Jammu and Kashmir’s Monthly Magazine RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 ISSN 0974-5653

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The J&K Stories
Jammu, May 1, 2009 / Vol 3 / Issue 5 || Price Rs. 30 || Postal Registration No. JK-350/2009-11 || www.epilogue.in

Assortment of Ideas
Abdul Rauf Mir
Anil Dhar
Choudhary Ilyas Jammu
Ejaz Ahmed Khan
Ershad Mahmud and
Ezabir Ali
Gul Wani Kashmir
Sardar Amjad Yousuf
Tahir Aziz Moving
Tashi Gyalson
Uzera Shah Forward
Zafar Choudhary

LS ELECTIONS 2009 VIEW POINT

Separatists Swear by India Balancing Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh
Economic Reconstruction Agency under the financial assistance of Asian Development Bank has
launched several schemes to augment the water supply in Srinagar city. The various schemes with a
cumulative storage capacity of 39 MGD include Rangil water supply scheme, Nishat-Doodhganga
water supply scheme and Nishat-Dalbund water supply scheme which will cater to the drinking
water needs of the population of about 10,93,995 souls of Srinagar city.

Scope of Works Total Storage Capacity Population to be benefitted (souls)

Rangil water supply Scheme 10MGD 294000

Areas to be benefitted
Khulmulla, Zakura, Owantabavan, Bakshipora,Tengpora, Muj-Gund, Parimpora, Lawayopora, Shalteng,
Colonies on Right and Left side. National Highway, Left side of National highway Bypass (Bemina,
Muminabad, Firdousabad, Tengpora(left), Right side of National highway Bypass(Hamdania colony,
Khumani colony (partly), Nundreshi Colony, JVC)

Nishat Doodhganga water supply Scheme 21.5 MGD 614132

Areas to be benefitted
Jawahar Nagar, Kralpora, Natipora, Rambagh, Nowgam, Rajbagh, Gulshan Nagar, Gogji Bagh, Solina,
Chanapora Colony, Budshah Nagar, Allochi Bagh Part, Bagh-e-Mehtab, Tulsi Bagh, Wazir Bagh, Lal Mandi,
Hazuri Bagh, Amira Kadal, Shivpora, Rajbagh and Magarmal Bagh, Lal Chowk, Maisuma, Abiguzar, Kral
Sangri, Karapora, Brein, Patnta Chowk, Sonwar, Buchwara, Gupkar Road, Ram Munshi Bagh, Athwajan,
Mahraja Bazar, Sari Payeen, Lal Mandi, Jawaharnagar (partly), Basant Bagh, Bar Bar Shah.

Nishat Dalbund water supply Scheme 7.5MGD 185863

Areas to be benefitted
Saida Kadal Bridge, Zinsha Masjid, Rainawari Chowk, Soorateng Chowk, Shiraz Chowk, Nowhatta,
Naidyaar, Hasibhat, Chowdary Bagh.
B R I D G I N G T H E I N F O R M A T I O N D I V I D E

Taking J&K Closer to World

Bringing World Closer to J&K

Epilogue
because there is more to know

29
F O R T H E
Volume : 3, Number : 5
ISSN : 0974-5653
RNI : JKENG/2007/26070
www.epilogue.in

M O N T H O F M A Y 2 0 0 9

The present issue is a summit of

ideas originating from all regions of
J&K. Writers decided to share their
opinions at a workshop they
attended together at Bangkok in
ending March.

Epilogue Ø
1×
May 2009
 ELECTIONS: CHALLENGE 2008

W e have brought out three issues on assembly elections 2008 and the November
issue was first in the series. Elections were being held in the backdrop of a worst
separatist and communal agitation in state. With a commentary on the prevailing
political and security atmosphere, the November issue carried a complete
backgrounder on the past elections.

Nov. 2008
HUNG ASSEMBLY

I n the middle of elections our small team of staffers along with some 30 volunteers
traveled across the length and breadth of Jammu and Kashmir to gauge the public
mood. The conclusion was that there will be a hung assembly with NC as largest party,
PDP second and Congress third. Looking at the pages of our December issue one can
see all parties have come up with same number of seats as we had predicted except
the BJP.
Dec. 2008
MANDATE :

A collectors issue, the special number on our second anniversary came as fastest
possible, yet professionally correct work, on J&K elections. Result were declare
on December 28 and our issue carrying complete elections analysis and elections

A limited number of unbound back volumes is available in our stocks.

trends at constituency level was out before the government was sworn I.
A R E Y O U M I S S I N G O U R PA S T S T O R I E S

Jan. 2009
AGENDA FOR OMAR GOVERNMENT :

T he coalition government of National Conference and the Congress headed by

Omar Abdullah Omar Abdullah took over on January 5 but it did not declare a
shared agenda. Epilogue's February issue put together opinions of well meaning
people from across the country setting out an agenda for Omar Abdullah government

For booking your copies call us at 9797599365

Feb. 2009
CONNECTING J&K

C onnectivity is a major issue in J&K and people in many areas taunt the
government saying that roads were laid in remote areas only because
they close to borders. Our March issue looked at the connectivity via roads,
rail and air to bring to the fore the missing links.

Mar. 2009
TREADING FAILURE

A s world watches keenly the new unfolding developments in Pakistan, our

Consulting Editor D Suba Chandran travelled to the troubled country to
bring fresh perspectives for our readers in April Issue.

Apr. 2009
 Epilogue
because there is more to know

www.epilogue.in Assortment of Ideas CONTENTS

Prologue 5
Editor
Zafar Iqbal Choudhary
Jammu
Note Book
Consulting Editor
and 7 Essential Entries 6
D. Suba Chandran Kashmir Opinion

Associate Editors Moving Taliban Terror

B. Raman
10

Irm Amin Baig

Tsewang Rigzin Forward LS Elections 2009
Hanging around same issues 12
Art Editor Maulvi v/s Abdullah : Action Replay 12
Keshav Sharma IN FOCUS By India, these separatists Swear 14
Ladakh's smallest and 15
J&K Moving Forward highest polling stations
Research Officer
Raman Sharma Politics : from streets to ballots we 16
must tolerate the change of hearts
18 J&K Moving Forward
Sushma Mahajan
Mailing Address ...but there are Wheels within Wheels
Zafar Choudhary
PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, War on Terror
Jammu 24 A frame work for conflict
New Af-Pak Strategy : 48
Resolution in Kashmir
Tahir Aziz Old Wine in a New Bottle
Phones & email M Shamsur Rabb Khan
Office : +91 191 2493136
26 Revisiting General Musharaf’s Ideas
Formulations on Jammu and Kashmir
Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Dr. Gul Mohammad Wani
View Point
Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh 51
Administration: +91 94190 00123 29 A New Hope
Anil Dhar
In Quest of Regional Balance
editor@epilogue.in Sahil Showkat
editor.epilogue@gmail.com 30 Keeping hopes alive for Kashmir settlement
Ershad Mahmud
subscription@epilogue.in Column
32 Images of Kashmir in Pir Pangal Region Recollecting Marrah’s Liberation 54
Abdul Rauf Mir
Edited, Printed, Published and ‘...I forgot what fear is’
Owned by Zafar Iqbal Choudhary. 35 Peace via voiceless people; Manisha Sobhrajani
Published from : Ibadat House, A Northern Areas Perspective
Ejaz Ahmed Khan
Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Special Stories
Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 38 Remember Past only to Focus on Future Must See in Jammu 56
180012 and Printed at : DEE Tashi Galyson
Sheikh Noor-ud-Din Noorani Museum
DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta 39 Peace in South Asia : A. K. Khanna
Ashram, New Rehari Jammu Kashmir can be Bridge between India, Pak
(J&K) Sardar Amjad Yousaf Khan Stories of Change
41 Unheard Traumatized Voices Financing Transport Sector 59
Disputes, if any, subject to Let’s pray no more Khatoons, Naseemas Sajjad Bazaz
jurisdiction of courts and and Shafiqa are added to painful history of
competitive tribunals in Jammu Kashmir Ladakh
Ezabir Ali Unemployment on the Rise 61
only.
43 Kashmir Conflict and its Impact Tsewang Rigzin
Ilyas Choudhary
RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070 Media
ISN : 00974-5653 45 Sufferers must play their roles
The Kashmir Jigsaw 62
Uzera Shah
Price : Rs 30 Sevanti Ninan

