni ti ati ve, the personal acti on of the masses i s
suppressed or qui te el i mi nated. To thi s prof essi onal bureaucracy al so
bel ong the sal ari ed parl i amentari ans.
"There i s onl y one remedy at hand f or thi s evi l ; removal of / the sal ar-
i ed bureaucracy, or i ts el i mi nati on from the formi ng of al l resol uti on
:;nd l i mi ti ng i ts f uncti ons to techni cal assi stance. To which may be
aadod: No reel ecti on of any of f i ci al af ter a certai n tenure, - - a meas-
ure .vlii">h would serve --.t the same ti me to i ncrease the number of pro-
l etari ans f ami 'l i ar with organi zati onal and techni cal matters ;possi bi l -
i ty of recal l at any time duri ng the term of of f i ce; restri cti on of
the competency of authori ti es; decentral i zati on; vote of r.l l members
on i mportant questi ons. I n the el ecti on of of f i ci al s, thv- deci si ve
wei ght must be l ti d upon thni r havi ng ttood tt.o toct. Qf jjooi rfrrfl, mi l i -
*
0
Counci l Correspondence.
/
tant, revol uti onary acti on, of revol uti onary f i ghti ng spi r i t, of un-
reserved sel f - sacri f i ce i ncl usi ve of staki ng thei r whole exi stence f or
the cause. The trai ni ng of the masses and of each i ndi vi dual f or men-
tal and moral i ndependence, f or skepti ci sm regardi ng authori ty, f or
deci ded sel f - i ni ti ati ve, f or readi ness and capaci ty f or f ree acti on,
forms the onl y sure f oundati on f or the development of a l abor move-
ment equal to i ts hi stori c task, as wel l as the most essenti al pre-
supposi ti on f or the eradi cati on of bureaucrati c dangers."
That was i n 1916. A l i ttl e l ater, Li ebknecht and Luxemburg, and, with
them, al l true revol uti oni sts saw with aversi on that with the consol i -
dati on of party rul e in Russi a, with the degenerati on of the di ctator-
shi p of the prol etari at i nto the di ctatorshi p of the bol shevl st bosses,
the real content of the revol uti on of 1917 was agai n di ssi pated. With
the putti ng down of the German revol uti onary movement, with the murder
of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Li ebknecht, everythi ng which had al ready
been won by revol uti onary cri ti ci sm was l ost agai n I n the f al se en-
thusi asm f or the Russian bogus soci al i sm. We now have to start agai n
from the begi nni ng.
The col l apse of the Thi rd I nternati onal was f i r.st requi red in order to
bri ng about a real deci si on in the theoreti cal struggl e which took
pl ace between Lenin and Luxemburg thi rty years ago. Hi story has de-
ci ded i n f avor of Rosa Luxemburg. I n l ayi ng her cri ti ci sm of the op-
portuni sti c pri nci pl es of Lenin bef ore the prol etari at agai n today,we
are consci ous of the f act that her argument might be consi derabl y ex-
tended, that her standpoi nt was not a f i nal one, that her posi ti on
was st i l l i nf l uenced (and necessari l y so) by the Soci al Democracy.But
regardl ess of the extent to which her cri ti ci sm can no l onger be re-
garded as havi ng more than a hi stori c i nterest, what she had to say
agai nst the L eni ni st form of organi zati on i s more to the poi nt today
than when i t was wri tten. The need f or destroyi ng \he Lenin l egend, as
a prerequi si te f or a compl ete reori entati on of the l abor movement,
restores to the work of Rosa Luxemburg a contemporary val ue. Thi s
pamphlet wi l l be fol l owed by others I n which the questi on wi l l be
taken up at the poi nt where $osa Luxemburg was obl i ged to drop i t
when her l i f e was snuf f ed out by the capi tal i sti c gunmen of the Soci al
Democracy.
- UNITED WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA.
S"
NOTICE.
A few pages ef thi s pamphlet by l o3a Luxemburg
* have been publ i shed i n Er.clish bef ore, but thi s
* i s the f i r st ti me the whole subj ect has been
covered enti rel y with but a few sentences rmit-*-
* tea miich today have no meaning or rel ati or.-
sni y to the subj ect.
Eui t or -
Counci l Correspondence.
LENINISM or MARXISM?.
By Rosa Luxemburg.
Fart I .
v-
Or gani zat i onal Quest i ons of t he Pr ol et ar i an Revol ut i on.
I n t he Soci al Democr acy, or gani zat i on t oo i s a di f f er ent t hi ng f rom
t hat of t he ear l i er , Ut opi an at t empt s at Soci al i sm; bei ng not an ar t i -
f i ci al pr oduct of pr opaganda but an hi st or i cal pr oduct of t he cl ass
st r uggl e, a pr oduct i nt o whi ch t he Soci al Democr acy br i ngs not hi ng
mor e t han t he pol i t i cal consci ousness. Under nor mal condi t i ons, t hat
i s, wher e t he cl ass rul e of t he bour geoi si e pr ecedes t he soci al -
democr at i c movement , t he f i rst pol i t i cal wel di ng t oget her of t he wor -
kers has i n l ar ge measur e been t he work of t he bour geoi si e i t sel f . "On
t hi s pl ane, " says t he Communi st Mani f est o, "t he dr awi ng t oget her of
wor ker s i n mass i s not yet t he consequence of t hei r own uni on, but
t he consequence of t he uni on of t he bourgeoi si e. ' " I n Russi a t her e
nas f al l en to t he Sodl al Democr acy t he t ask of consci ousl y st eppi ng
i n and t aki ng over a par t of t he hi st or i cal pr ocess and of l eadi ng t he
pr ol et ar i at , as a f i ght i ng cl ass whi ch i s consci ous of i t s goal , f r om
pol i t i cal aut hor i t ar i ani sm, whi ch f or ms t he f oundat i on of t he absol u-
t i st r egi me, di r ect t o t he hi ghest f or mof or gani zat i on. Thus t he or -
gani zat i onal quest i on i s especi al l y di f f i cul t to t he Soci al Democr acy
of Russi a not mer el y because i t s work must be done wi t hout any pr evi ous
exper i ence of bour geoi s democr acy, but especi al l y because i t has t o
cr eat e, i n a sense, l i ke t he' good Lor d hi msel f , "out of not hi ng", wi t h-
out t he pol i t i cal raw mat er i al whi ch i s el sewher e ready pr epar ed by
bour geoi s soci et y.
The pr obl emoi \ whi ch t he Russi an Soci al Democr acy has been wor ki ng t he
l ast f ew year s i s pr eci sel y t he t r ansi t i on f romtl *e di sper sed, qui t e
i ndependent ci r cl es and l ocal or gani zat i ons, whi ch cor r esponded to t he
pr epar at or y and pr i mar i l y pr opagandi st s phase of t he movement , to a
f or mof or gani zat i on such as i s r equi r ed f or a uni f i ed pol i t i cal ac- >
t i on of t he masses t hr oughout t he nat i on.
Si nce, however , t h$ most pr omi nent t rai t of t he ol d f or mof or gani za-
t i on, now gr own unbear abl e and pol i t i cal l y sur passed, was di sper si on
and compl et e aut onomy, or t he sel f - suf f i ci ency of t he l ocal or gani za-
t i ons, i t was qui t e nat ur al t hat t he wat chwor d of t he Hew phase, of
t he pr epar at or y work f or t he great or gani zat i on, shoul d become a
cent r al i sm. The e' mphasi ""?mt hi s t hought was t he l ei t mot i f of I skrr. '
i n i t s br i l l i ant t hr ee- year campai gn f or pr epar i ng t he l ast and real l y
const i t uent par t y congr ess, and t he same t hought domi nat ed t he ent i re
young guard of t he par t y. However , i t was soon to appear at t he Con-
gress, and st i l l mor e so af t er t he Congr ess, t hat cent r al i sm i s a
sl ogan whi ch i s f ar f r omexhaust i ng t he hi st or i cal cont ent , t he pecu-
l i ar i t y- of t he soci al - democr at i c t ype of or gani sat i on; i t has been
shown once mor e t hat t he mar xi st concept i on of ^Sool al i ami s not sus-
cept i bl e of bei ^ng f i xed i n f or mul as.
The pr esent book of Comr ade Leni n, one of t he pr omi nent l eader s and
debat er s of I skra i n i t s campari gn pr el i mi nar y to t he Russi an Far t y
Counci l Cor r espondence.
- - - - - - - - yr - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Congress (#), i s the systemati c exposi ti on of the views of the* ul tra-
central i st wing of the party. The concepti on which has here found ex-
pressi on i n penetrati ng and exhausti ve form i s th^t of a thorough-
going central i sm of which the vi tal pri nci pl e i s, on the one hand,the
8h"rp separati on of the organi zed bodi es of outspoken and acti ve re-
vol uti oni sts from the unorgani zed though revol uti onari ly acti ve masses
surroundi ng them, and on the other hand, stri ct di sci pl i ne and di rect,
deci si ve and determi ni ng I nterventi on of the central authori ti es I n
al l expressi ons of l i f e i n the party's l ocal organi zati ons. I t suf f l cc
to note, f or example, that the central committee, accordi ng to thi s
concepti on, i s authori zed to organi ze al l sub-commi ttees of the party,
hence al so has power to determi ne the personal composi ti on of every
si ngl e l ocal organi zati on, from Geneve and Li ege to Tomsk and I rkutsk,
to gi ve i t a set of sel f-made l ocal statutes, to compl etel y di ssol ve
i t by a decree and create i t anew, and f i nal l y i n thi s manner to i n-
f l uence the composi ti on of the hi ghest party authori ty, the Party
Congress. According to thi s, the central committee appears up the real
acti ve nucl eus, of the party, and al l other organi zati ons merely as i ts
executi ve organs.
I n the uni on of such a stri ct central i sm i n organi zati on with the
soci al -democrati c mass movement, Lenin percei ves a speci f i c rnarxi at-
revol uti onary pri nci pl e, and has succeeded I n bri ngi ng i nto the f i el d
a l arge number of f acts to support hi s concepti on. Sti l l , l et us look
i nto the matter a bi t more cl osel y.
There can be no doubt that a strong centr al i sts streak i s nati ve to
the Soci al Democracy. Having sprung from the economic soi l of capi tal -
ism, which i s centr al i sts in i ts tendenci es, and confi ned i n i ts
struggl e to the pol i ti cal framework of a central i zed great power under
the dominance of the bourgeoi si e, the Soci al Democracy i s fundamental -
l y opposed to any parti cul ari sm or nati onal f ederal i sm. Cal l ed upon to
represent, I n opposi ti on to al l parti al and group i nterests of the
prol etai j i at, and wi thi n the framework of a given St^te, the total i n-
terests of the prol etari at as a cl ass, i t i reveal s everywhere the
natural stri vi ng to weld together al l nati onal , rel i gi ous and prof es-
si onal groups of the working cl ass i nto one uni f i ed party.
I n thi s respect, there has been and i s, f or the Soci al Democracy al so
of Russi a, no questi on but tj i at i t must form, not a f ederati ve con-
gl omerate made up of a great number of speci al organi zati ons on a
nati onal and provi nci al scal e, but a uni f i ed, compact l abor party of
the J |ua8ian Empire. Ther i s, however, a qui te di f f erent questi on al so
to be* consi dered: namelyf ttoe greater or l ess degree of central i zati on
and the dotal l ed^structure wi thi n a uni ted and uni f i ed party.
From'^'lUPI standpoi nt &( the formal tasks of the Soci al Democracy as a
f i ghti ng party, central i sm f p i ts organi zati on appears a pri ori as an
i ndi spensabl e condi ti on upon the f ul f i l l ment of which the f i ghti ng
qual i ti es of the party stand i n di rect rel ati on. More i mportant here,
however, than the consi derati on of the formal demands of any f i ghti ng
organi zati on are the speci f i c hi stori cal condi ti ons of the prol etari an
struggl e.
The soci al -democrati c movement i s the f i r st one i n the hi story of
cl ass soci eti es which 1Q. al l I ts f actors, throughout i ts course. I s
(*) N.Leni n: "One Step Forward,Two Steps Backward". -Geneva, 1904.
- 7 -
U"'
V
Counci l Correspondence.
cal cul ated upon the organi zati on and the i ni ti ati ve of the masses. I n
thi s respect, the Soci al Democracy creates a qui to di f f erent type of
organi zati on than di d the earl i er soci al i st movements; f or example,
those of the J acobi n and Bl a'nqui st type.
Lenin appears to underrate thi s f act when he states in hi s book that
the revol uti onary Soci al Democrat i s, af ter al l , simply "the J acobi n
I nseparabl y l i nked with the organi zati on of the cl ass-consci ous prol e-
tar i at" . I n the organi zati on and cl ass consci ousness of the prol etar-
i at, Lenin percei ves the onl y f actors which di f f erenti ate the Soci al
Democracy from Blanquism. He forgetrf that thi s di f f erence i nvol ves al -
so a complete- t^L nsval uati on of organi zati onal concepts, a qui te, new
content of the mwi y-si ded rel ati on between organi zati on and struggl e.
Up to thi s poi nt we have regarded the questi on of central i sm from the
standpoi nt of the general bases of the Soci al Democracy gnd al so i n
part from that of the present-daj ^, rel ati ons i n Russi a. But the ni ght-
wntchman spi ri t of the ul tra- central i sm championed by Lenin and hi s
f ri ends i s by no means, as concerns him personal l y, an acci dental
product of errors but i s bound up with a thorough-goi ng opposi ti on to
---opportuni sm.
"The questi on i s, " says Lenin, "by means of the rul es of organi zati on,
to f orge -a more or l ess sharp weapon agai nst opportuni sm. The deeper
the sources of opportuni sm l i e, . the sharper must be thi s weapon."
Lenin percei ves al so i n the absol ute power of tins central commi ttee
and i n the stri ct hedgi j i g off of the party by statute the one ef f ec-
ti ve di ke agai nst the opportuni sti c current, the speci f i c earmarks of
which he denotes as the i nborn academic predi l ecti on f or autonomism,
f or di sorgani zati on, and the wi nci ng at stri ct party di sci pl i ne and at
any bureaucrati sm
1
i n the. party l i f e. Only the soci al i st 'Ui terat
1
,
thanks to hi s i nnate i nstabi l i ty and i ndi vi dual i sm, can, i n L eni n's
opi ni on, oppose such unl i mi ted powers of the central commi ttee; a
genui ne prol etari an, on the other hand, must, even as a resul t of hi s
revol uti onary cl ass i nsti nct, experi ence a sort of rapture at al l the
3ti f f ness, stri ctness and smartness of hi s hi ghest party of f i ci al s, anu
subj ects hi msel f to al l the rude operati ons of party di sci pl i ne with
j oyousl y cl osed "eyes. "Buf-eauc rati sm as agai nst democrati sm," says
Lenin, "tnat i s preci sel y the organi zati onal pri nci pl e of the Soci al
Democracy as opposed to the organi zati onal pri nci pl e of the opportun-
i sts. " He appeal s i nsi stentl y to the fa/*t that the same opposi ti on
between the central i sti c and the autonomi sti c concepti on i n the Soci al
Democracy i s becoming noti ceabl e i n al l countri es where the revol uti on
ary and the ref ormi st or revi si oni st tendency<-stand f aci ng each other.
Fi rst of a l l i t must be noted that the strong emphasis l ai d on the
\nborn capaci ti es .of the prol etari ans f or soci al -democrati c organi za-
ti on .and the contempt heaped Upon the 'academi c' el emonts of the
scci u'l -democrati c movement, i s not in i tsel f to be apprai sed as any-
thi ng 'marxi st- revol uti onary' . Al l that sort of thi ng can equal l y well
be regarded as beari ng' a rel ati onshi p to opportuni sti c vi ews.
,^-v ,
Tf.ere can, .to' be sure, ' be noted in what h as hi therto been the practi ce
of the Soci al Democracy of western Europe an undeni abl e connecti on be-
tween opportuni sm and the academic el ement, and al so between opportun-
ism and dwcentral i st tendenci es in questi ons of organi zati on. But when
Counci l Correspondence.
these phenomena," which arose upon a concrote hi stori cal soi l , are re- '
l eased from thi s connecti on, and converted i nto abstract, patterns with
general and absol ute val i di ty,such a procedure i s the greatest si n
agai nst the "Holy Ghost" of Marxism, namely, agai nst hi s hi stori c-
di al ecti cal method of thought.
Taken i n the abstract, onl y so much may be def i ni tel y stated: that the
' i ntel l ectual ' , as an element stemming from the bourgeoi si e and hence
by nature f orei gn to the prol etari at, can arri ve at soci al i sm not i n
accordance with hi s own cl ass f eel i ng but onl y through overcoming that
f eel i ng and by way of the soci al i st I deol ogy, and i s accordi ngl y more
predi sposed to opportuni sti c strayi ngs than i s the enl i ghtened prol e-
tari an, who, i nsof ar as he has not l ost the connecti on with hi s Soci al
ori gi n, the prol etari an mass, i s provi ded with a sure revol uti onary
handhol d i n vi rtue of hi s-'i mmedi ate cl ass i nsti nct. As-to the concrete
form, however, i n which thi s academic tendency to opportuni sm appears,
parti cul arl y i n matters of organi zati on, tViat defends in each case
on the concrete soci al mi l i eu i n questi ori .
The phenomena i n the l i f e of the German as wel l as of the French and
I tal i an Soci al Democracy to which Leni n appea-ls were the outgrowth of
a qui te determi nate soci al basi s, namely, bourgeoi s parl i amentari sm.
J ust as thi s l ^. ter i s i n general the speci f i c- soi l of the present op-
portuni sti c current i n the soci al i st movement of western Europe,so al -
so have sprung from i t the speci al tendenci es of opportuni sm toward
di sorgani zati on.
Parl i amentari sm supports not onl y al l the i l l usi ons of present-day
opportuni sm, ^as we have come to know them in France, I tal y and Germany,
but al so the overesti mati on of reform work, of the cooperati on o-f
cl asses and parti es, of peacef ul development, etc. I t forms at the
same ti me the soi l on which these i l l usi ons can be confi rmed in prac-
ti ce, i n that the i ntel l ectual s," who as parl i amentari ans even i n the
Soci al Democracy are st i l l separated from the prol etari an mass, are
thus i n the sense el evated over that mass. Fi nal l y, with the growth
of the l abor movement, the same parl i amentari sm makes of thi s move-
ment a spri ngboard f or pol i ti cal upstarts, and accordi ngl y easi l y con-
verts i t i nto a ref uge f or ambi ti ous and^bonkrupt bourgeoi s exi stences.
From al l these f actors resul ts al so We-'ti ef i ni te i ncl i nati on of the
opportuni sti c i ntel l ectual of Western European Soci al Democracy to
di sorgani zati on and l ack of di sci pl i ne. The second def i ni te presup-
posi ti on of the present-day opportuni sti c current i s, of course, the
presence of an al ready hi gh stage of development of the soci al - '
democrati c movement, hence aljpo of an i nf l uenti al soci al -democrati c
party organi zati on. The l atter then appears as that bulwark of the
revol uti onary movement agai nst bourgeoi s-parl i amentari an tendenci es- -
a bulwark which has to be worn "down and pul l ed apart so as to di ssol ve
the-^compact and acti ve kernel of the prol etari at back i nto the amor-
phous mass of el ectors. I n thi s way ari se the hi stori cal l y wel l -
grounded and determi nate pol i ti cal aims of admi rabl y adapted 'automati c'
and decentral i sti c tendenci es of modern opportuni sm; tendenci es which,
accordi ngl y, are not to be traced back to the i nborn sl ovenl i ness and
l ooseness of the 'i ntel l ectual ',* as Lenin assumes, but to the needs of
the bourgeoi s parl i amentari an- - not to the psychol ogy of te academic
el ement, but to the pol i ti cs Qf the opportuni st.
Counoi l Cor r espondence.
But al l t heae r el at i ons have a consi der abl y di f f er ent aspect i n absol -
ut i st Russi a, where t he oppor t uni sm i n t he l abor movement i s by no
means a pr oduct of t he vi gor ous growt h of t he Soci al Democr acy, of
t he decomposi t i on of bour geoi s soci et y, but i nver sel y a pr oduct of
i t s pol i t i cal backwar dness.
