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This document discusses the concept of a "moral panic" as it relates to terrorism in the United States since 9/11. It defines a moral panic as an exaggeration or distortion of perceived deviant or criminal behavior. For a moral panic to occur, certain actors must be involved, including folk devils (those committing the acts), rule enforcers, the media, politicians, action groups, and the public. The media and politicians in particular contribute to moral panics by distorting events and whipping up public fear and anxiety. This document argues that the portrayal of terrorism since 9/11 by the media and politicians has contributed to unnecessary levels of panic, misguided public views, and potentially harmful legislation.
Descrizione originale:
Terrorism, moral panics, paranoia, hysteria
Titolo originale
ENEMIES EVERYWHERE: TERRORISM,
MORAL PANIC, AND US CIVIL SOCIETY
This document discusses the concept of a "moral panic" as it relates to terrorism in the United States since 9/11. It defines a moral panic as an exaggeration or distortion of perceived deviant or criminal behavior. For a moral panic to occur, certain actors must be involved, including folk devils (those committing the acts), rule enforcers, the media, politicians, action groups, and the public. The media and politicians in particular contribute to moral panics by distorting events and whipping up public fear and anxiety. This document argues that the portrayal of terrorism since 9/11 by the media and politicians has contributed to unnecessary levels of panic, misguided public views, and potentially harmful legislation.
This document discusses the concept of a "moral panic" as it relates to terrorism in the United States since 9/11. It defines a moral panic as an exaggeration or distortion of perceived deviant or criminal behavior. For a moral panic to occur, certain actors must be involved, including folk devils (those committing the acts), rule enforcers, the media, politicians, action groups, and the public. The media and politicians in particular contribute to moral panics by distorting events and whipping up public fear and anxiety. This document argues that the portrayal of terrorism since 9/11 by the media and politicians has contributed to unnecessary levels of panic, misguided public views, and potentially harmful legislation.
DAWN ROTHE Western Michigan University STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI Ryerson University Abstract. Since the attacks of September 11th, 2001, terrorism has experienced a prominence in discourse across the U.S. The representations of terrorists and ter- rorism by the news media and politi have contributed to the edice of terrorism as a moral panic. This treatise examines the social eects that have or may occur due to the social construction of a moral panic of terrorism. The thematic frame is situated within Cohens stages of a moral panic. We oer an analysis of the medias depiction and coverage of acts of terrorism, and legislative, political and legal responses in the form of social and cultural changes occurring from the creation of a moral panic. In addition, we oer an analysis of the states vested interest in the social construction of this panic, leading to increased levels of fear, targeted at the general publics con- sciousness. This article concludes that the presentation of terrorism and terrorists by the media and politi have contributed to unnecessary levels of panic and fear, mis- guided public consciousness, and the development of legislation creating negative social ramications yet be seen. Introduction The American public has been inundated with highly mediated images of terrorists and terrorism since September 11, 2001. Perceived threats and heightened security alerts abound in daily media coverage and political speeches, leading to what may be termed a moral panic. The edication of a moral panic among the U.S. population has exacerbated a culture embedded in fear. While the events of September 11, 2001 were indeed tragic, the construction of a moral panic by the media and politicians to support their interests is a greater social tragedy. The concept of moral panic has been used to dene social issues for the past 30 years (See Becker 1963; Young 1971; Cohen 1972; Hall et al., 1978; Reiman and Levine 1989; Goode and Ben-Yehuda 1994; Burns and Crawford 1999; Muzzatti 2002, 2003 (unpublished)). Young Critical Criminology 12: 327350, 2004. 2004 Kluwer Law International. Printed in the Netherlands. 327 (1971) was the rst to coin the term, moral panic in, The Drugtakers (see Cohen 1971; Young 1971). Young examined the ideological role the media has in constructing social meanings as well as the amplication of deviance. He provided linkages between the media, agents of social control and public opinion, which could ascend to a moral panic. Cohen (1972) was the rst to present an inclusive denition of a moral panic. The term, moral panic was used by Cohen to depict the reactions of the media, the public, and agents of social control to relatively minor disturbances betweenthe ModandRocker youthcultures inEngland. His research illustrated how these reactions inuenced the enforcement and formation of social policy, law, and societal perceptions of threat and the young tribes. According to Cohen, a moral panic can occur, when: A condition, episode, person or group of person emerges to become dened as a threat to societal values or interests; its nature is presented in a stylised and stereotypical fashion by the mass media; the moral barricades are manned by editors, bishops, politicians or other right-thinking people . . . Sometimes the subject of the panic is quite novel and at other times it is something which has been in existence long enough, but suddenly appears in the limelight. Sometimes the panic passes over and is forgotten . . . at other times it has more serious and long lasting repercussion and might produce such changes as those in legal and social policy or even in the way society conceives itself (Cohen 1972: 9). Cohens work focused on the reactions of the media, agents of social control and the general public to relatively minor clashes between members of youth subcultures (the mods and the rockers) in England, and, as the above excerpt illustrates, the ways in which these reactions inuenced the formation and enforcement of law, social policy, and societal conceptions of the youth culture-delinquency nexus. While many subsequent scholars have similarly applied the concept to youth subcultures (e.g. punks, skinheads, goths, ravers etc.) others have gone beyond the original focus to apply it to more generalised and adult manifestations of deviant and criminal behaviour (e.g. soccer hooligans, motorcycle gangs, immigrants (both illegal and legal), wel- fare mothers, Satanists, paedophiles, squeegee merchants, serial killers, etc.). While some of the research is 30 years old, with antecedents perhaps even a generation older, the concept of Moral Panic continued to grow in importance in the 1990s and into the 21st century, spurring considerable theoretical development, particularly the emergence of critical cultural criminology. DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 328 Simply put, a moral panic is an exaggeration or distortion of some perceived