Epilogue

because there is more to know

www.epilogue.in CONTENTS

Preamble 3
Letters to the editor 4
Editor in Chief
Zafar Choudhary Hear & Hear
Who Said What 5
Consulting Editor
D. Suba Chandran Blog Spot
Frankly Speaking 10
Associate Editor Time For Trans LoC Security
Irm Amin Baig

Photo Division
JP Bandral
TRADE Hot Summers Ahead
Jaipur Blasts

Nation
Gujjar’s Stir
18
20

22
Designs & Layout Volume 2, Issue 6, June 2008
Keshav Sharma Neighbours
Pakistan 24
Mailing Address Nepal
PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, IN FOCUS
26
Jammu Tribute
Time For Trans LoC Trade Ashok Sodhi 32
Phones & email Guest Columns
Office : +91 191 2493136 A Researcher’s View 35
Editorial: +91 94191 80762 12 Cross-LoC Trade
Administration: +91 94190 00123 Columns
Time For Trucks
editor@epilogue.in Keen Eye 6
editor.epilogue@gmail.com Prologue 8
subscription@epilogue.in Vision From Valley 36
16 Let Trade Begin,
Times Gone By 39
Then Sky Is The Limit
Edited, Printed & Published by Jest Ponder 45
Zafar Choudhary for CMRD
Digest of Economy
Publications and Communications
Published from ‘Ibadat’, Madrasa
Agriculture 41
Lane, Bhatindi Top, Jammu, J&K Stop Press
Review of Media 47
Printed at
Dee Dee Reprographix, Jammu Reviews
Books & Movies 50
Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction Epilogue
of courts and competitive tribunals in From the Consulting Editor 56
Jammu only.
For more News, Views & Analysis
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Epilogue Ø
1×
June 2008
Immunization Schedule for Pregnant Women and Infants
For Pregnant Women

Immediately after confirmation of Pregnancy Injection Tetanus I

After one month of TT - I Injection Tetanus II or Booster

For infants from the age of one and a half months

At the age of 1½ months (6 weeks) BCG one injection*

DPT Ist Injection
Hepatitis - B Ist Injection
Oral Polio Ist Dose

At the age of 1½ months (10 weeks) DPT 2nd injection

Hepatitis - B 2nd injection
Oral Polio Drops - 2nd Dose

At the age of 3½ months (14 weeks) DPT 3rd injection

Hepatitis - B 3rd injection
Oral Polio Drops - 3rd Dose

At the age of 9 months (36 weeks) Measles one injection

At the age of 16-24 months DPT injection - Booster Dose

Oral Polio Drops - Booster Dose

* In case Birth takes places in Govt. Medical Institution the BCG injection should be
provided immediately after birth.
In case any dose is missed or delayed still the remaining doses should be provided.
For further details contact your nearest Govt. Medical Institution.

RAL HEALT
RU H
NATIONAL

MIS N

Issued by :
SIO

NRHM-RCH J&K State

No. :NRHM-RCH/IEC/592-94
2005 - 2012

Let’s Not Succumb
The month of May was unusually
disturbing in Jammu and Kashmir. For a
while it appeared as the bad old days of
mindless violence, death, destruction
and mayhem have returned. Borders
began to sizzle with saboteurs of peace
creeping in. Breaching ceasefire on the
International Border and Line of Control,
at least five well organized and tacitly
backed infiltration bids were recorded
successfully at various points along the
line of divide. There were three fiercely
fought gun battles evidently rupturing
the temporary wave of peace. All these
mechanics of violence were apparently
aimed at derailing the sagging peace
process (whatever is left of it) as the
incidents, more or less, coincided with
resumption of stalled composite
dialogue between New Delhi and
Islamabad. Though this escalation in
violence deserved more attention than
anything else but we decided to go
ahead with the contrary. Few months
back we had decided to do our June
cover focus on trans-Line of Control
trade between two parts of Jammu and
Kashmir. Such ideas –promoting trade,
cultural relations etc –are born at the
level of government, politics, media or
civil society when people have the
reason and opportunity to think beyond
violence. When such thinking gains
ground, the elements inimical to peace
and stability in the region return with
impunity to make there presence felt.
The recent incidents of violence and
infiltrations, actively backed by
Pakistani Rangers and Army from other
side of divide, can be seen as a well
thought out attempt to sabotage the
peace process. This is a reiteration from
the militant groups that they are still
there and they have the capacity to
strike at will. As we have seen in nearly
20 years of separatist militancy in
Jammu and Kashmir, the timing of such
incidents is always so opportune to grab
the larger media space and
P R E A M B L E
FROM THE EDITOR
subsequently the space in public mind.
Conceding this space to the negative
discourse at the cost of futuristic ideas
and imaginations is like succumbing to
what we have been trying to resist for
long. Like many other saner minds in
the subcontinent we are also of the
view that enhanced contacts and trade
ties between divided parts of this state
through Line of Control can set in
motion a process eventually leading to
death of decades old animosities and
can usher the region in an era of peace,
friendship and cooperation with
mutually shared interests. It will be
unwise to say that initiation of trade
can be, per se, a solution to the Kashmir
issue. If not a solution in itself, the
trade ties can lead to building an
atmosphere creating tendencies for
forgetting the past and focusing at
future. The trans-LoC bus service is a
live example before us. Despite having
a cumbersome and discouraging travel
regime, the bus service between
Srinagar and Muzaffarabad and Poonch
and Rawalakote has changed (for
better) the way people think on both
sides of divide. Kashmir issue is too
complex to be resolved by trade alone
but having trans-LoC trade is essentially
in interest of the people of Jammu and
Kashmir. Since our launch in January
2007, this is Epilogue's third cover focus
on trans-LoC trade. On this subject, our
May 2007 issue, an indepth analysis by
reputed economist and member of our
Editorial Board, Prof Nisar Ali and
September 2007 issues, an extensive
research by Consulting Editor D Suba
Chandran and his team were received
very well by a cross section of readers. I
hope this one will give a further push to
the idea which arguably has the power
of scripting a better future for the
people of Jammu and Kashmir living on
both sides of Line of Control.
Zafar Choudhary
Epilogue Ø
3×
June 2008
Epilogue
because there is more to know
EPILOGUE aims at providing a
platform where a meaningful
exchange of ideas, opinion and
thoughts can take place among the
people and about the people of
Jammu & Kashmir. The attempt is to
research, investigate, communicate
and disseminate information, ideas
and alternatives for the resolution of
common problems facing the state
and society of Jammu & Kashmir and
in the context of their significance to
South Asia as a whole.
We welcome contributions from
academics, journalists, researches,
economists and strategic thinkers.
We would also like to encourage
first-time writers with the only
requirements being a concern for and
the desire to understand the
prevailing issues and themes of life in
Jammu & Kashmir
Contributions may be investigate,
descriptive, analytical or theoretical.
They may be in the form of original
articles or in the form of a comment on
current events. All contributions have
to be neatly types in double space and
may be sent to the address given
alongside or e-mailed to the editor.
While the editor accepts
responsibility for the selection of the
material published, individual
authors are responsible for the facts,
figures and viess ithe tier articles.

Letters
Mail your letters to editor@epilogue.in
Tribal University: The sooner, the
better
The Gujjars of Rajasthan, in a justified
and genuine struggle, are still fighting
for their rights, the situation in our
state (J&K) is little better –thanks to
selfless efforts of some non-political
community leaders. No doubt that there
are still hundred and thousands of
Gujjars and Bakarwals who continue to
live under the dark shadows illiteracy
and poverty and searching for their
identities (Searching Identities,
Epilogue May 2008), the future of these
communities is quite bright. The NGOs
like Gujar Desh Charitable Trust, which
is working tirelessly for the upliftment
of these most downtrodden and
backward classes of the society, have
rendered a noble job. The day is not so
far when these communities would find
their own place in the shape of the up
coming Tribal University. It can be well
expected that establishment of
proposed Tribal University will
contribute in changing the entire
outlook of Gujjars. Let's hope it happens
sooner. Mr Masud A Choudhary deserves
congratulation for efforts for the
promotion of Gujjars and Bakarwals of
J&K.
MOHAMMAD SALIM
Research Scholar, JU
Bollywood must look into other roles
of Muslims
The movie review written by Aprajita
Mazumdar is a good piece, she has done
her work very well. And the question she
raises is really very fair one that why
terrorism is only associated with Islam?
There are still several issues related to
M A I L B O X
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
Muslims which never come to light,
Muslims are poor, they are illiterate,
they are jobless but it seems that every
Bollywood director has only one thing in
mind for Muslims –terrorism, terrorism
and terrorism. In a routine Bollywood
story a Muslim is always a bad man
whether he is Amrish Puri in Gadar or
Naseeruddin Shah in Fanna. Can we
please have something better to watch?
SAIMA LATIF
Kishtwar
Confused electorate
It is very ill-fated on the part of the
people of Jammu And Kashmir State
that they are still confused choosing one
political party to rule the state. It is
very well said by you (Intelligent
Coalition, Epilogue, May 2008) that both
PDP and Congress wrestle with each
other strengthening their muscles for
power. But when the time comes to
form a government, as it is already
clearly indicated that no party would
comes with a clear majority, every party
would try its heart and soul to please
the other party to form the
government. Now, the only thing to see
is that which two parties would form the
next coalition government.
SANJEEV GUPTA
Kathua
Dig more into tribes
Searching Identities (Epilogue; May
2008) gives an insight into various
aspects of a particular tribe and brings
Epilogue Ø
4×
June 2008
to the readers' hitherto unknown facts
as well. But to make it more
representative and for the benefit of
general pubic it will be welcome if the
subsequent issues cover other
ethnicities and tribal identities in the
state of Jammu and Kashmir. Another
aspect which needs the attention is the
erosion of tribal culture vis-à-vis
developments in various fields of
development.
DR ZAKIR HUSSAIN
Kargil, Ladakh.
Give political space to J&K tribals
Tribal India (Searching Identities;
Epilogue May 2008) has undergone a
transformation since independence;
owing to various initiatives like the
Tribal Policy and Development Plans. It
seems the Gujjars in Kashmir had been
subjected to Verrin Elwin's National
Park Model of Tribal Development. The
benefits of tribal development schemes
are yet to percolate to the average
tribal in this region. Even today when
the Delimitation Commission has come
forward with latest reservation scheme
for Parliamentary constituencies ( and
state Assembly constituencies) for next
years general elections and political
reservation in various states is in force
since decades together, in J&K it is yet
to say light of the day. The tribals of
Kashmir need sufficient representation
in the political superstructure at the
earliest for their better economic
development and cultural security.
POONAM SAKET
Research Scholar,
Deptt. Of Sociology, JNU
 H E A R
WHO SAID WHAT
I have no doubt in my mind that
Kashmir is ripe for solution.
US President, George W Bush
Congress-Peoples Democratic Party is an
immoral coalition in which a number of
ministers are involved in sex scandal but no
action has been taken against them. Sex
maniacs should be put behind bars and not
allowed to roam free in public.
Omar Abdullah, National Conference President
Term of government is ending (in October) not
ours. After that (elections) our next term will
commence and I am here till completion of all
projects launched (by me).
Ghulam Nabi Azad, Chief Minister
It is true that aspirations do not change. We are
committed to the aspirations of complete
freedom of Kashmir. But this has to be seen and
debated whether these aspirations are
achievable.
Sajjad Lone, Peoples Conference
Mirwaiz Moulvi Farooq was scion of a family
whose forefathers had played commendable
role in spread of Islam in Kashmir Valley.
Syed Ali Shah Geelani, APHC(G)
Epilogue Ø
5×
June 2008
A N D H E A R
We don't mind of if National Conference
patron Dr Farooq Abdullah, Peoples
D e m o c r a t i c Pa r t y p a t r o n M u f t i
Mohammad Sayeed or state Congress
chief Prof Saif-ud-Din Soz represents
Kashmir (in dialogue with New Delhi). But
the question is do they represent the
sentiments of Kashmiris? No, they don't.
Because, they will not discuss killings, arsons and other
violations of human rights.
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, APHC (M)
Formation of Chenab Valley Hill Development Council for
districts of Ramban, Doda and Kishtwar is a just and
genuine demand of the people of this region. If
government doesn't have any problem in formation of
Chenab Valley Corporation (an NHPC-JKPDC joint
venture) for exploitation of our water resources then why
is it (government) averse to formation of Hill
Development Council.
Sheikh Abdul Rehman, veteran leader from Bhaderwah
It is ironic that the Vigilance Organisation (top
anti-corruption probe body) has been
consistently not only targeting the employees
of a particular region and religion, but has
even now started singularly meddling in the
development projects being executed in the
Kashmir Valley, with the obvious ulterior
motive of sabotaging any infrastructural development in
the region.
Tariq Hameed Karra, Finance Minister J&K