The Russi an i nt el l i gent si a, f romwhi ch t he soci al i st i nt el l ect ual i s
r ecr ui t ed, has nat ur al l y a much mor e i ndet er mi nat e cl ass char act er , i s
much mor e decl assed i n t he exact sonse of t he word, t han t he i nt el l i -
gent si a of West er n Eur ope. Fr omt hi s t her e r osul t s- - i n combi nat i on, to
be sur e, wi t h t he yout hf ul noss of t he pr ol et ar i an movement i n Russi a- -
i n gener al a much wi der f i el d f or t heor et i cal i nst abi l i t y and oppor -
t uni st i c meander i ngs, whi ch at one t i me t ake t he f ormof a compl et e
negat i on of t he pol i t i cal si de of t he l abor movement , and at anot her
t i me t ur n t owar d t he opposi t e bel i ef i n t he excl usi ve bl essedness of
t er r or i sm, and f i nal l y rest up i n t he "phi l osophi c
1
swamps of l i ber -
al i smor of Kant i an i deal i sm. *
But f or t he speci f i c act i ve t endency to di sor gani zat i on, t he soci al -
democr at i c i nt el l ect ual of Russi a l acks, i n our opi ni on, not onl y t he
posi t i ve hol d i n bour geoi s par l i ament ar i smbut al so t he cor r espondi ng
soci al - psychi cal mi l i eu. The moder n wr i t er of west er n Eur ope who de-
vot es hi msel f to t he cul t of hi s al l eged, ' ego' and drags t hi s ' mast er
mor al i t y' even i nt o t he soci al i st wor l d of st r uggl e and t hought , i s not
t he t ype of bour geoi s exi st ence; he i s i # f act t he pr oduct of a deca-
dent , cor r upt ed bour geoi si e al r eady hi debound i n t he wor st ci r cl e of
i t s cl ass r ul e. The Ut opi an and oppor t uni st i c vagar i es of t he soci al -
i st i nt el l ect ual of Russi a i ncl i ne i nver sel y, as i s r eadi l y under -
st andabl e, r at her t o assume t he i nver t ed t heor et i cal f or mof sel f - '
mor t i f i cat i on, of sel f - f l agel l at i on. I n f act , t hat er st whi l e "goi ng
to t he peopj Le", t hat i s, among t he popul i st s t he obl i gat or y masquer -
ade of t he i nt el l ect ual as a peasant , was not hi ng ot her t han n des-
pai r i ng i nvent i on of t he same i nt el l ect ual , j ust as i s nowadays t he
cl umsy cul t of t he "hor ny hand" on t he par t of t he pur e ' Economi st s' .
The same r ef l ect i on al so makes cl ear t hat cent r al i smi n t he soci al -
democr at i c sonse i 8 not at al l an absol ut e concept whi ch can be car-
ried out equul l y wel l at- any st age pf t he l abor movement , but t hat Tt
must r at her be r egar ded as a tendenf cy, t he act ual i zat i on of f t hi ch pro-
ceeds i n st ep wi t h t he enl i ght enment nnd pol i t i cal school i ng of t he *
wor ki ng cl ass i n the' cour se of i ts st r uggl e.
The i nsuf f i ci ency of t he most i mpor t ant pr esupposi t i ons f or t he f ul l
r eal i zat i on of cent r al i smi n t he Russi an movement at t he pr esent t i me
may, to be sur e, have a very banef ul ef f ect . Never t hel ess i t i s f al se,
i n our opi ni on, to t hi nk t hat t he st i l l i mpr act i cabl e maj or i t y rul e of
t he enl i ght ened wor ker s wi t hi n t hei r par t y or gani zat i on may be r epl aced
' t empor ar i l y' by a ' t r ansf er r ed' sol e- mast er y on t he par t of t he cen-
t r al aut hor i t y of t he par t y and t hat t he l acki ng publ i c cont r ol on t he
par t of t he wor ki ng masses over t he act s and omi ssi ons of t he par t y
or gans woul d be j ust as wel l repl aced by t he i nver t ed cont r ol of a
cent r al commi t t ee over t ^e act i vi t y of t he r evol ut i onar y wor ker s.
The hi st or y of t he Russi an movement i t sel f f ur ni shes many pr oof s f or
t he dubi ous val ue of cent r al i smi n t hi s l at t er sense. The cent r al com-
mi t t ee wi t h i t s al most unl i mi t ed aut hor i t y of i nt er f er ence and cont r ol
accor di ng t o Loni n' s i deal woul d evi dent l y be an absur di t y i f i t shoul d
- 10 -
Counci l Correspondence.
l i mi t i ts power to the purel y techni cal si de of soci al - democrati c ac-
ti vi ty, to the outer means and accessori es of agi tati onsay, to ther
suppl yi ng of party l i terature and sui tabl e di stri buti on of agi tati onal
and f i nanci al f orces. I t would have a comprehensi bl e pol i ti cal purpose
onl y i n case i t were to employ i ts power i n the creati on of a uni f i ed
f i ghti ng tacti c f or Russi a and i n the rel ease of a- great pol i ti cal
acti on. What do wo see, however, i n the phases through which the. Rus-
si an movement has al ready passed? I ts most i mportant and most f rui tf ul
tacti cal turns of the l ast decade were not by any means 'i nvented' by
dotormi nate l eaders- of the movement, and much l ess by l eadi ng orgknl -
zati ons, but were i n each case the spontaneous product of the unbound
movement i tsel f . So was the f i r st stage,of the genui ne prol etari an
movement i n Russi a, which set in with the el emental outbreak of the
great st.Petersburg stri ke i n the year 1896 and which f or the f i r st
ti me had i naugurated the economic mass acti on of the Russi an prol etar-
i at. Li kewi se, the second phase- - that of the pol i ti cal street demon-
strati 0ns- - was'ppened qui te spontaneousl y as a resul t of the student
unrests i n St.Petersburg in March 1901. The f urther si gni f i cant turn-
i ng poi nt, by which new hori zons were opened to tacti cs, was the mass
stri ke which broke out "al l of i tsel f " i n Rostov on the Don, with i ts
ad hoc i mprovi sed street agi tati on, the popul ar meeti ngs under the
opeo sky, the publ i c addresses, thi ngs of which the bol dest bl usterer
among the Soci al Democrats would not have ventured to thi nk a few
years earl i er. Of al l these cases, we may say that in the begi nni ng
was "the deed". The i ni ti ati ve and consci ous l eadershi p of the soci al -
aemocrati c organi zati ons pl ayed an exceedi ngl y smal l rol e. Thi s was
not, however, so much the f aul t of def ecti ve preparati on of these
speci al of gani ztf ti ons f or thei r rol e--even though thi s f actor may
have been a consi derabl e contri buti ng cause- - and certai nl y not of
the l ack at that ti me, i n the Russian Soci al Democracy, of an al l -
powerful central commi ttee i n accordance with L eni n's pl an. I nversel y,
such a committee would in al l probabi l i ty onl y have worked to the pur-
pose of making the i ndeci si on of the vari ous party commi ttees sti l l
greater, and brought about a di vi si on between the stormi ng masses and.
tfoe procrasti nati ng Soci al Democracy.
The same phenomenon--the smal l part pl ayed by the consci ous i ni ti ati ve
of the party l eadershi p i n the shapi ng of tacti cs i s sti l l more ob-
servabl e i n Germany and elsewhere.- The f i ghti ng tacti cs of the Soci al
Democracy, at l east as regards i ts main f eatures, i s absol utel y not
'i nvented', but i s the resul t of a progressi ve seri es of great creati ve
acts i n the course of the experi menti ng and of ten el emental cl ass
struggl e. Here al so the unconsci ous precedes the consci ous, the l ogi c
of the obj ecti ve hi stori cal process goes bef ore the subj ecti vo l ogi c
of i ts spokesmen. So that the rol e of the soci al - democrati c l eadershi p
becomes one of an essenti al l y .conservati ve character, i n that i t l eads
to working out empi ri cal l y tp f tQUl ti mate concl usi ons the new experi -
ence acqui red i n the struggl e and soon to converti ng i t i nto a bulwark
agai nst a f urther i nnovati on i n the grand styl e. The present tacti c of
the German Soci al Democracy, f or example, i s general l y admired fc$" it-
8
remarkabl e mani f ol dness,f l exi bi 1i ty and at the same ti me certai nty.
Such qual i ti es simply mean, however, that our party has adapted i tsel f
wonderful l y to i ts dai l y struggl e to the present parl i amentary basi s,
down to th
f
e l oast detai l , that i t knows how to expl oi t the whole f i el d
of battl e of f ered by parl i amentari smOand to master i t i n accordance
with gi ven pri nci pl es. At the same time, however,.thi s speci f i c formu-
l ati on of tacti cs Al ready serves to much to conceal the f urther horizor.
- 11 -
Counci l Correspondence.
that one notes a strong i ncl i nati on to .eternal i ze that "
nd
regard the parl i amentary tacti c as the soci al -democrati c tacti c f or
al l ti me. As i l l ustrati ve of thi s mood, we may menti on^the v
Qi
"
e
'~
f orts which parvus has been making f or years now to bri ng about a
debate in the party press regardi ng an eventua-1 ref ormul ati on of tac-
ti cs in cas.e of the abrogati on of uni versal suf f rage, i n spi te of the
f act that such an eventual i ty i s viewed by the party l eaders i n f ul l
and bi tter seri ousness. Thi s i nerti a i s, however, l argel y expl ai ned
by the di f f i cul ty of gi vi ng contour and pal pabl e forms to^a sti l i _ i n-
exi stent, hence i magi nary, pol i ti cal struggl e, whatever i ts weight in
the empty ai r of abstract specul ati on. To the Soci al Democracy al so,
the i mportant thi ng each ti me i s not the premoni ti on and formul ati on
of a ready-made reci pe f or the f uture tacti c, but the preservati on
wi thi n the party of the correct hi stori cal apprai sal f or the then pre-
vai l i ng forms of struggl e, a l i vel y f eel i ng f or tne rel ati vi ty of the
gi ven phase and f or the necessary i ntensi f i cati on of the revol uti onary
f actors f ron^the standpoi nt of the f i nal goal of the prol etari an move-
ment .
But to desi re, as Lenin does, to deck out a party l eadershi p with such
absol ute powers of a negati ve' character would be onl y to mul ti pl y ar-
ti f i ci al l y and i n a most dangerous measure i n conservati sm which i s a
necessary outgrowth of every such l eadershi p. J ust as the soci al -
democrati c tacti c was formed, not by a central committee but by the
whole party or, more correctl y stated, by the whole movement, so the
separate organi zati ons of the party pl ai nl y requi re such elbow-room
as al one enabl es compl ete uti l i zati on of al l means of f ered by the
si tuati on of the moment, a3 wol l as the unf ol di ng of revol uti onary
i ni ti ati ve. The ul tra- central i sm ndvocated by Ler.ln, however, appear
to us as somethi ng which, i n i ts whole sesence, i s not. i nformed with
the posi ti ve and creati ve spi ri t, but with tne oteri l e spi ri t of the
ni ght-watchman. His thought i s patterned mainly upon the cont rol of
party acti vi ty and not upon i ts promoti cn, upon narrowi ng and not
upon unf ol di ng, upon the hemming and not upon the drawing together of
the movement.
Such an experi ment seems doubly dangerous to the Russian Soci al Democ-
racy at the present ti me. The party stands on the eve of great revol u-
ti onary struggl es f or the overthrow of absol uti sm, bef ore or rather
engaged^i n a peri od of most i ntense creati ve acti vi ty i n the f i el d of
tacti cs and--a thi ng which i s sel f - evi dent in revol uti onary epochs--
of f everi sh extensi ons and shi f ti ngs of i ts sphere of i nf l uence. I n
such ti mes, to i nsi st on f etteri ng the i ni ti ati ve of the party spi ri t
and rai si ng a bcrbod-wi re fence around i t3 capaci ty f or l eap- l i ke ex-
pansi on, would be to make the Soci al Democracy l argel y unf i t i n ad-
vance f or the great tasks'of the moment.
These general consi derati ons on the pecul i ar cohtent of soci al -demo-
crati c central i sm do noti, of course, permi t of deduci ng the concrete
provi si ons of the rul e^^of organi zati on f or the Russi an party. Those
depend natural l y, in the l ast i nstance, upon the concrete ci rcumstan-
ces in whi chfthe acti vi ty unfol ds i n the gi ven peri od, and--si nce we
are concerned i n Russi a with what i s, af ter al l , the f i r st attempt at
a great prol etari an party organi zati on- - can scarcel y pretend to i n-
f al l i bi l i ty i n advance, but must rather i n each ca3e f i r st stand the
test of practi cal l i f e. What can be i nf erred, however, from-the gen-
eral concepti on of the soci al -democrati c typcf of organi zati on i s the
- 12 -
Counci l Correspondence.
main outl i nes, the spi ri t of the organi zati on; and thi s spi ri t pros-
cri bes, especi al l y in the begi nni ngs of the mass movement, coordi na-
ti on and drawing together i nstead of regi mentati on and excl usi veness.
I f thi s spi ri t of pol i ti cal l i berty, combined with u sharp eye to
stabi l i ty of pri nci pl es and to the uni ty of the movement, has secured
a f oothol d I n the ranks of the party, i n such a case the def ects of
any rul es of organi zati on, even 6f - those which are awkwardly worded,
wi l l soon undergo ef f ecti ve revi si on through practi ce i tsel f . I t i s
not the wording of the regul ati ons but the spi ri t and meaning i ncor-
porated i nto that wording by the acti ve f i ghters which deci des con-
cerni ng the vi l ue of a form of organi zati on.
Blanquism was not cal cul ated upon,the di rect cl ass acti on of ther wor-
ki ng masses, and accordi ngl y di d not need a mass organi zati on. On the
contrary, si nce the great mass of the peopl e was not to appear on the
scone of acti on unti l the ti me f or the revol uti on, whilp the prel i mi n-
ary acti on f or the preparati on of a revol uti onary i nsurrecti on was
performed by a smal l mi nori ty, a sharp separati on of the persons en-
trusted with thi s acti on from the mass of the peopl e wasan i ndi spen-
sabl e condi ti on to the successf ul carryi ng out of tnei r task. Such a
separati on was possi bl e and practi cabl e, si nce no i nner connecti on
exi sted between the dai l y l i f e of the masses and the bl r.nqui st con-
spi ratori al acti vi ty, and l i kewi se the tacti c, and the more immediate
obj ects of acti vi ty- - si nce these had no connecti on with the soi l of
the el emental cl ass struggl e, but. were i mprovi sed out of whole cl oth
were worked out i n f ul l detai l in advanee, f i xed and prescri bed as a
def i ni te pl an. For that reason the acti ve members of the organi zati ons
were natural l y transf ormed i nto pure executi ve organs of a previ ousl y
determi ned wi l l exi sti ng outsi de thei r own f i el d of acti vi ty, i nto
tool s of a central commi ttee. Thus we have al so the second character-
i sti c of conspi ratori al central i sm: the absol ute, bl i nd subordi nati on
of the di f f erent organs of the party to thei r central authori ty, and
the extensi on of the deci si ve powers of thi s l atter onto the outer-
most peri phery of the party organi zati on.
Fundamentally di f f erent are the condi ti ons of soci al -democrati c acti on.
Thi s acti on grows hi stori cal l y out of the el emental cl ass struggl e. I n
so doing, i t works and moves i n the di al ecti ccl contradi cti on that
here the prol etari an army i s f i r st recrui ted i n the struggl e i tsel f ,
where i t al so f i r st becomes cl eftr regardi ng the tasks of the struggl e.
Organi zati on, enl i ghtenment and struggl e are here not separate,
mechanic and al so temporari l l y di sj oi nted f actors, as in the caso of
a bl anqui st movement, but are onl y di f f erent si des of the same pro-
cess." on the one hand--apart from general pri nci pl es of the struggl e- -
there i s no detai l ed, ready-made f i ghti ng tacti c establ i shed i n ad-
vance and i n which the party membership coul d be dri l l ed by a central
commi ttee. On the other hand, the process of struggl e which shapes the
organi zati on l eads to a constant f l uctuati on of the party's sphere of
i nf l uence.
I t fol l ows that soci oj .-democrati c central i zati on cannot be based on
bl i nd obudi once, on mechani cal subordi nati on of the party f i ghters to
thei r central authori ty; and, furthermore, that no absol ute parti ti on
can be erected between the nucl eus of the cl ass consci ous prol etari at
al ready organi zed i nto f i xed party cadres and the surroundi ng element
engaged i n the cl ass struggl e but sti l l in process of cl ass enl i ghten-
ment. Thu setti ng up of the central organi zati on on these two pri nci pl e
0
- 13 -
Counci l Correspondence.
on the bl i nd subordi nati on of al l party organi zati ons, with thei r ac-
ti vi ty, down to the l aast detai l , under .a central authori ty, which
al one thi nks, acts and deci des f or al l , and on a sharp, separati on of
the organi zed nucl eus of the party from the surroundi ng revol uti onary
mi l i eu, as championed by Leni nappears to us f or that reason as a
mechani cal carryi ng over of the organi zati onal pri nci pl es or the
bl anqui st movement of conspi ratori al ci rcl es onto the soci al -democra-
ti c movement of the working masses. And Lenin hi msel f has perhaps
characteri zed hi s'standpoi nt more keenl y than any of hi s opponents
coul d do. i n that he def i nes hi s ''revol uti onary Soci al Democrat as
the "J acobi n l i nked wi th the organi zati on of the cl ass- consci ous wor-
kers". As a matter of f act, however, the Soci al Democracy i s S2I
l i nked or connected with the .organi zati on of the working cl ass, but
I s the movement of the working cl ass i tsel f . Soci al -democrati c central -
ism must theref ore be, of essenti al l y di f f erent constructi on from the
bl anqui st. I t can be nothi ng other than the i mperi ous coordi nati on of
the wi l l .of the enl i ghtened and f i ghti ng vanguard of the workors as
contrasted with i ts di f f erent groups and i ndi vi dual s; thi s i s, so to
speak, a "sel f - central i sm'' of the l eadi ng element of the prol etari at,
the maj ori ty rul e of thut element wi thi n i ts own party organi zati on.
J ust from l ooki ng i nto thi s true content of soci al - democrati c central -
ism, i t becomes cl ear that the necessary condi ti ons f or such a tnl ng
are not yet f ul l y real i zed i n Russi a, Those condi ti ons are, i n the
main, the presence of a consi derabl e element of prol etari ans al ready
school ed i n the pol i ti cal struggl e and the possi bi l i ty of gi vi ng ex-
pressi on to i ts maturi ty through the di rect exerci se of i nf l uence (at
publ i c party congresses, i n the party press, etc. ) . t
I t i s cl ear that thi s l atter condi ti on can onl y be created with the
advent of pol i ti cal freedom i n Russi a. The former condi ti on, however,--
the formi ng of a cl nss-consci ous, competent vanguard of the prol etar-
i at, - - i s onl y i n course.of achievement and must be regarded as the
pri mary purpose of the next ugi tati onal and al so organi zati onal work.
Al l the more surpri si ng i s the ef f ect produced by the opposi te assur-
ance of Lenin, accordi ng to which al l the precondi ti ons f or the carry-
i ng out of a great and hi ghl y central i zed l abor party are al ready
present in Russi a. And he betrays once more a much too mochani cal
concepti on of soci al - democrati c organi zati on i n opti mi sti cal l y pro-
cl ai mi ng that oven now i t i s "not the prol etari at but a great number
of i ntel l ectual s i n the Russi an Soci al Democracy who l ack sel f - trai ni nc
in the spi ri t of organi zati on and di sci pl i ne". The 'di sci pl i ne' which
Leni n has i n mind i s i mpressed upon the prol etari at not by any means
merely by way of the f actory, but al so through the whole mechanism or
the central i zed bourgeoi s State. However, i t i s nothi ng short of an
i mproper use of sl ogans to denote equal l y as 'di sci pl i ne' two such
opposed concepts as the wi l l l essness and thoughtl essness of a f our-
l egged ana muny-armed mass of f l esh which performs mechani cal move-
ments to the accompaniment of the baton and the vol untary coordi nati on
of consci ous pol i ti cal acti ons on the part of c certai n soci al el ement;
the l i f el ess obedi ence of a governed cl ass and the organi zed rebel l i on
of a cl ass struggl i ng f or i ts l i berati on. I t i s not by addi ng on to
the di sci pl i ne i mpressed upon i t by the capi tal i st State- - wl th ^"6
mare transf er of the baton from the hand of the bourgeoi si e i nto that
of a soci al -ci emocrati c central commi ttee--but by the breaki ng up and
uprooti ng of thi s sl avi sh spi ri t of di sci pl i ne, that the prol etari at
- 14 -
Counci l Correspondence.
can be prepared f or the new di sci pl i ne, the vol untary sel f - di sci pl i ne
of the Soci al Democracy.