deviant behavior or criminal activity. According to Cohen (1972: 31), this includes grossly exaggerating the seriousness of the events according to criteria such as the numbers of people taking part, the number involved in violence, and the amount and eects of violence and/or damage. This is, of course, not something that happens spon- taneously, but rather is a result of a complex interplay of behaviors and responses involving several actors. For a moral panic to take hold, there need to be in place six sets of actors. These include: (1) folk devils, (2) rule enforcers, (3) the media, (4) politicians, (5) action groups, and, (6) the public. Folk devils are the individuals responsible for the deviant or criminal behavior. Unlike normal deviants or criminals, these folks are unambiguously unfavorable symbols: the embodiment of evil. As those responsible for the enforcement of norms, codes of conduct, and law, rule enforcers are a vital part of the moral panic. These groups/ organizations, particularly the police, prosecutors, and the judiciary are expected to detect, apprehend and punish the folk devils. These agents present the social situation as one that teeters on the brink of chaos if it were not for them, deviance/crime and all that it entails would abound. They present themselves as the thinblue line, which separates order and civilization from mayhem and anarchy. Depending upon the content and strength of the discourse, it often includes calls for increased numbers of rule enforcers and more extensive authority (i.e., greater power) for them. The media is likely the single most inuential actor in the orchestra- tion and promulgation of a moral panic. Media coverage of certain kinds of deviant/criminal behavior, particularly those involving perpetrators of the aforementioned type is usually distorted. It serves to inate the seriousness of the incidents, making them appear more heinous and frequent than they truly are. Public anxiety is whipped up through the use of journalistic and linguistic devices. Special cover story, in-depth expose or investigative report style coverage employs dramatic photos, video, and sound bites with moralistic rhetoric. Politicians are also vital actors in a moral panic. As individuals, who must operate in the court of public opinion, it is important that poli- ticians present themselves as purveyors of the moral high ground. As such, they often align themselves with the press and the rule enforcers in a struggle against the evils perpetrated by the folk devils. Self-righteousness and the politics of rage (Berry 1999) characterize the response of politicians in dealing with crime/deviance. Even the most liberal politicians usually take a moralistic, no-nonsense, war on crime stance, advocating reactionary and punitive strategies to deal with ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 329 this new threat. Common calls include special hearings or sub-com- mittees to deal with the problem, zero tolerance policies, tougher laws and harsher sentences. The nal, and some would argue ultimately the most important, actor in a moral panic is the public. The success of the media, poli- ticians, rule enforcers and moral entrepreneurs in generating and sustaining a moral panic is ultimately contingent upon how success- fully they enrage the public and marshal their support against the folk devils. The vox populi is enlisted as a front-line agent in the crusade against the designated evil. Members of the public are relied upon to express contempt for the folk devils and support for the rule enforcers, to consume the media coverage, and wait for the latest pronounce- ments from politicians and/or action groups on how the problem is to be solved. Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) assess the dierence between a moral panic and a normal societal concern with ve characteristics. These include: (1) the generation of heightened concern, (2) hostility, (3) a societal consensus that the actions are injurious, (4) disproportionate societal reaction, and (5) volatility. Societal concern about crime and deviance always exists at some level; however, heightened concern infers an increase in public dismay about a certain group or its impact. Assessing heightened concern can be quan- tied by newspaper reports, public opinion polls, and enhanced media coverage (Good and Ben-Yehuda 1994). Increased hostility is a necessary catalyst for a moral panic. Hostility refers to heightened levels of intol- erance directed at the behavior of a group (evil-doers) accompanied by contempt for those responsible. The third catalyst, consensus, refers to public agreement that the evildoers are real as is the threat they impose to society. Consensus is not meant to necessarily incorporate all of a society merely that it is widespread. Disproportionality refers to over-reaction to a problem and includes frequency, severity, and scope. This includes the belief that greater harm is eminent. The nal tool for assessment is vol- atility. Simply stated, the precariousness of a moral panic can allow it to appear quickly and without warning. Interestingly, even after the dissi- pation of a moral panic, a litany of repressive social controls strategies and mechanisms may be left in its wake (Muzzatti 2002). This treatise will be situated within Cohens stages of moral panic integrated with Goode and Ben-Yehudas characteristics assessing that a moral panic has occurred. Simply stated, we use Cohens model to assess the stages of a moral panic accompanied with Goode and Ben-Yehudas model illustrating that a moral panic indeed occurred. DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 330 The terms terrorists and terrorism are entrenched in a denitional quagmire. The diculty in dening (conceptualising) terrorism is the pejorative connotations it holds. It is subjective in terms of the social and historical context. It is dependent on political power. The State can increase its power (or perceived legitimate power) when the enemies become labelled as terrorists (White 2003). The term terrorism has been dened in ocial U.S. documents as the calculated use of violence or threat of violence to attain political, religious, or ideological goals. Terrorism is accomplished by means of intimidation, coercion, or instilling fear (White House 2002). Laqueur and Alexander (1987) denes terrorism as the illegitimate use of force to achieve political objectives by the targeting of innocent people. There is also a propa- gandist denition of terrorism (Chomsky 2001:90). It refers to terrorist acts that are committed by our enemies against our allies or us per- sonally. This leads to the counter-terrorism measures that could also be dened as terrorism and to the today a freedom ghter-tomorrow a terrorist dichotomy. According to Solomon (1999), there is an Orwellian logic behind dening terrorism. Bombings by Third World countries are dened as terrorism while bombings by the U.S. are vir- tuous strikes against terror. Discursively constituted, terrorism simu- lates the crisis of international order, and hence Counterterrorism is counter-simulation an attempt to engender a new disciplinary order (Der Derian 1989). Such discursive practices serve the function of privileging State techno-bureaucrats, while simultaneously marginaliz- ing both critical