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May 2009
 Epilogue
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MUMBAI NEW DELHI, MUMBAI, KOLKATTA, NEW DELHI
CHENNAI, BANGALORE & GOA

J&K : Simple in 30 Minutes
Zafar Choudhary
I
t is often said that the solution of
Kashmir issue should better be
left to the people of Jammu and
Kashmir alone. But is there any
idea of what the people of Jammu
and Kashmir want. This can be known
only when they have the opportunities
to meet and talk. While there are
barbed barriers and limited
opportunities of contacts between two
sides of the divide, the channels of
communication are not so free even on
the either sides. There are
psychological barriers. Differences
within the regions are fast widening and
there are no attempts to bridge them
up. Perhaps this suits the official
establishment but this can't bring any
peace. Peace, it is again said, is too
important an end to be left to the
governments alone to achieve. There
has to be an initiative by the people to
guide a way to their destiny. Here again
is an important question. Can
governments, in New Delhi and
Islamabad, leave the destiny of Jammu
and Kashmir to the people alone? No.
There has to be an official conflict
resolution and reconciliation process in
place but necessarily supplemented and
guided by aspirations of the peoples.
Peoples on both sides of the Line of
Control had always wanted to meet
each other but a communication link
(bus services) was established only
when the governments agreed for that.
Peoples want many things more but that
does not mean that governments are
ready to settle down for anything or
every thing for peace. While
understanding these limitations in view
of the geo-political realities that shaped
up in the six decades after partition
there has to be an initiative driven by
the people to guide the governments.
With regional differences running deep
into blood of the people such initiatives
and the desired common approaches
are often difficult but not impossible.
Many of us had heard that when two
natives of J&K, one belonging to Indian
side and other from Pakistani side are
allowed to sit together for half an hour
it takes a maximum of 30 minutes for
them to conclude that there is conflict
at all. At a small scale this phenomenon
has been seen after launch of the trans-
Kashmir-LoC bus service. Many myths
fell and realities took over the thinking.
It was a similar experiment at a recent
workshop on Kashmir organized by a
London based institute Conciliation
Resources at Bangkok. The beauty was
that participants were picked up from
all regions of state on both sides of LoC
with a 'scientific balance' of regions,
sub-regions, faiths, cultures to
accommodate as many identities as
possible in J&K. there were absolutely
no lectures at all. Participants were
made to interact with each other in a
proper framework of interaction. As the
Epilogue Ø
5×
May 2009
P R O L O G U E
From the Editor
legend has it, the difficulties in coming
to terms with each other's perceptions
did not last for more than 30 minutes.
Towards the end of workshop each
participant appeared eager to go home,
expand the constituency of
reconciliation and have lines of divide
blurred –as soon as possible.
Unfortunately the situation is not as
simple as that but it can be made one.
The workshop was in a close room.
Participants are back home and coming
across obvious difficulties in
implementing ideas they conceived and
agreed upon with their colleagues in
Bangkok. But there is no question of the
urge slowing down. The present issue of
Epilogue is a reflection of that strong
urge of cooperation and friendship as
participants of the workshop drawn
from all parts of Jammu and Kashmir (on
both sides of LoC) have made a
beginning by contributing their articles
to this special issue. This is just a
beginning. In coming months and years
the magazine will go on to expand and
strengthen this constituency of forward
looking people to inspire those who are still
caught in the web of a flawed history.
Meanwhile, my thanks are due to the
Conciliation Resources for such a
meaningful exercise of bringing Jammu
and Kashmir together –though a small part
of it. I am sure this constituency grows.
Feedback :
zafarchoudhary@epilogue.in
 NO T E BOOK
7 Essential Stories

ECONOMY

Crafts, industries crying for help

S everal reasons debase the state
economy mainly includes
setback in tourism due to terror
threats and apprehension of
Taliban presence in valley. The
local handicraft industry like;
Paper Mache, Carpet Weaving,
Namda Sazi, Wooden Crafts and
other technical trade have been
worst affected by the non-
availability of sales outlets, latest
technology, marketing scenario,
packing problems and many more.
People prefer to leave all these
trades choice to do something new
of which they could earn livelihood smoothly.
Not only this but the industrial sector of the entire state has
reached to halt as industrial policies lack, loan facilities,
subsidies electricity and outside state investors. Besides 90%
of manpower is unskilled and the skilled staff is being
imported from other states on high rates.
Fruit industry is also suffering for one or the other reason
every year. Militancy and Regional clashes forced fruit
growers to suffer huge losses and the people dealing with
the trade are highly disappointed, cold storage facilities,
road connectivity, agents who lack marketing skills and
neglect by the Govt. to extend helping hands to fruit
growers.
Special Economic Zone (SEZ) remains the only way out to
save these industries. The Direct marketing at National and
International markets could also provide sign of relief to the
business cadre of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). Govt. of India
taking back its promises announced earlier in favour of
industrialists had also added salt
to the wounds of Industrialists.
“Industries could only survive
when Govt, offers incentive to it
as man power, raw material and
almost everything has to be
imported from outside the state”,
said industrialist and president
industries association Jammu Anil
Suri. He said that goods ones
deliver are not getting expected
package causing disappointment
to the industrialists.
Initiating trade across LOC with
not proper homework to facilitate
industrialists with the banking and the currency provisions
finally turned out as a mockery. “Govt. does not show keen
interest to back state industries as exported goods could not
fetch adequate returns” said president chamber of
commerce and industries (CCI) Ram Sahai.
Transport industries which are directly dependent upon the
Tourism Sector has suffered a lot last year due to two
months long agitation. The Apprehension of Taliban
presence in Valley force Tourists to cancel their bookings,
which cause serious concern to transport operators,
hoteliers and other allied traders. Govt. has to do a lot to
develop confidence among all the sectors involved in
Business and trade as already it (Govt.) is under the
influence of Code of Conduct and did nothing for the last
more then four months. People Expect that young Chief
Minister Mr. Omar Abdullah will open Pandora box soon after
the electioneering ends on May 16th, provide Sign of relief
for which they waited a lot.