I f we seek to sol ve the questi on of forms of organi zati on, not by way
of the mechani cal transf er to Russi a of i nert patterns from Western
Europe but through the i nvesti gati on of the gi ven concrete rel ati ons
i n Russi a i tsel f , we arri ve at a qui te di f f erent concl usi on. To say of
opportuni sm, as Lenin i mpl i ci tl y does, that i t goes i n f or any one
cortai n form of organi zati on- - say f or decentral i zati on- - i s at any rate
to mi stake i ts i nner nature. Bei ng opportuni sti c as i t i s, the onl y
pri nci pl e of opportuni sm, even i n questi ons of organi zati on, i s - the
l uck of pri nci pl es. I t always sel ects i ts means accordi ng to ci rcum-
stances, with ref erence to the degree te which those means promote i ts
ends. But i f , l i ke Lenin, we def i ne opportuni sm as the endeavor to
paral yze the i ndependent revol uti onary movement of the prol etari at" i n
order to make i t servi ceabl e to the l ust f or rul i ng on the part of the
bourgeoi s i ntel l i gentsi a, im |, nly say that thi s purpose can be
most readi l y attai ned, i i v><reTnl ti al stages of the l abor movement, not
through decent rai l zati pj rbut preci sel y by way of stri ct central i sm, by
which the prol etari an movement, st i l l uncl ear i n i ts aims and methods,
i s turned over, bound hand and f oot, to a handf ul of academic l eaders.
Even from the sULndpoint of tj j ^f ears entertai ned by Leni n, that i s,
the dangerous rffluenoe ol ^f ne I ntel l ectual s upon the prol etari an
movement*, hi s #wn concapmon of organi zati on'consti tutes the greatest
danger f or the Russi an Spci al Dtmocracfc,#^' ^
As a matter of f act, there i s nothi ng which aoj l l y and so
hands over a st i l l youthf ul l abor movement
of the i ntel l ectual s as f orci ng the movement
of a bureaucrati c central i sm, which debases
to a pl i abl e tool i n the hands of a ';Coa9|ittee*
nothi ng so surel y preserves the l abor movement from al l opportuni sti c
abuses on the part of an lynbitlous i ntel l i gentsi a as the revol uti on-
ary sel f - acti vati on of the working masses, / m^^ntensi f i cat^on of
thei r f eel i ng, of pol i ti cal responsi bi l i ty^
And, i n f act, \ be very thi ng which I^enin see asspeet er / t oday, may
easi l y turn tomorrow i nto a pal pabl e real i l y.
\ 1 V J
Let us not f orget that the revol uti on which we see i nj the of f i ng i n
Russi a i s not a prol etari an but a bourgeoi s revol uti pfc, which wi l l
greatl y change* the enti re scenery of the soci al - dgpbcrati c struggl e.
Thereupon the Russi an i ntel l i gentsi a al so wi l l atf i ckl y absorb a
strongl y pronounced bourgeoi s content. WhegaaWtoday the Soci al Dem-
ocracy i s the onl y l eader of the Russi an worki ng masses, on the
morning af ter the revol uti on the bourgeoi si e, and i n the f i r st i n-
stance i ts i ntel l i gentsi a, wi l l seek to convert these masses i nto a
pedestal f or i ts parl i amentary rul e. Now the l ess scope there i s
gi ven i n the present peri od of the struggl e to the ael f - asti vati on,
to the f ree i ni ti ati ve, to the pol i ti cal sense of the awakened el e-
ment of the working cl ass, and the more that element i s pol i ti sal l y
bel l - wethered and dri l l ed by a soci al - democrati s central commi ttee,
the easi er wi l l be the game of the bourgeoi s demagogs i n the reno-
vated Russi a and the more wi l l the resul ts of the current ef f orts of
the Soci al Democrasy turn to the advantage of the bourgeoi si e.
l y and so surel y
ri vate ambi ti ons
e strai tf rj acket
ti ng workers i n-
i nver8el y,
- 15 -
Counci l Correspondence.
On the other hand, i t i s a thoroughl y unhi stori cal i l l usi on to thi nk
th*t the soci al -democrati c tacti c i n the revol uti onary sense canbe
establ i shed in advance once f or al l ti me, that the l abor nuver.ient can
be preserved nee f or al l from opportuni sti c si de- l eaps. To be sure,
the Marxian doctri ne provi des ef f ecti ve weapons agai nst al l basi c
types of opportuni sti c thought. Si nce, however, the soci al -democrati c
movement i s i n f act a mass movement and the dangers by which i t i s
menaced do not spri ng from human heads but from the soci al condi ti ons,
opportuni sti c strayi ngs cannot be guarded agai nst in advance; they
must be overcome through the movement i tsel f - - of course, with the ai d
of the weapons suppl i ed by Marxi sm--af ter they have assumed a def i ni te
shape in the course of experi ence. Regarded from thi s poi nt of view,
opportuni sm too appears as a product of the l abar movement i tsel -f, as
an unavoi dabl e f actor of i ts hi stori cal devel opment. Preci sel y in
Russi a, where the Soci al Democracy i s st i l l young, and the pol i ti cal
condi ti ons of the l abor movement are so abnormal, opportuni sm might
very wel l at present spri ng l argel y from thi s source, from the un-
avoi dabl e gropi ng and experi menti ng i n matters of tacti cs, from the
necessi ty of bri ngi ng tho present struggl e i nto harmony with soci al -
i st pri nci p^e,8 i n qui te pecul i ar and unexampled rel ati ons.
But i f that i s so, one must marvel al l the more at the i dea that the
ri se of opportuni sti c tendenci es can be f orbi dden i p the very begi n-
ni ngs of a l abor movement by means of thi s or that form of rul es of
organi zati on. The attempt to ward off opportunism by such scraps of
paper can, as a matter of f act, do no harm to opportuni sm but onl y to
the Soci al . Democracy i tsel f , and, by restrai ni ng wi thi n the party th"e
pul si ng of a heal thy bl ood, weakens i ts powers of resi stence not onl y
agai nst opportuni sti c currents, but al soa thi ng which af ter al l
might be of some i mportance--*agai nst the exi sti ng soci al order. The
means turns agai nst the.end.
I n thi s f ri ghtened ef f ort of a part of the Russi an Soci al Democracy
to preserve from f al se steps the aspi ri ng l abor movement of Russi a
through the guardi anshi p of an omni sci ent and omni present central
committee we seem to see al so the same subj ecti vi sm i nvol ved by which
soci al i st thought i n Russia has f requentl y been imposed upon i n the
past. Amusing, i n truth, are the somersaul ts which the revered human
subj ect of hi story l oves to perform at ti mes i n hi s own hi stori cal
process. The ego which has been beaten down by Russi an absol uti sm
takes revenge by setti ng i tsel f on the throne i n i ts revol uti onary
thought-worl d and decl ari ng i tsel f omni potent--as a conspi ratori al
commi ttee i n the name of a non-exi stent "popul ar wi l l ". The 'obj ect
1
shows i tsel f stronger, however: the knout soon tri umphs, i n that i t
proves i tsel f to be the 'l egi ti mate' expressi on of the gi ven stage of
the hi stori cal process. Fi nal l y there appears on the scene, as a more
l egi ti mate chi l d of the hi stori cal processthe Russi an l abor move-
ment, which makes a spl endi d begi nni ng to shape, f or the f i r st ti me
in Russi an hi story, a real popul ar wi l l . Now, however, the ego of the
Russi an revol uti onary qui ckl y 3tands on i ts head and decl ares i tsel f
once more to be an al mi ghty rul er of hi : story- - tbi $ time, i n the di rec-
ti on of the soci al -democrati c working masses. I n so doing, the bol d
acrobat overl ooks the f act that the onl y subj ect to which thi s rol e
-tfas now f al l en i s the mass-ego of the working cl ass, which everywhere
i nsi sts on venturi ng to make i ts own mi stakes and l earni ng hi stori cal
di al ecti c f or i tsel f . And by way of concl usi on, l et us say openly j ust
to oursel ves:Mi stakes which a trul y revol uti onary l abor movement com-
mi ts are,i n hi stori cal perspecti ve, immeasurably more f r ui tf ul and val -
uabl e than the i nf al l i bi l i ty of the very best "central commi ttee."
- 16 -
4
Counci l Correspondence.
I I .
Di ctatorshi p of the Party or Di ctatorshi p of the Pr ol etar i at^) .
The i mpl i oi t presupposi ti on of the di ctatorshi p theory in the Lenin-
Trotskyi st sense i s that the soci al i st overthrow i s a matter f or
which there i s a ready-made reci pe i n the pocket of th revol uti onary
party, which has onl y to put i t i nto practi ce vi gorousl y. That i s un-
f ortunatel y- - or othwrwi se, i f you wi l l not so. Par from bei ng a sum
of ready-made prescri pti ons which have onl y to be appl i ed, the prac-
ti cal real i zati on of soci al i sm as an eoonomic, soci al and l egal sys-
tem i s a matt&r which l i es compl etel y vei l ed i n the fog of the f uture
What we have in our program i s onl y a few bi g si gn- posts .which show
the di recti on i n which the measures must be sought, and mainly of e
negati ve character. Thus we have an i dea as to what must be shoved
asi de i n the very f i r st i nstance in order to cl ear the way f or the
soci al i st eeonomy; but as regards the nature of the thousand Concrete
practi cal matters to be deal t with i n order to i ntroduce the soci al -
i st pri nci pl es i nto economics, law and al l soci al rel ati ons,- on those
poi nts no enl i ghtenment i s f urni shed by any soci al i st party program
or by any soci al i st textbook. That i s no def ect, but the superi ori ty
of sci enti f i c soci al i sm over the Utopian brand: the doci al i st system
of soci ety can onl y be an hi stori cal product, ari si ng from i ts own
school of experi ence, i n the hour of f ul f i l l ment, from the course of
l i vi ng hi story which, i n preci sel y the same way mm organi c nature, of
which in the l ast i nstance i t i s a part, has the l ovel y capri ce of
bri ngi ng f orth, together with the genui ne soci al need, al so the means
f or i ts 8ati 8f acti on, and with the problem al so the sol uti on. I f that
i s so, however, then i t i s cl ear that soci al i sm, from i ts very nature,
i s not suscepti bl e of bei ng imposed, or i ntroduced by decree.I t has as
a prerequi si te a seri es of vi ol ent measures--agai n8t property, etc.
The negati ve part, the work of teari ng down, can be decreed; the
bui l di ng up, the posi ti ve part, can not. Thi s i s new terri tory, with
a thousand probl ems. Only experi ence i s capabl e of correcti ng mi stakes
and openi ng new pottos. Only unrestri ctedl y fl owi ng l i f e hi ts upon a
thousand new forms, makes i mprovi sati ons, contai ns creati ve power,
i tsel f corrects al l bl unders. The publ i c l i f e of the nati ons with
l i mi ted freedom i s so needy, so poor, so schemati c, so unf rui tf ul for
the very reason that by excl udi ng democracy i t bars the l i vi ng spri ngs
of al l spi ri tual weal th and progress. The whole mass of the peopl e
mu3t parti ci pate; otherwi se, soci al i sm l a decreed, imposed from the
Rreen tabl e of a handf ul of i ntel l ectual s.
Uncondi ti onal publ i c control (accordi ng to L eni n's own words) i s nec-
essary. Otherwi se the exchange of experi ences remains onl y in the
cl osed ci rcl e of the of f i ci al s of the new regi me. I n pl ace of the
representati ve bodi es ari si ng from uni versal suf f rage, Leni n and
Trotsky have proposed the sovi ets as the onl y true representati on of
the working i asses. But with the suppressi on of the pol i ti cal l i f e
throughout the l and, the l i f e of the sovi ets al so must grow more and
more paral yzed. Without general el ecti ons, unrestri cted freedom of
the press and of assembl y, f ree conf l i ct of opi ni on, l i f e di es out i n
every publ i c i nsti tuti on, becomes a mere semblance of l i f e, i n which
the bureaucracy remains alnx as the acti ve el ement. No one can evade
thi s law. The publ i c l i f e gradual l y f al l s asl eep, a dozen party l eaders
of i nexhausti bl e energy and boundl ess i deal i sm di rect and govern.Among
the8e, the actual l eadershi p i s exerci sed by a dozen preemi nent brai ns,
(.*) Extract from Rosa Luxemburg's "The Russian Revol uti on".
- 17 - O
Counci l Correspondence.
and a sel ected group of the workers i s i nvi ted to meeti ngs from time
to ti me to appl aud the speeches of the l eaders, and to approve by un-
animous vote the resol uti ons l ai d bef ore them. What wo have, then, at
bottom, i s fa cl i que economy a di ctatorshi p, to be sure, but not the
di ctatorshi p of tne prol etari at. Rather, the di ctatorshi p of a hqnd-
f ul of pol i ti 'elfins, that I s. di ctatorshi p in the bourgeoi s senso. i n
the sense of tho J acobl n3- - l n a word, rul i ng (I ncreasi ng the i nter-
val between the sovi et congresses from three to si x months!). And
what i s moreisuch condi ti ons must be a symptom of the barbari zatl on
of the publ i c l i f e.
The basi c error of the L enl n-Trotskyl st theory i s simply thi s j that
they set di ctatorshi p, J ust as Kautsky does, over agai.nst democracy.
"Di ctatorshi p or democracy "that i s the questi on both f or the Bol-
shevi ks and f or Kautsky. The l atter deci des, natural l y, f or democracy,,
and f or bourgeoi s democracy at that, si nce he views i t preci sel y as
the al ternati ve to the soci al i st overthrow. Lenin and Trotsky deci de,
i nversel y, f or di ctatorshi p in opposi ti on to democracy and, in so
doing, f or the di ctatorshi p of a handful of I ndi vi dual s, that i s, f or
di ctatorshi p af ter the bourgeoi s f ashi on. Two opposi te pol es, both
equal l y f ar removed from the true soci al i st pol i cy. When, the prol e-
tari at sei zes power, i t can never more fol l ow Kautsky's advi ce and
renounce the .job of carryi ng through the socl al f st transf ormati on.
under tne pretext of the "unri peness of the country". and devote i t-
aeI f merely to democracy, wi thout commi tti ng t^ea^on to i tsel f , to the
I nternati onal and to the Revol uti on. I t i s bound to and must, wi thout
del ay, in t.ho most vi gorous, unwavering and cho rough-go ina manner.
take soci al i st measures i n hand, hence exerci se di ctatorshi p- - but
dl ctato rohi p of the f-l ass, no t of a pc.rty or cl i 'oue; di ctatorshi p of
the cl asg, 1.e. in the broadest publ i ci ty, with the acti ve parti ci pa-
ti on of "-.he masses, i n unl i mi ted democracy. "As Marxi sts, we have
never been i dol aters of formal democracy, " wri tes Trot3ky. Certai nl y,
we have never been i dol aters of formal democracy. Nor have we ever
been i dol aters of soci al i sm or of Marxism. Does i t fol l ow that we are
enti tl ed to throw soci al i sm, Marxism, onto the scrap-heap when we f i nd
i t uncomfortabl e? Trot3ky and Lenin are the l i vi ng negati ons of thi s
questi on. We have never been i dol aters of formal democracy; which sim-
ply means that we have always di sti ngui shed the soci al kernel from the
pol i ti cal form of bourgeoi s democracy; we have always uncovered the
bi tter kernel of soci al i nequal i ty and constrai nt under the sweet shel l
of formal equal i ty and freedom--not in order to rej ect these l atter,
but i n order to urge the working cl ass not to content i tsel f with the
shel l but rather to win the pol i ti cal power i n order to f i l l i t with
new soci al content. I t i s the hi stori cal task of the prol etari at.when
i t comes to power, to create i n the pl ace of bourgeoi s democracy.so-
ci al i st democracy, not to uo away with democracy i tsel f . Soci al i st
democratv begj ns, however, not in the promised l and af ter the sub-
structurr> cf -.ocl al i st economy has been formed, as a ready-made
Ch ri stTiar- present "or the pood peopl e who i n the meanwhile have l oyal -
ly su p^o ,'t ol the 'rTaPdf of soci al i st di ctators. Soci al i st democracy
beams r.itrultaneo.usiy wit.h~tni teari ng down of cl as3 rul e and the
bui l di ng up oi eoTi al i src. ife begi ns with the sei zure of power, i t i s
nothi ng el se than the llctato rsh ] p of the prol etari at.
Yes, di ctatorshi p 1 But thi s di ctatorshi p consi sts i n the manner i n
witich d-ftmccraoy iz emc^-oyed. not ir. i ts abol i ti on; in vi gorous. de-
ci ded i ntrusi ons i nto the wel l - eatabl l sh? d r-p.hts and economic rel ati on
- 18 -
Counci l Correspondence.
of bour geoi s soci et y, wi t hout whi ch t he soci al i st overt urn cannot be
act ual i zed. Thi s di ct at or shi p must bo t he work of t he cl ass. I nd n, t
of a smal l mi no' rl ty i n t he name of t he cl ass; t hat i s. i t must pr o-
ceed at each st ep wi th t he act i ve par t i ci pat i on of t he masses. be
subj ect to t hei r di r ect I nf l uence, st and under t he cont r ol of un-
l i mi t ed publ 1c opi ni on, pr oceed f romt he gr owi ng pol i t i cal educat i on
gf t he masses.
/ . W >> >i S tlr ii .. w -i & &
ft S' li J * i l i it 1 i i i * v ti 5 J ii i . l i i i i t 1 # i j 4 # i i t (I 8 # (
* a a * a a
THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND THE PRESENT CRI SI S.
With the begi nni ng of 1935 much ri^mor l a heard about a possi bl e maj or
^of f ensi ve by the A.F. of L. I n a number of basi c i ndustri es. Some
superf i ci al observers al ready see the threat of a nati on-wi de general
stri ke to be i ni ti ated by texti l e, steel and automobi l e workers'
uni ons. Vague statements about Labor's awakening, uttered by the pi ous
Bapti st who heads the A.F< of L., f urther alarm the backwoods shop-
keepers, and 1935 opens with general l y evi l forebodi ngs to the mid-
dl e clasfe and the smal l busi ness men.
We say middle cl ass and smal l busi ness men, because bi g busi ness does
not f ear the A.F. of L. I t knows that no general stri ke wi l l be coun-
tenanced by the l abor l eaders and even such dangerous consequences as
might ari se from a texti l e or steel stri ke wi l l be curbed bef ore
reachi ng tnei r obj ecti ve.
I t i s not merely that Green, Woll & Co., are cowardly, vaci l l ati ng
and reacti onary that l eads to thi s concl usi on - - i t I s that the A.F.
of L. as an organi zati on, l ock, stock and barrel , i s not by i ts na-
ture i ncl i ned to take any ri sks.
4
The structure and hi story of the A.F. of L. are such that i t can
never engage i n any struggl e that endangers the exi sti ng order - - and
i n these ti mes any maj or acti on by the workers wi l l have j ust that
ef f ect. ^
Organi zed i n 1881, the A.F. of L. represented at that ti me the re-
vol t of the ski l l ed ari stocracy of l abor agai nst the contemporary
pri mi ti ve l abor organi zati ons. The Kni ghts of Labor, most powerful
organi zati on in the ei ghti es, with al l i ts f aul ts had crystal l i zed
a potenti al l y powerful movement of unski l l ed workers. Reacti onary
of f i pi al s were unabl e to 3tem the ti de. "Orderl y" stri kes devel oped
I nto maj or revol ts of gi ganti c proporti ons. The workers, despi te the
pi ous pl eadi ngs of reacti onary l eaders, fought as onl y the compl etel y
di sf ranchi sed could f i ght - with any and al l means at thei r conmand.
The Gould stri ke, waged by the Knights of Labor i n4e85 i n which they
whipped the most powerful rai l road combi nati on i n the Uni ted States,
was an example of working cl ass revol t that i nvol ved ski l l ed, semi-
ski l l ed and unski l l ed l aborers on the basi s of the sl ogan "An I nj ury
i
- 19 -
Counci l Correspondence.
to orie l a an i nj ury to al l " .
The .l ement.l character of the a ^' ^' g r o ^t f ' ' l n 5 '
ssi'ni'ofs: '.ShKbS; *?
f i gur es f or t he Kni ght s of Labor and t he A. F. of L. wer e.
Yr . '
K. of L.
A- of L.