criminologists, and even more disturbingly, the general public. White (2003) posits that denitions of terrorism are useless, as they do not account for the social or political nature of terrorism. Terrorism is politically associated as isolated events that are out of context, disregarding the precipitating events leading to the terrorist attack, leaving the perception of the perpetrators actions as unpro- voked and inexplicably evil (Herman and Sullivan 1989). Regardless of the lack of consensus in what constitutes terrorism, the denition and imagery put forth by the media and politi is real in its consequences; a socially constructed label that denes someone or something (folk-devils/evil-doers) as a threat to our values or interests. Having said this, the actual fear and impact that victims of random violence and terrorism experience must be acknowledged, and such victimisation should not minimised. The following sections will address the moral panic that emerged from the tragedy of September 11, 2001. This will be framed in Cohens thematic frame; the creation of a moral panic, along with Goode and Ben-Yehudas characteristics assessing ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 331 whether a moral panic has taken hold. We have taken the general frames of both, Cohen and Goode and Ben-Yehudas models, and established a model from which this analysis proceeds. In other words, we take Cohens criteria of actors and situation with Goode and Ben- Yehudas tools for assessing if it is indeed a moral panic or mere societal concern. Beginning with a person or persons being dened as a threat, the media presents this perceived threat in a consistent and recognisable form (Erikson et al. 1989). This leads to a build-up of public concern and the generation of hostility. A societal consensus is formed accepting that the threat is real and injurious. This is fuelled by the moral entrepreneurship of politicians responding with disproportionate reac- tions to the portrayed threat. These reactions can then lead to long lasting and deleterious social change. We will analyze each of these steps framed in the following sub-chapters: (1) someone dened as a threat to values and interests, (2) Threats depicted by media in a recognisable form, (3) a rapid build-up of public concern generating hostility, (4) response from authorities disproportionate reactions, and (5) social changes resulting from panic. Incorporated within the conclusion, we use Goode and Ben-Yehudas model to ascertain that a moral panic did occur. Stage One of a Moral Panic: Someone or Something Dened as a Threat to Values or Interests The atrocious nature of the attacks of September 11, 2001 was sucient for the acts to be dened as a threat. According to Cohen (1972), the dening of something as a threat to values and interests is the rst element in the creation of a moral panic. While the media began this process immediately, the formal denition occurred, when President Bush declared, America was targeted for attack because were the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world. And no one will keep that light from shining (President Bush 9/11/2001). The dening of threatened values continued to be re-enforced by the Administration. Great tragedy has come to us, and we are meeting it with the best that is in our country, with courage and concern for others. Because this is America. This is who we are. This is what our enemies hate and have attacked. And this is why we will prevail (President Bush 9/ 15/2001). DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 332 The dening of actors is the second part of Cohens rst element. The Bush administration formally pronounced this with, The people who did this act on America, and who may be planning further acts, are evil people. They dont represent an ideology; they dont represent a legitimate political group of people. Theyre at evil. Thats all they can think about, is evil (President Bush 9/28/ 2001). The original identication of the enemy was Bin Laden and the Al- Qaeda network. During the gradient process of constructing and enlarging the folk devils, the enemy became increasingly broadly de- ned. The Administration began their initial targeting of the enemy with The al Qaeda organisation is not an organisation of good, an orga- nisation of peace. Its an organisation based upon hate and evil (President Bush 9/24/2001). The threat to U.S. values and interests grew. A press release by the Presidents Press Secretary stated, The al Qaeda organisation is present in, as youve heard from the President, more than 60 countries, and its links are its links are amorphous (Fleischer 9/18/2001). Throughout the following year, those categorised as the enemy continually expanded. The Administrations war on terror began with Al-Qaeda but did not stop there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated (Presi- dent Bush 9/23/2001). The State of the Union Address of 2002 set the stage for the Axis of Evil: Iran, North Korea, and Iraq. The second actor involved in dening someone or something as a threat to values or interests is the media. The day of September 11, 2001, the media began the rst stages of a moral panic by dening the evil. The U.S. populace was presented with a barrage of newspaper headlines that escalated the shock of the attacks. The media are the vehicle of moral condemnation, and propagate a brutal fascination with the ter- rorist act (Baudrillard, quoted in Der Derian 1989) The media had become terrorvision; a choreography of violence, fear, revulsion and hatred. The attachment of unambiguously unfavourable symbols (Cohen, 1972: 41) had begun; the hijackers (and by extension, as we will later illustrate, those who allegedly supported, harboured, or defended them) were the embodiment of evil. The identication of terrorism, terrorists, and war were fed to the press by State information dissemi- nation. Oddly enough, before the State had formally identied the enemy, the media was clued in to prepare the U.S. citizens for the Bush Doctrine that would follow. Already on September 11, 2001, media ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 333 reports connected Bin Laden with the terrorist attacks, All eyes look to rich Arab terrorist . . . Bin Laden is the leading candidate said a senior intelligence ocial (Billings Gazette 9/11/2001). These examples were only the rst stage in an ongoing process of identifying someone or something as a threat. The depiction of the threat of the folk devil by the media continued as stage two of Cohens model asserts: threat is depicted in a recognisable form by the media. Throughout the process of creating and maintaining a moral panic, the media and politi have continuously re-enforced this identication of terrorists to the embodiment of evil that threaten U.S. values and interests. Stage Two of a Moral Panic: Threat is Depicted in a Recognisable Form by the Media For months after September 11, 2001, the press was consumed with coverage of the event. Every hosted TV show, newspaper editorials, syndicate columns, panel of pundits, and news stories dwelled on the terrorist attacks (Parenti 2002). For one year and fty days, 1 a total of 17,744 stories ran in the New York Times regarding terror, 10,761 in the Washington Post, and 5,200 in the USA Today 2 (Rothe and Bower 2002). Objective