WILDLIFE

Endangered stag population on the rise

T here is good news for Jammu and
Kashmir - an increase in the
population of the endangered stag
called hangul. According to a census
conducted by the state wildlife
department, the estimated population
is now between 201 and 234, compared
to 117 and 199 in March 2008.
The census has been conducted in
collaboration with the Wildlife
Institute of India, Dehradun, and the
Wildlife Trust of India, New Delhi.
Hangul is an endangered species of
deer found in Jammu and Kashmir,
mainly in the Dachigam National Park
and adjoining areas.
The census was initiated to identify
threats to the species and formulate a
strategy to save them. The hangul is
characterised by impressive spreading
antlers of the adult male and its rich
brownish red coat. Female hangul do
not have antlers.
The estimated population is now

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May 2009
 NO T E BOOK
7 Essential Stories

CONNECTING J&K

Rs 22,000 Cr rail project for Leh

T he ambitious and strategically crucial project to link
mountain-locked Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir
with the rest of the country by train has moved a step closer
Manali, Mulden, Pang
and Jarapa.
The rail link is
to fructification with the Railways finalising the feasibility crucial for the
report in this regard. country's defence
The first rail link is proposed to be between Leh and security. India has
Bilaspur in Himachal Pradesh and six passenger trains and been beefing up
nine goods trains are planned on the 498 km-long section. infrastructure along
"The feasibility report of Leh-Bilaspur rail link project is the Chinese border
almost ready and it will be submitted to Railway Ministry in Ladakh region and
shortly for scrutiny. After the scrutiny, the report would be has reopened several
sent to the Planning Commission before being sent to forward landing
Parliament for final approval," said a senior Railway Ministry bases to ensure
official involved with the feasibility study. faster supply lines
The project is strategically crucial as it is part of India's for troops posted in
efforts to improve infrastructure in the border region difficult terrain.It is
considering that China has already built a rail link to Tibet. estimated to cost
China has also improved connectivity with Pakistan via the about Rs 45 crore per
Karakoram highway which runs close to the Indian border. km to construct the
The proposed Leh rail project came up for discussion at the rail line in the
Army Commanders' Conference here recently in the context section. There would
of improving supply lines along the border like China has also be provisions for
done. attending to any
According to the study, the Leh-Bilaspur project, which is accident along the
estimated to cost about Rs 22,000 crore, 6,000 passengers route.
are expected to travel daily in the section, once the line is Two sites have been proposed along the 498-km long route
operational. for setting up facilities for accident relief trains.
On the freight front, the feasibility report has taken into Trains are expected to run at 65 km per hour in the section,
account the possibility of carrying 3.92 million tonnes -- according to the study.
mostly food grains, steel, sugar, oil, iron and cement -- in a Beside troop movement, the rail link would give a boost to
year. tourism in the area.However, only two passenger trains are
The proposed Leh-Bilaspur rail project will have 20 stations expected to run during the winter since the mountainous
including Chhibbrin, Sundar Nagar, Bhangrotu, Mandi, Kullu, area sees heavy snowfall in the season, said the study.

between 201 and to an official statement. great significance as this is the only
234, compared to "The increase in population is being survivor of the red deer group in the
117 and 199 in attributed to the effective measures Indian subcontinent. The species is
March 2008. The which include protection and control placed under Schedule I in the Jammu
male-female ratio on poaching taken by the department, and Kashmir Wildlife (Protection) Act,
and female-fawn besides the involvement of 1978, and the Indian Wildlife
ratio have also independent volunteers, researchers, (Protection) Act, 1972. It is also listed
shown an upward students and NGOs," the statement in on the International Trade in
swing in the current said. Endangered Species of Wild Flora and
census, according Conservation of this species assumes Fauna (CITES).

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May 2009
 NO T E BOOK
7 Essential Stories

ENVIRONMENT

Climate change warning from Ladakh

A n Asian regional seminar at Leh, has
warned of adverse effects of
climate change in cold regions. The
four-day seminar was organised by the
Group Energies Renewable,
Environment Solidarities, a recognized
international French NGO, in
partnership with the European Union,
G T Z ( t h e G e r m a n Te c h n i c a l
Cooperation), ADEME (the French
Environment and Energy Management
Agency), and the Foundation Ensemble.
It was attended by representatives from
India, Afghanistan, China, Tibet,
Tajikistan and Bhutan. The conference
focused on issues concerning
adaptation strategy choices, which
have become important for people
living in mountains areas.
"Its important because these glaciers
will melt within 20 years, and people's
livelihood will collapse. This seminar
aims to share this information with
people from Central and South Asia, to
improve livelihood for people from
Hindukush, Himalayas and Pamir," said
Vincent Stuffer, Country Director,
GERES, India.
The objective of the seminar was to share
strategies, expertise and field
experience on energy and climate change
issues to formulate a series of concrete
recommendations in terms of policy and
methodology and to initiate a community
of practice among the key players of the
region. Scientists predict that at the
present rate glaciers in the Himalayas
will shrink within the next 50 to 60 years.
"Ladakh region has many glaciers and
they are feeding many of our rivers like
the Ganges and the Brahmaputra. If
these glaciers melt due to climate
change during summer seasons, there
could be unexpected floods. And when
the water is needed, water will not be
there, there will be drought. Even the
UNDP report and reports of other global
agencies say that the Himalayan
glaciers will shrink in the next 50 to 60
years if we keep polluting the
environment," Dr. Balaji, District Forest
Officer, Leh and a participant at the
seminar.
Global warming could wipe out large
areas of glaciers in the Himalayas and
surrounding highlands, threatening
livelihoods across much of Asia.
Ladakh is geographically important
because, when the glaciers start
melting areas such as these would be
first affected. Mountain areas are
particularly affected by climate change
as relatively small changes in
temperatures have severe impact on
water supply, agriculture-based
livelihood and infrastructure.

REPORTS FROM LADAKH

Ambedkar remembered in Leh

O n the initiative of Ladakh Buddhist Association (LBA)
Youth wing, under its newly elected president Mr.
Tsewang Thinles, a grand celebration of the 118th Birth
Anniversary of Bharat Ratna Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
was held at the historic Leh Pologround on April 14 to pay
homage to the Architect of the Indian Constitution.
With enthusiasm and devotion thousands of people and a
galaxy of prominent personalities including the heads of
different religious and social organizations, the
intelligentsia, members of LBA and students of various
institutions took part in the Ambedkar Jayanti and paid rich
tribute to Babasaheb by offering white scarf khatak to his
portrait.
Speakers on the occasion highlighted the role of Dr.
Ambedkar to bring about reforms to uplift the weaker
sections in India who were suffering from caste
discrimination.
LBA has constituted Bharat Ratna Dr. Ambedkar Awards to be
conferred to organizations and individuals having excelled in
contributing towards betterment of the society through
social works and activism. This year the awards were
conferred among one individual and two societies. Among
them are Lama Sangha Sena, President Mahabodhi Society,
Leh for his contributions for the people of Ladakh specially
the underprivileged ones through various humanitarian
projects, the Lamdon Social Welfare Society for having
excelled in education for the last nearly three decades and
the Ladakh Vision Group for producing feature films based
on relevant and prevailing social issues such as preservation
and promotion of cultural values, eradication of social evils,
and helping poor and needy people.
MC Bhagat, District Superintending Engineer Leh who is also
the President of Ambedkar Foundation J&K State was the
chief guest on the occasion while the President LBA, Mr.
Lobzang Rinchen was the guest of honor.
It is pertinent to mention here that Ambedkar was born into
a poor untouchable family of Hindu community in 1891.
Having spent his whole life fighting against social
discrimination, Ambedkar 1950s converted his faith into
Buddhism.