1881
19, 422
40, 000
1882
42, 517
65, 000
"1883 i 1884f 1885 I 1886
60. 811 104, 0661702, 924 510, 351
7 6, OOOl 105, 0001125, OOOl 138, 000
1887
259, 57. 8
160, 000
1888
220, 607
17 5, 000
The . 1. . but St eady gr owt h o f t h e ^F ^L ^
devel opment of a movement of ski l l e o n a r Y sent i ment . They had
t i on was not conduci ve t o r ad
c al
' ^Hi ont o. " c ur e f ur t her
banded t oget her to t ake a
d
yant ag di capi t al i smooul d wel l af -
concessi ons - concessi ons t hat an exp nOSi t i on t hey became l ess
America, the Rowi ng i ndustri al gi aj t presented " r t . i n^ondl t i ons
that constantl y f rustrated a revol utl onary, i a b8nt h e r e . The
ti nui ty that characteri zed European Sgwas ab s en t ^^ ^
possi bi l i ty of ri si ng i nto th p r f a vi ol ent character sub-
mers, etc., coupl ed with rec- rrl ng cri se >of EY I ol j nt ^ ^ ^
merged compl etel j j i recurrent ^
a
^iT . , t h e uni ted States enabl ed
t
C
Se
P
L
r
tUrto
a
%
ft
n
r
joi
y
a3tandard o f ^l i v i n g
vi ol ent^recurri ng* ^ri kes of the unski l i ed wotkers ^P
3>d
sacri f i ces
on the ski l l ed which the l atter were unwi l l i ng to
The American Federati on of Labo r
r
P*
e
^
e
mm the lower
S? thei r l ess f ortunate f eUows.
. . whi l e th, growth of the A.F. of L. Ua! "
vi rtual l y upon a property I nterest. I ts BJ J T hQ K n i p h t a of Labor.
making up i n nel d The ei ght-hour movement, fought courage-
ousl y^by'the rank and f i I s"and bet rayed M^grchl 'sts
0
b
,
ut\StA
d
r.o
n
f
C
5;?
8l
socl ed
t
,d
e
i n
U
k2epi nents hands unsul l i ed by any
radi cal acti vi ty at that ti me.
By 1894 Eugene pebs ^^" ^' ^" ^^' ^r s t r S g g f . ^t a r e ^a n e ^' U J y
the Pullman stri ke of that y ?
a
f A . F . " of L. repudi ated the
to be suppressed with f ederal troops. Th , A .
A.Fi.U. stri ke.
The Western Federati on of Miners at thi s^i me
movement which broke away from the A^ . \ b p f o r e the world war
i n the organi zati on of the I.W.W. Unti l .nor i y p l p me n t g of t h P
l abor movement!"The^lgno red submerged unski l l ed workers saw reason
- 20 -
Counci l Correspondence.
A r nf T kprt i ts hands off except where I t
was possi bl e' tc^break "Wobbly" st r i L s and assi st vi gi l ante mob. i n
l ynchi ng-bees.
When the Uni ted- States entered the world war
^jainsssL.^s^S^^S.-isasa:: liS-T:
F
& a
of ' ex ul t ed wi th
8
the rest of the J i ngoes at E0 year sentences
handed out to -Wobbly" Organi zers.
iST;:.s;rs-:sr:: p: s.
2
. -issi rs-;;.--
ponded ent husi ast i cal l y onl y*0 l o Ca l gover nment s, and- by t he ol d-
^S
n
i ^H4o
g
i d^\
r
rf ^
1
f ^?ng
d
^h^stnL '
t
rn^
e
?f ^=t^;"'T
c
^e'
1
str
1
ke
was l o*t.
When the present depressi on J ' tuch ' no^onl y^l th the
f er. The bureaucracy a P h w i t h i t 8 own membership as wel l ,
broad masses, but i t was out of nos'si bi l i ty of complete col l apse
I ts membership f el l of f . Already the The'decl i ne
appeared when Roosevel t I I saved the Ce. Dropping from f our
i n membership had been going on a a P h ^ mi l l i on by
mi l l i on members i n 1920, i t decl i nedt ot wo and oj ^Sn J . rd. d i nto\ he
1932. But with the hel p of the NRA, worKers were
A. F, of L.
The presi dent's atti tude may have been surpri si ng,
b
^n ^f |"J
<l 8
T[J e"
thi ng extraordi nary about hi s acti on i n view o c o n d i t i o n . , ^he
world chaos threatened bythe i
n
* J
e
[: !J
d
o5
8
E J Spe. The capi tal i sts of
on American pol i ti cs as i t di d on thoa of E P revol uti on,
the world are prepari ng f or two
e
j j " a "
u
j j
1
t h e l r own way: I tal y with
I n each country they prepare f or thi s i n thei r o y R oo8evel t
Mussol i ni , Germany with Hi tl er, and the Uni ted States wijn w
and NRA. The di f f erences of approach and "thod h c a a e t h e
fundamental nature and purpose of thi s ffloveaeint^ agai nst the
capi tal i st cl ass of each country consoUdates I t . f ores. c o nf l o l i _
coming war and revol uti on, and i n each case tha p . T h l 8
nati on may accuratel y be cal l ed the process of f asi z a. on T h i e^
ir
0
zrsj$:A:isw i<
di nated^to^the^i nterest3 'who^cUs's; " the soci al i se of
f asci sm.
The workers must be control l ed or thei r o r g a n i ^^d e s t ' r o y e d
and si nce working cl ass organi zati on can never ^ enti rel y ie.t:ro;yed
Counci.l Correspondence.
But at thi s ti me i t i s usabl e. .Mr.Roosevelt hol ds out glowing vi stas
to the l abor skates. Thei r mouths water as they peer i nto the prom-
i sed l and. Only one,cent per month per member fl ows i nto the A. F.
of L. treasury from members of af f i l i ated i nternati onal uni ons. But
fcere i s a chance to organi ze the unski l l ed i nto "f ederal Unions"
payi ng 35 a month per capi ta, and the presi dent had practi cal l y tol
them to go ahead and organi ze to thei r hearts' content.
Roosevel t's f ri endl y smi l e and nai ve radi o tal ks might i ndi cate the
good natured clown, but hi s pol i ci es are, those of a f ar- seei ng .capi -
tal i st who uses al l methods necessary to prol ong the exi stence of
the present order. I n thi s peri od of chaos and col l apse, the most
expl oi ted'and starvi ng l ayers of the working cl ass form a di sti 'nct
menace.of revol uti on. He hands out rel i ef to the starvi ng and l ets
the A.F. of L- take care of the expl oi ted. The unski l l ed are to be
herdd i nto the A.F. of L. AND KEPT IN CHECK-THEREBY.
The l abor skates have del i vered. They throttl ed the mi l i tant mi ners
i n the East. They surrendered.to the steeL i ndustry; they scotched
an attempt at an automobi l e i ndustry stri ke and j oyousl y broke the
'Fri sco general stri ke from wi thi n.
*W4th a reacti onary hi story to i ts credi t, a form of organi zati on
suscepti bl e \o no changes, an of f i ci al dom so f i rml y i ntrenched* as
to be immovable, a "rank and f i l e that i s ei ther i mpotent or as re-
acti onary as i18 l eaders, the A.F. of L. at thi s ti me i s much too
usef ul to the master cl ass to be di scarded. I t i s expected .to f ul -
f i l l the work i n America of the Nazi "l abor f ront" i n Germany, and
so f ar ' i t' has real i zed al l the hopes Roosevel t pl aced i n i t . I ts
J ob i s to prevent stri kes, 'to regiment and curb the workers, to dup-
l i cate the Fasci st l abor organi zati ons of Europe.
General stri kes are not a part of Fasci st routi ne. So a questi on
whether the A.F. of L. wi l l i ni ti ate a general stri ke movement in
1935 i s i ndeed l aughabl e.
A -A { * < v A .t -.i a -.< : a a -.< A A '< #
W ;; * * A A * & i A A A A ;* Af.: A * * * a
A# "MARXISM WITHOUT DOCTORS"
Review on: The I nevi tabi l i ty of Communism, by Paul Matti ck. (#)
I t has been the mi sf ortune of Marxism i n the Uni ted States that i ts
greatest development took pl ace under the i nf l uence of the Russian
Revol uti on. O.ur nati ve radi cal s have di spl ayed a pi g-headedness al -
most equal to that of the bourgeoi si e i tsel f i n conti nui ng to regard
'L ei i ni sm' or 'Marxi sm-Leni ni sm'^as synonymous wi th, or at l east a
l ogi cal extensi on of Marxism, and Bolshevism as synonymous with Com-
munism. Even two such embattl ed antagoni sts as Sidney Hook and Max
EastmaQ---the one wanti ng to be a Marxist and the other a L eni ni st
are in fundamental agreement on thi s poi nt, and thei r heated di s-
putes accordi ngl y reduce l argel y to a mere matter of words. I t has
not yet dawned upon the ameri can i ntel l ectual s that the Bol shevi k
Revol uti on w
j
.s essenti al l y onl y a bourgeoi s revol uti on. di rected to
() A 4b pa^e pamphlet j ust publ i shed by Polemic Publ i shers, 122 East
25th St.,New York Ci ty. - 25 per copy,postage prepai d from pub-
l i sher; or order from U.W.F.-1604 N.Cal i f orni a Ave., Chicago, 111.
- 22 -
Counci l Correspondents.
~v~
overthrowi ng Czarism and doing away with the vesti ges of
i n Russi a, thus prepari ng the way f or an unrestri cted state capi
i st devel opment. *
I t has been the mi sf ortune of Matti ck personal l y- apart from the ci r-
nirnstancfl that he brought with him from Germany a .phi l osophi c mind
v?- - that hi 8 work i s di rected to breaki ng down these i l l usi on
aSd Tre udi ces and to "cl eansi ng Marxism from the f i l th of ep goni ty
He recogni zes that Marxism i n i ts pure and
r
^
a
l form was *npos-
si bl e of appl i cati on duri ng the upgrade peri od f
3
J "
l h
was necessari l y adapted to sui t the needs of the Boverning bureau
cracy of the ol d l abor movement, and that i t i s }{?e 5 J f
manent cri si s" when the obj ecti ve condi ti ons are r;P
throw of capi tal i sm, that i t i s real l y, possi bl e'f or Marxism to cjxme
i nto i ts own. 'Yhich i s.merel y another manner of sayi ng "
can be actual i zed onl y through the rnvol uti onary prol etari at in tlhe
act of throwi ng off the - f i tter s of J those
j ects al l forms of marxian 'orthodoxy'., i ncl udi ng parti cul arl y,those
associ ated with the names of Lenin and Kautsky. J et, he i s an or
' thodox' Marxi st hi msel f - - but with a di f f erence. I n the rst pl ace,
he makes a di sti ncti on between mere l i p- servi ce to Marxism, or trie
use of revol uti onary phrases to corit eal M o rmi st o r
c o U
^
e r
~ [1-
uti onary praoti ce, on the one hand, and the practi cal a p p l i q r n
of marxi st pri nci pl es i n the prol etari an struggl e agai nst ^P^al i sm
on the other. And secondl y, to him, as to George ^kacs orthodox
Marxism "does not mean an uncri ti cal acceptance of th
r

u
J J
of
Marx's i nvesti gati ons, does ni t mean a 'bel i ef i n thi s -J o nn
thesi s, nor the exegesi s of a 'sacred book'. Orthodoxy i n <questions
of Marxism rel ates rather excl usi vel y to the method. I t i s the;scl er.
ti f i c convi cti on that i n di al ecti cal Marxism the correct method of
i nvesti gati on has been found, that thi s method can be devel oped.ex-
tended and deepened onl y i n_the sense of i ts founder, and that a
attempts to overcome or 'i mprove' i t have l ed, and necessari l y ,
merely to f l atness, tri vi al i ty and ecl ecti ci sm".
Such a view of orthodoxy enabl es Matti ck to be the most uncompromis-
i ng of Marxi sts, and at the same ti me one of those who are l eas
hampered by tradi ti ons. He recogni zes the hi stori cal character
al l the tradi ti onal forms of the l abor movement, i ncl usi ve of Pf "
mentarism and the pol i ti cal , party. The pol i ti cal party, J
0
*"
1
"J J ?f
i s i ust an expressi on of formal democracy one which wi l l be P
e
i ^
ted to f uncti on onl y so l ong as the bourgeoi si e can af f ord so much
l eni encybut the revol uti on i tsel f , under modern condi ti ons in
hi ghl y devel oped capi tal i st countri es, "i s not a party natter, ^u
the af f ai r of the cl ass" (of the prol etari an cl ass, be i t understood
and not of a prol etari an- peasant al l i ance such as was i ndi spensabl e
to the overthrow of Czari sm). Al l expressi ons of "formal democracy ,
i ncl usi ve of l abor organi zati ons, became more and more l ntol eraDi e
to the bourgeoi si e i n the permanent cri si s, when the conti nued ex-
i stence of capi tal i sm depends on a perf ectl y smooth f uncti oni ng oi
the economic organi sm; but the cl ass struggl e i tsel f cannot be sup-
pressedi t i s simply obl i ged to assume new forms adapted to the new
condi ti ons. These new forms are essenti al l y embraced in the worKers
counci l s (sovi ets), l ed by commi ttees of acti on that i s, under the
ai rect control of the workers themsel ves, hence not dependent upon
the exi stence of parti es, not subj ect to the personal sway of pro-
f essi onal "l abor l eaders", but f uncti oni ng over the heads of al i
23
Counci l Correspondence.
parti es and oureaucraci es and hence, capabl e of ef f ecti ng a real
uni ted f ront and waging a real l y common struggl e agai nst capi tal i sm
in i ts f i nal ana more'or l ess ' f asci st
1
form.
Ever si nce fasci sm f i r st made i ts appearance i n I tal y, 3hortl y af ter
the War, and parti cul arl y si nce the ri se of Hi tl er in Germany and
the suppressi on of the Soci al Democracy in Austri a, a reori entati on
of the l abor movement has been under way. I n thi s process are re-
vealedtwo opposi te tendenci es. One i s headed^i n the di recti on of
compromise with capi tal i sti c prej udi ces, abandonment of revol uti onar}
pri nci pl es and winning the middle cl asses, as best i l l ustrated in
thi s country by the recent "American Workers' Party", (now combined
with the Communist League to form the "Worker,a Farty"). The other
sees in the prol etari at i tsel f the onl y rel i abl e I nstrument of the
communist revol uti on and avoi ds al l compromise with revol uti onary
pri nci pl es as merely cal cul ated to throw confusi on i nto the ranks'
of the workers. I t i s that l atter posi ti on which i s represented by
Matti ck, i n harmony with the "United Workers' Party" of America and
the "Groups of I nternati onal Communists" of the various- countri es
throughout the worl d. I t i s essenti al l y the same posi ti on as that
combatted by Lenin under the name of L ef t Communism--a posi ti on
which, from the poi nt of view of the Russi an Revol uti on, with i ts
petty- bourgeoi s and j acobi ni cal i deol ogy, was natural l y anathema at
the time to any Bol shevi k--as i t was al so to Noske and Ebert- - but
which from the i nternati onal prol etari an poi nt of view i s reveal i ng
i tsel f as the one trul y revol uti onary f orce in contemporary soci ety.
I n the present pamphl et, "The I nevi tabi l i ty of Communism," as wel l
as i n vari ous other wri ti ngs, such as hi 3 cri ti que of the American
Workers party (), Matti ek has taken pai ns tc show the di sastrous
consequences of the compromising atti tude and of the ref ormi st posi -
ti on in al l i ts phases. He understands that fasci sm i tsel f i s merely
an Ablenkung3manoever. an attempt to mi sl ead the workers by the uae
of p3eudo-revol uti onary or at l east pseudo-radi cal phrases, as i l -
l ustrated i n the Hi tl eri an "Nati onal - Soci al i st German Labo r Party."
Fascism has copi ed the tacti cs of the bol shevi k movement in Russi a
and of the nati onal bol shevi k parti es control l ed by the Thi rd I nter-
nati onal . Fascism too pretends to be ai mi ng at a form of "soci al i sm",
that i s, state capi tal i sm, which general l y passes f or soci al i sm not
onl y among the workers and petty- bourgeoi si e but even among the so-
cal l ed soci al i sts themsel ves. What wonder, then, that the workers
turn to f asci 8m--a form of 'soci al i sm' which can be i ntroduced by
the si mpl e process of voti ng, wi thout the necessi ty of a revol uti on
with al l i ts unpl easant connotati ons. Thus when the members of the
ref ormi st, petty-bourgeoi s parti e3- - a terra which i ncl udes even the
sel f - styl ed revol uti onary pol i ti cal parti ea- - reproach the workers
with bei ng stupi d, they f ai l to consi der that these parti es them-
sel ves are l argel y responsi bl e f or that '3tupi di ty', in that they
put ref ormi st noti ons i nto the heads of the workers and f ai l to make
a cl ear- cut di sti ncti on between capi tal i sm (i n i ts f asci st form)and
communism (as concei ved by Marx, the "soci ety of f ree and equal pro-
ducers"). Thus reformism in i ts vari ous aspects, i ncl udi ng parti ci -
pati on in capi tal i st pol i ti cs, l eads l ogi cal l y to fasci sm, and al l
the ref ormi st parti es (regardl ess of thei r revol uti onary phrases or
i ntenti ons) wi l l be f orced in the end ei ther to capi tul ate to f as-
cism or be suppressed by i tor even bcttf at the same ti me, as i n
7*0 "One Step Forward, Two Steps Backward" .-The Modern Monthly, Dec. 193
24
t
Counci l Correspondence.
the case of the German C.P., which had l ost al l revol uti onary char-
acter and become almost tis f asci st aa^the Nazi s, but whi chneverthe-
l ess has to be swept asi de as unadapted, or at l east l ess adapted
than Hi tl er' s party, to the needs of the bourgeoi si e in the permanent
cri si s. J
These two opposed tendenci es i n the l abor movement imply, of course,
di f f erences i n theoreti cal base, i nvol vi ng questi ons not merely' of
psychol ogy but of phi l osophy and economics. The ref ormi st posi ti on
i s essenti al l y opportuni sti c and undi al ecti cal . I t i s accordi ngl y
superf i ci al , content with momentary successes, however won and with
the ai d of whatever el ements, wi thout regard f or ul te-ri or ef f ects
on the revol uti onary movement and the form of soci ety resul ti ng
1
from
i t. I t Tai l s to see i n the capi tally's trie rel ati ons themsel ves and i n
the growth of the f orces of producti on (i n parti cul ar, the growth'of
the prol etari at) the ci rcumstance which makes the eventual triumph
of communism i nevi tabl e, however long that triumph may be postponed
by fasci sm and other vari eti es of reformi sm. On the other hand, the
trul y revol uti onary tendency, which sees ir the prol etari at i t3el f
the anti tne3i 3 engendered by capi tal i sm, and in communism the syn-
thesi s resul ti ng from thi s antagoni sn^^s not concerned with cater-
i ng to the petty- bourgeoi si e but wiWTaevelop'ing the strength and
the consci ousness and the sel f - conf i dence of the workers, so that
these l atter wi l l be capabl e of l eadi ng the petty- bourgeci si e i n-
stead of bei ng l ed by i t. I n other, words, as Matti ek makss pl ai n in
the concl udi ng secti ons of hi s work, i t i s not so much a questi on
of 'educati ng' the workers in communist i deol ogy, but one of devel -
opi ng thei r mi l i tancy. Educati on, in the sense in which the word i s
employed by Sidney Hook and on which he l ays 3r much stress- - i n com-
mon, we might say, with soci al i sts and ref ormi sts general l y- - i s a
matter i n which the capi tal i sts, so long a3 capi tal i sm endures,wi l l
always have the advantage, if not practi cal l y a compl ete monopoly.
The great ma3s of the workers, under capi tal i st condi ti ons, cannot
be readi ed by educati on at al l ; and hence to depend upor. educati on
ana propaganda as the main, forms of pre- revol uti onary acti vi ty i s
merely to pl ay i nto the hands of the reacti onari es by i ndul gi ng the
Sort of i l l usi ons characteri sti c of the soci al i sts, who hol d that
nothi ng can be done about a new state of soci ety unti l they have con-
vi nced enough peopl e of the desi rabi l i ty of soci al i sm to vote the
soci al i st ti cket i nto of f i ce. But to promote the mi l i tancy and sel f -
ccnf i aenoe of the workers, even to the excl usi on of communist i deol -
ogy and what i s general l y ref erred to as cl ass consci ousness i n i ts
mere i ntel l ectual form, i s to make the col l at e of capi tal i sm i nevi -
tabl e in t.'ie Shortest possi bl e space of ti me. Thei r economic strug-
gl es under exi sti ng condi ti ons natural l y tend to aFsume a pol i ti cal
form and acqui re a revol uti onary, character; the workers may not be
Marxi sts or consci ous revol uti oni sts "w
u
.ile engaged i n those struggl es,
but, as tfatt.ick J ays, "the revol uti on makis them Marxi sts."