Prime Minister’s Visit Misfired
His Sane Advice Ignored
Balraj Puri
C
all for hartal in Kashmir valley by
the separatist parties, when
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
was to visit the state, could be to register
their disillusionment with him and his
government and their way to reiterate
that Kashmiris were not reconciled with
the status quo in the state. But people in
Jammu region where his two day visit
was confined and he addressed three
functions, too, were not enthused. His
announcement of Rs 1600 crore package
for relief and rehabilitation of Kashmiri
Pandit migrants (who had to leave the
valley after the militancy started). It
provoked angry reaction among the
much larger number of refugees in
particular and people in general
belonging to Jammu. There are many
categories of such refugees, such as
those who migrated from Pakistani part
of the state and from West Pakistan in
1947, those who were uprooted during
Indo-Pak wars of 1965 and 1971, those
who migrated from militancy affected
parts of Jammu region and those who are
displaced from the areas adjoining the
border during current turmoil.
Though some KP groups tried to pacify
Jammu's reaction by expressing
sympathy to the refugees of Jammu, the
Jammu-based opposition parties like the
BJP and the Panthers cited it as another
proof of continued discrimination
against Jammu region by the Congress-
led government in the state and at the
centre. The Congress leaders too
admitted, though privately, that the
C O L U M N
KEEN EYE
party suffered setback as Kashmiri
Pandits are registered as voters in
Kashmir and not in Jammu which is its
main base.
Regional discrimination is a perennial
theme of the state politics. It is no more
confined to Jammu region. Ever since
Ghulam Nabi Azad, a Jammu-based
Congress leader, took over the position
of Chief Minister, Kashmiri parties miss
no opportunity to protest whenever a
larger sum is spent on any scheme in
Jammu region or if in recruitment to any
department Jammu's share is bigger.
One cabinet minister recently accused
Vigilance Organisation and Service
Selection Board of discrimination
against a particular region and religion
(read Kahsmiri Muslims).
Of late, complaints of neglect and
discrimination are being raised from one
district or the other. The Chief Minister
tries to visit every part of the state,
even its remotest corner, to attend to
the local demands. But all such efforts
have not succeeded in meeting rising
and competitive expectations from
different areas and communities.
Cannot an institutional arrangement
and objective criteria be devised to
ascertain the needs and priorities of all
of them?
In this context the Prime Minister's very
relevant observation at Akhnoor, missed
Epilogue Ø
6×
June 2008
by the media and political parties,
deserves notice. He suggested
participation of the people in
development process through
institutions provided in the
Constitution of India. The reference
obviously was to the 73rd and 74th
amendments of the constitutions
u n d e r w h i c h Pa n c h a y a t i R a j
Institutions were set up which were
not applicable to the state. J&K is the
only state where there are no such
institutions at present.
The Prime Minister had made the same
point in April 2005 while inaugurating
Jammu-Udhampur rail service. He
urged "the State Legislature to
consider amending the law so that the
state marches towards progress hand
in hand with other states of the
country."
In between, speaking at the special
convocation of Jammu University in
July 2007, he had suggested
devolution of power to regions,
districts, blocks and panchayats.
Some weeks ago the National
Conference, the principal opposition
of the state, formally passed a
resolution in favour of regional
autonomy. The patron of PDP, a
coalition partner in the state
government, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed
committed his party to equitable
development of all regions through

appropriate institutions. The party has
yet not defined those institutions. But at
the third Round Table Conference
convened by the Prime Minister last year,
its representatives favoured regional
federalism. Mirwaiz, too, has often
supported a federal set up for the state.
When asked to explain his concept of
federalism, he said, "same as yours."
CPM, the state unit and the national
party have more specifically accepted
the concept of regional autonomy and
devolution of power to lower tiers.I have
been campaigning for the idea since
early fifties; which was accepted by
Nehru and Abdullah and announced by
them at a joint press conference on July
24, 1953.
Later Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukerjee,
founder president of the Jan Sangh, who
had courted arrest in the state in support
of an agitation of his party for abrogation
of Article 370 of the Constitution, and for
full 'accession', also veered round to the
idea of regional autonomy. After a
prolonged correspondence with Nehru,
he offered to support the Delhi
Agreement-which guaranteed an
autonomous status to the state-provided
the principle of regional autonomy was
conceded. Nehru replied that he and
Abdullah had already conceded the
principle.The agitation of the Praja
Parishad, the state affiliate of the Jana
Sangh, was eventually withdrawn on
reiteration of the principle by Nehru on
July 3, 1953. After some months the
party withdrew its commitment, as
recorded by the then Jana Sangh
president Balraj Madhok, on express
advice of the RSS. Sheikh Abdullah, too,
started equivocating on the issue of
accession after his three day meetings
with America statesman Aldai Stevenson
C O L U M N
KEEN EYE
on 1 to 3 May 1953.
Before and after returning to power in
Now
1975, under his accord with Indira
Gandhi he reiterated his commitment to
regional autonomy, which was
Telling
incorporated in the party manifesto
Naya Kashmir, revised and updated by
me. As the head of the Regional The J&K
Autonomy Committee, I submitted my
report on a five-tier constitutional set
up for the state with regional autonomy
and further devolution of powers to
Stories
districts, blocks and panchayats. I also
suggested an eight- point equitable and
objective formula for financial
Epilogue
because there is more to know
allocations to all levels. But after
submission of my report I was removed
from my post.
Contact
The government may consider, in view
of favourable attitude of the main
ABDULLAH NEWS AGENCY
parties, for officially releasing the
Lal Chowk, Srinagar
report for a public debate and to evolve
9419074859
some consensus on a problem that has
plagued the politics of the state for the
last sixty years and is responsible for
many a complication therein. Its
RAINA NEWS AGENCY
solution need not wait till the final
Residency Road, Jammu
resolution of the problem. Nor may be a
substitute for the solution. But certainly
the first step towards the solution is to ABC STATIONERS AND
reconcile divergent aspirations of DISTRIBUTORS
regions and communities, apart from its Leh
immediate relief to the people of the
state.The question of questions is why
does not the state Congress party and CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
the government headed by it not New Delhi
respond to the suggestions of the Prime
Minister and Kashmir based parties and
which is the most effective answer to OXFORD BOOK STORE
the perennial grievance of Jammu and New Delhi, Mumbai,
lately of other regions and all districts of Calcutta, Bangalore,
as diverse a state of India as J&K is Chennai & Goa
Against discrimination and neglect.
Epilogue Ø
7×
June 2008
 C O L U M N
PROLOGUE

The Switchover Season

Zafar Choudhary

With the political scene heating up in Jammu and Kashmir in run up to forthcoming assembly elections there is a spate of
press conferences being addressed by top leaders of the leading political parties. These press conferences are not about
announcing election manifesto, achievements of past five years or pinpointing weaknesses of opponents. If not every
alternate day, at least once every week the leaders are announcing “who joined the party today”. These days nothing is seen
happening faster than change of loyalties and switchover of ideologies. Not only that party hoppers are jumping from one
'ideology' to the other, new parties are also taking shapes. When a heavy weight leaves a party to join another, it appears
sometime that the victim party is up for irreparable loss. However, a closer look reveals that none of the parties is at a
significant loss or gain as it is a mere realignment of constituencies to suit electoral prospects of turncoats.

A prominent Minister in Mufti them with everything including murder

Mohammad Sayeed government,
Ghulam Hassan Mir is not being
questioned by any one when he wrongly
claims himself as founder member of
Peoples Democratic Party. After having
been with NC, ANC, Congress and Janta
Dal, Mir had joined PDP only in 2001
–three years after Muftis floated this
outfit by collecting scraps from
Congress. During 2002 elections
everyone had seen him hanging around
NC headquarters seeking party ticket
from Gulmarg (Tangmarg) assembly
constituency in North Kashmir. The NC,
however, preferred Dr Mustafa Kamal
–younger brother of Farooq Abdullah.
Mir returned to PDP, contested election
from same constituency, won with a
huge margin and was subsequently
inducted as Cabinet Minister. He had
always wanted to be at 'number two' in
party but that could not happen in
presence of Muzaffar Hussain Baig.
When Mufti handed over power to
Ghulam Nabi Azad under power sharing
pact in 2005, Baig took over as Deputy
Chief Minister but Mir could not find a
place in cabinet. At the spur of moment
he fell out with Muftis and charged
of a party colleague.
For next two and half years the cold
war, sometimes highly embarrassing,
continued between Mir and Muftis till
recently he floated his own party
–Jammu and Kashmir Democratic
Party. To lend credence to the new
starlet on Kashmir's political
landscape, announcement of Mir's
party came a week after he had a
m e e t i n g w i t h Pr i m e M i n i s t e r
Manmohan Singh in New Delhi.
Observers in Kashmir put Mir still
strong in his own constituency even
though he claims playing a decisive
role in making of next government.
“I was feeling suffocated in the
party”, is the obvious refrain of anyone
who is deserting one party to join the
other. Even the naïve will guess the
interest of winning prospects as a
motivating factor for these turncoats
but they are out to accuse the parent
party or the previous party of making
ideological comprises and therefore
leaving them with no other choice than
to join the new party.
Former legislator from Doda Ghulam
Qadir Wani had been with the Peoples
Democratic Party for around eight
years now.
He left all watchers of politics
surprises when he jumped over to the
BJP. Wani is among around five dozen
prominent political figures of state
who switched sides in past few
months but his move came
underlined the supremacy of self
interests over political ideology. PDP
is seen as a party with separatist
tendencies and BJP just opposite to
that. Wani justifies his jump over
with 'suffocation' in PDP as he accuses
his leadership of pursuing separatist
agenda. “I can not tolerate Kashmir
centric and anti-India political
approach”, said Wani on joining BJP.
A look at Wani's political profile and
Doda assembly constituency's voting
pattern suggests he made a clever
move. He carries along a vote of local
loyalties ranging from some 5000 to
6000. He is confidence of mustering
this vote in whatever avatar he goes

Epilogue Ø
8×
June 2008

to the poll battle. Doda constituency
has a sizeable Hindu population and
their vote is evenly divided between
BJP and Congress. In fact post Kulhand
massacre, BJP enjoys an edge over the
Congress as the party was able to
mobilize the communal sentiments
with month-long protest
demonstrations and top party leaders
including LK Advani and Rajnath Singh
rushing in to meet families of victims.
If BJP stands sincere with Wani and he
retains his chunk of local loyalty vote
the prospects of winning can be bright.
Being with PDP this may not have been a
possibility. Therefore, behind Wani's
suffocation was perhaps also an
element of frustration which he has
apparently shed in a bid to pool BJP's
vote bank with his. It has be to seen how
much this switchover of loyalty works.
One of most reputed, well learned
political leader from Srinagar City Sadiq
Ali joined PDP in January 2003, just two
months after Mufti Mohammad Sayeed
had taken over as Chief Minister. Till
then he was with National Conference
having remained one of the longest
serving Member of the Legislative
Council and an MLA from 1996 to 2002.
He, however, lost 2002 elections to one
Shahjan Dar –an NC rebel who contested
election independently.
While walking into PDP office the grey
haired intellectual, Sadiq Ali said he
was feeling suffocated in NC and had
lost faith in Abdullahs as they lacked
the ideological commitment to what
party stood for. He described Mufti as a
visionary leader who has the capacity to
lead people of Kashmir and respect
their aspirations. For his sober outlook
and serious approach to politics, Sadiq's
C O L U M N
PROLOGUE
exit underlined an ideological crisis in
the NC.
Keeping a low profile in PDP for next
five years, Sadiq returned to NC early
this year. The announcement was made
at a high profile press conference in
Srinagar addressed by Farooq Abdullah
and Omar. When asked about making
this full circle, Sadiq refused to
comment on anything except an
obvious one-liner, “for me it is just like
home coming”. With due respect to his
home coming cliché, political observer
feel that Sadiq Ali is being chased by a
celebrated party hopper and big
business baron. It is true that he often
feels suffocated due to ideological
differences but these differences seem
less with the party and more with a
leader of his own sect –Moulvi Iftikhar
Hussain.
It is well known in Shia politics of
Kashmir that Ansari and Ali have
running differences on a variety of
issue. Said Ali was an old NC loyalist
but he was denied a cabinet berth in
1996 which Farooq Abdullah offered to
Ansari even though he contested and
won election on Congress ticket. In
2002, Ansari not only formally joined
the NC but also managed to field a
proxy against Ali in his Zadibal
constituency. After loosing election
Sadiq Ali was visibly hurt as his party
could not protest him against
maneuvers of Ansari. This suffocation
made him to desert NC and join PDP.
Interestingly a couple of years later,
Ansari too barged into PDP this
suffocating the space available to Ali.
Obviously Sadiq Ali had very little
options available to him except for
returning to the parent party.
Epilogue Ø
9×
June 2008
In Jammu, the scion of Dogra dynasty
–the erstwhile rulers of J&K –Maharaj
Kumar Ajat Shatru Singh was picked
up by Farooq Abdullah in 1996 out of
nowhere and made to contest
assembly elections. Not only that his
victory was ensured, he was also
taken into Cabinet at the cost of
decades old party loyalists. With
almost complete absence from public
scene and a dismal performance next
years, Singh lost 2002 elections. He
did not wait much for switching
'loyalties'.
Hoping for a seat on Legislative
Council or nomination to Rajya
Sabha, Singh jumped over to
Congress where he had to wait for
three years for the good to come. It
didn't, and Singh returned to his hotel
business. Recently accompanied by
his wife at a glittering press
conference addressed by father-son
duo of Abdullahs, Ajat Shatru also
announced his “homecoming”.
In the season of a fast track enter-
exit, the list of Aya Rams and Gaya
Rams is too long. Recently, when a
party leader shared his concern at a
public meeting with Dr Farooq
Abdullah about mass exodus of its
various cadres, the NC patriarch had
quite a promising response. “Four
Ministers in PDP are all set to join
us…this will boot our morale…we are
just waiting for the right
opportunity”, said Farooq.
Interestingly, not only Farooq, this is
what every one is claiming.
Feecback :
zafar.choudhary@epilogue.in