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May 2009

GOVERNANCE
Omar's 100 days lackluster Mumbai attack
F irst day in top chamber of civil secretariat, on January 9 when the
youngest Chief Minister Omar Abdullah talked about his '100-day'
planned to
model to set tone for governance in next 69 months, his plain, crisp and
sweet talk was highly appreciated by his bureaucrat audience but the 100-
capture Kashmir?
day model still remain an illusion as the National Conference-Congress
coalition completes three months in office.
Widely respected and read London based Sunday Observer has noted that
39 years old Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister has a vision though he has
had only 100 days in office. When Omar Abdullah moved into office of
Chief Minister there was very little to doubt about his experience as he
was a Union Minister ten years ago but the difference millions, particularly
youth, had hoped is yet to show though hopes are still intact as its been
just 100 days.
Jammu and Kashmir is a difficult state to keep the promises and translate
the visions, the one like Omar has, but there are few things which need to
come from top and percolate down to bottom. Vision and agenda is one
such thing which the leadership sets and team follows.
In his first meeting with the administrative secretaries on January 9, Omar
Abdullah told them “to formulate agenda for the first 100 days of the
coalition Government to set the tone for the governance for the six years
of its tenure”. Bureaucracy in Jammu and Kashmir is quite obedient and
faithful to the political leadership but talk in the secretariat next day was
audible: “if bureaucrats had to set agenda in 100 days to be followed for
next six years then they were doing it well in the Governor's
administration”.
This is nothing to dispute the Sunday Observer's opinion that Omar
Abdullah has a vision but if he had wanted to put in place in 100 days a
model of governance for next six years then Jammu and Kashmir probably
lacks the climate for such an experiment. Administrative secretaries are
still sifting through the previous files to formulate a plan which they or
their predecessors did years back.
A handout issued by the National Conference has today listed a dozen odd
projects –like Srinagar airport and the Kashmir rail-line –to underscore
efficient governance of the coalition but understandably some of these
projects were initiated during the times of previous generation. Omar
could have done wonders but if the operational conditions were out of
Jammu and Kashmir.
The first and foremost spoiler in the way of Omar translating his vision was
apparently an uncomfortable alliance with an arrogant partner and wide
gaps between party and the government. Chief Minister's first month in
office (or out of office) went off in generating appreciation of people and
places in the new system and the second month got consumed up in
managing the Rajya Sabha elections. The third month saw huge politics of
Legislative Council elections and then came the Lok Sabha elections which
currently have the dust kicking in the air. The National Conference
handout rightly puts it: “and this is just a beginning…”
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009
NO T E BOOK
7 Essential Stories
TERRORISM
O pening the 26/11 Mumbai terrorist attacks
case in court, special public prosecutor Ujwal
Nikam said there was a clear indication that the
strike was a criminal conspiracy hatched in
Pakistan with the help of experts, aimed at
capturing Jammu and Kashmir.
Nikam said before designated court judge M L
Tahilyani that the attack was launched under a
criminal conspiracy to wage a war against the
country and weaken it economically by targetting
the financial capital.
Nikam said that the findings were based on
confessional statement of Mohammad Ajmal Amir
Kasab, the lone Pakistani terrorist captured during
the attack, recorded by additional chief
metropolitan magistrate, and the investigations
conducted in the case.
Nikam said that Kasab's confession clearly shows
that that the attack was absolutely impossible
without involvement of some trained
professionals.
''According to Kasab's confessional statement, he
and the nine other terrorist, who were killed
during the attacks, had first undergone arms
training, including handling of AK-47, for 21 days.
Then they had again undergone a 15-day arms
training at Muradabad hills in Pakistan by Abu
Hamza, which also included ways of deceiving the
intelligence agencies. In September 2008, during
ramzan, they were taken to Karachi by rail and a
Hakeem (Muslim physician) trained them on sea
transportation, maps, Global positioning system
and also how to misguide the Navy officials,'' Mr
Nikam said.
He said, ''They were trained about rocket
launchers and satellite phones. The whole training
was done to make them ''Jihadis''. During their
training in Karachi, an unknown person came to
oversee the preparations and Rehman Lakhvi
introduced him as Major General, but did not
disclose his name. The terrorists were also told
that the people training them were the Major
General's men.'’

The 'Taliban' Infiltration
The goal would be to strengthen those experts close to Obama who have been saying that a
solution to the so-called Kashmir problem should be the starting point of any effective fight against
terrorism emanating from the Pakistani territory
B. RAMAN
Author is Additional Secretary
(retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of
India, and, presently, Director,
Institute For Topical Studies,
Chennai
T A L I BAN
“The heavily-forested Kupwara is not the
sprawling urban Mumbai. Encounters
within forests have nothing in common
with encounters with terrorists
entrenched inside urban buildings and
going on a shooting spree in crowded
public places in a big city such as Mumbai.
But there are disconcerting similarities
between what happened in Mumbai
between November 26 and 29, 2008, and
between what has happened during the
last five days in the Kupwara area--
simultaneous, well-orchestrated attacks
on multiple targets, whether static or
moving army patrols, a skilful use of hand-
held weapons and gadgets such as GPS
systems, suicidal and not suicide
terrorism, strike, stay and fight tactics
instead of the hit and vanish tactics and an
ability to keep the encounters with the
security forces going for a long time in
order to make an impact on the local
population and the international
community through dramatic media
reports."
-- Extract from my article dated March
25, 2009, From Mumbai To Kupwara
W
hile the Government of Dr
Manmohan Singh has maintained
its usual silence on what has been
going on in Northern Jammu & Kashmir
(Kupwara, Uri and Baramulla areas), there
have been worrisome reports in the media
about the infiltration of one more group of
Epilogue Ø
10 ×
May 2009
T E RROR
Opinion
30 well-trained terrorists-cum-insurgents
from the Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK)
into J&K. This group, which has been
described as a "Taliban group" to
distinguish it from the earlier infiltrators
who belonged to the Lashkar-e-Toiba
(LET), is well-trained and has shown a
capability to keep our security forces
engaged in conventional style battles.
If the media reports of the way the new
infiltrators are fighting are to be believed,
what we are seeing is reminiscent of the
infiltration of a re-trained and better-
trained Neo Taliban of Mulla Mohammad
Omar into Afghanistan in 2003. The re-
trained Neo Taliban showed a remarkable
capability for mixing conventional style
stand and fight battles and suicide or
suicidal terrorism. The US-led NATO forces
in Afghanistan are still struggling to
grapple with the re-trained Neo Taliban
infiltrators from their sanctuaries in
Pakistan.
The use of the word Taliban in describing
the new batch of infiltrators into Northern
J&K can be confusing. The Pakistani media
refer to the anti-India terrorist
organisations, which consist largely of
Punjabis and Punjabi-speaking Kashmiris
(Mirpuris) from Pakistan-Occupied
Kashmir (POK), as the Punjabi Taliban and
to the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP),
which consists largely of Pashtuns, as the
Pashtun Taliban. The TTP consists largely