NO attempt, wi l l be made in thi s bri ef review to i ndi cate the wealth
of tneoi eti cal materi al whioh Matti ek bi i ngs tto the support of hi s
views. Cur mm i merely to poi nt out the revol uti onary si gni f i cance
of n i ' AC rk and to suggest the manner in wh.ch it- rtif.*ertn-iates i t-
sel l ' i'.o:r t.:
1
rthodox
4
and al l fcrms of 'vul gar' Marxi an. The pam-
phl et .<ea wri tten mainly -i3 a repl y to Sid'iey fl ood's 1>COK "Towards
the J ic.erotar.6i ng of Karl Marx" which i s perhaps the one di sti ncti ve-
ly ameri can contri buti on to Marxism which coul d be named,as in any
- 25 -
Counoi l Correspondence.
sense worthy of such a cri ti que, Matti ck and Hook are, of course, in
agreement on many speci f i c poi nt(omi tted as obvi ous in the present
pamphl et), and thei r di f f erences are sometimes more a matter of em-
phasi s than of fundamental opposi ti on. But Book, i n common with al l
the other peopl e who have tri ed to "make sense of Marx" has, we thi nk
.J atti ck cl earl y shows, merely succeeded i n reduci ng what i s essen-
ti al l y sci ence to the 'common-sense* l evel of understandi ng and not
onl y abandoned Marxism hi msel f but made i t al l the easi er f or l i ber-
al s and 'ni ce peopl e' general l y to f eel that they were perf ectl y
j usti f i ed i n never concerni ng themsel ves with the matter or never
taki ng i t seri ousl y i f they di d. Matti ck reveal s that Marx i s more
modern than al l hi s cri ti cs, whether of the pseudo- sci enti f i c radi cal
camp l i ke Max Eastman, or of the purel y l i beral type l i ke Stuart
Chase. Marx i s not onl y the symbol of revol uti on, which I s the onl y
present al ternati ve to worl d-wi de f asci sm; he i s al so the man who has
provi ded the most profound understandi ng of capi tal i st soci ety, and
that i nsi ght i nto economic laws and the movement of soci al cl asses
whicn i s the onl y sure gui de to pursui ng a real l y radi cal course of
acti on under capi tal i sm i n i ts stage of decl i ne. And Matti ck, i n spi te
or because of hi s comparati ve youth, has brought i nto marxi st theory
and the pol i ti cal l abor movement a f reshness of i nsi ght and depth of
understandi ng gai ned i n the course of years of experi ence here and
abroad and hi therto l acki ng i n thi s country.
N O T I C E
Tue February i ssue of Counci l Correspondence wi l l f eature
an arti cl e by K ri sten Svanum on "Dani el De Leon". There
wi l l be a bri l l i ant arti cl e on "Revol uti onary Marxism", as
wel l as other very i nteresti ng materi al .- - Be sure to get
a copy. '
BaQii Numoers of Counci l Correspondence.
We have some back numbers of Counci l Correspondence which
you can get by sendi ng i n to the Uni ted Workers* Party
C.C.#2 - f eaturi ng arti cl e en Henryk Grossmano's I nter-
pretati on ef Marx's Theory of Capi tal i st Acouo-
c, ul ati on.
C.C.#3 - f eaturi ng the "Thesi s en Bol shevi sm" by the
group of I nternati onal Communists of Hol l and.
C.C.#4 - contai ni ng a spl endi d arti cl e on "pl anned
Economy" and a cri ti que by Karl Korsch of the
American Workers' Party program.
w-ii-iiihuat IHM a H iHfrvi S i ; K iHc triiHH
# ""MAT NEXT FOR THE AMERICAN WORKER?" *
#A popul ar pamphlet deal i ng with the #
pr esent uay American condi ti ons and #
^outl i ni ng a perspecti ve of the f uture. *
# Si ngl e~copy-10 - - Order from: #
# Uni ted Wo ricere* Party *
# 1604 N. Cal i f orni a Avo. *
< Chicago, 111. . *
.. . . . . i f . . . i . - . .< * > >
CQUNCIL
CORRESPONDENCE
ENGLISH EDITION
For Theory and Discussion
CONTENTS:
DANIEL DE LEON.
By KRISTEN SVANUM
C C. C.; CAPITALISM'S CONSERVATION CORPS.
THE SCUM OF HUMANITY.
A. F. of L. AND ADMINISTRATION BREAK.
I
No. 6 MARCH, 1935 10 Cents
UNITED WORKERS' PARTY
0
Z7
MARCH ISsS No.6
DANIEL: DE LEOM
bY-kiifS TEN SVANUM
There has of l ute been a tendency by i ntel l ectual s who duri ng the
present cri si s have di scovered the revol uti onary movement to J oi n
with the Soci al i st Labor Party i n i ts cul t.of Dani el De Leon. While
these i ntel l ectual s remain very skepti cal towards the S.L.P. they wax
qui te l yri cal about the revol uti onary abi l i ti es and potency ef De
Leon even goi ng-so f ar as to name him an or the American Marx er
Leni n. Tiiia i s qui te unj ust to the S.L.P. that has ceased to be a
f actor i n the revol uti onary movement due to I ts devoti on and l oyal ty
to the theori es and personal i ty ef De Leon. Suoh i nj usti ce i s, of
course, a matter of smal l i mportance but a di storti on of revol uti on-
ary theory making a Marx or Lenin out of such sheddy materi al as De
Leon i s much more seri tttxs; not because De Leon
1
i mportance i n Amer-
i can revol uti onary tradi ti on i s heavy enough to al l ow a rel nterpre-
tati on of hi s theori es and acti vi ty to have any I nf l uence on the
cl ass struggl e, but because i t i s an i ndex of the conf usi on exi sti ng
i n revol uti onary theory, and i f not countered by a correct anal ysi s
i s a contri butary cause towards making conf usi on twi ce confounded.
Frederl ch Engels* concepti on of De Leon must have been qui te di f f er-
ent. when Luoien Sani al and De Leen vi si ted him I n England, hi s sol e
comment to a f ri end I n the Uni ted States was, "they di d not i mpress
me much.
H
The al l eged greatness of De Leon i s usual l y based on hi s concepti on
of i ndustri al unionism and hi s uncompromising stand agai nst any re-
f ormi st compromise. I t i s unf ortunate f or the former premi se that, the
ref usal of the credenti al s committee to seat him at the 1928 conven-
ti on of tne I.W.W. was due to the f act that he was a member of, and
a del egate from, a craf t l ocal (the cl eri cal workers) and had consi s-
tentl y ref used to transf er to an i ndustri al union l ocal i n spi te of
the i nsi stence of the General Executi ve Board of the I .V,."'. that he
do so. Duri ng the di scussi on of the credenti al s commi ttee's report.,
I n which De Leon was permi tted to parti ci pate, i t was brought out, by
Counci l Correspondence.
De Leoh hi msel f t hat t hi a was to hi mnot j ust a quest i on of expedi en-
cy - pr ef er ence f or r epr esent i ng a numer i cal l y st r onger l ocal - but
of pr i nci pl e, i . e. t hat accor di ng to De Leon t he or gani zat i on or i n-
dust r i al uni ons shoul d commence wi t h t he or gani zat i on of craf t l ocal s.
Tni a at t i t ude of De Leon amount ed, i n pr act i ce, to demandi ng t hat t he
I . VV. W. r et r ace t he st eps of t he A. F. of L. bef or e st ar t i ng out en i t s
own pr oper car eer , and was t he deci si ve f act or swi ngi ng many of De
Leon' s f or mer suppor t er s agai nst hi m. As TomPower s, a del egat e f rom
New Engl and, put i t : "No one but De Leon hi msel f coul d convi nce me
t hat De Leon does not under st and i ndust r i al uni oni sm, - but he has
done i t .
The i dea pr eval ent t hat i t was t he pol i t i cal act i on cl ai ffte t hat w^s
t he i ssue of t hi a convent i on i s mer el y a deduct i on f romt he f act t hat
af t er t he wi t hdr awal of t he De Leon suppor t er s f rom t he convent i on,
t he pol i t i cal cl ause was st r uck f row t he I . W. W. pr eambl e; but t hi s
was mer el y a r esul t of t he ant i - pol i t i cal f act i on bei ng i n cont r ol
af t er t he wi t hdr awal of t he De Leoni t es, not t he cause oT t hi s wi t n-
dr awal .
De Leon' s second cl ai mt o r evol ut i onar y f ame i s even mor e shaky; - to
exami ne i t , i t i s necessar y to go back to t he t i me of hi s ent r ance i n
t he S. L . Pand t he di scussi on t hen r agi ng on t he "who pays t he t ax-
es" pr obl em. On t hi s quest i on, De Leon and hi s suppor t er s hel d t hat
t he wor ker s do not pay any t axes. Thi a st and was super f i ci al l y con-
si der ed mor e r evol ut i onar y. When t he opposi ng f act i on cont ended t hat
t he quest i on of t axes shoul d f urni sh one of t he mai n pl anks i n t he
par t y' s pl at f or mand be consi der ed separ at el y, any r evol ut i oni st
must agr ee wi t h De Leon t hat t hi s was onl y a red her r i ng to draw t he
wor ker s of f t he r evol ut i onar y t r ai l ; but , when exami ni ng t he gr ounds
on whi ch t he De Leoni t es t ook t hi s st and, t he quest i on t hen assumes
a si ni st er si gni f i cance.
pa Leon' s ar gument was t hat under capi t al i smwages ar e det er mi ned by
t he l aw of val ue of l abor power . The wor ker s ar e t her ef or e unabl e te
i mpr ove t hei r condi t i ons under capi t al i sm, and vi ce ver sa t he capi t al -
i st s ar e unabl e to cut t hei r wages, t he l aw of val ue over r i di ng al l
such subj ect i ve not i ons. Fr oma t heor et i cal poi nt of vi ew, t hi s i s
changi ng t he Mar xi st concept i on of t he cl ass st r uggl e i nt o a concep-
t i on of soci et y as rul ed by "i ron i mmut abl e" l aws. Thi s i s net di a-
l ect i c mat er i al i sm, but met aphysi cal mat er i al i sm; not t he Mar xi st
concept i on of hi st or i cal mat er i al i sm, but t he bour geoi s concept i on
of economi c det er mi ni sm. I t i s a compl et e r epudi at i on of t he subj ec-
t i ve f act or , r educi ng t he human el ement i n t he cl ass st r uggl e to no-
r t hi ng; r educi ng soci al sci ence t o t he same el ement s as nat ur al sci ence
I n pr act i ce, i t means t he cessat i on of al l st r uggl e except t he st r ug-
gl e wi t h I mmedi at e r evol ut i onar y r esul t s. Tni s degr ades t he r evol ut i on
to t he l evel of a mi r acl e; f or i f , the wage l evel i s deci ded by f act or s
out si de t he det er mi nat i on of capi t al i st s and wor ker s bot h, t hen t he
s- truggl es, whet her def ensi ve or of f ensi ve, about wages, hour s, et c. ,
must be j ust t hat much wast e of ef f or t .
I ncr edi bl e as t hi s may seem, t hi s was t he at t i t ude of De Leonj and
t hi s i s t he at t i t ude of t he S. L- P- t oday. The posi t i on, br i ef l y
st at ed, i 8 t hi s: not hi ng shor t of a r evol ut i on can i mpr ove t he posi -
t i on of t he wor ki ng cl ass. The t wo met hods f or accompl i shi ng t hi s wer e
Counci l Correspondence.
u -
accordi ng to the S.L .P., pol i ti cal and economic acti on, but these twc
concepts were narrowed down to become mere shadows of thei r ori gi nal
sel ves.
Pol i ti cal acti on was, in the main, def i ned as parl i amentari sm; but a
stem atti tude was taken agai nst the Soci al i st Party program of re-
forms to be gai ned by such methods. El ecti ons were si mpl y thermom-
eters regi steri ng the "revol uti onary temperature". When the proper
degree, a maj ori ty'vote, was gai ned, the wo rkers "would, aflsyme power
but not through thei r el ected parl i amentary representati ves.Thi s task
was l ef t to thei r economic organi zati ons: the i ndustri al uni ons. What
were these uni ons i n the meantime to do? Merely organ-ize and keep i r
readi ness f or thei r hi stori cal mi ssi on? A program as narrow as thl s- j
can, of course, not be carri ed through with perf ect consi stency; but
the S.L.P. came very cl ose to thi s "i deal ". On the whole, S.L .P.
candi dates have honestl y set f orth at el ecti ons that, i f el ected,
they coul d accompl i sh nothi ng; so, too, the W.I .I .U. organi zers hol d
that uni ons can accompl i sh nothi ng f or the workers. The resul t has,
of course, been that there has been very l i t t l e response from the
masa of the working cl ass. Only those very suscepti bl e to revol uti on-
ary propaganda can respond to a message as severel y academic as thi s.
The onl y measure of success that the S.L .P. has been abl e to gai n has
theref ore been to I sol ate wi thi n i ts ranks a smal l number of peopl e
hi ghl y suscepti bl e to revol uti onary propaganda, and thereby to res-
trai n^l r^m from acti vel y parti ci pati ng i n any mass struggl e.
Correspondi ng to these theoreti cal and strategi cal shortcomi ngs i s an
equal def i ci ency i n tacti cal pri nci pl e. 'De Leon's opposi ti on to the
anti - pol i ti cal f acti on with the I.W.W. was not an opposi ti on to op-
portuni sm and compromise, but agai nst the "advocates of physi cal
f orce". To hi s noti dn, pol i ti cal (read parl i amentary) acti onpl us i n-
dustri al unionism made any actual physi cal struggl e unnecessary. The
cl ass struggl e coul d theref ore be carri ed on "on the ci vi l i zed pl ane"
wi th peacef ul el ecti oneeri ng, organi zati on and propaganda work. De
Leon's tacti cal pri nci pl e theref ore became an extreme of l egal i sm and
paci f i sm, and anyone f ai l i ng to worshi p thteae f eti ches were simply
branded as "enemies of the working cl ass" and agents provocature.
The f uncti ons of a revol uti oni st j oi ni ng the S.L.P. and adheri ng.
1
stri ctl y to De L eon's pri nci pl es'were l i mi ted to a narrow aort of
propaganda with no practi cal parti ci pati on i n the dai l y struggl es
of the workers, nay even di sdai ni ng these struggl es and deprecati ng
the necessary outbursts of vi ol ence of an of f ensi ve or def ensi ve
character i nci dental to them. The theoreti cal , strategi cal and tacti -
cal pri nci pl es advocated by Do Leon thus made revol uti oni sts coming
under thei r i nf l uence not only abstai n from parti ci pati on in the ac-
tual cl ass struggl e, but eve.* made them I nto a counter- revol uti onary
f orce tryi ng to canal i ze the spontaneous struggl es of the workers I n-
to steri l e channel s.
The f uncti ons of a revol uti onary movement i s, of course, extremel y
l i mi ted. I t does not f urni sh the moti ve power of the soci al revol u-
ti on but onl y gi ves di recti on to i t, and thi s even wi thi n narrow
l i mi ts.-'The working ol aas would, even i f no revol uti onary movement
exi sted, revol t agai nst the oppressi ve condi ti ons that the capi tal i st
system imposes on i t . I n the absence of a revol uti onary movement such
revol ts would be empi ri cal , tentati ve, bl underi ng. Tue revol uti onary
%-
- 3 -
U V U U U i l U U 1 1 c o p u u u c n ^o .
movement f urni shes not onl y a record of such revol ts, but, by anal y-
si s, establ i shes not onl y a connecti on between them by l i nki ng them
hi stori cal l y to the past and di scerni ng the rel ati onshi ps between
the apparentl y di sconnected struggl es of the present, but, more im-
portant yet, sees the aim towards which the struggl e i s l eadi ng.The
revol uti onary movement i s thus the central sensory and reasoni ng ap-
paratus of the working cl ass. And as i t i s i mpossi bl e f or a man to
add an ounce of power to hi s bodi l y strength by the use of hi s mind
and senses, so i t i s l l kewi 3e impossl/ble f or the revol uti onary move-
ment to i ncrease the revol uti onary f orce of the working cl ass. But a
wel l - trai ned mind and perf ect coordi nati on of nerve and muscl e cannot
onl y uti l i ze the muscul ar power of a man to ever better advantage.i t
can even, over a peri od of time, by sui tabl e trai ni ng i ncrease Codi l j
strength unti l tasks hi therto i mpossi bl e can be conquered. I t i s l i ke-
wise i mpossi bl e f or the revol uti onary movement to accompl i sh any im-
medi ate i ncrease i n the revol uti onary f orce of the working cl ass.What
i s can do i s to l ead i t i nto the most usef ul channel s and thereby i n-
crease i ts ef f ecti veness; to change i t from a bl i nd, i nsti ncti ve,
spontaneous, i nto a consci ous, reasoned, del i berate struggl e, not
onl y f or i mmedi ate redress of gri evances but showing a path to the
f i nal aim - the rul e of the working cl ass as a transi ti on to a cl ass-
l ess soci ety. Under such di recti on the revol uti onary f orce of the
working cl ass would not onl y be better uti l i zed, but would grow by
conti nuous and rati onal exerci se unti l i t became adequate f or i ts
f i nal aim. **
De Leon's tneory decl ared the actual cl ass stTlhu^le sensel ess. Hi s
strategy would turn i t i nto usel ess channel s, hi s tacti cs would of -
f er i t as a sacri f i ce on the al tar of l egal i sm. De Leon never ceased
to be a uni versi ty prof essor in spi ri t; practi cal \ l f e had to be
si mpl i f i ed i nto si mpl e ab3tracti ons; the cl ass struggl e to be con-
ducted wi thi n an academic, petty-bourgeoi s frame-work; and before
al l , no vi ol ence; l et us be stri ctl y l egal . As al l other ref ormi sts,
he f orgot that onl y one thi ng can make a revol uti on l egal - - i ts
success.
ANNOUNCEMENTS.
Back numbers of Counci l Correspondence can be had by sendi ng i n
13 i n stamps f or each copy wanted.We have a few copi es of each i ssue
except #1 and #2.
We wi l l accept a l i mi ted number of si x month subscri pti ons at
50.l f you want the C.C. sent you by mai l each month,send i n your
subscri pti on now.
The Counci l Correspondence wi l l accept f or publ i cati on, arti cl es
contai ni ng materi al which we consi der shoul d be brought to the atten-
ti on of workers, by wri ters who are not members of the Uni ted Workers'
Party.Tueae arti cl es are si gned to denote that we do not necessari l y
endorse the views of the wri ter enti rel y. A l l materi al presented wi th-
* out si gnature i s to be consi dered the col l ecti ve work of Party mem-
bers.We wi l l at al l ti mes appreci ate suggesti ons or cri ti ci sm on the
materi al contai ned i n Counci l Correspondence.
- Edi tori al Committee -
- 4 -
Counci l Correspondence.
c. C. C. **#- -
CAPITALISM'S CONSERVATION CORPS.
What stamps the C.C.C. as the most uni que experi ment i naugurated by
Frankl i n D. Roosevel t i s the al most total l ack of cri ti ci sm, - both
from capi tal i st pol i ti cal opponents, and even those sel f - prof essi ng
"l i beral s" admi tti ng a "soci al i sti c"* tai nt* For that very reason,
the Ci vi l i an Conservati on Corps demands cl ose scruti .ny. Obvi ousl y,
any i nnovati on that i mmedi atel y meets with the unqual i f i ed approval
of ALL the ri val capi tal i st groups bodes ne good f or the Prol etari at.
The C.C.C. w% l aunched ami dst the usual f anf l are of i deal i sti c
catch- phrases. The boys were to be given an opportuni ty to do usef ul
work i n heal thf ul surroundi ngs; God's Own Country - no less'.Of great-
er i mportance to the members - - so they were gravel y I nformed - - was
the chance to regai n that most preci ous of *11 possessi ons, thei r
"mo ral e".
Actual l y, of course, the Admi ni strati on was moved by more practi cal
moti ves. Fi rst, i t was real i zed these youngsters, J obl ess and con-
f ronted with the ever-mounti ng mi sery prevai l i ng i n $hel r homes,con-
sti tuted potenti al meaace to Sool ety (read: CAPITALIST Soci ety;.
By drai ni ng of f these, potenti al l y, most mi l i tant el ements i nto the
C.C.C* that danger might be averted and the working cl ass, as a whole,
thereby weakened. Second, organi zati on and trai ni ng of the C.C.C. has
been so conducted under Regul ar Army of f i cers as to al l ow i ts conver-
si on i nto a huge army atT short noti ce. (Present 1935 pl ans cal l f or
an enrol l ment of over 1, OOO, 000 men! Age l i mi ts are to be rai sed to
30 years, and marri ed men are to be aocepted.)