The Need For Truth
And Reconciliation
Omar Abdullah
This is something I had written some time
ago for a daily newspaper but going
through it I believe it is still as relevant as
it was. I also use it as an answer for those
who feel that I am not willing to stand up
and be judged for the deeds of my party
and the governments it has lead. I also
believe it is a natural extension to two of
my most recent posts about human rights
and the rather long winded one about so
many other things.
Violence broke out in J&K in 1989 and
eighteen years later we still live in it's
shadow. Thousands have been killed and
many more injured. In all this time there
have been countless allegations of
human rights violations – violations at the
hands of militants and security forces.
Reports of young men alleged to have
disappeared have appeared from time to
time. I use the word alleged because no
one can seem to agree on the correct
number and it is this single fact that I
have toyed with. How do we put aside
our political differences and arrive at
what really happened? How do we give
closure to all those families that
constitute the APDP (Association of
Parents of Disappeared Persons)? Can we
do this with out it appearing to be a
witch-hunt?
Over the years we have had internal
inquiries conducted by the police, Para
military forces and army. We have had
judicial, magisterial and CBI inquiries as
well but all of these have been focused
on specific events or allegations. There
has been no effort made to take a holistic
B L O G S P O T
FRANKLY SPEAKING
view of the situation. Parties made
promises while in opposition, which
were soon forgotten once in power.
Slogans like 'peace with dignity' and
'healing touch' were coined but
remained slogans. The philosophy of
two wrongs make a right seems to have
won the day. Because allegations of
excesses and human rights violations
existed during the period of the National
Conference Government from 1996 to
2002 it seems to justify the allegations
that exist today. But the truth is that
two wrongs can never make a right –
what happened or didn't happen
between 1996 and 2002 can never be
used to justify what happens today.
The idea is a simple one and one that is
not mine. It is one I remember reading
about some years ago and one that I
believe is becoming increasingly
relevant today. On the one hand we have
an active peace process that is aiming to
bring India and Pakistan at a point of
agreement over Jammu & Kashmir, a
point of agreement that both sides of
the artificially divided state of J&K are
comfortable with. On the other we have
a dialogue process that seeks to address
the internal dimension of the problem
as well. My thoughts about either
process are not relevant to the issue at
hand. What is important is that the
people are not seeing the dividend of
these processes, especially the internal
one, where it matters – the dignity and
peace of their lives.
Over the last few days the media has
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June 2008
reported extensively about the case of
Abdul Rehman Padder of Larnoo,
Kokernag. He is believed to have been
killed by the Special Operations Group
of J&K police, dubbed a militant and
buried in Ganderbal. No sooner had
this incident been brought to light that
other allegations followed. A Judicial
Enquiry has been ordered and the
report of these allegations is awaited.
In the mean time newspapers in
Kashmir began to carry stories about
other grave yards believed to contain
the graves of other victims of a over
zealous security force determined to
collect the cash reward that comes
along with a “kill”.
What happens the next time a militant
is reported killed? How many will be
willing to believe the official version of
events? The next time a Kashmiri is
arrested for militant links in Delhi how
will we convince people he's not
another Tariq Dar? The truth is we
won't be able to. Each of these events
has so shaken the faith of people in the
institutions tasked with their
protection that trust is at a premium. A
rogue police officer in Kashmir and a
biased one in Delhi have done untold
damage to the reputation of their
respective forces. Damage that no
judicial enquiry will be able to undo no
matter what the findings and how they
are followed up.
The time has come for something
bigger, something free from politics,
something free from the shackles of

“national interest”. A nation's interest is
served when it's nationals interests are
protected; subverting a person's right to
life and liberty can never ever be in a
nation's interest. This is my answer to all
those who believe that by raising these
issues I am somehow damaging India's
interests.
What is that something? A Truth &
Reconciliation Commission on the lines
of what South Africa set up post
apartheid. This is where I have taken the
liberty of borrowing the idea from
because I believe it is more relevant than
ever in today's Jammu and Kashmir. For
those of you not too familiar with this
commission it was set up in 1995 by the
government of President Mandela and
was based in Cape Town.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu chaired it and
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission
(TRC) was a court-like body assembled in
South Africa after the end of apartheid.
Anybody who felt they had been a victim
of violence could come forward and be
heard at the TRC. Perpetrators of
violence could also give testimony and
request amnesty from prosecution. The
hearings made international news and
many sessions were broadcast on
national television.
The TRC was a crucial component of the
transition to full and free democracy in
South Africa and, despite some flaws, is
generally - though not universally -
regarded as successful. I have cited the
South African example as it is generally
considered a model of Truth Commissions
though truth commissions have been set
up in countries like Argentina, Chile
(twice in fact), El Salvador, Fiji, Ghana,
Guatemala, Liberia, Morocco, Panama,
Peru, Sierra Leone, East Timor and The
United States of America, though the last
B L O G S P O T
FRANKLY SPEAKING
one was an unofficial body.
The TRC worked through three
committees - The Human Rights
Violations Committee; The reparation
and Rehabilitation Committee and The
Amnesty Committee. In order to dispel
the notion that this was victors justice
reports of human rights violations and
petitions for amnesty were heard both
from the perpetrators of apartheid and
the liberation forces including the ANC.
I understand that a TRC is usually set up
in a post conflict environment and we
are not yet at that stage but every
indication is that we are heading in that
direction. The voices of peace are
drowning out the voices of violence and
one hopes that what we are seeing is the
final stages of the violent conflict.
Perhaps the time has come for Jammu
and Kashmir to be given a Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. This
commission should be tasked with
uncovering all that happened from 1989
onwards, whether at the hands of the
militants or the security forces. It
should hold public hearings, uncover
evidence and examine all allegations
that come to its attention.
Pakistan and India should show that
joint mechanisms could work by
allowing the commission to travel to
both sides of the divided state to
ascertain the truth about the
disappearances. It is a fact that there
are Kashmiri boys settled in Pakistan
and it's side of Kashmir who had gone
across for training and settled there.
These boys are counted among the
disappeared here and this anomaly
needs to be corrected as well.
The commission will have to account for
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June 2008
all those persons listed as
disappeared. These may be enforced
disappearances, militants gone across
for training and like wise. The
commission should also be tasked with
hearing petitions for amnesty from the
perpetrators of human rights
violations.
Such petitions can be judged
according to motivation, scale or
scope of violation and whether full
disclosure was made in the course of
the amnesty petition. The Commission
must also be tasked with looking in to
the forced migration of people from
the valley, particularly Kashmiri
Pandits but also Muslims, Christians
and Sikhs. The circumstances that lead
to their migration, people responsible
for it and possible ways of reversing
the migration.
The success or failure of this
commission, should it be set up, will
depend upon who is asked to chair it.
The person will have to be of such
stature as to instill confidence in the
people who today have had their
confidence shattered, a person
acceptable to all involved – India,
Pakistan and the people most affected
by this conflict, a person above the
pulls and pressures of politics and
money, a person who by force of
character and will would be able to
drive this process forward when all
appears lost.
The process will not be quick and it will
not be pain less. Perhaps details will
emerge that will make for
uncomfortable reading when the
report of the commission is published
but it must be done because with out it
we will never be able to lay to rest the
ghosts of the last eighteen years.
 I N F O C U S
LOC TRADE

Cross-LoC Trade
Time For Trucks

D Suba Chandran
Last year, in July, after meeting with Syed Asif Shah, Pakistan's Commerce Secretary in New Delhi, Jairam Ramesh, India's
Minister for State and Commerce, announced Pakistan had agreed in principle to allow trade through the Line of Control
(LoC). This year, during his visit to J&K in March Ramesh announced, “As soon as the new Government takes over in
Islamabad, we will execute an agreement with Pakistan. I am pretty hopeful that the (cross-LoC) trade would start in the
next 90 days.” This deadline of optimism is not yet over and the good omen is keenly awaited.

T he LoC was officially opened for communities in this region – Nangla LoC interactions have addressed or
the movement of people for the Sahib, Sharada Shrine, Hazratbal, included significant sections of the
first time in 2005, since its closure Shahdara Sharief - to name a few. There civil society on both sides of the LoC,
after the Indo-Pak war during 1947-48. are also numerous places of tourist however limited these may have been.
Despite the militant attack on the Tourist interest– Jammu, Chingus, Srinagar, Though there are procedural delays,
Reception Center in Srinagar on the day Gulmarg, Pahalgam, Kargil Leh, Kargil, divided families have been crossing
of its inauguration, the first bus service Skardu, and Mirpur, among others. the LoC at regular intervals in the last
between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad Besides the potential for cross-LoC three years. Political leaders
became operational in April 2005. If the trade, the Chambers of Commerce and belonging to the mainstream and
objective of this bus service was to make Industries in Jammu and Srinagar (JCCI separatist groups have also been
borders irrelevant, as Manmohan Singh and KCCI) have been demanding that allowed to cross the LoC. The Hurriyat
and Pervez Musharraf have hinted on the LoC should also be opened for trade. leaders from Kashmir Valley were
different occasions elsewhere, it is time Thus, cross-LoC trade is a natural allowed to visit the other side after the
to contemplate further measures that corollary of the process that was earthquake in 2005, and mainstream
would augment this process. initiated in 2005. leaders from Muzaffarabad region
visited the Indian side more than once.
To an extent, the present level of cross- There was even a “heart-to-heart”
Trade across the LoC is in everyone's
interests. Ever since the inauguration of
the bus service between the two
Kashmirs, all the three regions on the
Indian side – Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh
have been anxiously waiting for further
measures across the LoC. Today, there
are two bus services across the LoC,
meant only for divided families. There
are however, numerous others, in all
parts of J&K, belonging to different
religions – Muslim, Hindu, Sikh and
Buddhist, who would love to travel
across. Even though this section may not
have relatives across the LoC, they would
nonetheless like to travel for various
cultural and religious reasons. Numerous
religious places of worship exist across
the LoC that are of interest to all the