of the Mehsud and Wazir sub-tribes of the Pashtuns. Next to
the Punjabis, who constitute about 75 per cent of the Pakistan
Army, the Pashtuns constitute the second largest number in
the Army-- about 20 per cent. They are recruited from both the
North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and the Federally-
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)-- with the Mehsuds and the
Wazirs constituting the largest single group of Pashtun tribals
recruited into the Army from the FATA.
When the Pakistan Army tried to annex J&K after Pakistan
became independent in 1947, it first sent into J&K Mehsud and
Wazir tribals who projected themselves as local Kashmiris.
Initially, the Pakistan Army totally denied any responsibility
for their depredations, but ultimately it accepted that the
tribal infiltrators were from the army. These infiltrators
managed to occupy some parts of J&K which were constituted
into the POK.
As a reward for their services, many of these Mehsuds and
Wazirs were allowed to settle down in the POK after their
retirement from the Army. When Ayub Khan wanted to occupy
J&K in 1965, he again sent the Mehsuds and the Wazirs into J&K
and tried to project them as indigenous Kashmiris. If Lal
Bahadur Shastri, the then Indian Prime Minister, had not
retaliated by ordering the Indian Army to enter the Lahore
area thereby creating panic in the Pakistani army, these tribals
from the Pakistani Army posing as indigenous Kashmiris would
have probably occupied Jammu and even Srinagar. After the
war was over, Ayub Khan had these Mehsuds and Wazirs from
the Pakistan Army re-settled in POK. During the military
confrontation between India and Pakistan after the foiled
terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament on December 13,
2001, Pervez Musharraf used to say that there were 150,000
ex-service-men re-settled in the POK, who would put up a
fierce resistance to any forays by the Indian Army into the
POK. These ex-servicemen largely consist of Punjabis,
Mehsuds and Wazirs.
Against this background, the new group of infiltrators into
J&K could be either members of the so-called Punjabi Taliban
or members from the families of Mehsud and Wazir re-settlers
in the POK who are being referred to by the locals as the
Taliban, meaning the Pashtun Taliban. In the past--in 1947-48
and in 1965-- the infiltration of the tribals was a prelude to a
regular invasion by the Pakistan Army. This time, the objective
of the infiltration seems to be to strengthen the claims of
some non-governmental and governmental experts close to
the administration of President Barack Obama, who have been
saying that a solution to the so-called Kashmir problem should
be the starting point of any effective fight against terrorism
emanating from the Pakistani territory by the Pakistan Army.
Epilogue Ø
11 ×
May 2009
T A L I BAN T E RROR
Opinion
TERRORISM
Captured ultra takes
Taliban buzz out
S yed Moinullah Khan, a Pakistan-based militant who was
arrested by the Indian Army, disclosed that militants
operating in Jammu and Kashmir have no links with the
Taliban. “People of Taliban are in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
They don't come to this side. Each outfit a has separate
training centre of their own. Nobody belongs to Taliban in
this, they have their own training centre and setup and those
organisations, which work in Kashmir have their own setup.
These setups in Kashmir have nothing to do with the Taliban
and they don't work along with the Taliban," Syed claimed.
Syed, Hizbul Mujahideen terrorist, was brought before the
media for the first time.
Shah confessed how he received imparted intense training
before infiltrating into India from the Gurez Sector along with
30 others.
"I was trained in a jungle in a place called Mansehra in Jammu
and Kashmir. There is a place named Sunar in the border area
of Kashmir and we entered via that route. In totality there
were people belonging to four terrorist organisations, who
infiltrated Kashmir, including Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-
Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and PPR," Shah said.
When asked about the motive behind him becoming a
terrorist, Syed said, "Kashmiris come to Pakistan and claim
that they are being illtreated, they are not given passports,
the Indian Army has captured their houses and that they are
misrespected. So they tell us to come along with weapons and
we come here in the name of jihad. This is my motive behind
becoming a terrorist."
However, he added that on arriving he saw there was no kind
of disrespect towards Muslims.
"On arriving here, I realised that people are involved in their
own work and I did not see any kind of restrictions in the lives
of Kashmiris. Everyone is living their lives in full freedom and
is doing their own work. There is no need of jihad as such over
here," Shah said.
Shah informed there was not a set target or mission for any
outfit.
"There was not set target or mission given to us. We were just
sent to attack. It depends from the commanders as to where
they send us and for what; we have no say in it. We have three
types of training. One is for 21 days, one is for 30 days and the
third one lasts for 3 months."
Syed also informed that he had met the Hizbul Mujhahideen
commander.
"The commander of Hizbul Mujahideen, who came to Gurez
Sector, to talk about jihad, from that time onwards I, wanted
to get into this. I met that person and took the address of the
training centre and landed myself there. The one who
becomes a commander is the person who spends almost 4-5
years in the area," Syed added.

DISCOURSE
Hanging around same issues
R aising the same issues in almost the
same pitch in their election
campaigns, the National Conference and
the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are
busy accusing each other of deceiving
the people of Jammu and Kashmir.
The rival parties are promising greater
devolution of powers to the state
through the autonomy slogan of the
National Conference and the self-rule
slogan of the PDP.
'They have copied our autonomy
document and are now calling it self-
rule which is meant to deceive the
people,' says Farooq Abdullah, the
National Conference president and
former chief minister, who is contesting
from Srinagar.
Abdullah's long time political rival Mufti
Mohammed Sayeed, the PDP patron,
unequivocally criticises him.
'He (Abdullah) passed the autonomy
resolution in the state assembly and
then allowed it to be trashed by the
central government in 2000. The
National Conference has never been
serious while fighting for the rights of
the people here,' Sayeed said at a rally in
south Kashmir's Anantnag district, a
strong bastion of his party.
Voters feel confused, says the editor of a
leading daily newspaper here.
'They are confusing the voters on all
fronts. But what the voter does would be
known only after the results are out,' he
said, not wishing to be identified.
The rival parties also speak of
withdrawal of armed forces from the
populated areas and repeal of the Armed
Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), but
continue to blame each other for having
done nothing concrete towards
achieving this.
'We got an army camp removed from
Bomai village near Sopore town within
less than a month of coming to power.
The PDP always made emotive issues of
army withdrawal from populated areas,
but actually did nothing on the ground to
LS E L E C T I ON S
achieve it,' senior National Conference
leader Ali Mohammed Sagar said at an
election meeting here.
But PDP president Mehbooba Mufti holds
the National Conference responsible for
the invocation of the AFSPA in the state,
which has since 1989 been battling
terrorism which has left over 47,000
people dead.
'It is the National Conference which in
the very first place got the AFSPA to
Kashmir. Now they are talking of its
repeal to deceive the voters,' Mehbooba
Mufti told an election meeting of her
party in Anantnag.
The India-Pakistan peace process is
another issue which tops the election
campaign of the two parties in the
valley.
'In our rule, there was a general sense of
security among the people. The cross-
border bus was started and the India-
Pakistan peace process began to ease
tensions between the two neighbours,'
Mehbooba Mufti said.
The National Conference counters by
saying very few people even today use
the cross-border bus service to
Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered
Kashmir and the pace of cross-border
trade between the two parts of Kashmir
has not picked up at all.
'How many people have actually used
the bus or traded goods across the
border? These still remain photo
opportunities which the PDP wants to
encash,' said a senior National
Conference leader here.
Both parties are promising roads,
healthcare, employment and economic
packages to boost the valley's shattered
economy.
'They (National Conference) didn't do it
then, they shall not do it now,' said Mufti
Sayeed.
'How much did he do during his tenure?'
pat comes the retort from the National
Conference's south Kashmir candidate
Mirza Mehboob Beg.
Epilogue Ø
12 ×
May 2009
2009
Campaign Trail
BATTLE FIELD SRINAGAR
Maulvi v/s
W hen Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah bulldozed his political
opponents with the Indira-Abdullah
accord in 1975, his Plebiscite Front
rebel Sofi Mohammad Akbar vanished
into oblivion in hometown Sopore
and the Jamaat-e-Islami veteran
Syed Ali Shah Geelani had already
neutralised his own image of a
revolutionary leader by participating
in the dubiously held Assembly
elections of 1972, Shia Muslim cleric
Maulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari had
little competition to grab the
opportunity of emerging as Sher-e-
Kashmir's arch rival in Kashmir's
political landscape. Over two other
competitors---Shameem Ahmed
Shameem and Abdul Gani Lone---
Ansari had the advantage of hailing
from the core of Central Kashmir as
also being the spiritual leader of a
sizable votebank. Thus, he qualified
well for an attack by Sheikh's cubs
while filing his nomination papers as
an Independent candidate against
Begum Akbar Jehan in February 1977.
Maulvi had remained a Member of
Legislative Council since 1973 but he
shot into veritable prominence when
National Conference (NC) jihadis
roughed him up and snatched away
his Qarraquli on occasion of filing his
nomination for Srinagar-Budgam in
the Lok Sabha elections of March
1977. Then widely circulated
Srinagar Times carried one of Bashir
Ahmed Bashir's popular cartoons on
Ansari's headgear next day. In a few
days, Ansari put up a 30,000-strong
show on the spacious Gole Bagh---
where High Court and Legislature
Complexes came up years later---in
front of the Civil Secretariat. He
slammed Kashmir's legendary
political icon with his loud roar and
gave his widely revered spouse a
tough fight. Still, he had to be
content with just 87,000 votes