journalists simply relating the facts informed us. A NY Times analysis stated, The perpetrators acted out of hatred for the values cherished in the West as freedom, tolerance, prosperity, religious pluralism and universal surage (NY Times, 9/16, 2001). Barak (1998) addressed the role of the medias representations as being the most signicant communication that the average person will come to know about the world outside his/her immediate experiences. The media is the principle vehicle for popular views, ideology, and information. Societal foci are commanded by media accounts of events and political dictates (Burns and Crawford 1999). The rigorous adherence to coverage of the events of September 11, 2001, and the war on terrorism as doctrinal truths and imminent threats, repeated day after day, succeeds in its purpose of establishing a sacrosanct doctrine. The absence of alternative coverage helped instil beliefs and a consensus of concern. As consumers of this coverage, the average American was transformed into a fac- totum (Der Derain 1989: 234) of State discourse, organising agent of hegemony, and proactive resonator of terrorology. What Der Derian referred to as media spasms of a seismic scale and hyper production was clearly evidenced by the abundance of DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 334 books written about terrorism in response to the event. Similarly, fol- lowing a brief respite from its standard fare of exploding buildings and vehicles, Hollywood aired weekly drama shows with themes of terrorism and terrorists, always depicting the evil and horrors of the folk devil (The Shield, Third Watch, 24, and Law and Order). Conversely, movie reviewers wrote that this or that lm was a welcome antidote to the events of September 11, 2001 (Parenti 2002). Travel agents encouraged domestic vacations as a healing experience and often, not so subtly, suggested that they were a patriotic way to aid a sagging economy. Everywhere the U.S. populace turned, a reminder of the terrorists and their evil doings was present. Repeated reminders of the fear that people in the U.S. should be experiencing echoed through the terror- vision. CNN journalists broadcasting from live from Kosovo remarked, I probably feel safer here than you do back home in the states (CNN News, 2/2/2001). The terrorist and terrorism had been reied to a new reality. It had become a necessary truth, requiring no further evidence: the terrorists sought the violent transformation of all the things we stand for while they only stand for apocalyptic nihilism (Ignatie, quoted in Chomsky 2001:117). The production and reproduction of such pieties are an important discursive practice insofar as they serve to re-establish order and meaning by reinforcing State hegemony. The interests of the media and entrepreneurs reect self-interest (economic interests), but also the narrow conformism of the media to the State (Chomsky 1988). The media has two competing and con- tradictory roles. They control the ow of information (guided by the dissemination of information by the State) while making the news entertaining to sell (White 2003). The media serve their function by dening the range of expressible views, framing the news reporting within assumptions laid down by the State, and excluding coverage deemed inappropriate (Chomsky 1988). In a dark parody of the general narrowness of debate on a host of social, political and eco- nomic issues in the U.S. media, over 75 percent of terrorist stories come from State sources (Paletz 1982). This is in part a response to the State propaganda system, to wit guarantees the eectiveness of the State to ensure a moral panic, thereby serving the political interests of the Administration. The restrictions imposed on the medias coverage included main- taining control over media access to information about the investigation into the hijackings and Counterterrorism operations. The media were not only limited by the political reigns, but high level executives, fearing State reprisals (i.e., being cut out of the loop) ordered correspondents ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 335 to remind viewers that the Taliban were evil and harboured terrorists that killed thousands of Americans whenever they broadcast reports or footage of civilian deaths, hunger, or devastation in Afghanistan as a result of the U.S. war on terrorism (CNN Chair, Walter Isaacson, Quoted in Parenti 2002: 51). Such media subservience and the unquestioning reproduction of the States political economy of terro- rology exemplify its role as an ideological State apparatus. The outcome of these restrictions has ensured that the media would feed the con- suming audience the propaganda necessary to create a moral panic. Creating a generalised fearfulness gives State leaders greater freedom of action to advance and justify exceptional legislation, encroach on civil liberty rights, and accomplish their geo-political agendas (Herman and Sullivan 1989). Stage Three of a Moral Panic: A Rapid Build-up of Public Concern Generating Hostility Public concern about terrorism and terrorists escalated after September 11, 2001, taking many forms. Patriotic jingoism was evidenced by the abundant sale and display of American ags, bumper stickers, lapel pins, and patriotic clothing all aimed at publicly signifying concern and unity. Rage, anger, and confusion proliferated (Parenti 2002: 33). At- tacks on Mosques were conducted, grati saying, bomb the terrorists was etched on vehicles; hate crimes escalated targeting the terrorist boogeyman image. 3 The media portrayed images of the united ag waving country: indeed, it was reactionism guised in a narrow, highly suspect, and problematic patriotism while simultaneously reminding the consuming audience of the evil that lurked around the corner. The Bush Administration not only built on the public concern but also fed it with political jargon that would pave the way for the State to ensure its interests. The dichotomous, Either you are with us or you are with the terrorists speech by President Bush became typical. Any public dissent that contradicted the propaganda for a moral panic was met with political repression (Gumbell 2003). John Ashcroft addressed the Senate Judiciary Committee by saying, To those who scare peace loving people with phantoms of lost liberty, my message is this: Your tactics only aid terrorists, for they erode our national unity and diminish our resolve. They give ammunition to Americas enemies (Ashcroft 12/6/2001). DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 336 As the Administrations narrow war on terrorism, took hold; the rallying for public concern and support continued. The New Republic ran an editorial criticising dissidents for speaking out against military action, This nation is at war. And in such an environment, domestic political dissent is immoral (Parenti 2003: 8). Public con- cern turned to public support for getting the evil that threatened our values and interests. Rooted in the sense of individual vulnerability and loss of national impunity, sentiments such as, If we go after Bin Laden, my family or I will be safe, become prominent (Bennis 2003: 86). As the political schema enlarged to include geo-political agendas of imperialism, the level of public consensus and concern was even more relevant. It