Agai nst the second "al l eged" moti ve the argument has been rai sed that
because the members do not dr i l l or engage i n other warl i ke trai ni ng
the government cannot be accused of mi l i tari zi ng th'e C.C.C. By ad-
vanci ng thi a"argument
M
, capi tal i st apol ogi sts ei ther reveal thei r l y-
i ng hypocri ti cal rol e, or el se betray an utter i gnorance of modern
warfare and mi l i tary organi zati on.
Modern i ndustry requi res hardl y any speci al i zed ski l l from the l abor-
er, who today merel y acts as an adj unct to the machi ne. Li kewi se, with
modern warfare, one of Capi tal i sm's greatest i ndustri es. Here, too,
great development I n the mechani zati on and ef f i cacy of weapons has
resul ted i n a l essened demand f or speci al i zed ski l l on the part of
the modern sol di er. The deadl y accuracy of the machine gun has des-
troyed the ol d dependency on the cl osed f ormati on. With the outmoding
of thi s form of organi zati on went the necessi ty f or extensi ve dri l l -
i ng en maase. Toaay, sol di ers f i ght i n a l oose, scattered formati on
in bodi es of about 200 - 250 men under the command of a captai n and
several l i eutenants. Si gni f i cantl y enough, thi s i s the i denti cal form
of organl zatl on of the C.C.C. camps! Each oamp hol ds f rom200- 250 men
under the command of a commissioned army captai n and two l i eutenants.
I n addi ti on, j ust as i n the regul ar army, there are non-commissioned
of f i cers (correspondi ng to sergeants and corporal s) ohosen from the
ranks of the C.C.C. seemi ngl y, to J udge by report, on the basi s of
physi cal brutal ness and bl i nd obedi ence i n carryi ng out orders. These
- 5 -
uncl l Correspondence.
"straw bosses" known as l eaders ana assi stant l eaders recei ve more
than the usual $30. per month, $45. and $36. per month respecti ve-
l y. I t i s evi dent then, that provi di ng the men are thorol v di sci p-
l i ned and unquesti oni ng ly obedi ent. they can oe qui ckl y whipped i nto
mi l i tary shape. Armi;ig
4
.hera with machine guns, ski l l in usi ng them
can be l earned i n a fev; ho'J i s, would turn the C.C.C. i nto a f i r st-
cl ass ermy capaM oi engagi ng in regul ar warf or, what i s more
l i kel y i n the minda of Roosevel t and hi s oounsai i ors, capabl e of
combatti ng a mi l i tant worki ng-cl ass!
Only on thi s basi s can the pecul i ar i deol ogi cal trai ni ng the boys
have been subj ected to, be expl ai ned. Thi s expl anati on, too, f ur-
ni shes the rati onal key to the extreme brutal i ty with which, eVen,
minor i nf racti ons of the rul es have been puni shed. Both" mental l y. an
physi cal l y the men are bei ng prepared f or the rol e they are to pl ay-
A thorough "head-f i xi ng" department has been set up i n every camp
under the gui dance of an "educati onal advi sor" The real purpose was
bl urted out by a nai ve educati onal advi sor, who, wMti rtg I n the New
York Times (6- 3- '34) sai d: "This l ecturi ng stuf f i s out! A regul ar
"bul l " sessi on wi l l be started on government af f ai rs, nati onal news,
and economi cs." Evi dentl y a form of the Cathol i c conf essi onal i s
bei ng i ntroduced i nto the camps. Any l uckl ess Corps member who un-
wi tti ngl y reveal s a l ack of f ai th i n the "New Deal" Tri ni ty, Frankl i n
D. Roosevel t, the Uni ted States and Capi tal i sm, wi l l be qui ckl y shown
hi s error.
Thi s touchi ng sol i ci tude f or what C.C.C. members read and thi nk was
demonstrated sti l l f urther i n the banni ng of the pamphlet -'YOU and
MACHINES", wri tten expressl y f or the C.C.C. by Prof . Wm. F. Ogburn
of Chicago Uni versi ty. Rubt.Fechner i n banni ng the bookl et ex-
pl ai ned that i t was not sui ted f or i ts audi ence, and that i t was J u.~t
a bi t too 'gloomy, pai nti ng too pessi mi sti c pi cture of our technol og-
i cal f uture f or the l aborer. What Fechner actual l y obj ected to were
certai n stray remarks of Prof .Ogburn s that were REVOLUTIONARY i n
thei r i mpl i cati on. *
Quoti ng from the pamphl et: "Machines are f orci ng our i nsti tuti ons to
change; but always they l ag behi nd. .. We can't bri ng back the good
ol d days...Passi ng laws wi l l newer do i t . . . I f they want to stop
change, they wi l l have to break up the machine, or, better sti l 'l ,
poi son al l i nventors...They (Youth) must l earn to adj ust themsel ves
to the machi ne..."
Agai n: "I t i s general l y bel i eved that not more than ond person out
of every seven persons unemployed l g 1933, perhaps not eyen 1 i n 10,
had hi s j ob taken away by a machi ne."
What i s Prof.Ogburn sketchi ng in the above statement, i f not the
Materi al i st Concepti on of Hi story? True, in a di storted and al most
unrecogni zabl e form. BUT, does he not show the f uti l i ty of patchi ng
Capi tal i sm by means of the New Deal i n stati ng: "Passi ng laws wi l l
never do i t" , ( i . e. ". \ brl ng back the good ol d days. . . ") . Further-
more, i sn' t thi s an expressi on of the necessi ty of REVOLUTION f or
the f urther development of the, machine (producti ve f orces) and the
progressi ve development of soci ety? No wonder Robt.Fechner banned
the pamphl etl No dangerous i deas were going to be put i nto the minds
Counci l Correspondence. 4
4
of C.C.C. i f he coul d hel p HI Fechner,. a vi ce- presi dent of the A.F.
of L'. i nternati onal Associ ati bn of Machi ni sts has been Pl eachi ng
"harmony" between Labor and Capi tal al l hi s l i f e. To him, capi tal i s
soci ety i s eternal and the best of al l soci eti es. I t HAS been good
to him. The j ob as head of the C.C.C. was hi s reward f or the f i ne
work he performed dUring the World War "conci l i ati ng" Labor to capi -
tal i st oppressi on.
H umorously enough, Dr. Percy Bi dwel l , edi tor of ^ 5 * ! "
f endi ng i t, sai d the author was "a pi l l ar of soci ety and a man
"tremendous reputati on". To no avai l , however. Fechner,
censor f or capi tal i st soci ety, had, to ban the pamphl-et eve* though
wri tten by "a pi l l ar of tl i at soci ety."
The admi ni strati on cannot rel ax i ts regime of I ron dl soi pl i ne and
unquesti oni ng obedi ence, f or that would spel l f ai l ure in thei r at-
tempt to bui l d up a l arge array. On the other hand, members of the
C.C.C., not aware that they are actual l y bei ng moul ded.I nto an army,
are rebel l i ng agai nst the seemi ngl y unnecessary and excesal ve di s-
ci pl i ne. Di sci pl i ne, that certai nl y i s out of al l proporti on to the
type of work they have been doi ng:, bui l di ng roads, pl an
t i n
6 e ,
di ggi ng and then f i l l i ng those same hol es, ettf. As a resul t or true
contradi cti on, the spi ri t of di scontent i s steadi l y growing and I s
mani f esti ng i tsel f i ncreasi ngl y i n spontaneous outbreaks. ^
Secretary Dern of the War Department i n summing up the achi evements
of the f i r st year of the C.C.C. (4-16--34) sai d: "No group of men
understands Youth so wel l or hol ds i t in greater af f ecti on than does
the commissioned personnel of the army".
How the commissioned personnel practi cal l y di spl ay thei r "great af -
f ecti on" was demonstrated three months l ater (7-10- 34) by L i euten-
ant Gatl i n at an Oklahoma C.C.C,. camp. The L i eutenant, i n an exuber-
ance of af f ecti on, "attempted to qui et recrui ts who were reported to
have been dri nki ng" by f i ri ng once at a group, sl i ghtl y wounding
pri vate Mc Cul l ough. Thi s i ndi vi dual , not havi ng heard Secy.Dern s
report, evi dentl y mi stook the L i eutenant's af f ecti onate acti on and
i s al l eged to have returned the f i r e , ki l l i ng him.
As ti me went on, the reacti on to the restri cti ons and di sci pl i ne,
which i n the begi nni ng mani f ested I tsel f in sporadi c and i ndl vl duaa^-
i sti c acts of protest, took on a MASS character, expressi ng i tsei r
in SPONTANEOUS acti on on the part of WHOLE camps!
Thus, on Nov. 7, 1934, 250 C.C.C._ workers (an enti re camp) bei ng
sent South from thei r Maine camp "to Vi rgi ni a and Maryland camps, re-
bel l ed agai nst thi s arbi trary , whol esal e transf er. They rose in a
mass, badl y beat up thei r of f i cers and then l ocked them i n baggage
cars! The government then promptl y showed that acti on on the P
a
|"^
of workers, however sl i ght, i n thi s peri od of the Permanent Cri si s,
the decl i ne of capi tal i sm, wi l l not be tol erated and wi l l meet with
the same recepti on as the acti on of cl ass- consci ous workers I n open
revol t! I n thi s parti cul ar case, 150 policemen were cal l ed to the
'yards and savagel y beat up the boys. Had the pol i ce f ai l ed, the
government stood ready to cal l upon regul ar troops.
Thi s i s even more stri ki ngl y shown two months l ater (1- 8- '35) when
Counci l Correspondence.
the entl re camp at South Mountain Reservati on, Orange, N.J . gathered
bef ore the camp commandant, Captai n Tobin, and served noti ce through
a commi ttee-that there would be no work unl ess the 11 o'cl ock bed
ti me regul ati on was abrogated. Hi s repl y was to order the men back
to work under penal ty of di scharge; 75 compl i ed, the other 125 men
returned'to thei r barracks, ref usi ng to work. The good Captai n cal l e
upon park pol i ce to escort the "muti neers" from the reservati on. Al-
though the boys went peacef ul l y, they were threatened with tear- gas
and cl ubbi ngs from the pol i ce. Near Orange, N.J . the 125 workers hel
a demonstrati on and appoi nted a gri evance commi ttee. To newspaper me
thi s committee repeal ed that besi des di ssati sf acti on wi-th the 11 o'
cl ock rul e, the commissioned of f i cers practi ced di scri mi nati on, and
that there was a ref usal on the part of the of f i cers to arbi trate (!
mi streatment. Evi dentl y, the boys st i l l took seri ousl y the camp .*'
school teachi ngs on the gl ori ous "ri ghts" conf erred on the workers
fcfy the New Deal . They were qui ckl y di si l l usi oned by thei r own teach-
ers. Captai n T.obih and several hi gh ranki ng of f i cers from the army
appeared bef ore the meeti ng near Orange, made sti rri ng speeches about
"duty to thei r government," etc. etc. , and f i nal l y ordered the boys
back to camp, ref usi ng to meet wi th the commi ttee. Hemmed i n by pol -
i cy, threatened with mi l i tary law, the boys f i nal l y gave i n and re-
turned to camp. Capt.Tobi n i mmedi atel y i ssued a report to the papers
stati ng: "three or f our communist agi tators had i nspi red the youths,
.the si tuati on i s now under control ". To gi ve the l i e to hi s own words,
he i mmedi atel y "di shonorabl y" di scharged the 1 members of the gri e-
vance cojpitflttee. A regul ar Cathol i c I nqui si ti on was then i nsti tuted
and 28 more "he-retl cs" were uncovered and di scharged that eveni ng and
the Fol l owi ng day. To show hi s contempt f or the boys, the Captai n
..moved up the bed ti me to 10 o 'cl ock. To a compl ai nt about food, he
repl i ed, "The food i s the best
-
to be had. I never had anythi ng as
good i n the army". Evi dentl y he doesn't read the newspapers, f or onl y
three months bef ore, the New York Times (8- 21- '34) carri ed an I tem
reveal i ng that 30 C.C.C. members and a Captai n's wi fe and daughter
had been stri cken wi th ptomai ne
p
pol son at Lewes, Del .
* ^ ^
Maj or Mor se, who i nvest i gat ed t he af f ai r f or t he gover nment , i n hi s
r epor t r eveal ed t he same "i mpar t i al i t y and t hor oness" t hat char act er -
i zes ALL "New Deal " i nvest i gat i ons i nvol vi ng wor ker s. Quot i ng: "We
ar e not vi ndi ct i ve, we regard t he C. C. C. camps as school , not work
\ camps. I t i s our desi r e to have you ( t he member s of t he camp) r et ur n
' to your homes bet t er ci t i zens". What t ouchi ng si ncer i t y!
' Of great i mpor t ance to wor ker s i n gener al i s t he f 1 rst appear ance i n
t hi s af f ai r of t he COMMI TTEE of ACTI ON i n embr yo. Tr ue, i t f ai l ed i n
t hi s par t i cul ar I nst ance; but t he f act r emai ns t hat t he C. C. C. wor ker s
have di scover ed t hat t hei r pr obl ems ar e mass pr obl ems, and onl y as
gr oups , as member s of t he wor ki ng cl ass, can t hei r pr obl ems be sol -
ved. And t he f or mof or gani zat i on most nat ur al and best sui t ed f or
t hi s pur pose i s t hat whi ch t akes tlx* f or mof t he Commi t t ee of Act i on,
t he onl y f or mt hat cannot be smashed as l ong, as t her e ar e wor ker s a-
l i vel The onl y f or mt hat can under st and t hei r l ocal pr obl emand
sol ve i t i n consci ous act i on!
Our concl usi on ( whi ch i s al most super f l uous) I s t hat as t he cr i si s
deepens and t he capi t al i st cl ass f or cEs mor e and mor e of t he bur den
of t he depr essi on ont o t he shoul der s of t he wor ki ng cl ass, t he C. C. C. ,
an i nt egr al par t of t hat cl ass, wi l l l i kewi se suf f er . J ust as t he
wor ker s wi l l or gani ze i n commi t t ees of act i on to gai n f ood, cl ot hi ng
Counci l Correspondence.
and shel ter, so the C.C.C. wi l l organi ze i n si mi l ar groups to com-
bat the ever- ti ghtenl ng bonds of di sci pl i ne, the attempts on the
part of an evermore desperate oapi tal l st cl ass to f orce them to
shoot down thei r own rel ati ves f i ghti ng to l i ve. And i n thi s strug-
gl e which MUST cul mi nate I n the destructi on of capi tal i st soci ety,
the C.C.C. wi l l destroy the necessi ty f or I ts own exi stence. With
the i ncepti on and development of a CLASSLESS soci ety
1
, the members
of the C.C.C. wi l l take thei r ri ghtf ul pl aces I n the ranks of FREE
and EQUAL PRODUCERS.
THE SCUM OF HUMANITY.
Anyone unf ami l i ar with pol i ti cs whe str el l s i nto a workers' meeti ng
(l eavi ng out of consi derati on the gatheri ng* of the unemployed) i s
surpri sed by the f act that the l arger part of those present i s not
to be numbered among the most i mpoveri shed stratum of the prol etar-
i a t . The best organi zed workers are, of course, those who bel ong to
the so- cal l ed l abor ari stocracy, which takes a soci al posi ti on be-
tween the middle cl ass and the genui ne prol etari at. These trade-
uni oni st organi zati ons espouse the di rect vi tal i nterests of thei r
members, bri ngi ng to them immediate advantages; and yet they are
nei ther abl e nor do they attempt to pol l tl oi se thei r adherents I n
the soci al i sti c sense. The radi cal l abor movement, on the other hand,
can provi de i ts adherents onl y wi th i deol ogi cal sati sf acti on; i t
of f ers them no di rect materi al advantages. And thi s i s preci sel y
why i t ,i s i ncapabl e of embracing the trul y I mpoveri shed part of the
prol etari at. Thi s part, by reason of i ts very mi sery, i s compel l ed
to concern i tsel f onl y with i ts pressi ng and di rect I nterests I f i t
i s not to abandon l i f e al together. For thi s reason- the pol i ti cal
radi cal l abor movement hovers between the two pol es of the working
popul ati on, namely, the'l abor ari stocracy and the L umpenprol etari at,
and i s carri ed on by those el ements which, though wi thout I l l usi ons
on the poi nt that wi thi n the present soci ety genui ne possi bi l i ti es
of advance are barred to them, neverthel ess sti l l mai ntai n a stan-
dard of l i vi ng which permi ts them to devote money, ti me and energy
to endeavors the f r ui t of which, i n the form of real materi al advan-
tages f or themsel ves, i s def erred to some uncertai n f uture. They set
themsel ves I n opposi ti on to the exi sti ng soci ety from a recogni ti on
of the f act that I t has to be ehanged and because, i n spi te of thi s
posi ti on, i t i s pbssi bl e f or them to l i ve I n I t.
The acti vi ty of the radi cal l abor movement i n ti mes which are not
revol uti onary i s mai nl y di rected to transf ormi ng the prevai l i ng
i deol ogy. Agi tati on and propaganda demand materi al sacri f i ces; they
bri ng no materi al advantages. The members of these organi zati ons
have ti me avai l abl e; they wait f or the masses to become revol uti on-
i zed, even though they seek, meanwhile, to hasten the day of the
overturn; they educate, di scuss, phi l osophi ze. Those el ements of
the working cl ass which f l ock to thei r standard but which, becauee
of thei r ci rcumstances, are not i n a posi ti on to wai t, are conti nu-
al l y repel l ed by these organi zati ons. The f l uctuati on I n membership
wi thi n the radi cal movement i s not excl usi vel y the resul t of a f al se
pol i cy or of the l ack of tact di spl ayed by the bureaucracy to members
not yet settl ed i n thei r i deol ogy; i t i s al so the resul t of the i n-
creasi ngl y i mperi ous compulsion, f or a growing stratum of the im-
- 9 -
Counci l Correspondence.
poveri ahed workers, "to "rest
movement from whi chthey expected hel p gi ves J b u t hl n_
somethi ng tc keep/hemsel ves 0
0
^P i ^e f or exi stence- - a struggl e
ders them, i n thei r ^di vi dual , s ?f me_ con3U r ni ng and nerve-wracki ng
which becomes ever no re di f * i u , deeper the i ndi vi dual bt
t- e n.o-e t.e i mpoveri shnt ap:reads a propaganda they have
srs
wortnl et'8".
tho nnl i ti cal l abor movement go
Thi s i f al so one of the
rea8
J J " ^l 8 l a f uncti ons better i n boon,
to pi eces in peri ods of econ . t h 0 l abor movement on the
ti mes. And accordi ngl y, a Urgi s PJ h 0 8 t i l e posi ti on to the i dea
basi s of i ts "experi ences has taken an n t i j ; al w i t h t h e i r r evo-
that i he impoverishment of the masse f } sveri shment, the
l uti oni zi ng. To those who hol d to the ar proof
exi stence of the Lurapenprol etari at ii aSSh2?i c rather than revol u-
that pauperi zati on ***** J ;he 7on t j rather than serves the i nter-
ti onary, setr them in
n
{P ^"
n
t h ' r u l i n g cl ass f requentl y engages
eats of , the prol etari at,, si nce the rui i g cl ess And eo the
the L umpenprol etari at to
3
j 7
e
t
n
2f i ai to imp-ovo the economic
la bo r Movemni.t . at about " . ' ' K IVthat way
posi ti on 01 the workers,
c o n
| ;
d
^ be rai sed. As a matter of f act,
prol sti uri an sel f "
c

n
^
cl

n
t u - soci ety the improvement i n the
5S
l
,
#
S" thS? conacl usne3s| . ! " *
S O T ' S t r , " . i UfproI atkrl L standard or"' Uvin;
revol uti oni zi ng >#ea j ust as much a f ai l . b t h Unfortu^
of i mpoveri shment. Thi s di f:fi cttl ty was ^o v e ^b y atti tude of
nate and ra^aningless expl anati on the reacti onary l eadershi p,
the orr.ani z^d workers was the resul t of the r e a c * t and
si nce the contradi cti on SeSeaSary wSs Recogni zed as i n-
at the sims ti me hol di ng i t to be ne J t h e ma33es cannot be
3ame
^ *
made dome promi ses.