Abdullah: Action Replay
against Begum's whopping 2.10 Lakh.
Alongwith all of his ilk---Maulana
Masoodi, Ghulam Mohiuddin Qarra,
Mirwaiz Farooq, Abdul Gani Lone etc
etc---Ansari joined Murarji Desai's
ruling Janata Party next month. At the
end of an electrifying campaign in the
Assembly elections of June 1977, only
two of JP candidates---Lone in
Handwara and the Mirwaiz-nominee
Abdul Rashid Kabuli---were returned
in the Valley as NC swept the polls. It
was obviously in recognition of his
defeating Ansari in Pattan that Sheikh
Abdullah inducted Abdul Rashid
Shaheen as a junior Minister in his
government.
As his vengeance refused to die down,
Ansari successfully uprooted the NC
candidate and romped home in Pattan
in the Assembly elections of 1983. In
league with his former patrons in
Congress---notably Mufti Mohammad
Sayeed--- he played a key role in
engineering a split in NC, dismissing
Farooq Abdullah as Chief Minister and
getting Ghulam Mohammad Shah
installed as head of the government in
July 1984.
In the backdrop of Rajiv-Farooq
Accord, Ansari made a dramatic
somersault and outsmarted all in the
state politics in becoming Farooq
Abdullah's bosom friend. This
association showed spectacular
resilience in surviving
all kinds of hostile
w e a t h e r. E v e n a s
Ansari won as an
Opposition Congress
candidate in Pattan in
1996, Farooq Abdullah
inducted him as a
Minister in his Cabinet.
In 2002 he was once
again returned from
Pattan, though NC lost
the power to Mufti's
PDP.
LS E L E C T I ON S
Nobody had an inkling of the split when
Ansari made another dramatic
turnaround and returned to his much
abused detractor Mufti Sayeed's camp
in 2005. He resigned as NC's MLA and
contested the by-elections in 1996 but
lost to Farooq Abdullah's brother, Dr
Mustafa Kamal. In 2008, he, however,
managed his victory from the same
segment by defeating NC's Abdul
Rashid Shaheen.
Even as nobody from NC removed
Ansari's Qarraqulli in ensuing polls his
election fighting came full circle after
32 years in April 2009 when, for the first
time, he jumped into the arena to
directly take on Sheikh Abdullah's son,
Farooq Abdullah. Still suffering the jolt
of the defeat of the Assembly elections
of 2008, PDP and Mufti are obviously
banking on Ansari's sectarian base in
Srinagar-Budgam in the current Lok
Sabha elections.
The Central Kashmir constituency of
Srinagar-Budgam-Ganderbal has been
NC's invincible bastion whether in
power or in opposition. While Dr Farooq
Abdullah scored his first victory here
when nobody stood against him in the
Lok Sabha elections of 1980, NC's Abdul
Rasheed Kabuli slammed a crushing
defeat on then Chief Minister Ghulam
Mohammad Shah's son, Muzaffar Shah,
in 1984. With all available resources,
Shah got a paltry 61,000 votes against
Kabuli's 2,64,000. Again in 1989, NC's
Mohammad Shafi Bhat went
uncontested.
In 1996, Ghulam Mohammad Mir
Magami, a Shia leader from Budgam
district, managed a victory over JD's
Farooq Andrabi with a margin of less
than 2,000 votes, thanks to a sectarian
divide in the low turnout polling. His
real advantage was NC's absence from
the Lok Sabha elections. Thereafter,
NC's Omar Abdullah has continuously
retained this all-important seat for his
party in 1998, 1999 and 2004 elections.
Epilogue Ø
13 ×
May 2009
2009
Campaign Trail
Even as NC lost some segments in the
Assembly elections in 2002 and later
PDP's Tariq Hameed Qarra dealt it the
first major blow in Batmaloo in 2004-05,
it has swept the polls fully in the
Assembly elections of 2008 in Srinagar
and lost only three of the 15 segments.
In 1998, Congress candidate Aga Syed
Mehdi (also an influential Shia leader)
secured only 74,000 against Omar
Abdullah's 1,45,000 votes. In 1999, then
Independent Mehboba Mufti got just
18,000 votes in Srinagar-Budgam
against Omar Abdullah's 55,000. And
notwithstanding its loss of power in
2002 Assembly elections, NC's Omar
Abdullah trounced PDP's Ghulam Nabi
Lone Hanjoora with a margin of 23,000
votes.
With the big fight unfolding between
Farooq Abdullah and Maulvi Iftikhar,
both have certain advantage in the
current elections. PDP has managed to
get back its estranged Shia leader, Aga
Syed Mehmood, who has functioned as
a Minister in Dr Abdullah's government
for two terms, last fortnight. However,
given his second successive defeat in
Budgam, his base is no match to that of
the NC MLA Aga Ruhulla who has been
returned for his second term with a
massive vote of nearly 20,000. Both
have influence of varied proportions in
five other segments of Shia base in
Srinagar-Budgam.
Even as Ansari is
expected to get the
lion's share of Shia
vote, PDP can
obviously find an
advantage in
nothing less than a
turnout of around
20 to 25 percent as
a sectarian divide
could benefit it
only in that
situation.
- AHMED ALI FAYYAZ
 LS E L E C T I ON S 2009
Campaign Trail

CHANGE OF STRATEGY ?