was necessary to make the U.S. populace acutely sensitive to the threat from a thousand cuts, so as to ensure their malleability and concessions to the demands of the political elite (George 1991a). Fear was continuously instilled in the public with escalations of terror alerts. Notications of things to be weary of included household products (bottles, suspicious mail, boxes). Air travel and public transportation (particularly subways) became less popular as the Administration warned that retaliatory attacks could occur due to the righteous decisions of this Administration to rid the world of this terror. Smallpox vaccinations were suggested as protection against a biological attack. The Anthrax scare was immediately associated with terrorists, aiding the heightened level of public concern. Similarly, media speculation about possible terrorism immediately arose surrounding other acts of violent crime, and was quickly discarded when the violence was linked to traditional street criminals (the Washington Beltway snipers) or determined to be tragic accidents (e.g., the corporate and State-cor- porate criminality behind the Chicago nightclub stampede and the disintegration of the Space shuttle Columbia respectively). The assertion that there is no evidence of terrorist involvement accompanying newsworthy violence became a strangely banal component of the media lexicon. Despite the ever-present threat of terrorism, and ongoing specu- lation of possible terrorist involvement which abounded, the nation was not to be paralysed by fear. Entrepreneurs opened stores tar- geting the existing fears (Safe At Home Store). 4 The media continued to grip America with stories of how to be prepared. Whether it was updates about the status of the availability of plastic sheeting and duct tape at the local hardware store or the appearance of the Homeland Security Director Tom Ridge on NBCs Today Show showing the ration ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 337 of canned goods, bottled water, and a rst aid kit they keep in a cardboard box in their home, the media continued to feed the consuming public safety tips generated by the Administration. The general public is one of the key actors in a moral panic. The success of the politicians and media in generating and sustaining a moral panic is contingent on how successfully they enrage the public and marshal their support against the evil-doers (Muzzatti 2002). The crusade against evil requires the public to express contempt for the folk devil and support for the decisions from politicians on how the problem is best solved. Initially, public concern was not limited to domestic concerns. Immediately after the event of September 11, 2001, the international society united in condolences and support. The response to terrorism and terrorists was felt throughout the world. Of course, each nation/ state had its own vested interests in sharing the immediate concerns of the U.S. populace and politi. It is these vested interests that stood in the shadows of international society as they grasped, used, or objected to the Bush Administrations public and private reactions (e.g. Israeli PM Sharon implemented Bushs jargon to diract his actions against the Palestinians). Condemnation after condemnation of terrorism and ter- rorists were publicly stated, domestically and internationally, while counter-terrorism actions escalated. State criminality (and/or encour- agement for human rights violations) was neutralised, and ceased to be of concern; in fact, it disappeared through discursive strategies. What international society had previously viewed as a state in violation of human rights became redened as a State using self-defence against terrorism. While international terrorism had been at the forefront of many nations problems, after September 11th many utilised Bushs jargon to transmogrify their own State criminality into a defence against terrorism. While overwhelmingly sympathetic and supportive of the U.S. in the immediate wake of terrorist attacks, international society became increasingly uneasy with the U.S. plan for addressing the evil-doers. In the U.S., the concept of unilateral actions necessary to ensure victory over the folk devil was being portrayed to the public as natural and necessary; however, international society began to worry about the hidden Imperialist agenda of the Bush Administration. Still, the pro- paganda at home continued: We are in imminent danger and pre- emptive measures are now necessary. Through prohibitive reliance on State sources and terrorologists (who themselves are often substantially supported by federal funding sources), the media reied terrorism DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 338 (Chomsky 1989; Herman and OSullivan 1989 ,1991; George 1991b; Herman 1992). Stage Four of a Moral Panic: Response from Authorities, Politicians, and Moral Entrepreneurs: Disproportionate Reactions A call to war and Legislative Responses section is perhaps the most signicant part of this created moral panic. It is the disproportionate reactions of politicians that can craft negative social ramications, leaving long-term social consequences. Therefore, this section will be divided into two separate types of responses from authorities, namely, a call to war and legislative responses. A Call To War and Legislative Responses The initial response from the State took the form of a massive mobili- sation of military, strategic, and diplomatic power: a call to war. The media had made this connection for the State prior to the formal announcement as headlines read War at Home (The Dallas Morning News 9/11/2001), ITS WAR (Daily News, 9/11/2001), and ACTS OF WAR (The Day 9/11/2001). Early coverage of the event by TV Anchor Tom Brokaw declared, This is a war zone, we are at war. The initial war on terrorism was portrayed to the public as the means to capture those responsible for the events of September 11, 2001; how- ever, the folk devil, terrorist, quickly grew to tens of thousands of ter- rorists that remained at large, threatening our very way of life and our fundamental values and interests. Bush stated, Tens of thousands of trained terrorists are still at large. These enemies view the entire world as a battleeld, and we must pursue them wherever they are (Bush 9/ 24/2001). September 11, 2001 was identied by President Bush as an attack of all the civilised nations (Bush 2003: White House archived addresses). The need to legitimise the war on terror was a concern for the Administration, and hence it felt the need to escalate public fear at home, muster pseudo-international support, and increase threat levels to mask the global war that was under way. The rst ocial response to the crisis of September 11, 2001 was on September 13, when the Senate and House of Representatives voted to approve the administrations Authorization for Use of Military Force. The bill gave President Bush a virtually unlimited mandate, ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 339 To use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, com- mitted, or aided terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harboured such organizations or persons in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States (White House 2003). This opened the doors for the utilisation of a moral panic