Epilogue Ø
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June 2008

dialogue, between the political leaders
on both sides. Members belonging to the
media across the LoC were allowed to
visit each other. Under the SAFMA,
journalists from both Kashmirs visited
each other during 2006. There have also
been cultural interactions. In November
2007, women's groups from both sides
met in Srinagar for a three-day
conference. To conclude, it appears that
so far, all sections of civil society have
been allowed to meet, except the
business community. Like any other
section of civil society that has been
allowed to interact, this group is also
equally important. Allowing trade across
the LoC would address this imbalance.
Movement of goods across the LoC will be
a great CBM between New Delhi and J&K,
especially the Kashmiris. Besides
initiating a peace process with
Islamabad, New Delhi has also started
another process within – addressing the
concerns and issues with various sections
in J&K. The Prime Minister has held three
Round Table Conferences so far, besides
forming five working groups on issues
relating to cross-LoC interactions,
governance, union-state relations etc.
The Working Group on cross-LoC
interactions has highlighted the need for
cross-LoC trade, as a legitimate
aspiration of the people of J&K. A section
i n t h e K a s h m i r Va l l e y, f e e l
psychologically suffocated, as the only
physical link of the Valley with the rest of
world is through the Jawahar Tunnel.
There is also a feeling within the Valley
that New Delhi purposefully wants to
keep Jawahar Tunnel as the sole outlet
for the Kashmiris, so as to make them
completely dependent on India. Allowing
the movement of goods across the LoC
will greatly address this psychological
perception.
Cross-LoC trade will help the economic
I N F O C U S
LOC TRADE
situation in the Jammu region and
Kashmir Valley improve considerably. In
the Kashmir Valley, the horticulture
industry, especially the fruit growers,
and carpet and furniture industries will
benefit enormously if the LoC is opened
for trade. Today, the fruit industry in the
Valley depends on an undependable
route – NH-1A, to send its goods to New
From Jawahar Tunnel to Jammu,
especially in the Ramban region,
this road is prone to landslides,
shooting stones and snow. On the
other hand, apples from
Anantnag would reach Lahore
and Rawalpindi via
Muzaffarabad much faster than
they would reach New Delhi. In
Jammu region, the manufacturing
sector today, from Samba to
Jammu, is so strong that,the entire
belt has become an industrial
zone. Today, the JCCI is confident
of sending goods ranging from tea
to tyres, via Suchetgarh and
Sialkot. With the six-lane
passage between Sialkot and
Lahore coming up, goods from
Jammu will reach Lahore within
four to six hours.
Delhi. From Jawahar Tunnel to Jammu,
especially in the Ramban region, this
road is prone to landslides, shooting
stones and snow. On the other hand,
apples from Anantnag would reach
Lahore and Rawalpindi via
Epilogue Ø
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June 2008
Muzaffarabad much faster than they
would reach New Delhi. In Jammu
region, the manufacturing sector
today, from Samba to Jammu, is so
strong that,the entire belt has become
an industrial zone. Today, the JCCI is
confident of sending goods ranging
from tea to tyres, via Suchetgarh and
Sialkot. With the six-lane passage
between Sialkot and Lahore coming
up, goods from Jammu will reach
Lahore within four to six hours.
Undoubtedly, there are problems in
proceeding ahead on this important
issue, despite that fact that the
benefits of opening the LoC for trade
are immense. The primary hurdle in
cross-LoC trade seems to emanate
from Islamabad. Though there have
been announcements in the past, on
more than one occasion, regarding the
visit of the business community led by
the AJK Chambers of Commerce and
Industry (AJKCCI), it has never
materialized, for they were denied
permission. While the Indian
government blames Pakistan for not
allowing this visit, there have been no
comments on why these meetings
never took place.
Why is Islamabad against cross-LoC
trade? Though there has been no
public statement, one can understand
the reasons behind Islamabad's
reluctance. A section in India argues
that the government of Pakistan fears
that cross-LoC trade would lead to a
normalization of relations between
the two countries, which would
undermine the latter's strategies in
Kashmir. If this however, is the primary
reason, then why would Pakistan allow
cross-LoC interaction of divided
families, media and sections of civil
society, as mentioned above?
Obviously, these measures are also
likely to lead to normalization of ties.

However, Islamabad's reasons for going
slow on cross-LoC trade seem to extend
beyond the 'normalization' argument.
Perhaps, Islamabad fears that cross-LoC
trade would make the status quo
permanent, and in turn make the Line of
Control a permanent border between the
two countries. For trade to take place
across the LoC, there are numerous legal
issues which need to be addressed. While
travel between two Kashmirs now
involves the use of local identification;
movement of goods across the LoC will
require a legal understanding. Issues
relating to the origin and destination of
goods will then come to play a prominent
role. The question of who will physically
oversee the entry and exit of goods at the
crossing point – whether the customs
authorities of each country or any other,
also arises. If the customs authorities are
put in charge, legally it would signify
that the goods will be leaving one
country to enter into another. This, from
Islamabad's perspective amounts to
converting the LoC into IB.
The second major challenge is likely to
be on the question of whether the trade
is “to other Kashmir” or “through other
Kashmir”. If the movement of trade is
likely to be only between the two
Kashmirs, then the business communities
in Jammu and Kashmir will be least
enthusiastic, for it will not be a
profitable proposition. For example, if
the LoC is to be opened for the apples of
K a s h m i r v a l l e y, o n l y t o r e a c h
Muzaffarabad and Mirpur, one convoy of
trucks will be enough to flood the
markets in both these towns. What the
KCCI is actually looking for is trade
through the other Kashmir, enabling their
goods to reach upto Karachi via
Rawalpindi, Islamabad and Lahore. The
JCCI will be extremely upset, if the LoC is
opened only in the Kashmir Valley in Uri.
I N F O C U S
LOC TRADE
The business community in Jammu
region, regards the opening of the
Jammu-Sialkot road for trade, vital. If
trade is to take place only between the
two Kashmirs, the business communities
are likely to be disappointed and in the
long run, this move may backfire. This is
precisely what happened between India
Why is Islamabad against cross-
LoC trade? Though there has
been no public statement, one can
understand the reasons behind
Islamabad's reluctance. A section
in India argues that the
government of Pakistan fears that
cross-LoC trade would lead to a
normalization of relations
between the two countries, which
would undermine the latter's
strategies in Kashmir. If this
however, is the primary reason,
then why would Pakistan allow
cross-LoC interaction of divided
families, media and sections of
civil society, as mentioned above?
Obviously, these measures are also
likely to lead to normalization of
ties. However, Islamabad's
reasons for going slow on cross-
LoC trade seem to extend beyond
the 'normalization' argument.
and China in opening Nathu La in Sikkim
for trade. The business community in
Sikkim was extremely enthusiastic in
the beginning on the opening of Nathu
La. They expected that trade would
take place “through Sikkim and Tibet”
Epilogue Ø
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June 2008
instead of “between Sikkim and
Tibet”. While the business community
wanted the goods from Tibet (and
China) to pass through Sikkim upto
Kolkatta port and beyond (and
backwards), the actual trade was
limited. To a large extent, it actually
constitutes border trade in this region.
In Kashmir, if the trade is likely to be
limited only between the two parts,
then Nathu La will get repeated in Uri.
The third major challenge is likely to
be the basket of goods that will be
traded across the LoC. Here, if the
current status of Indo-Pak trade is to
be taken as a yardstick, then the
record of both countries on bilateral
trade has never been encouraging.
While the business communities in
Jammu and Kashmir regions would like
to trade anything and everything
across the LoC, the governments in
New Delhi and Islamabad are unlikely
to have beyond 25 to 30 goods in the
trade basket. Again, this is precisely
what has happened in Nathu La, where
people of Sikkim are allowed to export
only 29 items and import 15. The
business communities in Jammu and
Kashmir Valley have identified the
numerous commodities from plastic to
apples, which could be traded through
the LoC. If the governments of India
and Pakistan decide to keep the trade
basket to a minimum, then the cross-
LoC trade may be sound in rhetoric and
address the international audience,
but will do little to address actual
concerns at the ground level in J&K.
The fourth major challenge emanates
from across the LoC. How much
interest do the business communities
in Muzaffarabad have in cross-LoC
trade? And how much influence does
the AJKCII have over Islamabad in
pressurizing the government of

Pakistan to move forward, than to get
mired in legal issues? A section in India
believes that the business community in
AJK is not as enthusiastic as the people in
general or as their counterparts in
Jammu and Srinagar. If this is true, the
following factors could be identified as
reasons for the relative lack of interest
or enthusiasm on the other side. How big
is the AJK business community? If the AJK
business community is not strong enough
to trade with the rest of Kashmir across
the LoC, there is every reason for them to
underplay cross-LoC trade. This is an
issue which needs to be probed. Second,
the business community in Jammu and
Kashmir is not as keen to trade with the
other Kashmir, as it is to trade through
them to the rest of Pakistan. If the
business community in AJK is unlikely to
benefit from the cross-LoC trade, why
would they be interested? Another point
that needs to be probed here is, if there
is “trade through” AJK, will it affect the
local business community? For example,
will the goods from Kashmir Valley
“flood” the markets of Muzaffarabad and
Mirpur?
Perhaps the AJK business community is
also not sure of the returns. What would
they gain out of cross-LoC trade? If the
trade basket is going to be limited to ten
to fifteen items, as is presently the case,
how much would that benefit the traders
of AJK? This is why there should be a
dialogue between the business
communities across the LoC. Since there
have not been many meetings between
the two communities, the AJK side is not
convinced. Finally, unlike the business
community on the Indian side, perhaps
on the other side, they are not able to
pressurize the government of Pakistan.
Both the JCCI and KCCI are vociferous in
making their voices heard – both, in the
capitals of State and the country. They
may not have adequate clout to influence
I N F O C U S
LOC TRADE
the final policy, but can certainly act as an
important pressure group.
As cross-LoC trade is clearly in India's
interests for numerous emotional,
economic, and political reasons.
Despite obvious security considerations,
given the overall benefits, this is a risk
worth taking. Convincing Islamabad on
legal issues relating to cross-LoC trade
While the business communities
in Jammu and Kashmir regions
would like to trade anything and
everything across the LoC, the
governments in New Delhi and
Islamabad are unlikely to have
beyond 25 to 30 goods in the
trade basket. Again, this is
precisely what has happened in
Nathu La, where people of
Sikkim are allowed to export only
29 items and import 15. The
business communities in Jammu
and Kashmir Valley have
identified the numerous
commodities from plastic to
apples, which could be traded
through the LoC.
will be a challenge for New Delhi.
Pakistan is unlikely to agree to the
Nathu La model between India and
China. Before Nathu La was opened for
border trade, China tacitly recognized
Sikkim as a part of India, thus removing
the legal hurdles. Who will actually man
the border post? This has become a
political question rather than a
procedural one. Hence the answer to
Epilogue Ø
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June 2008
this challenge can be found only at the
political level.
New Delhi also has to take into account
the inputs of the KCCI and JCCI and
convince them of a well-planned and
time-bound road map. If trade is to
start in the Kashmir Valley, then the
JCCI should be convinced that this
process will expand and also include
Jammu region in the near future. If the
initial efforts however, are likely to
remain limited in terms of “trade to”
PoK and not “through” it, then the
business communities in J&K should be
made to understand that this is a
process, likely to be implemented in
stages, And that the same will also
apply to the actual trade basket, in
terms of goods traded. If the business
community on the other side is not
convinced of the profits of cross-LoC
trade, it may be due to a lack of
awareness.
For this reason, it is imperative that
the business communities across the
LoC meet. It is unfortunate that
Pakistan has not been allowing the
AJKCCI to visit J&K. However, this
limitation can be easily overcome.
Given the communication facilities
and the interests of research institutes
and think tanks, a meeting between
the business communities could be
arranged in a neutral territory –
anywhere from Bangkok to Dubai.
Jairam Ramesh has promised in March
2008, cross-LoC trade within 90 days.
The foetus take complete shape, with
its features clearly delineated in 90
days. Given the political dimensions
however, one will need to be a lot more
patient on an important issue such as
this, which has the potential to change
the basic contours of the conflict in
J&K. Understandably; one wouldn't
mind waiting long; as long as this
process is not stillborn.
 I N F O C U S
LOC TRADE

Let Trade Begin,

Then Sky Is The Limit

Mubeen Shah

Although Kashmir is at cross roads of China, Central Asia, Pakistan, India as a whole it is unfortunate that trade has not
flourished as it should have been because of the unsettled problem and exploitation of resources without taking into account
the requirements of the local population in respect of economy.