By India, these Separatists Swear

C hampions of 'Azadi' in yesteryears,
Sajjad Gani Lone and Ghulam
Rasool Shah alias Imran Rahi, are among
percent people participated in the
Assembly elections in J&K---71% in
Jammu and 51% in Kashmir valley.
in the last over two decades include
Maulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari,
Muzaffar Hussain Baig, Nizam-ud-din
13 candidates of different political Sajjad's own sister, advocate Shabnam Bhat, Abdul Haq Khan, late Bilal Lodhi
affiliations in fray in the North Kashmir Lone, as also a senior ideologue in the (all PDP), Mohammad Akbar Lone (NC)
Lok Sabha constituency of Baramulla- PC, Engineer Sheikh Abdul Rasheed, and former Forest Minister Ghulam
Kupwara while swearing by God to contested the Assembly elections from Mohi-ud-din Sofi. Sofi was among over
uphold India's sovereignty and integrity. Kupwara and Langet segments a dozen members of PC who had
Chairman of a faction of late Abdul Gani respectively. Even as Ms Lone lost to contested Assembly elections of 2002
Lone's mainstream-turned-separatist the NC candidate, Mir Saifullah, and came to be widely known as
Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Conference Engineer Rasheed defeated all of his Sajjad's “proxy candidates”.
(PC), Sajjad Lone, took oath in the rivals including NC's incumbent, It was Sofi's and his other colleagues'
name of God for bearing true faith in Sharief-ud-din Shariq, and PDP's participation in the elections that
the Constitution of India and upholding former MLA, Mohammad Sultan caused the first split in Hurriyat in
the sovereignty and integrity of this Panditpuri. 2003 when hardliner Syed Ali Shah
country. After PC's 19-year-long struggle Those who have earlier deserted late Geelani took a tough stand and sought
for Kashmir's 'Azadi' (freedom from Mr Lone's PC and become MLAs or MLCs PC's ouster from the amalgam.
India) and seven years after his father's
assassination over the speculations of
his participation in the Assembly
elections of 2002, Sajjad Lone has
finally stood up as a candidate in the
Indian Parliamentary elections in
Jammu & Kashmir.
In a news conference on April 11th,
Sajjad had announced his participation
in the elections with his argument that
Kashmir's separatist leadership could
not afford to continue as a slave of its
ostrich-like stand on the democratic
exercise in which majority of the
Kashmiris had participated by choice.
He had, nevertheless, sought to justify
it as “a change in strategy” and claimed
that his ideology (of Azadi) was not
going to change. Interestingly, Sajjad
had outsmarted all of the Kashmiri
separatist leaders and taken the lead
role in running the anti-election
campaign in an attempt to ensure “total
boycott” to the Assembly elections in
October-December 2008.
However, in total rejection of the
separatist leadership's call, nearly 61

Epilogue Ø
14 ×
May 2009
 LS
Creation of the Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar factions in
Hurriyat was the result of this particular development.
A prominent constituent of the separatist conglomerate,
Hurriyat Conference, since 1993, PC has been struggling
for J&K's separation from India and creation of an
Independent, sovereign state. Al-Barq came to be known
as PC's “guerrilla wing” in 1990 as most of its cadres had
been late Mr Lone's associates.
Even after Sajjad has jumped into the election
bandwagon and his turnaround has evoked bitter
reaction from several militant and separatist political
groups, his elder brother, Bilal Gani Lone, is continuing
as Chairman of the PC faction which has been a Hurriyat
(Mirwaiz faction) constituent since 2003.
Even after Sajjad has jumped into the election
bandwagon and his turnaround has evoked
bitter reaction from several militant and
separatist political groups, his elder brother,
Bilal Gani Lone, is continuing as Chairman
of the PC faction which has been a Hurriyat
(Mirwaiz faction) constituent since 2003.
Those who filed their nomination papers in Baramulla
today, included Ghulam Rasool Shah alias Imran Rahi of
J&K Awami National Conference (ANC), who had
operated as a senior commander with Hizbul Mujahideen
for several years before his historic meeting with then
Home Minister of India, S B Chauhan, in March 1996. A
resident of Diver Anderbug village of Lolab valley in
Kupwara district, Rahi was functioning as Hizbul
Mujahideen's “Deputy Chief” when he had initiated a
dialogue process with the Goverenment of India
alongwith nine other militant leaders, notably late Bilal
Lodhi (then Chief Commander of Al-Barq), Firdaus
Sayeed alias Babar Baddar (then Chief Commander of
Muslim Janbaz Force) and a Muslim Mujahideen leader,
late Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Lone.
Rahi had later participated in the Assembly elections of
2002 from his home segment of Kupwara but got only 366
out of 34,093 valid votes polled in the constituency.
Firdaus Sayeed was inducted as MLC when he joined Dr
Farooq Abdullah's NC. However, he has not remained
associated with any party politics after his term ended
several years back. - AHMED ALI FAYYAZ
Epilogue Ø
15 ×
E L E C T I ON S 2009
Campaign Trail
ELECTIONS 2009
Ladakh's smallest
and highest polling
stations
T he 4- Ladakh Parliamentary constituency, comprising of
Leh and Kargil districts, is going to poll in the last
phase of Lak Saba elections on May 13th 2009. A total of
1,52,391 voters would exercise their franchise in the
forthcoming Lok Saba Election in Ladakh of which 74,475
are male voters, 73,922 are female voters and 3,924 service
voters.
According to the Returning Officer, 4-Ladakh Parliamentary
Constituency, Mr. Ajeet Kumar Sahu, 239 Polling stations
have been set up in Leh district while as 237 Polling stations
established for Kargil district. Polling Station No: 157-
Chuchot Gongma having 1324 voters is the largest polling
stations and Polling station No: 171 Thukjey Gonpa having
only 6 voters is the smallest polling station of Ladakh
Parliamentary Constituency. The Polling Station No: 181-
Anlay Fu situated at a height of 15,000 ft above sea level is
the highest polling station of this constituency.
The Kargil Assembly segment has 57,105 voters with 28,629
male, 28,476 female voters and 348 service voters.
Likewise, the Zanskar Assembly Segment has 20,397 voters
including 10,258 male voters, 10,139 female voters and 259
service voters.
Similarly, Leh Assembly Segment has 62,504 voters including
30,281 male voters, 29,566 female voters and 2657 service
voters. The Nubra Segment has total of 12,373 voters which
include 5,909 male voters, 5,804 female voters and 660
service voters.
For Ladakh Parliamentary Constituency 158 Polling
Stations set up in Kargil, 79 Polling Stations in Zanskar,
183 Polling Stations in Leh and 56 Polling Stations in
Nubra segment.
Sources say that 7 Polling Stations in Karigl Segment
would be covered through Helicopter service, 7 Polling
Stations in Zanskar segment and 6 Polling Stations in Leh
segment would be provided Helicopter service to lift
Polling Staff and Polling Materials. In case of non
clearance of Kargil Padum road, Elections materials and
Polling staff for 49 Polling Stations of Zanskar segment
would be airlifted. From Kargil, likewise in the case of
non clearance of road another 6 Polling Stations of Leh
segment would also be provided Helicopter service.
May 2009
 LS E L E C T I ON S 2009
Opinion

Politics: from streets to ballots

We must tolerate the change of hearts

Separatist leader Sajjad Lone's participation in the ensuing Lok Sabha (Indian Parliament) elections in
Jammu and Kashmir may have raised many eyebrows but it should be seen as a welcome step towards
better way of understanding and achieving goals. The political space Sajjad will get after the results,
would be the right democratic platform to express his voice. He would be able to represent his 'class
of nation' and see the compatibility of his dreams in the Indian setting.