to aid the Administration in expanding its doctrine. Terrorology was employed to neutralise those who might pose an impediment to the Adminis- trations agenda by raising constitutional questions. When read, it becomes clear why the connection of Iraq to Bin Laden was essential. Without the acquiescence of the public and the legislative branches regarding the connection between Hussein and Bin Laden, the Presi- dent must have Congress make the Call to War according to the U.S. Constitution. On September 12, 2001 the US called the UN Security Council (UNSC) into special session. The outcome was Resolution 1368 which called on nations/states to work together to bring to justice the perpe- trators and sponsors of the terrorist attacks. This was not an authori- sation for war, nor did it invoke Article 51 of the UN Charter (self- defence clause). On September 28th, 2001, Resolution 1373 was passed and although it did not condone military force, it did provide economic measures to cut terrorist access to funds (United Nations, 2003). However, the disproportionate reactions by politicians and the rush to declare war on unknown enemies overpowered the international legalities of war. The Bush Doctrine of war was begun in a cloud of illegalities and will continue on that course throughout the duration of the Administrations ability to induce fear and inoculate the public from the realities of its underlying political interests. A pre-emptive, unilat- eral rst strike would set a terrible international precedent. Along with the change of course doctrine comes the understanding that history is irrelevant, the lessons of the past no longer matter and conventional tactics can be disposed of (Chomsky 1988). As a nation, we no longer need to adhere to previous studies and advice provided by the Pentagons Defence Science Board (1997) that showed a strong correlation between U.S. involvement in international situations and an increase in terrorist attacks against the U.S. Instead, the U.S. must take preventative measures against the imminent threat that terror, terror- ism, and terrorists pose. The Axis of Evil must be contained. Especially the one posing the greatest threat: Iraq. DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 340 Regardless of reality, the rhetoric of propaganda assured the U.S. public that Iraq was among the existential terrorist threat. It would have been dicult to convince the public that Saddam Hussein really was a threat to the U.S. had Iraq not been included in the Evil Empire that was poised to attack: amongst the evil doers the terrorists. Adminis- tration ocials seemed to think that simply repeating the phrase Iraq is a threat to America would somehow validate a war. Sadly, as Benjamins (1936, 1968) sociological inquiry into demagoguery illus- trated, saying something frequently and loudly through the conduit of political power does often make it so. During November 2002, British and U.S. warplanes attacked Iraqs defences daily, and made practice runs on other targets, and U.S. Special Forces were deployed in Western and Northern Iraq. In many ways, the war on Iraq had already begun well before 19 March 2003. To induce fear, the propaganda system was utilised to conjure up the new Hitler/Satan. The inducement of fear to obtain the acquiescence of the public to policies it may oppose was continually attempted by the Administration through the use of inammatory rhetorical strategies (Chomsky 1988). Other disproportionate reactions by the polity included the crea- tion of a large bureaucracy to ensure domestic security: the Oce of Homeland Security. The Bush Administration also instituted an alert system to keep the public informed as to what level or how much fear we should be experiencing: The Homeland Security Advisory System. The ocial purpose of the Homeland Security Advisory System is a means to disseminate information regarding the risk of terrorist acts to federal, state, and local authorities and to the American people (White House, Division of Homeland Security 2003). However, the vague information (i.e., an unspecied threat) given about changes in the alert is not adequate enough for other agencies or the U.S. populace to know what to look for or expect. It is however, an eective tool for maintaining fear and suppression of its citizens. Still other reactions included the legislation of the Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act (USA Patriot Act) and the Homeland Security Act (2001). Both of these legislative documents were a direct response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. A time for international justice for the perpetrators of September 11, 2001 had expired. The opposition to using the international society as a forum for justice against the terrorists reinforced the disproportionate ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 341 reaction by political leaders: the perpetrators must be dealt with immediately by the US in a unilateral position. On November 13, 2001 President Bush signed an Executive Order authorising military tribunals for suspected terrorists. This sets a new precedent that is in violation of international law (Geneva Conventions Article 5: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the UN Principles of Protection Under any Form of Detention of Impris- onment). Under Bushs Executive Order, any foreign national who has been designated as a suspected terrorist or as a terrorists aid could be detained, tried, convicted, and executed without a public trial or counsel, without the proof of guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, and without right of appeal. Ironically, the State has enacted an order that it has denounced. The State Department has routinely criticised the use of military tribunals, practices of secret trials that do not adhere to fair public trials, and omissions of due processes in similar situations around the world. In the annual Human Rights Practices Country Reports the US has condemned Burma in 1990, China in 2000, Colombia in 1996, Egypt in 2000, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia in 1975, Nigeria from 1966 to 1999, Peru in 1996, Russia in 1999, Sudan in 2000, and Turkey. Direct legislation regarding terrorism is not the only response from authorities to the events of September 11, 2001. Many other responses include the expansion of the military budget. Major social aid cutbacks were initiated (to fund the escalating military expenses, corporate crime bailouts, and to oset the tax relief to the minute percentage of wealthy Americans). Additionally, a renewed passion and support for the star wars project suddenly overcame previous opposition. This occurred in conjunction with President Bushs declaration that the U.S. was uni- laterally breaking the Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty with Russia. Bush stated, It hinders us from developing an anti-missile shield that will deter an attack from a rogue state (President Bush, quoted in the New York Times 12/13/2001). The Pentagon had become increasingly weary of any unltered media exposure, which would lead to public awareness (especially interna- tional awareness) of civilian casualties in the counterterrorism war. The warnings given by reporters to remember the folk-devil did not have as signicant of an impact when charred