K ashmiris have been good traders
and it is said that initially Islam
came into Kashmir through the
interaction of traders with Sindh, Central
Asia. Today also it is common that in
every part of India particularly tourist
areas you will have a Kashmiri trader
selling his Handicrafts and Souvenirs.
This is also true in different places of the
World particularly trading places like
Dubai and other Countries like U.K., USA,
Europe, South America, Japan, Korea,
Singapore, Malaysia and even South
Vietnam now.
Keeping this background the possibility
of LOC Trade will be a very important
development for Kashmir as is will not
only be a important alternative for
traders to trade their wares like
Handicrafts, Fruits but also services like
tourism where the sky is the limit for the
economy of Kashmir. The Kashmir
Chamber of Commerce and Industry have
suggested in different forums the
possibility of declaring the whole valley
of Kashmir as a Special Economic Zone
which will allow not only free access to
goods but also in combination with
declaring it as a financial centre to
include this lucrative sector in the trade
of Goods & Services.
Going to the trade of physical products
LOC trade will give alternative markets
for our fruit industry, Handicrafts which
are the main sectors of our export
business. Our fruit industry which has
presently a national market will now
have an external dimension with the
whole Pakistan market to be tapped.
One of the most important benefits will
be that the markets of Lahore,
Rawalpindi & other places in Pakistan
will be within a days reach of the
producers who loose a sizable quantity
of the produce presently because of
inadequate infrastructure of Cold
Storages etc. in Kashmir as well as time
taken of min. 2-3 days for the product to
reach Delhi the main distribution place
for products like Apple which is the main
product of the horticulture sector.
Another benefit to the producers of the
fruit will be that he will not be exploited
by the trader in Delhi who presently has
a stranglehold on the selling price of
the produce and who has gone to the
extent of even taking sizable orchard
land on lease on yearly basis. The fruit
trades as well as grower will became
more quality conscious putting
investments into infrastructure,
packaging etc. to make his product
more saleable. The impetus will
certainly initially be that the major part
of his produce will be marketable in the
shortest possible time.
The present estimate of regularly 2000
crores income from fruit industry, by a
conservative estimate will double
once the LOC trade by just having
alternative marketing of the product
than at present. The other important
group is Handicrafts. This group of
items includes handmade Silk Carpets
which we have a monopoly in the Sub-
Continent and the income could easily
be doubled with all cities of Pakistan
having selling outlets like in other parts
of India. Before partition Kashmiri
traders had outlets in all the major
cities which constitute Pakistan now.
It may not be out of place to mention
that the Carpet Industry in Pakistan
has been set up and the majority of
exporters/traders there are of basic
Kashmiri origin. As Kashmir is
specializing in Silk Carpets, the
Pakistan trader of Carpets will include
& sell this alongwith their wool
Carpets wherever they have outlets
and wherever they market their
products as is the case by other Carpet
traders in Delhi/other parts of India
who market Badohi/Jaipur Carpets.
This will increase the market of
Kashmiri Carpets and thereby
increasing the demand and production
of these Carpets in Kashmir.
In the Handicraft segment another
important segment is Shawls for which
Kashmir has been famous for
centuries. With LOC trade and final

Epilogue Ø
16 ×
June 2008

destination of Pakistan and subsequently
to Countries like Iran, Central Asia,
Russia and even Turkey where the
demand of these Shawls can be increased
manifold by the easy accessibility of
products as well as by trading community
who have to presently go to those
markets through Dubai, when with LOC
trade a land route will be available. On
other Handicrafts like Walnut Wood
Carvings, Papier-Machie, Copperware
etc. will also get a bigger market once
LOC trade becomes a reality.
One new products based on Aromatic
Plants/Herbs, Floriculture, Walnut
Kernels will also get a boost. It may not
be out of place to mention that Dubai is
today handling a sizable quantity of fresh
flowers from Africa for finally selling to
Russia whileas we could be the producers
here in Kashmir and by the land route
supply of these to markets in Russia and
Central Asia which are booming because
of the oil revenues these Countries are
presently having. Besides the above with
LOC trade starting we expect that
services like Tourism will be started
which will give a complete new
dimension to this industry in Kashmir.
Kashmir as a whole can be marketed
together to tourists around the World,
starting from Pakistan itself the
population of which will certainly want
to come to Kashmir as is the urge in every
Indian to visit Kashmir at least once in a
life time.
The sheer beauty of our place alongwith
the free flow of tourists through the LOC
will give a completely different
economic dimension to the local
economy. With joint promotion of
mountaineering, tourist places on both
sides of the divide we will have trade in
this segment which will according to our
estimation will not only double but has
the potential of even quadrupling in the
I N F O C U S
LOC TRADE
shortest possible time.
Epilogue
Another important trading which can
occur between two Kashmiris is trading
in our power resources. As everybody because there is more to know
knows that the Indus Water Treaty
between Pakistan & India has uptil now
withstood two wars and there is a
possibility that we, people in Kashmir
Monthly Magazine
develop our water resources and jointly
exploit them with International Extensively Researched
Investments which could be guaranteed
by an international organisation like Written with Clarity
World Bank.
and Insight
The Kashmir Chamber of
Commerce and Industry have Covers Four Key Issues
suggested in different forums the
possibility of declaring the whole Politics
valley of Kashmir as a Special
Economic Zone which will allow
Economy
not only free access to goods but Culture
also in combination with
declaring it as a financial centre Strategic Affairs
to include this lucrative sector in
the trade of Goods & Services.
Unlike the General run of the News
The tapping of these resources jointly
with laws created in either place will
change the whole economic scenario Magazines
and at the same time develop energy
which is costly to build but the cheapest
to run. Keeping in view the energy prices
all over the World this will be a major
development of trade between two Epilogue
Kashmiris. This above is a short
discourse on the potential of Has a shelf life That Extends
trade/services once LOC trade starts
between the two parts of Kashmir. For Beyond the
Dr MUBEEN SHAH is the President of News Period Covered
Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and
Industry (KCCI) For subscription enquiries
Epilogue Ø
17 ×
June 2008

Breach Of Ceasefire
Epilogue News & Analysis
Around midnight of May 8, the villages
along International Border in Samba
sector of Jammu region were rattled by
the sound of gun shots. It was a rare sight
and scene since November 2003
ceasefire. The heavy exchange of
artillery firing continued for around an
hour and half. It clearly ruptured the
peace wave but authorities, apparently,
preferred to sleep over things.
Next morning, local people of the area
said that they saw the footmarks along
BESIEGED: Soldiers lay siege around a house in
Samba where militants had taken inmates
hostage. Jammu region saw first such militant
attack in region after the infamous Kaluchak
garrison massacre in 2002 which had brought
Indian and Pakistani Armies eye to eye on Line of
Control and International Border.
S E C U R I T Y
HOT SUMMERS AHEAD
infiltration routes and suspected
militants having sneaked in taking cover
of exchange of fire on International
Border. More than 1,000 rounds were
reported to have fired from the other
side as trail of empties were seen
running towards Pakistani side. The BSF
authorities rushed to the press in
afternoon with two claims which still
remain shrouded in mystery. BSF Deputy
Inspector General JB Sagawan told
media persons that there was an
infiltration attempt by militants which
was effectively thwarted by the troops.
Clearly he ruled out any possibility of
militants having sneaked in ignoring
loud cries made by the local people. He
also dismissed the obvious doubts that
this firing wad from the Pakistani
rangers. “There was a militant firing
while they were trying to infiltrate, we
retaliated effectively and they ran back
into Pakistani territory”, he said. The
BSF officer, however, said that a flag
m e e t i n g w i t h t h e i r Pa k i s t a n i
counterparts has been requested and
matter will be sorted out there.
At the flag meeting with BSF, same
e v e n i n g , t h e Pa k i s t a n i R a n g e r
categorically denied their involvement.
Therefore, the hastily concluded theory
remained: there was no violation of
ceasefire and the militants had tried to
sneak in at their own but BSF rebutted
their attempt.
Contrary to the claims of BSF and
assertion of Rangers, the militants
showed up two days later –on May 11
–and ruptured the small sense of peace
and security prevailing in the region.
Epilogue Ø
18 ×
June 2008
The way militants struck after more
than two days of hiding in the area
clearly underlined that it were
Pakistani Rangers who had engaged
the BSF in gun fire facilitating entry of
militants.
What did militants do on that bloody
Sunday is known to all. A peace activist
couple was silenced for ever, six
others, including a photojournalist and
two soldiers, were killed in the day
long encounter. The entire series
–firing on IB, infiltration and encounter
–was one of the most confusing in 15
years of militancy in Jammu region.
Local villagers in Kaili Mandi area of
Samba say that they spotted militants
in wee hours of the fateful morning
and they were asking for residence of
Hoshiar Singh –the only genuine Hindu
political leader described Kashmir
issue as a dispute, called for tripartite
dialogue, described militants as 'our
own boys' and offered space to
separatists for dialogue in Jammu. His
wife Shashi Bala, who was also killed,
was widely respected trade union
leader.
Security forces refuse to accept this.
“Militants were looking for a nearby
Army formation to launch an attack.
Hoshiar Singh raised alarm and warned
them of calling Police when they asked
him for location of Army unit or
residential quarters of soldiers”, says
K Rajendra, Inspector General of
Jammu Police. Hoshiar Singh's only son
Lok Sevak Singh, researcher in Political

Science at JU, begins to cry hearing the
version of security forces. An eye witness
of the assassination of his parents, Lok
Sevak says, “my parents were sleeping
when there was a knock at the door.
Father got up and was putting on clothes
when mother opened the door. A man
outside the door was in a assault position
with gun cocked. No sooner than the door
was opened that they shot at my father
and then at mother. A grievously injured
father was dragged towards the gate and
then shot at again”.
If Hoshiar Singh's killing was pre-decided
and selective then one should see a
larger game plan behind this. His killing
was seriously condemned by the
separatists, among others. Senior
Hurriyat leader Shabir Ahmed Shah
visited the family and called for a probe.
Epilogue
because there is more to know
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EARLIER STORIES ?
Write to
editor.epilogue@gmail.com
S E C U R I T Y
HOT SUMMERS AHEAD
Former Chief Minister Dr Farooq
Abdullah too has called for a judicial
probe as he refused to accept this as a
simple case of militancy.
Since May 8-9, four clear incidents of
violation of ceasefire have been
reported from various sectors along the
Line of Control –three in north Kashmir
and one Poonch sector of Jammu region.
The unprovoked firing which continued
for 15 minutes in Poonch sector resulted
into killing of one soldier.
Though Army claims to have foiled the
infiltration attempts but locals in
Rajouri, Poonch and Kupwara districts
say that they have seen hordes of fresh
militants moving along the infiltration
routes. Army Chief General Deepak
Kapoor who was in Kashmir early this
The Return Of Democracy
The Money Movement
month said that around 400 militants
are waiting across the LoC to
infiltrate. He said that militants are
planning to sabotage the upcoming
assembly elections.
Though the political dialogue between
India and Pakistan has several times
begin and collapsed but the
November-2003 ceasefire on borders
had so far withstood all tests of times.
This ceasefire is so strongly seen as a
commitment towards peace that the
local political groups have been asking
for extending this experiment in the
interiors too –between militants and
security forces. With repeated breach
of ceasefire, a loss of hops and fear
psychosis again seems to have
returned in the hinterland and along
frontiers.
March 2008
In Neighbourhood, Its
Significance for
Jammu & Kashmir
February 2008
January 2008
Economy &
Other Ideas
December 2007
Forests Foresters
November 2007
Ladakh

Pink City Mayhem :
Terror Trial Continues
Devyani Srivastava
O
ne by one, the main cities of India
are waking up to the threat of
terrorism. After Delhi, Mumbai,
Bangalore, Hyderabad, it was India's pink
city of Jaipur that witnessed its first ever
serial bomb blasts (ten blasts) on 13 May,
leaving 63 people dead and close to 200
injured. As with the other recent blasts,
these attacks also demonstrated the
ability of the perpetrators to carry out
coordinated blasts in public places which
included the crowded Johari bazaar in
the old city, Hanuman Mandir, near Hawa
Mahal, at Badi Chaupad, Tripolia Bazar
and Chandpole. With these blasts,
however, the perpetrators achieved an
unprecedented ten serial blasts as
opposed to the average of three blasts in
earlier attacks (with the exception of
Mumbai serial blasts which included
seven blasts). As the perpetrators
celebrate yet another victory of their
well-synchronized blasts, the nation is
left confounded by the formidable threat
of Islamic terror.
A number of reasons are being advanced
to address the question of why Jaipur.
While the prime minister has pointed
towards the objective of disrupting the
peace process between India-Pakistan
(occurring days ahead of the foreign
ministers level talks in Islamabad), the
state government feels the blasts were
targeted to hamper the tourism
potential of the city. Some security
analysts are connecting it to the tenth
anniversary of the Pokhran-II, for is it
merely a coincidence that the blasts
S E C U R I T Y
JAIPUR BLASTS
occurred in the same state where the
nuclear tests were conducted? But an
exercise on exploring the reasons
behind the selection of Jaipur per se
undermines the very nature of the string
of terror strikes hitting India.
Considering the range of targets hit at so
far – temples, mosques, railways,
economic centres, market areas and
other crowded thoroughfares – it
appears that the only objective behind
any blast in any city is to display the
ability to strike anywhere at any time,
and in doing so, expose the weakness of
the Indian state. For this purpose, pan-
Indian reasons such as the judicial
apathy against the Muslims or the intent
to flare up communal tensions (since the
victims included both Hindus and
Muslims, this seems unlikely) or the
recent crackdown on SIMI cadres last
month with the arrest of its India chief
emerge as stronger factors in
perpetrating and sustaining the rise of
Islamic threat in India. Separately,
developments within Pakistan signaling
a renewed resolve to wage jihad in
India, such as the 21 April rally of the
United Jihad Council pledging its
commitment to jihad or the 11 April call
of Masood Azar, the Jaish-e-Mohammad
chief 'to wage jihad against President
Musharraf and his western allies' also
bear significance to the spurt of Islamist
terror in India.
Little clarity prevails regarding the
perpetrators of such violence as the
cases involving previous blasts remain
Epilogue Ø
20 ×
June 2008
unresolved. The police officials
suspect the hand of Bangladesh-based
Harkat-ul-Jihad-e-Islami (HuJI) behind
the blasts owing to the familiar
pattern of execution – the use of cycles
and the use of bombs containing
ammonium nitrate as in the UP blasts.
The main suspect includes the leader
of HuJI, Mohammed Amjad, believed
to have taken over the Huji operations
in India. As a result, a number of
Bangladeshis in Jaipur were arrested
and taken for questioning following
the attacks. Meanwhile, a message via
email from the unknown militant
outfit, Indian Mujahideen claiming
responsibility for the attacks has
further complicated investigations.
The outfit that also claimed
responsibility for the UP blasts has
declared 'an open war against India'
and has cited several factors including
judicial apathy behind its motive. A
number of issues however remain a
mystery: how many people were
involved in the blasts? Is there a link
between the IM and the HuJI? Is the
name of IM being flouted by groups like
LeT and HuJI to confound
investigations?
Meanwhile, the most pressing issue
remains what can be done to avoid
such attacks in future. While
intelligence agencies have come under
a bitter attack, the actual forecasting
of such blasts remains a formidable
task given the lack of actual actionable
intelligence, varied range of targets,
 S E C U R I T Y
JAIPUR BLASTS