The convi cti on, based on a
au
P
er
" ^J \ 0 V i V f rather than revol uti on-
i mpoveri shment makes the masses r e a r [ J t QS the l i vi ng mani fes-
ary, and abhorrence of the L umpenprol etari at^as^ e ^ p r Q p e r t y
tati on of thi s "truth", remained - or , c onti nual l y brought up
of the pol i ti cal l abor " aent and i s of expl ai ni ng the
i n pol i ti cal arguments when the questi on prol etari at,
a: d
r
ecrui tod by the rul i ng ^ J ^ ^ u d the rel ati vel y un-
j ust a. the def ecti ve degree of organi zati on apparentl y to
devel oped cl ass- consci ousness al so does the rol e pl ayed
ref ute the theory of i mpoveri shment, so al edoea ^ "scum of
in soci ety by the Lumper.prol.atari;at. <^^bJ ur geol sl e and at the
humani ty- which, i n
e
f ^r a n k s . The el ements
ord<s
r
cf monopoxy capi tal , f i l l s * i t a n l f f r o m working cl ass
ci rol es'
1
expect* and^btal n advantages which at any rate are i mmedi ate,
- 10 -
Counci l Correspondence.
however sl i ght they may be. Those el ements attach themsel ves to no
movement from i deol ogi cal moti ves; these are qui te beyond thei r
power to possess. The f act that these advantages are of a merely
temporary nature can/jot di sturb these el ements, which of course are
constantl y i n a state of l i vi ng "from hand to mouth". To reproach
them with cl ass betrayal i s merely to attri bute to them the possi -
bi l i ty of a consci ence and of a set of convi cti ons,- - a l uxury which,
however, thei r determi nate mode of l i f e precl udes. They act on the
strength of thei r most proxi mate i nterests, as, f or that matter, the
mass of workers i n general l ater accepts the f asci st movement, pas-
si vel y or acti vel y, i n order not to i nj ure themsel ves. As to who
f i r st and who l ater goes over to the cl ass enemy, that depends cn
the degree oi i mpoveri shment. Apart from thi s f actor, the i nvesti ga-
ti ons of soci al sci enti sts i n al most al l countri es have proved tvhat
the decl i ne i n revol uti onary tendenci es i s bound up with the impov-
eri shment of the masses. Thei r concl usi ons are based excl usi vel y,
however, on the l ast few years and hence can do no more than i ndi -
cate that impoverishment i s at f 1rst bound up with the regressi on
i n revol uti onary tendenci es.
I I .
The concept of Lumpenprol etari at i s by no means stri ctl y del i mi ted.
Thus the communist groups to the l ef t of the of f i ci al parl i amentary
and trade- uni oni st l abor movement have gi ven such broad bounds to
the concept that "L umpenprol etari at", become a terra of abuse, i s
made to cover al l those el ements which, i n vi rtue of thei r cl ass
si tuati on, would natural l y be counted among the prol etari at but
which perform some servi ce or other f or the rul i ng cl ass. I n thi s
concepti on the l umpenprol etari an element i s made up not so much of
the "scum of humanity" as of the so- cal l ed fl ower or top, i . e. of
the governi ng bureaucracy of the l abor movement. I h thi s extensi on
of the noti on i s mi rrored the hatred di rected at sel l - outs; there
18 consci ousl y l ef t out of consi derati on the f act that the betrayal
i s more the product of the whole hi stori cal development than of the
i ndi vi dual sel f - i nterest of corrupted l eaders.
Almost the whole of the l abor movement i ncl udes under the term
L umpenprol etari at, the many pi l l ars of present soci ety who are thrown
i nto the struggl e di rectl y i n opposi ti on to the workers, as, f or ex-
ample, the pol i ce, provocai teurs, spi es, stri kebreakers, ^tc. To the
ref ormi st "l abor movement" stri vi ng f or power wi thi n the exi sti ng
soci ety, however, these el ements f orthwi th l ose thei r l umpenprol e-
tari an character as soon as the ref ormi st bureaucracy I s gi ven a
share i n the government. The policemen then become the "brothers in
uni form", the spi es turn i nto worthy ci ti zens who protect the coun-
try from threateni ng anarchy, and the stri kebreakers become the
"techni cal emergency workers." A change of government suf f i ces to
take away from these el ements the sti gma of "L umpenprol etari at".
The wounds of the exi sti ng or of any other antagoni sti c soci ety can-
not, however, be properl y embraced in the concept of Lumpenprol etar-
i at, si nce they are qui te necessary to the soci al practi ce. This i s
not qui te true of the stri kebreakers; but even they are l ogi cal l y
to be excl uded, si nce, to use an expressi on of J ack London's, "with
rare excepti ons, al l peopl e i n the world are scabs." As a matter of
f act, the scab can be reproached onl y from the standpoi nt of a
- 11 -
Counci l Correspondence.
soci al order not yet i n exi stenoe. Today they act i n compl ete accord
with the soci al praoti fco, which, however much i t has soci al i zed pro-
ducti on, neverthel ess permi ts no other rul e of conduct than pri vate
i nterest. The scab has not yet real i zed, nor suf f i ci entl y experi ence
i n practi ce, that i t i s preci sel y hi s i ndi vi dual necessi ti es which
impose upon him col l ecti ve acti on. He i s not yet suf f i ci entl y di s-
i l l usi oned by the f rui tl essness of the ef f orts di rected to making
hi s way on the basi s of the exi sti ng soci ety. He hopes to assure
hi msel f advantages from a better f i tti ng i nto the practi ce of soci et
and i t i s onl y through the nothi hgness of hi s endeavors that he can
bo convi nced that i n real i ty he stands estranged from that soci ety,
however much he has stri ven to do j usti ce to i t. However much the
workers are forced to oppose the scabs, these l atter cannot be de-
noted as Lumpenprol etari ans.
Si nce the capi tal i sti c rel ati ons of producti on serve to advance the
general human development duri ng a certai n hi stori cal peri od, these
worki ng-cl ass "pi l l ars of soci ety", however parasi ti cal and hosti l e
they may be to the workers, must neverthel ess themsel ves be recog^
ni zed as producti ve el ements. I f tue producti ve capaci ty of 3oci ety
was dri ven forward at a di zzyi ng tempo by the market and competi ti ve
rel ati onshi p, then the means f or the saf e- guardi ng and promotion of
thi s rel ati onshi p must l i kewi se be understood as producti ve ones.The
means can be properl y opposed onl y by one who stands opposed to the
soci ety i tsel f . The f uncti on of both groups of the prol etari at, the
di rectl y producti ve as wel l as the i ndi rectl y producti ve, which as-
sures the saf ety of soci ety, are di f f erent onl y in manner; in pri n-
ci pl e, they serve the same purposes
-
. The overthrow of exi sti ng so-
ci ety would show at once that the concept of Lumpenprol etari an i s
appl i cabl e onl y to those outcasts of soci ety who are taken over by
the new soci ety as the successor of the ol d; the shi f tl ess and
cri mi nal el ements which, though a product of present soci ety and
constantl y deni ed and f requentl y employed by i t, must al so.be com-
batted by the new soci ety. These are nothi ng other than what i s re-
garded as the scum of humani ty: the beggars, tramp3, bootl eggers,
prosti tutes, pimps, f l oater^, drunkards, thi eves, swi ndl ers, etc.
I l l
At t he t i me when unempl oyment coul d st i l l be deni ed as a r egul ar
soci al oondi t i on, si nce t he t empor ar y booms conceal ed t he f act t hat
i t i s i nsepar abl y bound up wi t h t he pr esent syst em, a l ar ge par t of
bour geoi s cr i mi nol ogy came t o r egar d al l cr i mi nal act i vi t i es and
pr opensi t i es wi t hi n t he l ower st r at a of t he popul at i on as havi ng
t hei r r oot s pr i mar i l y i n shi f t l essness. Thi s at t i t ude was nour i shed
even i n wor ki ng- cl as3 ci r cl es, and t he or gani zed wor ker wi t h a f ai r-
l y r egul ar i ncome l ooked wi t h no sl i ght cont empt upon t he shi f t i est
canai l l e of t he l ar ge ci t i es and hi ghways. The sour ce of t hi s shi f t -
l essnese, i n cases wher e t he word coul d real l y ser ve as an expl ana-
t i on, was qui t e a mat t er of unconcer n to t he j udges. The soci al i st ,
movement , to be sur e, made exi st i ng soci et y r esponsi bl e f or i t ; and/
yet wner ever t he soci al i st s had occasi on pr act i cal l y t o combat t he
t endency, t hey al so mer el y r eached f or t he bour geoi s cr i mi nal code.
I mpover i shment , Lumpenpr ol et ar i at , cr i mi nal i t y ar e not a resul t of
t he capi t al i st cr i si s; t hat cr i si s can onl y expl ai n t he great i n-
cr ease i n t hei r mani f est at i ons. Unempl oyment accompani es t he whol e
- 12 -
Counci l Correspondence.
devel opment of capi t al i sm; i t i s necessar y t o t he pr esent syst emof
pr oduct i on i n or der to keep wages and wor ki ng condi t i ons at t he l ow
l evel cor r espondi ng t o t he demands of a pr of i t abl e economy. Even
t hough unempl oyment al one* does not expl ai n capi t al ' s mast er y over
t he wor ker s, i t yet expl ai ns t he gr eat er success of t hat mast er y.
Apar t f r omt he pr ovi dent i al ef f ect of t he I ndust r i al r eser ve array
upon t he r at e of pr of i t at t ai ned by t he var i ous ent er pr i ses, t he
very exi st ence of t hat army has i t s basi s i n t he economi c l aws whi ch
det er mi ne t he movement s of capi t al i st soci et y. The t endency of capi -
t al accumul at i on, pr oduci ng super f l uous capi t al on t he one hand and
excess popul at i on on t he o_&h.ar, has become a very pai nf ul real i t y
whi ch i s no l onger deni abl e. So
1
" i t comes t o be admi t t ed, however re-
l uct ant l y, t hat unempl oyment can never mor e be ent i r el y el i mi nat ed,
and ef f or t s ar e devot ed l ess t o set t i ng i t asi de t han t o l esseni hg
t he danger s whi ch i t i nvol ves f or soci et y. Hence al so t he vi gor ous
di scussi ons concer ni ng r ef or mof t he penal syst em, di scussi ons whi c
onl y mi r r or t he changes occur i ng^bn t he l abor mar ket . Thus even H. L.
Menken, i n a recent number of Li ber t y, r ai sed t he demand f or Chi nese
pr act i ces i n t he Amer i can penal syst em: t he unr est r i ct ed physi cal
dest r uct i on of cr i mi nal s wi t h or wi t hout pr oof of gui l t , t hat i s, a
f or mof J ust i ce such as i s- common i n count r i es wi t h chr oni c over -
popul at i on. I n Ger many t her e i s t al k of i nt r oduci ng t he cor por eal
puni shment s i n vogue dur i ng t he Mi ddl e Ages, si nce t he pr i sons have
ceased to be means of f r i ght eni ng, and t he gr at ui t ous l . bor power
of t he pr i soner s can no l onger be used. The i ncr eased mi ser y re-
sul t i ng f r omt he per manent cr i si s and l ar ge- scal e unempl oyment
di mi ni shes t he f ear of puni shment , si nce l i f e i n j ai l i s not much
wor se t han exi st ence on t he out si de. The cr i mi nal el ement s are mul -
t i pl yi ng; a f act whi ch compel s to t he f ur t her br ut al i zat i on of pun-
i shment and hence to t he ^i mpossi bi l i t y of r ef or mi ng t he i nmat es.
"When we get down to t he poor est and most oppr essed of our popul a-
t i on, " says Ber nar d Shaw, "we- f i nd t he condi t i on of t hei r l i f e so
wr et ched t hat i t woul d be i mpossi bl e t o conduct a pr i son humanel y
wi t hout maki ng t he l ot of t he cr i mi nal mor e el i gi bl e t han t hat of
many f r ee ci t i zens. I f t he pr i son does not under bi d t he sl umi n
human mi ser y, t he sl umwi l l empt y and t he pr i son wi l l f i l l . " So t hat
l egal puni shment i s not onl y bar bar ous and compel l ed to ever gr eat er
bar bar i sm, but i t s i nst i t ut i ons become hot houses of cr i mi nal i t y, - -
as pr oved by st at i st i cs, whi ch show t hat t he maj or i t y of t hose pr e-
vi ousl y convi ct ed r epeat edl y f i nd t hei r way back i nt o t he J ai l s.
Yet t hi s ani mal i zat i on of human bei ngs, a phenomenon bound up wi t h
t he devel opment of capi t al i st soci et y and whi ch f i nds i t B most pro-
nounced expr essi on i n t he growt h of t he Lumpenpr ol et ar i at , ar i ses
not onl y f r omt he unempl oyment and t he mass i mpover i shment by whi ch
i t i s accompani ed. " The accumul at i on of weal t h at t he one pol e i s not
onl y, to use an expr essi on of Marx' s, t he accumul at i on of mi ser y, but
al so of dr udger y, sl aver y, i gnor ance, br ut al i zat i on and mor al degr e- -
t i on at t he ot her pol e. Under capi t al i st i c wor ki ng condi t i ons l i bor
becomes f or ced l abor pur e and si mpl e, however "f r ee" t he wor ker s ma}'
be i n ot her r espect s. Even out si de t he l abor pr ocess, t he wor ker doer
no' t bel ong to hi msel f ; he mer el y r ecuper at es hi s l abor power f or t he
j next day. He l i ves i n f r eedommer el y i n or der to r emai n i n condi t i o^
! to per f or mf or ced l abor . The wor ker becomes compl et el y dehumani zed;
he has no vol unt ar y r el at i ons of any sor t to hi s wor k. He hi msel f i s
\ onl y a t hi ng, an appendage of t he pr oduct i ve mechani sm. To expect
1 t hese wor ker s, under such condi t i ons, t o t ake pl easur e i n t hei r work
Counci l Cor r espondence.
i s out of t he quest i on. They have to endeavor to get away f romi t i r
or der to assert t hemsel ves as human bei ngs. Such a st at e, of t hi ngs
must , i n t he l ong run, ani mal i ze t hem.
Wi t h ext er nal power , wi t h f or ce and compul si on al one, i t i s i mposs-
i bl e t o di spose of t he Lumpenpr ol et ar i i t or t o br i ng about a di mi nu-
at i on i n cr i mi nal i t y. The quest i on i s one of mai nt ai ni ng or creat i ng
i n human bei ngs t he psychi al r eadi ness to t ake t hei r pl ace i n so
and i t s def i ni t e mode of l i f e; and t hi s becomes, i ncr easi ngl y i mpos-
si bl e. The l ack of soci al consci ence and of soci al adapt abi l i t y on
t he par t of . cri mi nal s i s suscept i bl e of ot her expl anat i ons i n addi -
t i on to t hat of "shi f t l essness". Of cour se t her e ar e a great number
of l opsi ded t heor i es by whi ch ment al and bodi l y def ect s ar e advancea
as t he essent i al r easons f or t he cr i mi nal act i ons of human bei ngs. l t
i s undeni abl e t hat bi ol ogi cal psychol ogi cal f act or s must be t aken i n
to consi der at i on i f cr i mi nal pr opensi t i es are to be real l y underst oo-
I t never t hel ess r emai ns obvi ous t hat t he t heor y whi ch has t he most tc
of f er by way of enl i ght enment on t hi s subj ect i s t he economi co-
soci al - pol i t i cal one. The bi ol ogi cal and psychol ogi cal f act or s as-
si st i n det er mi ni ng t he consci ous and unconsci ous act i ons of human
bei ngs, but t hese f act or s ar e i n t he f ul l est measur e modi f i ed and i n
f act det er mi ned, as r egar ds t hei r quant i t at i ve and qual i t at i ve er-
f ect s, t hr ough t he soci al pr ocess. The dr i ves of i ndi vi dual s ar e suo-
j ect bot h to t he soci o- economi c si t uat i on and al so to t hat of t he
cl ass to whi ch t hey bel ong. I n a soci et y whi ch gr ant s t he hi ghest
measur e of r ecogni t i on to t he ri ch and pr oper t i ed, t he nar ci st i c i m-
pul ses, f or exampl e ( as has been shown by t he soci al psychol ogi st
Eri ch Fr omm) , must l ead to an enor mous i nt ensi f i cat i on of t he desi r e
f or possessi on. And i f , on t he basi s of soci et y, t hose pr opensi t i es
cannot be sat i sf i ed al ong "nor mal " pat hs, t hey must seek t hei r f ul -
f i l l ment i n cr i mi nal i t y. Even i f cr i mi nal i t y i s t r aced back to bodi l y
or spi r i t ual def ect s, yet t hese def ect s i n t hei r turf VtCan onl y oe
f ul l y under st ood i n connect i on wi t h soci et y and t he cl ass si t uat i on
obt ai ni rf g i n i t . Those cr i mes, t he maj or i t y of whi ch ar e di r ect ed a-
gadnst t he l aws of pr oper t y, can be under st ood onl y f r oma consi der a-
t i on of t he whol e soci al pr ocess; and even t he ot her s ar e par t i al l y
det er mi ned. i f not di r ect l y, yet i ndi r ect l y by t he soci al and pol i t i -
cal si t uat i on. Hence al so t hey. can be changed or set asi de onl y t nr u
changi ng t he soci et y i n whi ch t hey occur .
Ther e i s no bet t er concr et e pr oof of t he i mpor t ance of t he economi c
f act or f or expl ai ni ng cr i me t han t he f act t hat i t great l y i ncr eases
i n t i mes of economi c cr i si s. As a consequence of depr essi ons, t he
ment al l y and cor por eal l y weakest of t he poor are hur l ed ont o t he
road of cr i mi nal i t y; f r equent l y, i n f act , no ot her possi bi l i t y i s
l ef t open to t hem. How cl ear l y t he soci o- pol i t i cal f act or i s her e
r eveal ed as t he essent i al one when we consi der t he f act , f or exampl e,
t hat t he sexual t r ansgr essi ons of chi l dr en i n f ami l i es of t he unem-
pl oyed ar e much mor e numer ous t han i n f ami l i es whose eaonomi c l i f e
i s or der l y. How can any one attempt, t o expl ai n t he decl i ne of t he
f ami l y- - i n pr esent soci et y anot her f act or i n t he i ncr ease of ci mi n-
al i t y- - on a bi ol ogi cal and psychol ogi cal basi s? How t he f act of t he
rapi d i ncr ease i n pr ost i t ut i on dur i ng t he cri si s? I nvest i gat i ons re-
gar di ng t he i nf l uence of t he mi l i eu on cr i mi nal i t y i n t he Uni t ed
St at es r eveal ed t hat t he gr eat er per cent age of convi ct s came
t he ci t y sl ums and f romf ami l i es whi ch l i ved f r omhand to mout h. The
maj or i t y of cr i mes are t hose commi t t ed agai nst pr oper t y, t he i nves-
t i gat i ons f ur t her r eveal ed, and t he maj or i t y of cr i mi nal s ar e of
- 14 -
Counci l Correspondence.
"normal i ntel l i gence". The youthf ul tramps, who today are roaming
pl anl ess and goal l ess through the StateB and popul ati ng the highways
are i n the best possi bl e posi ti on f or sl i ppi ng f orever i nto the Lum-
penprol etari at. Mo opportuni ti es knock tc them; they are embi ttered,
and. resol ved to provi de themsel ves with more of the f ul l ness of l i re
by al l the ways, i . e. the cri mi nal ways, which sti l l remain open to
them. "We wi 11 get ours, " they assure themsel ves; and thei r heroes
are not the respectabl e heroes of present soci ety, but the Di l l i nger
While J ack London coul d once characteri ze the tramp, as^a di scourage
worker, most of these youngsters have never yet worked at al l . They
are di scouraged bef ore havi ng begun; and the l onger they remain with
cut a j ob, the more they llose the capaci ty ever to f i t themsel ves in
to the soci al rhythm of l i f e.
"I t i s better f or soci ety", as William Petty al ready real i zed, "to
burn the work of a thousand peopl e than to l et these thousand pedpl e
l ose thei r working capaci ty through i dl eness." But i t i s not onl y
from the standpoi nt of prof i t, but al so from that of soci al securi ty,
that the present system bi tes i nto i ts own f l esh when I t robs the
workers, even though agai nst i ts wi l l , of the possi bi l i ty of keepi ng
themsel ves occapi ed. I t, i s onl y through the sal e of thei r l abor power
that the workers can remain al i ve as workers. Thei r whole l i f e de-
pends on the f i ckl e movements of the l abor market. To get away from
the compul si on and chance of the market i s possi bl e onl y i n case
they evade the workers l ot i tsel f . To him who f al l s to make the l eap
i nto the middle cl ass- - a possi bi l i ty which was always very excepti on-
al , and which today i s al ready precl uded- - the onl y remai ni ng way out
i s i nto the L urapenprol etari at. Thi s "way out'" i s sought v&l untari l }
onl y i n excepti onal cases, but f or an ever growing element of the
unemployed i t becomes unavoi dabl e. Si nce i t i s qui te as muoh out of
the questi on, even i f deai red, to accord to the unemployed l i vi ng
condi ti ons bef i tti ng human bei ngs as i t i s to do the same f or the
cri mi nal s, si nce otherwi se the compul si on to l abor would l ose some
of i ts sharpness and the workers' power of resi stance i n the wage
struggl e would be i ncreased, so al so to the workers on rel i ef there
remains no other recourse than to i ncrease thei r extremel y l i mi ted
means of l i vel i hood by way of cri me. Yet even i n countri es with un-
employed rel i ef , a l arger or smal l er percentage of the workers sti l l
remains excl uded from i ts enj oyment, and thi s porti on cannot save
themsel ves, even assumi ng the greatest moderati on on thei r part, from
si nki ng down i nto the L umpenprol etari ate.