or mangled bodies were televised. In response to this, the Pentagon established the Oce of Strategic Inuence (OSI). The OSI purpose was to feed information to interna- tional press; including news dissemination to the international public, dropping leaets promoting rewards for information about the where- DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 342 abouts of Osama bin Laden, and radio scripts. The radio scripts, according to Rumsfeld, counter the lies that this was a war against the Afghan people or a war against the Muslims, which it isnt (Wash- ington Post 2/25/2002). When a leak exposed this department, the Administration shut it down. It was replaced, however, with the Coa- lition Information Center (CIC). The CIC coordinates the public information output by the State, providing sound bites for international society (Bennis 2002). The aforementioned examples of legislation and disproportionate responses by the State to September 11, 2001 are not exhaustive. How- ever, they do provide examples of the States use of terrorismto: (1) ensue alternative political interests (the war on Iraq), (2) maintain legitimacy for public concern, and (3) continue the generation of a moral panic through intimidation, coercion, and induced fear. Just as the Communist Boogeyman role aided US imperialism and military supremacy (and while generating tremendous prots for military contractors, did little to enhance national security) during the Reagan administrations, the Ter- rorist Boogeyman is aiding the Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and Wolfowitz Doctrine of Imperialism and military supremacy. Stage Five of a Moral Panic: Panic results in Social Changes The nal stage in Cohens moral panic states that while the panic often passes and is forgotten, it has serious and long lasting repercussions. This moral panic was created in such a way that its diusion is impossible. There are, undoubtedly, serious social ramications hitherto be comprehended. One of the earliest signs of negative social changes was reected in the Uniform Crime Report (UCR) gures or hate crimes. Prior to 2001, the fewest number of hate crimes incidents resulted from ethnic or national origin bias. Crime incidents motivated by bias against this group became the second largest reported bias in 2001, more than doubling the number of incidents. The anti-other ethnicity/national origin category quadrupled in incidents, victims, oences, and known oenders. Anti-Islamic incidents (once the second lowest) became the second highest reported among religious bias incidents: a growth of more than 1,600 Percent over the 2000 volume. The FBI Foreword stated, The distribution changed in 2001, presumably as a result of the heinous incidents that occurred on September 11 (FBI Hate Crime Division-Uniform Crime Statistics 2002). ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 343 Controversy over antiterrorist legislation surfaces whenever a State reacts to terrorism with the implementation of new laws. The laws give rise to concerns about the infringement of civil liberties. Critics maintain that anti-terrorist legislation is based on a political schema versus an objective evaluation of the real threat (White 2003). Americans have been lled with terrorist anxiety, fear, and panic, which is conducive to the overregulation of society without opposition. Suce to it to say, . . . the price of freedom is high when hysteria is the norm and morality has gone on holiday (George 1991a: 91). Legislation and the use of enemy combatant labels are also problematic today and certainly in the future. The Bush Administration set a new precedent using the Executive Order to classify any individual as an enemy combatant the Administration deems a threat or danger to the U.S. This includes U.S. citizens. A document led in the US District Court recognizes citizens as possible enemy combatant: citizens who associating themselves with the enemy and with its aid, guidance, and direction, or enter into this country bent on hostile acts are enemy belligerents (US v. Padilla 2002) (Rothe 2003). The Justice Department states that individuals so labeled may be denied counsel, held incom- municado, without due process, and without review of the designation as enemy combatant by the US Court of Appeals. The implementation of the label, enemy combatant, contradicts both International Law (Geneva Conventions: Article 3) and the U.S. Constitution posing momentous ramications for U.S. policy, constitutional guarantees, the judicial processes, and the correctional facilities (Rothe 2003). The war on terrorism has not been myopic in nature (Muzzatti 2003 (unpub- lished); Rothe 2003). New precedents have been set in the legal realm. Some of these are reected in changes occurring in the prison facilities. Justice Depart- ment Ocials have stated their concerns over the alleged recruitment of potential terrorists among prison inmates. All though ocials have stopped short of publicly proclaiming state and federal prison ocials have been put on alert, they have warned that prison ocials should be alert to internal conversations among inmates. This can lead to over- stepping the bounds of monitoring conversations between inmates. This explicit attention has been reected in the monitoring of religious gatherings and religious groups that could be linked to terrorist activ- ities (Rothe 2003). The USA Patriot Act has many potential long-term negative social impacts. The implications for the 20 million immigrants, non-citizens, and short-term visa holders include potential subjection to military DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 344 tribunals, expedited deportation, and detention (for an undetermined time) if they are suspected of having something to do with terrorism. It is not only the non-US citizen that is at risk, but US citizens now face the potential to be classied as enemy combatant and or stripped of citizenship. The power given to the State to snoop on citizens over- turns some previous restriction placed on the State from previous abuses of such powers. As Nancy Chang, attorney for the Center of Constitutional Rights, has stated, the Bush Administrations actions since September 11th portend a wholesale suspension of civil liberties that will reach far beyond those who are involved in terrorist activities (Chang, quoted in Zinn 2002: 40). Legitimate political dissent may qualify for criminal proceedings. On November 1, 2001 President Bush signed yet another Executive Order that allows a sitting president to keep secret the papers of a previous president, even if any previous president wanted his papers public (White House 2002). This too, has been legitimised under the rubric of post-September 11th national security, as potentially being dangerous information to give to any terrorist. In eect, what it has done is rescinded many of the advances of the Freedom of Information Act that were gained in the 1960s as a check for State power. The motivations of and for presidential decisions are no longer available for the public to scrutinise. This can have major social ramications and carries a resemblance to Stalinism. Stalin also closed the books, removed access to who was involved in the Russian Revolution, and essentially attempted to wipe out traces of history (Zinn 2002). This suggests