random selection of date for attacks, and
little headway on the perpetrators.
This has thrown up the debate of setting
up a federal intelligence agency on the
lines of the FBI in the US that would have
jurisdiction throughout India and would
be able to initiate cases on its own
without the request of the states or the
Supreme court (as in the case of the CBI).
But this issue is embroiled in several
hurdles as it calls for an alteration of
India's federal structure – since law and
order falls under the purview of the state
– and would also require a legal
framework on the lines of an anti-terror
law to function under, something on
which little consensus prevails among
the leading political parties. As the
debate on these issues plays out, a
number of immediate steps can be
taken to step up the security apparatus
such as strengthening of the anti-
terrorist squads of each state – so far
only Delhi and Mumbai police, and to
some extent Tamil Nadu, have such
specialized squads that monitor the
activities of pro-Islamic militants;
improving the coordination among the
states and the central agency in dealing
with such cases; increasing the size of
police forces in the states; and
upgrading the technology available to
the police for monitoring the
communication and financial
transaction of the terrorists.
Following the string of terrorist blasts in
India, the Jaipur blast throws up many
puzzling issues: is there a common
agenda among the various militant
groups active in the country? If Gujarat
riots are cited as a sign of anti-Muslim
politics of India, why hasn't Gujarat
seen any major blasts after the
Akshardham attack? Why haven't we
seen targeting of hindu
fundamentalist political leaders? Many
more such issues remain unanswered.
This reinforces the need to move
beyond security factors to understand
the social, cultural and religious roots
of Islamic threat within India.
DEVYANI SRIVASTAVA is a Research
Officer at IPCS, New Delhi

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Epilogue Ø
21 ×
June 2008
 N A T I O N
GUJJARS’ STIR

Caste, A Crooked Eye

Amaresh Misra
For a student of history, the ongoing Gujjar agitation in Rajasthan carries a profound level of sadness. Last year, more than a
dozen Gujjars had lost their lives in an attempt to demand Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for their community in Rajasthan. This
time, 36 people have died in police firing. A lot of justified noise was made when 14 people died of police firing in Nandigram.
But Gujjar deaths do not seem to evoke the same kind of media sympathy.

H istorically, the Gujjars are
effectively '1857 forces', in the
same league as Lodhs, Banjaras,
Ramoshis, Dhangars, Mewatis, Kols and
Gonds who fought in the 1857 Uprising
against the British as a community. On
May 10, 1857, when the 3rd Cavalry
threw off allegiance to the British in
Meerut to kick-start what is now
recognised as the 19th century's greatest
anti-colonial revolt, the Meerut
cantonment had a sizeable 60th Her
Majesty Regiment composed of crack
British soldiers. The 3rd Cavalry sowars
and 11th and 20th Bengal Native Infantry
sepoys did not have artillery; but the
60th Foot Regiment was well supplied
with cannons. The 60th HMR men could
have easily pursued and cut the march of
Meerut revolutionaries towards Delhi.
But it was the turbulent Gujjars of the
Meerut countryside who surrounded the
British cantonment in such large
numbers that British soldiers found it
difficult to advance.
The Imperial Gazetteer of India states
that throughout the “Indian Rebellion of
1857, the Gujars and Musalman Rajputs
proved the most irreconcilable enemies
of the British. A band of rebellious
Gujjars ransacked Bulandshahr after a
revolt by the 9th Native Infantry on May
21, 1857. The British forces were able to
retake the town with the help of Dehra
Gurkhas, but the Gujars rose again after
the Gurkhas marched off to assist
General Wilson's column in another
area. Under the leadership of Walidad
Khan of Malagarh, the British garrison
The Imperial Gazetteer of India
states that throughout the
“Indian Rebellion of 1857, the
Gujars and Musalman Rajputs
proved the most irreconcilable
enemies of the British. A band of
rebellious Gujjars ransacked
Bulandshahr after a revolt by the
9th Native Infantry on May 21,
1857. The British forces were
able to retake the town with the
help of Dehra Gurkhas, but the
Gujars rose again after the
Gurkhas marched off to assist
General Wilson's column in
another area.
was driven out the district. Walidad
Khan held Bulandshahr from July to
September, until he was expelled after
an engagement with Colonel Greathed's
flying column. On October 4, the
Bulandshahr District was regularly
occupied by the British Colonel Farquhar
and measures of repression were
adopted against the armed Gujars.”
During the revolt of 1857, the Muslim
Gujjars in the villages of Ludhiana
district showed dissent towards the
British authorities. The British
interests in Gangoh city of Saharanpur
District were 'threatened' by the rebel
Gujjars under the leadership of Raja
Fathua. The Gujjars of Chundrowli
rose against the British, under the
leadership of Damar Ram. The Gujjars
of Shunkuri village, numbering around
3,000, joined the rebel sepoys.
According to further British records,
the Gujjars plundered gunpowder and
ammunition from the British and their
allies. In Delhi, the Metcalfe House
was sacked by the Gujjar villagers
from whom the land was taken to erect
the building.
Gujjar turbulence owed a lot to their
nomadic status and the British attempt
to settle them as peaceful land
revenue paying peasantry. During the
Mughal era, Gujjars were known for
their entrepreneurial role — they not
only exchanged milk and other
commodities but also guarded the
trade routes of North India. The
colonial-British State, keen to turn
every rural element into a peasant, did

Epilogue Ø
22 ×
June 2008

not understand the community's
entrepreneurial role. So after 1857, the
British classified the Gujjars (and around
150 other Indian communities) as
'criminal tribes' through the Criminal
Tribes Act, 1871. In this move,
communities that had fought for Bahadur
Shah Zafar in 1857 were openly targeted.
Several other forces like the Pardhis of
Vidarbha and the Dhangars and the
Ramoshi-Berads of Maharashtra and
Karnataka also suffered. Most of them
were warrior-nomads or warrior-hunters
of the Mughal and Maratha era. During
the colonial era, basic human rights were
denied to these communities. They were
literally given an 'anti-social' tag. Their
position became worse than that of many
Dalit communities in the country.
The Government of India repealed the
noxious British act in 1952. But the after-
affects of the social exclusion of these
communities impacted heavily when it
came to granting them reservations.
Listed separately as De-Notified Tribes
(DNT), they were not at first put in the
Other Backward Classes (OBC), the
Scheduled Caste (SC) or the ST category.
By the 1970s, Gujjars of several areas,
including Rajasthan, were granted OBC
status. But this created a discrimination
as the Gujjars of North India and the
Dhangars of West India were unable to
compete with upwardly mobile OBCs like
the Yadavs, the Kurmis, the Jats (in
Rajasthan), the Kunbis (Maharashtra),
and the Lingayats and Vokalligas
(Karnataka). A special category of Most
Backward Caste (MBC) with a 'quota
within quota' situation ought to have
been created for them.
In Bihar, Karpuri Thakur, the MBC Chief
Minister of the state in the late 1970s,
created 'Annexure 1' and 'Annexure 2'
especially for the MBCs. If applied to
areas like Rajasthan, this formula could
N A T I O N
GUJJARS’ STIR
have gone a long way in ameliorating
Gujjar grievances. But apart from Bihar
no other state took the pain of adopting
this methodology.
The Gujjars are not alone in agitating.
During the revolt of 1857, the
Muslim Gujjars in the villages of
Ludhiana district showed dissent
towards the British authorities.
The British interests in Gangoh
city of Saharanpur District were
'threatened' by the rebel Gujjars
under the leadership of Raja
Fathua. The Gujjars of
Chundrowli rose against the
British, under the leadership of
Damar Ram. The Gujjars of
Shunkuri village, numbering
around 3,000, joined the rebel
sepoys. According to further
British records, the Gujjars
plundered gunpowder and
ammunition from the British
and their allies. In Delhi, the
Metcalfe House was sacked by the
Gujjar villagers from whom the
land was taken to erect the
building.
The Kurubas of Karnataka and the
Dhangars and the Ramoshi-Berads of
West India, too, have been demanding
ST status for long. So the Gujjar
agitation touches a wider political
nerve. Slowly, the ST/SC categories
have become more the monopolies of
Epilogue Ø
23 ×
June 2008
certain sub-castes within the Dalits
and the Adivasis. While the 'Chamars'
of Uttar Pradesh and the 'Mahars' of
Maharashtra have received the
maximum benefit of the SC category,
the Meenas of Rajasthan have
exercised a near monopoly in the 'ST-
reserved' tag in Rajasthan. So much so
that there is a powerful Meena lobby in
Delhi and Rajasthan structures —
powerful enough to make even Chief
Ministers and Cabinet Ministers sweat.
The game gets murkier when one
comes to UP. Here the Kols, designated
as ST in Bihar and Jharkhand, are listed
in the SC category, where it is almost
impossible for them to compete with
upwardly mobile Dalit groups. The
Gonds of UP are tagged as ST — but ST
is not even a recognised category in
UP! So there are no jobs or electoral
reservations for UP Gonds while
Madhya Pradesh Gonds can take
advantage of these privileges as MP
recognises the ST category.
The political leadership in the country
does not seem interested in the
problem of MBCs, who constitute more
than half of the OBC population and
about 30 per cent of India's population.
Either the Bihar formula should be
followed everywhere, or special
provisions should have been made for
them. Unless this is done, the
desperately poor and backward MBCs,
who unlike Dalits have failed to create
their urban middle class, will continue
to agitate over their exclusion from
the ST or other beneficial categories.
Their agitation now holds the prospect
of altering political equations. It's time
to take a look at the ongoing demand
before it spills further out of control.
Amaresh Misra is the author of War of
Civilisations: India AD 1857
 N E I G H B O U R S
PAKISTAN

United We Fall,
Divided We Stand

Rekha Chakravarthi

So, are we surprised? The answer, for cynics and optimists alike, is an undisputed NO. Writing this column seems more ironic
than tragic, for only a month has passed since the rise and fall of a promising alliance. Only last month did many observers,
including myself, analyze the various challenges confronting the new government in Pakistan. Daunting as they all seemed,
they certainly were no match to the excitement and hope brought in by the grand partnership between the PPP and the PML-N.

F or the sake of reminiscence, as I
write this column, the very first
challenge facing the government
and as identified by almost every keen
Pakistan observer – the restoration of 60
judges – has led to a much expected face-
off, in fact sooner than anticipated.
On 21 February 2008, Asif Ali Zardari and
Nawaz Sharif agreed to form coalition
governments in Islamabad and Lahore
and on 25 March 2008, Yousaf Raza Gillani
was sworn in as the new Prime Minister.
The trio expressed the resolve to
cooperate and take the country forward
on the path of progress and prosperity
with the Prime Minister announcing a
100-day programme for the welfare of
the people. Their pious ambitions,
however, got embroiled in murky
coalition politics of reaching a consensus
over the restoration of 60 judges,
unceremoniously sacked by Musharraf
last year. In between, a ray of hope
beamed when the PPP and the PML-N
signed the six-point Murree Declaration
in Bhurban and accordingly agreed to
restore the deposed judges, to the
position as they were on 2 November
2007, within 30 days of the formation of
the federal government through a
parliamentary resolution. On 29 March,
Prime Minister Gillani addressed the
National Assembly and as held by the
Murree Declaration, on 29 April the
deadline for restoring the sacked judges
passed without any resolution. On 30
April, Zardari and Nawaz held a hasty
meeting in Dubai claiming to have
narrowed the differences over the
restoration. On 2 May, Nawaz Sharif
announced that the deposed judges
would be reinstated through a
parliamentary resolution on 12 May
2008. Speculation, however, was
against the pronounced date as long as
a constitutional package that was
acceptable to the PPP, the PML-N, the
President, Supreme Court and the
Army was not in place. Nawaz Sharif
and Asif Zardari met in London on 9
May to reach a consensus regarding the
restoration, the outcome of which was
anything but conclusive. On 12 May,
Nawaz Sharif announced that his
party's six federal ministers would
resign from the coalition owing to
disagreements on how to restore the
deposed judges.
Sharif, however, said that his party
would not sit on the opposition bench
and vowed to support the PPP-led
government on an 'issue-to-issue basis
in line with the Charter of Democracy
(CoD)'. The reason, according to
Sharif, for not resting his party's' heels
on the benches of opposition is to not
be a part of the anti-democratic
forces, i.e. Musharraf and the PML-Q.
Going by Sharif's statement, the
question arises, what is the motive
behind the PML-N's stated position?
The answer lies not just in the events