Anyone who has been debarred from the l abor process f or some time
l oses al so the capaci ty and the possi bi l i ty of ever worki ng agai n.
Consi der, f or example, one who has been unoccupi ed three or f our
years; i t becomes unspeakabl y di f f i cul t f or him not merely psycho-
l ogi cal l y and corporeal l y to take hi s pl ace once more i n i ndustri al
l i f e, but has become i mpossi bl e f or him I n many occupati ons merely
by reason of the rapi dl y progressi ng rati onal i zati on; he i s unabl e
to .neet the i ncreased demands as performance regards. For thi s reason
employers almost uni versal l y ref use to take back workers who have
undergone years of unemployment. Toward such workers they have a very
skepti cal atti tude, which i s f urther strengthened by the poor and
di l api dated outer appearance of the appl i cants. Once arri ved at a
certai n stage of i mpoveri shment, there i s no f urther return i nto the
ordi nary dai l y gri nd. There then remai ns nothi ng f urther than the
poor nouri shment won by beggi ng and the slow deteri orati on i n the
streets of the l arge ci ti es. There i s onl y the wheedled gin to en-
- 15 -
/ \
Counci l Correspondence.
abl e one to f orget the sensel essness of hi s own exi stence; or the
l eap i nto the ranks of the underworl d, which unavoi dabl y l eads to
pri son and vi ol ent death.
IV
I f t he i mpover i shment t aki ng pl ace among t he masses i n t he cour se of
t he capi t al i st devel opment wer e a uni f or mone, and i f t he ent i r e wor-r
ki ng cl ass wer e af f ect ed by i t i n a uni f or mmanner , t hen i t woul d be
i dent i cal wi t h t he r evol ut i oni zi ng of t hose masses. The number s f
t he "Lumpenpr o 1 et ar i at " woul d be so great t hat t he l umpenpr ol et ar i an
exi st ence woul d be pr ecl uded. The "l umpenpr ol et ar i an" act i vi t y of t he
i ndi vi dual woul d i n t hi s case be capabl e of expr essi ng i t sel f i n no
ot her way t han col l ect i vel y. The i ndi vi dual par asi t i c exi st ence, or
t he i ndi vi dual expr opr i at i on, woul d do away wi t h i t sel f , si nce spong-
i ng or st eal i ng can never be engaged i n by a maj or i t y wi t hout at t he
same t i me compl et el y over t ur ni ng t he basi s ef soci et y, i n t he f act
t hat t he Lumpenpr ol et ar i at i s possi bl e onl y as a mi nor i t y l i es al so
i t s t r agi c char act er . As a r esul t of t hi s mi nor i t y si t uat i on t her e
r emai ns t o i t , i n f act , no ot her t han t he spongi ng or cri mi nal , f orm
of act i vi t y. I n count r i es at war, f or . exampl e, wher e i ncr easi ng scar -
ci t y of f ood, i n spi t e of t he di ver si t y of i ncomes, pr oduces a r at her
uni f or mst andar d of l i vi ng among t he great masses of t he popul at i on,
a r evol ut i onar y si t uat i on i s mor e l i kel y t o resul t t han i n t i mes and
si t uat i ons i n whi ch t he i mpover i shment t akes pl ace by st ages and wi t h
l eapl i ke i mpet uoi i t y. I nsof ar as t he Lumpenpr ol et ar i at ar i ses not onl y
i ndi r ect l y but al so di r ect l y f r omt he exi st i ng r el at i ons, t he pr edom-
i nance i n t he mat t er of i mpover i shment must be awar ded to t he bl i nd
l aw by whi ch i t i s br ought about . The Lumpenpr ol et ar i at had to t ake
f ormbecause t he i mpover i shment f i r st ar ose si mul t aneousl y wi t h t he
expansi on of t he economi c syst emand because, wi t h t he cl ose of t hi s
expansi on, i t i s i t sel f st i l l condemned t o r emai n f or a l ong whi l e a
mi nor i t y, even t hough an i ncr easi ng one. Because soci et y gr ows up t oo
qui ckl y and decl i nes t oo sl owl y, a par t of t he wor ki ng popul at i on i s
exposed to a measur e of i mpover i shment t o whi ch i t can r espond i n no
ot her t han t he l umpenpr ol et ar i an way, and t o whi ch i t must t her ef or e
submi t . These f i r st "vi ct i ms" of a sl ow pr ocess of soci al over t ur n
whi ch does not f or t hwi t h af f ect t he i ndi vi dual cannot become a re-
vol ut i onar y, but onl y a negat i ve f or ce. I nst ead of r evol ut i onar y
sol ut i ons, t her e r emai n to t hemonl y t he i ndi vi dual and necessar i l y
ant i - soci al ones. So t he Lumpenpr ol et ar i at can f r ee i t sel f f r omi t s
si t uat i on onl y t hr ough i t s growt h, j ust as thi i s growt h i s at t he
same t i me an i ndex of t he r evol ut i oni zi ng pr ocess goi ng on t hr oughout
soci et y. The l i ampenprol et ari an basi s of exi st ence must become t he
l evel of l i f e of such a great por t i on of humani t y t hat t her e i s nd
possi bi l i t y f or t he i ndi vi dual t o mai nt ai n any sor t of l i f e, even
among t he Lumpenpr ol et ar i at .
As we have al ready sai d, ' superf i ci al appear ances seemt o bel i e t he
cl ai ms of t he t heor y of i mpover i shment . I f one consi der s onl y t he
psychol ogi cal at t i t ude of t he unempl oyed, not to speak of t hat of
t he Lumpenpr ol et ar i at , one i s hor r i f i ed ( unl ess he decei ves hi msel f ,
as i * of t en regarded pr oper f or agi t at i onal pur poses) at t he spi r i t -
ual deadness of t hese el ement s. Rel eased, to be sur e, f r omt he st upe-
f yi ng t oi l , t hey ar e st i l l l ess capabl e t han bef or e of devel opi ng a
r evol ut i onar y consci ousness. Thei r conver sat i ons t urn on t he most
t r i f l i ng mat t er s: cur r ent event s and spor t s. They have no real rel a-
t i ons to t hei r own si t uat i on. They t ur n away, al most wi t h f ear, f rom
..
<" 5 4*,
Counci l Correspondence.
the recogni ti on of that si tuati on and l t a pol i ti cal consequences.
The i mpressi on made by impoverishment upon the unemployed can be
di vi ded i nto degrees. A smal l percentage i s not at f i r st cast down
by the changed si tuati on. They have not yet been out of work l ong
enough, or are protected by savi ngs from the rapi d descent. They
draw i n upon themsel ves, try with i ncreasi ng energy agai n and agai n
tp f i nd work and st i l l look hopef ul l y i nto the f uture from which they
expect an improvement i n thei r si tuati on. The i ntensi ty with which
they endeavor to keep above water excl udes thi s group more or l ess
from pol i ti cal acti vi ty. More than previ ousl y, they are
-
obl i ged to
devote themsel ves to thei r narrowest i nterests; they-have no possi -
bi l i ty of appl yi ng thei r energy to several f i el ds si mul taneousl y .The
great mass of the unemployed, however,--thse who, as a' resul t of
the l ength of ti me in which they have been unoccupi ed, have l ef t
thi s f i r st l evel ,- - 11 ves on i n the most profound state of resi gna-
ti on and l ack of energy. They expect nothi ng more from l i fe.; fancy
i tsel f af f ords them no cause f or hope. Nothi ng suf f i ces to arouse
thei r i nterest; there i s nothi ng f or which they are capabl e of en-
gagi ng themsel ves; they have put of f the l i vi ng f eatures of humani ty;
they vegetate and are consci ous of the f act thtyt they are sl owl y
goi ng under. From thi s broad, gray mass i s st i l l recrui ted a rather
smal l percentage of the compl etel y desperate who ei ther di ve down i n-
to the L umpenprol etari at or I n a very short ti me di sappear from l i f e.
Hopel essness and erabi tterment here border on i nsani ty; the vi cti ms
crawl or l ash about each other l i ke terri f i ed ani mal s. As rapi dl y as
soci ety i s rel i eved of them, the pl aoes they vacated are agai n f i l l ed
from the gray mass of the resi gned, who in thei r turn are agai n re-
pl aced from the ranks of the st i l l unbroken.
Whatever may be sai d agai nst the theory of I mpoveri shment, al l the
counter-arguments f al l down bef ore the impoverishment which i s now
under way and to which no hal t can be put wi thi n the framework of
present soci ety, i f the theory of i mpoveri shment i s f al se, then al so
i s the Revol uti on an i mprobabi l i ty. I t i s much more probabl e,however,
that the i mpoveri shment has hi therto remained wi thout vi si bl e revol u-
ti onary consequences onl y because i t always embraced onl y mi nori ti es.
A great mass of the i mpoveri shed must
v
by reason of i ts magnitude be
converted i nto a revol uti onary f orce. And thi s, the abol i ti on of the
prol etari at as such, i s at the same ti me the end of the Lumpenprole-
tari at, even though i t does not thereby di sappear f orthwi th. Only
the soi l of i ts development i s washed away; the l umpenprol etari an
i deol ogy ari si ng as a resul t of the l umpenprol etari an mode of exi s-
tence wi l l sti 11 f or a long, whi l e mani fest I tsel f aa one of the many
undesi red heri tages of the prol etari at, unti l the new rel ati ons have
suf f i ci entl y changed humanity that the i deol ogi cal tradi ti ons are
st i l l to be found onl y in b,ooks of hi story and no l onger i n the heads
of human bei ngs. \
So one heed not shri nk from hol di ng impoverishment to be a necessary
presupposi ti on f or the revol uti onary overturn whi l e at the same ti me
practi cal l y combatti ng that i mpoveri shment. Thi s i s n contradi cti on;
f or preci sel y by reason of the f act that one attempts wi thi n the
framework of capi tal i sm to di mi ni sh i mpoveri shment, one actual l y i n-
creases i t. But to enter f arther i nto thi s paradox would l ead us I n-
to the f i el d of economics. Let us l i mi t oursel ves to the f urther
statement that i n the Lumpenprol etari at the workers can onl y see the
%
Counci l Correspoodence.
f ace of thei r own f uture,unl ess thei r ef f orts to change the exi sti ng
rel ati ons of producti on proceed at a more rapi d rate. I t i s onl y
petty-bourgeoi s narrowness which con poi nt the f i nger of soorn at
the L umpenprol etarl at; to the workers themsel ves, the "scum of hum-
ani ty" i 8 onl y the obverse si de of the medal which i s admired as
capi tal i sti c ci vi l i zati on. I t i s onl y with the setti ng asi de of thi s
l atter that the end of the other i s bound-up.
%
* # n w # a * * *
& < >, -A >* a -A >i >i- a it # #
A. F. of L. And ADMINISTRATION BREAK.
\
The pressure of cl ass I nterests upon government i s aptl y i l l ustrated
by Roosevel t's recent turn to the ri ght i n New Deal pol i ci es. The
presi dent came i nto of f i ce with a reputati on f or opportuni sm and
vaci l l ati on. An astute pol i ti cal engi neer, he l acked al l knowledge
of fundamental soci al and economic sci ence. As a consequence, hi s
cabi net i s the most heterogeneous hodge-podge, runni ng wi l d i n con-
tradi ctory and conf l i cti ng pol i ci es.
The l i beral s, capti vated by hi s radi ant smi l e and the wel l -meani ng
pl ati tudes he uttered, aa usual pl aced great hopes in him and were,
as usual , di sappoi nted i n the end. The presi dent never had a cl ear
pol i cy. He gropes around hopi ng f or "somethi ng to turn up", and J ust
because of thi s l ack of deci si on becomes a most adept executi ve f or
the master cl ass of the country. The i nf l uences of capi tal are f ree
to work upon him, and f i nd no resi stance such as would characteri ze
a man of f i rm convi cti ons. Thus, wi thout bei ng f ul l y consci ous of i t,
i n spi te of humani tari an senti ments, he pursues a course outl i ned
f or him by American capi tal i sm with al l the accuracy of a man f ul l y
consci ous of the course.
I t was not personal astuteness that caused him, at the outset of NRAf,
to ourry favor with the A.F. of L. Fi nance and Manufacturi ng capi tal
were terrori zed by the f ear of i nci pi ent revol uti on. They needed
peace, i ndustri al peace, i n order to f i nd thei r beari ngs, and N R A
coul d not promi se that wi thout the hel p of the A.F. of L. Thus
speci al i nducements were hel d out to Green and hi s cohorts; and the
A.F. of L. j oyousl y accepted. I t f el t i tsel f a partner i n the Fasci st
reorgani zati on of America, and would have conti nued as a partner i f
i t had proved abl e to del i ver.
I t was I ntended that the A.F. of L. was to curb stri kes, mai ntai n
i ndustri al peace and devel op unf l i nchi ng l oyal ty to N R A on the
part of the workers; but the A.F. of L. was unabl e to del i ver. An
unprecedented stri ke wave swept the country: Toledo, Mi nneapol i s,
San Franci sco, and the texti l e stri ke were the high poi nts of ^n up-
heaval that was conti nuous to the cl ose of 1934. Rank and f i l e re-
bel l i ons i n coal , steel and automobi l e uni ons threatened at al l
ti mes to add to the confusi on, and communist el ements seemed to be
gai ni ng strength i n unexpected pl aces. Not that hr.rri ed and bl under-
i ng William Green di dn't do hi s best to head of f mi l i tant acti on. He
and J ohn L. Lewis hastened to quel l the mi ners of Pennsyl vani a when
they resorted to stri kes. He pl eaded wi th tears i n hi s eyes to pre-
- 18 -
Counci l Correspondencev
vent t he Amal gamat ed Associ at i on of I r on, Ti n and St eel Wor ker s f r om
st r i ki ng. Hi s member shi p was kept i n l i ne I n t he aut o pl ant s whi l e
i ndependent and wi l d- cat st r i kes t hr eat ened t o upset t he aut o i ndus-
t r y. The San Fr anci sco st r i ke was r epudi at ed by hi m, and t he soci al -
i st i c l eader s of t he Text i l e Wor ker s* Uni on cal l ed of f I t s st r i ke
bef or e at t ai ni ng i t s obj ect i ve.
One does not r ecei ve pay f or good i nt ent i ons. One must del i ver ; and
Gr een, t hough hi s i nt ent i ons wer e t he- best , coul dn' t del i ver . Pai n-
f ul l y he l i mped f r ompl ace to pl ace t r yi ng t o remedy condi t i ons
when t he damage had al r eady been done.
The or gani zat i on work of t he A. F. it L. was hamper ed" by. cra' ft di vi s-
i ons. The N R A set up r equi r ed ver t i cal uni ons so t hat - t he wor ker s,
r egi ment ed i n i ndust r i al uni t s, coul d be ef f ect i vel y handl ed by trhel
l eader s and del i ver ed t o t hei r mast er s. One pr omi nent NRA execut i ve
r esi gned f r omhi a- . post because i t was i nconcei vabl e to hi mt o use a
"cr af t " A. F. of L. and Ger al d Swope of t he Gener al El ect r i c voi ced
det er mi ned opposi t i on t o or gani zi ng hi s wor ker s on' a cr af t basi s-' .
At i t s 1934 convent i on, t he A. F. of L. deci ded to adopt "ver t i cal "
uni ons i n some i ndust r i es. That t hi s was pur el y an oppor t uni st man-
euver was pl ai n, as Char l es p. Howar d, pr esi dent of t he I nt er nat i onal
Typogr aphi cal Uni on, who f at her ed t he compr omi se pr oposi t i on on ver -
t i cal uni ons, i s a bi t t er enemy of al l pr ogr essi ve t endenci es i n t he
t ypogr aphi cal uni on, whi ch l at t er i s one of many cr af t s subdi vi di ng
t he pr i nt i ng i ndust r y.
But al l of t hese ef f or t s wer e bel at ed. I t had become obvi ous to NRA
chi ef t ai ns t hat t he A. F. of L. , t hough r eact i onar y enough, l acked
t he f or ce to become t he Fasci st l abor adj unct of our dyi ng capi t al i sm.
So t he admi nst r at i on t ur ned f romi t i n t he aut omobi l e cont r over sy.
The admi ni st r at i on deci ded to cont i nue t he aut omobi l e code whi ch ad-
mi t s company uni ons arrd i ndependent uni ons i nt o t he col l ect i ve bar -
gai ni ng ar r angement s unt i l J une 16t h. Thi s t ur n of event s shows no
devi at i on by t he nat i onal admi nst r at i on f romi t s pr evi ous pol i cy of
r egi ment i ng wor ker s i n uni t s t hat wi l l ser ve t he gener al f asci zat i on
of Amer i can l abor . I t mer el y r epr esent s a shi f t f r omt he A. F. of L.
aa t he i nst r ument of f asci sm, to t he pur e company uni on. I t does not
si gni f y t hat t he A. F. of L. becomes pr ogr essi ve. I t mer el y means
t hat t he l at t er wi l l act as a mi nor f asci st agent i n t he l abor move-
ment i nst ead of bei ng t he mai n f act or .
Gr een and hi s cohor t s wi l l cal l no gener al st r i kes. They may bl ust er
as t hey have done i n t he past , but t her e wi l l be no act i on. The A. F.
of L. has l o81 so much gr ound i n t he aut o i ndust r y, as a r esul t of l ' fc
t empor i zi ng pol i cy, t hat i t coul dn' t cal l a st r i ke i f i t woul d. Ther: >
i s no danger t hat t he A. F. of L. l eader s wi l l i ni t i at e i n any i ndus-
try a st r i ke movement t hat very l i kel y woul d r esul t i n rank and f i l e
st r engt h whi ch woul d event ual l y over t hr ow t he l eader shi p.
ooooooooooooooooooooo
ooooooooo
ooo
o
- 19 -
ANNOUNCEMENTS
Pamphl ets Publ i shed by
. . ### UNITED WOFKERS' PARTY * * * - -
WORLD-WIDE FASCISM or
WORLD REVOLUTION?
" T r adi ti ons must be broken down
to br i ng about uni ty between the-
ory and pr acti ce. Revol uti on i s
onl y possi bl e when t hi s uni ty be-
comes an act ual i t y. Tue purpose
of t hi s pamphl et i s to hel p the
r evol uti onar y movement come cl os-
er to t hi s si t uat i on. "
- - l o per copy
ORDER FROM
UNITED WOFKERS' PARTY
1604 N. CALIFORNIA AVE.. CHI CAPO
WHAT NEXT FOR THE
AMERICAN WORKER?
Deal i ng wi th the pr esent day
Ameri can condi ti ons and out l i ni ng
a per specti ve of the f ut ur e.
" - - i nt er est i ng, easy to read and
very or i gi nal .
M
- H. T. Los A ngel es.
"The best pamphl et I have encoun-
ter ed f or the Ameri can worker. - Send
me a bundl e of ten" . - F . W. J 4i ami , Fl a.
lOg per copy - -
I n tue March I ssue of ?
T H E M O D E R N M O N T H L Y
"Uncensored by Par ty, undoctored by Dogma"
THE LEADING SYMPOSIUM OF THE YEAR
WHY I. AM NOT A MARXIST
George Santayana
Al exander Gol denwei ser
H. G. Wel l s
250 per copy
WHY I AM A MARXIST
Harol d J . L aski
K arl Korach
Abram L . Har r i s
WHY I AM NEITHER
Havel ock E l l i s
$2. 50 year l y
SPECI AL OFFER: FI VE MONTHS FOR ONE DOLLAR < SUBSCRIBE NOW.
The Moaern Monthl y,
52 Morton St. , New Yo'rtc Ci ty.
Encl ased ' . f or f i ve months subsc r i pti on, st ar t i ng wi th t he. . . . i ssue.
NAME-
ADDRESS
CI TY 3TATE.
COUNCIL
CORRESPONDENCE
ENGLISH EDITION
For Theory and Discussion
CONTENTS:
THE BASES OF J APANESE
IMPERIALISM.
By The Group of International Communists of Holland.
Translated'from"RAETEKORRESPONDENZ".
WORKERS' COUNCI LS AND COMMUNI ST
ORGANI ZATI ON OF ECONOMY.
No. 7 APRI L, 1|>35 10 Cents
UNITED WORKERS' PARTY