that Bush is closing the door to citizens learning the motivation behind decisions of presidents (ironically, his fathers records are included in this). Perhaps the most signicant social change that has and will occur is the U.S. expansion of American hegemony and imperialism. The events of September 11, 2001 (as horric as they were) provided the Admin- istration with the excuse to act on its simmering geo-political agenda. The orchestration of the Administrations intentions had begun prior to the terrorist attacks. Prior to his appointment as Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld told President Bush that US military power was needed to discipline the world (Woodward and Balz, January 28, 2002, quoted in Bennis 2002: 86). Then came the terrorist attacks. The time was perfect, an excuse had been given to them, and the ease of creating and enhancing a moral panic to ensure public conformity was ripe. Over- looked by many, the intentions of the Administration were slightly captured when Bush himself made reference to the attacks of September ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 345 11, 2001 as an opportunity to strengthen America. The media also hinted at the opportune time given to this administration claiming Bush should take advantage of the unique political climate and to assert his leadership not just on security and foreign policy but across the board (Wall Street Journal, quoted in Parenti 2002: 2). Clearly, the terrorist inspired boundaries of the nations insecurity culture serve multiple imperatives, both domestic as well as foreign. The implications of the imperialistic agenda are far reaching, heightens world tension, creates a further chasm within the international community, and debases international laws, charters, treatise, the United Nations, and the International Criminal Court. Simply stated, it is pitting the U.S. against the rest of the world and is proclaiming U.S. justice and values as the only ones with merit. Remember the doctrine, your with us or against us. Many other negative social ramications (both manifested and latent) are hitherto be comprehended. Conclusion The use of a moral panic by the media and polity has been illustrated according to Cohens (1972) stages; however, an argument could be made that it is less a moral panic and more normative concerns. Goode and Ben-Yehudas (1994) have provided ve characteristics that deter- mine if a moral panic has taken hold which re-enforces our position: a moral panic does exist. Indeed, heightened concern has been illustrated by societal reactions and media coverage. The second characteristic, hostility, abounds. Political agents and individual responses have suc- cessfully generated intolerance, and contempt for terrorists and terror- ism, and indeed even dissenters. The third characteristic, consensus that the evildoers are real and pose a serious threat has been fullled. Again, the consensus does not need to incorporate all of society, merely be widespread in nature. The mass amount of media coverage coupled with the Bush Administrations constant reminder to the U.S. public that we are under a real and imminent threat has ensured a large proportion of society unquestioningly accept this moral panic. 5 The fourth charac- teristic, disproportionality, or over-reaction to a problem by severity, frequency, and scope has undoubtedly been met. The scope of the political decisions, war on terrorism, and overly stated imminent threats meets this criterion. The mass mobilisation for a call to war concurrently DAWN ROTHE AND STEPHEN L. MUZZATTI 346 with enactments of legislation aimed at enhancing the Administrations power while simultaneously limiting civil liberties reaches beyond dis- proportionate reactions. The nal characteristic, volatility, has also been met. Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, but the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 brought terrorism to the forefront of American consciousness resulting in a quick and extreme moral panic. In lieu of the detrimental and traumatic eects a moral panic can have on policy and levels of societal fear, the images, denitions, and projections of terrorism should be presented in an integrated and multi- positioned frame. The current use of terrorism by the polity and media is one-dimensional: them or us. It is not until the media apply multi- level factual coverage to terrorism and the potential threat will the U.S. populace be able to make a broad assessment and to voice a knowl- edgeable position on the reactions by social agents of control. Terro- rology must be replaced by cultural readings of retail-terrorism which situates it historically and geo-politically, and must involve . . . not only an inquiry into the States archival accretions but also into its most sensitive secretions (Der Derian 1989: 231). Peoples eorts should be directed toward deconstructing political propaganda and demystifying jargon rather than supporting with blind faith unsubstantiated threats about evildoers. The Bush Administration would be hard pressed to explain to the public how its responses have or will destroy existing terrorist cells or end terrorism. The reality of protecting the U.S. populaces from ter- rorism is far reaching, leaving the creation of the Homeland Security Department nothing more than a mask of appeasement and opportu- nity to pass legislation fullling political agendas. The September 11th crisis was seen as a great gift (Bennis 2002: xv) for President Bush. It enabled him to strengthen his faltering credibility and to implement the long-standing right wing agenda. September 11th brought the opportunity to vastly enhance State power, erode civil liberties, undermine environmental defences, reject and ignore foreign policy imposed on the rest of the world, and establish an empire (Bennis 2002). The responses of the Administration were not solely about bringing anyone to justice for the terrorist attacks. It was also about expanding U.S. global power and conquest all in the name of righ- teousness. Yet, the rhetoric gushed at the American people serves to mask this reality: America will always stand rm for the non-negotiable demands of human dignity: the rule of law; limits on the power of the state; ENEMIES EVERYWHERE 347 respect for women; private property; free speech; equal justice; and religious tolerance. America will take the side of the brave men and women who advocate these values around the world, including the Islamic world, because wee have a greater objective than eliminating threats and containing resentment. We seek a just and peaceful world beyond the war on terror (State of the Union Address, 2002). Between the lines of propaganda and rhetoric, the generation of public fear stands to suppress opposition to the legitimacy of a war against enemies that have been so broadly dened, the end is not in sight. Today, the moral panic continues: the Olympics of terror. Regrettably, future research on negative latent and manifest social implications may well abound with information. Notes 1. The 50 days was added to encompass the coverage of the one-year anniversary of 9/ 11 and the following days. 2. The three newspapers used in the content analysis were searched via the computer database LexisNexis. 3. 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