Epilogue Ø
24 ×
June 2008

leading to the 18 February elections and
the subsequent differences that
emerged between the Sharif and Zardari,
but can be traced back to the days when
Sharif was ousted in a coup by Musharraf
and Zardari was charged for corruption in
1997. The saga is as much personal as it is
political. Musharraf, after being
reelected in October last year, imposed
emergency rule and suspended the
constitution in the wake of a Supreme
Court resolution declaring his election as
unconstitutional.
Sharif, on the other hand, was deported
mercilessly in September 2007. Since his
comeback eventually, Sharif has not only
remembered his deportation with a
bitter taste, but has also remained
vociferous about restoring the judges
and did not mince words when he stated
that his party would support the PPP-led
government on the promise that the new
government would restore the judges.
That the sacked judges, once restored,
would rule out Musharraf's election as
unconstitutional tops Sharif's wish list.
Previously, the Election Commission had
rejected Sharif's papers to contest in the
February elections thanks to the
corruption and hijacking charges slapped
against him by Musharraf's regime.
Interestingly, on 15 May the Election
Commission accepted Sharif's
nomination papers thereby allowing him
to contest the by-election to be held on
26 June. Musharraf, when in power had
issued a ban on anyone serving as the
Prime Minister for the third time, which
clearly goes against Sharif having held
office twice as prime minister. The
restoration of judges would mean
striking down every amendment made by
Musharraf; it would also mean striking
the ban.
N E I G H B O U R S
PAKISTAN
Zardari, on the other hand, was cleared
of corruption charges under the
National Reconciliation Ordinance
passed by Musharraf, which was
rejected by Iftikhar Chaudhry. The new
judges, however, upheld the decree, so
it is not surprising that the PPP remained
adamant on retaining the current
Supreme Court judges and reinstating
the old ones through a constitutional
amendment.
Zardari is as eager to trim Chaudhry's
powers through a constitutional
package, as Sharif is, to throw Musharraf
out by restoring the judges through an
executive order. In essence, differences
tearing the coalition apart are not about
reinstating the judges than about the
way in which they can be reinstated.
Both the PPP and the PML-N agree on the
need for reinstating the deposed
judges, however, Sharif insists on
restoring the old judges through an
executive order while accommodating
the new judges as ad hoc judges. By
pulling out of the cabinet, Sharif has left
the PPP to bear the brunt of criticism as
a party that is willing to collaborate with
the discredited PML-Q.
One should not forget the deft politician
that Sharif is. He was staunchly anti-
Musharraf and anti-establishment
unlike Benazir who scored negative
points because of her famous power-
sharing deal with Musharraf. The PML-N
may have suffered a majority in the
National Assembly, however, it gained
where it matters the most – in Punjab.
The reason was Sharif and his
uncompromising position over
reinstating the judges and sacking
Musharraf. Perhaps there is no
politician today who understands the
dynamics of Pakistan's electoral
politics like the way Nawaz Sharif
Epilogue Ø
25 ×
June 2008
does. His reading of the pulse of the
public as well as the media is astute
and by pulling out of the cabinet, he
has emerged as a man with conviction.
Moreover, Sharif has also hit the note
right by stating that his party would
continue to support the government
from outside and not bring it down
completely. Like this he has stood by
his commitment to reinstate the
judges as well as his commitment to
support the government. A one-man
show by Sharif, as the champion of
Pakistan, is neither far nor would it be
surprising.
For the PPP, however, all is not lost.
After the February elections, there
was enough room for a PPP – PML-Q –
MQM coalition at the centre and even
now the possibility cannot be ruled
out. Of course, such a coalition would
boomerang considering the uprising
that could be triggered by an already
imminent lawyer's movement. The
PML-N has indicated its support for the
lawyers' protests beginning on 10
June. The lawyers' movement, which
was the sinew behind last year's
uprising for a democratic nation, finds
itself highly politicized this year. What
could have been a true revolution has
turned into just another rebellion. The
PPP has reacted fairly well by refusing
to accept the resignations of the PML-
N ministers and keeping the cabinet
seats vacant until Sharif orders to
withdraw the resignations.
Nonetheless, the current impasse
needs to be broken, for the
government cannot afford to mull over
the matter of reinstating judges as if it
is the only problem that Pakistan
needs to be resolve.
REKHA CHAKRAVARTHI is a Research
Officer at IPCS, New Delhi

Nepal : The State
In Transition
PG Rajamohan
A
fter the successful completion of
Constituent Assembly elections in
Nepal on 10 April 2008, the
country has officially been witnessing
the demise of decade of political chaos
and preparing for the dawn of new
political system. The final result of
recent elections kept everyone at
surprise that the Communist Party of
Nepal (Maoist) secured the lion's share of
seats in the new Constituent Assembly
and emerged as the largest party in
Nepal. The unambiguous emergence of
the former rebels as victors in this
election confirmed their remarkable
transformation from a guerrilla force to
the likely governing party in the troubled
Himalayan nation. However, the real
challenge for the future government lies
in establishing a plural and inclusive
political system and lasting peace and
stability in the country.
On several fronts, the recent elections
made a great impact on the positions of
the major political parties, as some new
parties have emerged as significant
parties while others have shrunk to minor
ones. Surprisingly, the Maoists have
secured 220 of the 601 seats, which is
more than the combined number of seats
secured by the two dominant traditional
ruling parties, the Nepali Congress (NC)
with 110 seats, and the Communist Party
of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN
(UML)) with 103 seats. In addition to our
surprise, the Madhesi People's Rights
Forum (MPRF) emerged as the fourth
largest party securing a total of 54 seats,
thereby almost rising to the status of the
NC and the CPN (UML) and another Terai
Madhes Party won 20 seats. But many of
N E I G H B O U R S
NEPAL
the former ruling and royalist parties
have faced disastrous defeat in the
elections. The Rashtriya Prajatantra
Party (RPP), prominent royalist and
former ruling party failed to win even a
single seat.
While analyzing the future course of
political system in Nepal, it is important
to understand the breadth and the
depth of popular support for the
Maoists. Only in 16 parliamentary
districts out of 75, did the CPN-Maoists
not win at least in one constituency.
And of these 16, only in Parsa (in the
Terai region), did they not finish either
in 2nd or 3rd place in at least one seat.
In 74 out of 75 parliamentary
constituencies, the CPN Maoists finished
among the top 3 political parties in at
least one first-past-the-post (FPTP)
seat. And of these 73 districts, in 58 it
won at least one FPTP seat. Further the
Maoists won 4/10 seats in relatively
affluent Kathmandu valley. In the Terai,
which was considered as their weakest
region in recent times, the Maoists won
at least a dozen seats and came 2nd in
another 15. In the Proportional
Representation (PR) elections even
though Nepali Congress (73) and the
CPN-UML (70) fared much better, they
were nonetheless behind the CPN-
Maoists (100). Out of the total 601
seats, 240 representatives elected
directly, 335 elected through PR system
and 26 nominated by the cabinet
Despite of their large scale victory in the
elections, the Maoists' conciliatory
message to the leaders of other political
parties and even to the suspended King
for a 'graceful exit' undoubtedly
Epilogue Ø
26 ×
June 2008
elucidates their interest in
cooperating with other parties. While
the people of Nepal have confirmed
the mandate of the April uprising in the
elections and the Maoists initiated the
talks of forming a coalition
government under their leadership,
the other political parties indicated
that they may not participate in the
government. As the major parties have
already agreed on the republican
agenda, the first meeting of the
Maoist-led CA would bid farewell to
the 240-year old Monarchy without any
voting. The first meeting of Nepal's
constituent assembly has been
scheduled on 28 May. However, the
pro-Monarchy leaders particularly in
NC would turn against on other crucial
issues in order to disrupt their party's
cooperation with the Maoists. Also, the
CPN (UML) demanded the Maoists to
dissolve their aggressive Young
Communist League (YCL) and create a
cordial atmosphere to join the
government under their leadership.
The Maoist leaders have requested the
CPN (UML) and NC not to resign before
forming the new government and for
remaining in the future government-
led by the CPN (Maoist).
Despite the fact of the Maoists
overwhelming electoral victory, given
that the CA will use a 2/3 majority
decision making rule, forging alliances
with other parties will be inevitable to
push forward their progressive
agenda. Even, the CA could form a
new government with the votes of a
two-third majority only or continue
the current government with some

changes in it pursuant to the Article 38 of
the Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007. It
is pertinent to understand that the
Maoists by themselves cannot nominate
the Prime Minister and would require the
cooperation of the NC and CPN (UML). At
this juncture, the coalitions will have to
be broad-based and perhaps issue-based
as well, because even an alliance with the
CPN (UML) does not yield a 2/3 majority.
As none of the parties are in a position to
form a unilateral government and be non-
cooperative, all political parties need to
avoid bickering between themselves and
reach consensus on forming a new
government or continue the current
government with some changes.
In this present situation, all parties need
to assess flaws in their parties to set
them right and secure each other's
support to establish stability while
writing the new constitution. Firstly, the
Maoists have to democratize their party
and neutralize their sister organizations
such as YCL with compliance to the
democratic culture. Further, it is
imperative for the Maoists to return the
confiscated properties, facilitate the
relocation of the displaced population,
relinquish the control over public,
private and government properties and
stop their assault and abduction of the
other party members as per the earlier
agreements. Also, the other political
parties urgently need to transform their
age-old mindset, particularly when the
country has been striving for peace and
prosperity. The Maoist chairman
Prachanda expressed their party's
commitment to the multi-party political
system and said that even in socialist
system, multi-partyism is a must to build
a vibrant society. Until the federal
democratic republican Nepal is created,
the democratic forces chiefly the NC and
the CPN (UML) have moral responsibility
to avoid any resentment with the Maoists
since they are the ones who have
attempted to bring the Maoists into
N E I G H B O U R S
NEPAL
mainstream politics.
Understanding the intensity of critical
issues in the Terai region, the future
government needs to address it
impartially to avoid any further chaos.
While the newly emerged armed groups
have become destabilized, the popular
representative of the Madhesi
population, the MPRF expressed its
willingness to cooperate with the
Maoists and the new government.
Incorporating the Madhesi parties in the
government would benefit it to be more
inclusive and contain the spread of
terror groups' influence. Also, the issue
of integrating the Nepal Army and the
People's Liberation Army (PLA) must be
sorted out as amicably as possible. As
the Nepal Army Chief Gen. Rukmangad
Katwal assured that there was no
difficulty for the Nepali Army to work
under the legitimate government, the
Maoists should also refrain their PLA
leaders and cadres involving in
disparaging activities against the
national armed forces. The Maoists
approval of transforming the PLA into an
industrial security force or national
parks protection force seems to be more
viable. Finally, all the parties should
work jointly in the Constituent Assembly
to write a constitution within two years
and hold the parliamentary elections in
another six months. That's the moral
obligation of all the parties and no one
should shy away from that.
Building a new level of diplomatic policy
and advancing its relationship vis-à-vis
Nepal's nuclear neighbours and its major
donor countries would be the next
crucial task for the new government.
With the former rebels CPN-Maoist
poised to head the new government, the
US State Department has declared that
the party was never included in its
“foreign terrorist organisation” (but
placed under 'terrorist exclusion list')
and its relations with Nepal will depend
Epilogue Ø
27 ×
June 2008
on the actions of the individuals
included in the new government.
Earlier on 1 May, the US Ambassador to
Nepal Nancy J Powell held a meeting
with Prachanda to get assurances that
the US humanitarian programmes will
not be interfered. The changing US
stance on the Maoists would definitely
influence the policy of major donor
countries whose unstinted recognition
and financial support is essential for
the reconstruction of the insurgency-
torn nation. China's attitude towards
Nepal has always remained equitable
and nonpartisan. Noninterference in
their internal affairs has been the
basic plank of its Nepal policy. The
Maoist-led government would not face
any problem in further consolidating
the spirit of cordial relations between
the two countries. The conspicuous
irritants in Nepal-India relations are
the contentious issue of revising the
Treaty of Peace and Friendship, 1950,
border encroachment by India,
construction of dams and other
physical structures along border,
occupation of Kalapani and several
other trade issues. India has officially
agreed to revise the 1950 treaty and
resolve all crucial issues through
amicable bilateral talks. In a recent
statement, the former Indian
Ambassador to Nepal, Shyam Saran,
has said that India is ready to even stop
Gorkha recruitment if the Nepal
Government wants it to. India has
long been considered Nepal as
belonging to its 'sphere of influence'
something that has not been seriously
contested by any other power in the
World. However, in the realm of
emerging political situation and rapid
rise of China's interests in building
strong links with Nepal, attention
needs to focus on defining the future
India-Nepal relations.
Dr PG RAJAMOHAN is an independent
security analyst, working on Nepal.
 EC
ON
OT O
HE & MY
RI
DE
AS

EC
O NO
OT
HE & MY
RI
DE
AS

Dr. Manmohan Singh
Hon’ble Prime Minister of India
“Harnessing the talents of the State of
Jammu & Kashmir and pooling in
resources from the rest of the country,
the Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah
University of Science and Technology
will play a legitimate role in the
development of the State and Country”
Jenab Ghulam Nabi Azad
Hon’ble Chief Minister, J&K
“After seeing this University in this
Mountainous region it can be said that
impossible has been made Possible. As
Chancellor and as Chief Minister of the
State I assure my full support fro the
University for making it one of the best
institution of learning in the country”
Jenab Masud A Chaudhary
Hon’ble Vice Chancellor, BGSBU
“Our growing as institution is older by
just three years and surely we have
come up exceedingly well in this small
span of time. All beginnings invariable
have rough and uneven patches.
Ultimately what maters is how well you
get down to resolving your problems
and manage to keep your best foot
forward.”
BABA GHULAM SHAH BADSHAH
UNIVERSITY, RAJOURI (J&K)
100% Job Placement
The University achieved 100%
placement for its first & second batch of
students enrolled in technical courses.
These students were picked up for job
placement by various national and
multinational companies against
handsome remunerations.
Topper students of various activities Delegates of National Seminar on
posing with their merit certificates and trophies Biodiversity in BGSBU
visit us at : www.bgsbuniversity.org
ØResidential University with commodious hostel facilities ØMBA/MCA programmes approved by AICTE
for student and furnished accommodation for faculty. ØRecognised by UGC
ØPlush Class Rooms ØCollege of Engineering and Technology of the University
ØState of the Art Infrastructure has received letter of intent from AICTE for B.Tech
courses
Ø
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Hi-Tech Computer Labs
V-Sat facility Salient ØCampus area of 5000 Kanals
ØWhole-time Health Centre providing free of charge ØEminent Professors and Scholars are in the list of Guest COURSES OFFERED :
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service to the students and staff.
Scholarships for 20% students enrolled in the university
Features Ø
Faculty
Picturesque and pollution free location with an in campus
PG Courses
Biodiversity Park v
Master of Business Administration
ØRich library for every department and a Central Library
ØSeveral research projects sponsored by the Govt. of India ØPlacement Cell (MBA)
for upgradation of IT and Biodiversity conservation ØBank, Post Office, Parents Lodge at Campus v
Master of Computer Applications
(MCA)
v
Master in Modern Arabic
v
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v
Masters in Finance & Financial
Management
B.Tech Courses
v
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B . Te c h E l e c t r o n i c s &
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Gathering during Annual Day Celebration Boys Hostel for B.Tech Students Centre for Biodiversity Studies
50
Since

years
We Up Hold
Poetic Xpressions
Performing Arts
&
Artistic Creations

J&K Academy of Art, Culture and Languages

 T R I B U T E
ASHOK SODHI

The Willing Victim

Irm Amin Baig

“I was deeply pained to learn the shocking death of photojournalist Ashok Sodhi in an
encounter between security forces and terrorists near Jammu.”
Dr Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister of India

“We are deeply saddened to learn of the death of Ashok Sodhi while reporting in
(Jammu and) Kashmir, and send condolences to his family and colleagues,”
Bob Dietz, CPJ Asia Program Coordinator

“I deplore the death of Ashok Sodhi…. safety of journalists is a subject of paramount

concern in any democracy. It is essential that reporters be able to do their work and
inform the public, even in areas of conflict. Their status as civilians must be respected,”
Koïchiro Matsuura, Director-General of UNESCO,

S
ince the eruption of separatist
violence in 1988-89, Jammu and
Kashmir has seen hundreds and
thousands of deaths but one of them
earned as widespread condemnations
and concerns as the one did this
month. Some of the high profile
personalities which fell down to
bullets these two decades include
Mirwaiz Moulvi Farooq, Abdul Ghani
Lone, several Ministers, legislators
and other political and religious
leaders. When Ashok Sodhi, an ace
photojournalist, succumbed to a
Last Journey

bullet while covering an encounter in

Jammu region's Samba district on the
morning of May 11, there was a shock
and awe cutting across all boundaries.

Epilogue Ø
32 ×
June 2008
 T R I B U T E
ASHOK SODHI

“I deplore the death of Ashok

Sodhi made death matter of pride Sodhi,” said the Director-General
Balraj Puri of UNESCO, Koïchiro Matsuura.
Padma Bhushan, Veteran Journalist “The safety of journalists is a
subject of paramount concern in
any democracy. It is essential that
During last two decade old militancy hardly any other of its victim in Jammu had been so
widely mourned as Ashok Sodhi. Apart from the almost entire journalist fraternity of reporters be able to do their work
Jammu, who paid tributes to his professional and personal qualities at the press club, and inform the public, even in
large number of citizens that gathered to bid him farewell during his cremation was areas of conflict. Their status as
rarely seen before. civilians must be respected,” Mr
Messages from journalists from Kashmir valley, several other places from within and Matsuura concluded.
outside the state, Press Club of India, Press Council of India and social and political
leaders expressed their solidarity with Ashok Sodhi's family and Excelsior parivar in the A press photographer of 26 years
loss they suffered. New York based International Committee for the Protection of standing and associated since
Journalist has also expressed grief over the tragedy. beginning with Jammu's leading
It was not any ordinary death. He was a martyr for a cause. Though first journalist in E n g l i s h n e w s p a p e r, D a i l y
Jammu who risked his life while pursuing his professional duties, he joined illustrious Excelsior, Sodhi died of bullet
company of his co-professionals who met the same fate in Kashmir and elsewhere in the injuries received while covering a
world. an encounter between militants
I was privileged to have known him for almost two decades and to have enjoyed his deep and security forces in Samba
respect.Offers of financial help to the bereaved family are pouring in from different district, 45 kilometres south of
quarters. Press Club of Jammu has offered to donate Rs one lakh. A number of smaller Jammu. Sodhi leaves behind wife
offers were also made on the spot at the condolence meeting of the Press Club. Excelsior and a teenager daughter.
has set a commendable precedent for announcing Rs ten thousands per month for life to
Mrs Sodhi with all the retirement benefits to which Sodhi was entitled. Delhi Public
Ashok Sodhi was essentially an
School has offered to bear all expenses for the education of his child. Farooq Abdullah,
who visited the bereaved family, also promised some help. We were assured by the unusual personality with varied
Advisor and other personal staff of the Chief Minister that he would give serious skills. He had initially joined the
consideration to a number of suggestions that were made in the memorandum that was newspaper as a proof reader and
submitted to them on behalf of the Press Club. But the compensation that should he paid later took photojournalism as
on such occasions should be institutionalized. A free risk assurance cover should be career and excelled in the
provided by the government for all journalists who are engaged in hazardous duties and coverage of different facets of the
keep the nation informed of happenings from the firing range. Death is painful, political and security situations in
particularly for the survivors. But Ashok Sodhi has made his death a matter of pride for all Jammu and Kashmir. He equally
those who were associated with him. Martyrs never die. excelled in theater as well.

Pen martyr
Mufti Islah
Correspondent, CNN IBN

Jammu's ace lensman Ashok Sodhi's love for stills will live on even after his death. The hands that spared Rs 50,000 for a
branded camera, now part of an urn, will soon be dipped in Tawi or Chenab waters. That camera will surely make its way to
Jammu from Delhi today or tomorrow but Sodhi does not live to hit click with his fingers. Sodhi, according to his friends,
would itch to capture and capture `good' and it was this restlessness that he sped a good distance of 50 kilometres in few
minutes before he went on to become a pen martyr. ``It took him 30 minutes to be on the spot and only three to leave it ...
forever,'' his close friend Zorawar Singh laments. ``All good things come to an end but this is tragic indeed,'' rues Manu
Srivatsava, his longtime companion. I remember having met Sodhi twice, first when I was a cub desk writer with `The Indian
Express' nine years...

Epilogue Ø
33 ×
June 2008

Sodhi was 12th journalist in Jammu and
Kashmir having lost life while on duty or
killed otherwise during militancy. New
York Based non-profit organization, the
Committee to Protect Journalists
mourned the killing of Sodhi.
“We are deeply saddened to learn of the
death of Ashok Sodhi while reporting in
(Jammu and) Kashmir, and send
condolences to his family and
colleagues,” said CPJ Asia Program
Coordinator Bob Dietz. “This is a sad
reminder that journalists remain at risk
in this volatile region.” Making a mention
of all those who expressed sympathies
with Sodhi's bereaved family is beyond
the space scope of these pages as a sea of
humanity poured in. In a communication
to the editor-in-chief of the Daily
Excelsior, the Prime Minister of India, Dr
Manmohan Singh said,
"I was deeply pained to learn the
shocking death of photojournalist Ashok
Sodhi in an encounter between security
forces and terrorists near Jammu.”
“Kindly convey my heartfelt condolences
to members of his family”, added the
Prime Minister. The Prime Minister also
appreciated the management of Daily
Excelsior for granting a monthly support
to Sodhi's family. The management of
Press Club of Jammu lead by its president
Manu Srivatsa and Secretary General
Suhail Kazmi, played a rare lead role in
standing by the family and emerging as
an institution, journalists can fall back
upon in hour of crisis.
There can be hardly any parallel found
anywhere else in the country the way
Press Club shared the grief and paid
tributes to a martyred member of the
fraternity. A library in the Club premises
has now been named after Sodhi, a
monograph is being written on him and a
fellowship program in his memory is in
the pipeline.
T R I B U T E
ASHOK SODHI
The Last Assignment
When television channels flashed the sad
news of Sodhi's death on the morning of
Sunday, May 11 and SMSes of friends and
colleagues followed many could not
believe for Sodhi was usually a late riser
and it was unexpected having him there
so early in the morning. It was perhaps
the last call which took Sodhi away, not
only away to Samba but far away and for
ever. The happy-go-merry kind of Sodhi
died as a martyr fighting his professional
duty more like a soldier. His death came
as a massive shock for media fraternity in
Jammu as every journalist took it as a
personal loss. Thousands of people
joining his cremation reflected the
amount of goodwill Sodhi enjoyed among
a cross section of society.
He was literally a friend of the friends.
Aged around 44 years, Sodhi had joined
the Daily Excelsior as a proof reader in
1982 and later switched over his stream
to photojournalism. Till his last breath,
his loyalties remained with the
organization he had joined 26 years back.
He was one of the only three best known
still photographers in Jammu. Colleagues
who accompanied Sodhi on the fateful
morning from Jammu to Samba said that
it was quite unusual seeing him so eager
to cover the encounter. While Sodhi was
about to brush up his teeth his mother
was preparing breakfast for him when he
heard about the incident. He deferred
brushing up teeth and instead took the
toothbrush along as also the packet of
breakfast to have it after discharging his
professional duty. Such was his
commitment with the profession.
Though he brushed up teeth on the way
but Sodhi could not have the last
breakfast of his life. While covering the
encounter in the embattled Samba
village, Sodhi got a gun shot in his
forehead. Colleagues made haste to rush
him to the hospital but unfortunately
Sodhi could not survive.
Epilogue Ø
34 ×
June 2008
Void in our hearts
S. D. Rohmetra
Editor-in-Chief, Daily Excelsior
There is a void in our hearts. We in
Daily Excelsior feel as if a part of
our body and soul has gone. The
genial figure of Ashok Sodhi will no
more be walking up and down the
corridors of this newspaper. No
more will he enter my room to
discuss daily assignments. He had
followed this routine for 26 years
thus growing up with us. A quarter
of a century is a long enough
period to closely know a person.
Ashok was disciplined and never
complained. If he had to say
something he would do so softly
but firmly. He did not believe in
beating about the bush. His
sudden departure now is not
simply like that of a colleague
joining and leaving the
organisation. He will not be visible
any more. As this feeling sinks in I
find it extremely difficult to
contain my own personal grief. For
lesser mortals like us death is very
hard to understand. No one really
understands death well. It's
difficult to believe that the person
who passes away is actually gone
forever. Ashok has died a martyr's
death. He has laid down his life in
the discharge of his duties. His
sacrifice strengthens our resolve
to take on the evil of terrorism
with greater conviction and
determination. This will be our
tribute to his memory. On the
professional front we will
continue to stand up and be
counted against the cult of
violence. At a personal level, of
course, we will stand by his family
in our humble way.
A signed editorial in Daily
Excelsior on May 12