W hen Peoples Conference Masoodi, Afzal Haq, Ghulam Qadir and

SUSHMA MAHAJAN
Author is a Research Scholar at
University of Jammu
leader Sajjad Lone, son of
widely respected moderate
separate late Abdul Ghani Lone filed
nomination papers for Baramulla-
Kupwara Lok Sabha segments, it was
like politics of streets, ultimately,
coming to the politics of ballot. After-
reactions should never be, in any way, a
reflection of the pattern followed by
co- separatists and others including the
Centre and the State Government
during the days of Plebiscite Front
(1955-1975). It was a group led by Ali
Mohammad Naik –the general secretary
of the Plebiscite Front, Kh. Mubarak
Shah, Haji Subhan, Ghulam Mohd. Bhat
who broke away from the party and
successfully contested the state
assembly elections of 1967. Ali Mohd.
Naik and Ghulam Mohd. Bhat were the
members of working committee of the
Plebiscite Front. The total number of
the expelled group was 40 (members)
and the leader of the expelled group
had expressed hope of the revision in
the stand of rank and file of the
Plebiscite Front vis-a- vis elections.
Others breaking away from the party
were Abdul Rashid Kabli, Shabbir
Mir from Pulwama. According to Ali
Mohammad Naik, only question of
boycotting or contesting elections was
whether the party members should take
oath of Indian Constitution or not. The
plea in favour of contesting the
elections, in words of Ali Mohammad
Naik was that the party leadership
should not hesitate taking oath or
allegiance to the Indian Constitution
considering the historical fact that the
leadership –Mohammad Afzal Beg –when
did not hesitate to take the oath of
allegiance to the Maharaja during days
of diarchic system, then, why to
hesitate to do the same few years later?
The Plebiscite Front leadership in fact,
had condemned the contesting of
elections as 'contrary to the
fundamental principle of the Front' and
had 'exhorted those who had any idea of
entering the election arena, to revise
their decision and keep away from
elections. It was only by boycotting the
elections that Indian Government. be
made to understand that Kashmiris
demanded an urgent solution to the'
future status of Kashmir'. But

Epilogue Ø
16 ×
May 2009

apprehending more cracks in the party
arising out of the 'once for all' attitude
on the part of the leadership and after
being convinced of the futility of
boycotting the elections, the Plebiscite
Front decided to contest the elections
to 'prove to the world how popular the
Plebiscite Front was in Kashmir' It may
be noted that it was after the collapse
of the civil authority in Pakistan that
Beg announced at a press conference in
Srinagar that the Plebiscite Front would
reconsider its decision to boycott
elections if dates were extended by
three months in 1969. But the election
commission turned down the request.
'An election within the framework of the
Constitution', po i n t e d o u t t h e
commission in its reply to Beg,
'cannot be used as a device to subvert
that constitution. A candidate who
has made and subscribed an oath of
allegiance to the constitution to
uphold the sovereignty and integrity
of India, and the party by whom he
has been set up, cannot
constitutionally, legally and morally
say or do anything in the course of an
election campaign and propagate
which may tend to disrupt the
sovereignty and integrity. It was
however, on June 14, 1969 that the
Plebiscite Front declared formally
that it would take part in elections.
In the subsequent presidential poll of
August 1969, the Front members took
a different stand and announced
their decision to participate in the
elections. But, the Front sought to
introduce extraneous issues and
raised religious slogans to disrupt the
age-old unity of villages whereby
several Front leaders and supporters
sought to intimidate their opponents
through violence and rowdyism. And the
results show that the Front lost heavily
to the Congress. Of 2361 seats for which
LS E L E C T I ON S
contests were held, the congress
secured 61.5 percent, the Front 27.2
percent and others three percent. In
the uncontested seats numbering 2309,
the Congress got 73.9 %; the Front 23.9
% and others 2.3%
When Indira Gandhi dissolved
Parliament in December 1970 and called
for elections in March 1971. Sheikh
Mohd.Abdullah decided to stand and
advised the Plebiscite Front to contest
the elections. When he was about to
leave New Delhi for Srinagar on 8
January 1971, a bomb was allegedly
The political space Sajjad will
get after the results, would be
the right democratic platform
to express his voice. He would
be able to represent his 'class of
nation' and see the
compatibility of his dreams in
the Indian setting.
discovered on his plane and the flight
was cancelled. The next day, he and
Afzal Beg were served orders
prohibiting them from entering Jammu
and Kashmir. Then the Plebiscite Front
was declared unlawful; many of its
members were arrested and offices
were closed. To make doubly sure, the
State Assembly passed a law declaring
that members of the Front could not
stand for elections. With no opposition
in the field, the Congress did well in
Kashmir, helping Indira Gandhi to gain a
two-thirds majority in Parliament The
ban on his entering Kashmir was lifted in
June, well after the elections were
over. The Congress government did not
want to take risk considering the bad
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009
2009
Opinion
plight the Congress supported
candidate had to face at the hands of
the Plebiscite Front supported- Shamim
Ahmad Shamim-as independent
candidate during Parliamentary
elections a year ago. The nomination
papers filed by the supporters of the
Plebiscite Front were rejected on the
ground that they were 'anti-national'.
But the 'expelled group' of the
Plebiscite Front had six nominees in
the field. A few candidates enjoying
the support of the Plebiscite Front
contested the elections. This included
Mirza Arif Beg; a close relation of the
President of the outlawed Front, Afzal
Beg, Mufti Mehraj-ud- din and aged
Syed Afzal Jalali. Even the party was
reported to have stretched
clandestine support to the Jamaat-e-
Islami candidates. The fact, however,
cannot be denied that the local papers
had carried last minute appeals from
Mirza Mohd Afzal Beg and Ghulam Mohd
Shah for 'non-involvement in the
elections which went unheeded
Although, the Plebiscite Front could
not participate formally in any of the
elections the state conducted, its
massive victory in the civic polls gave
legitimacy o the stand of the Front that
it had stronghold over the minds of
Kashmiri people.
The political space Sajjad will get after
the results, would be the right
democratic platform to express his
voice. He would be able to represent his
'class of nation' and see the
compatibility of his dreams in the Indian
setting. The amalgam of Hurriyat
Conference including both 'the
moderates' and 'the extremists' and the
political representatives of different
streams should learn to tolerate his step
in the right direction. Violence is never
a tool to resolve any issue.
 AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward

J&K Moving Forward

…but there are Wheels within Wheels
ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

Towards lasting peace and stability in Jammu and Kashmir, it is very important to move
forward and keep moving on. But which way to move is the most important question.
The official establishment often gets complacent by leaving things around status quo as
the best possible way of moving (in fact, not moving, at all) forward. This approach has
proved most perilous. There is a fresh and live example which strongly suggests all the
reasons for concerted, serious and sustained engagement on Kashmir. In 2007 and till
early 2008, Jammu and Kashmir appeared close to any of the most peaceful,
progressing and politically stable places in India or anywhere else –militant violence
lowest in 20 years, senior separatists and Pakistan's leadership talking of creative and
out-of-box solutions, dozens of second rung separatists formally joining the
mainstream ranks in view of upcoming assembly elections, lakhs of domestic and
foreign tourists overcrowding the hotels and meadows of Valley, chieftains of Indian
industry rushing in huge investment proposals –with all these developments, the
Kashmir policy desks (wherever they are) had enough reasons to have the course of
bilateral dialogue between New Delhi and Islamabad nearly abandoned or slowed down
and those elements in Kashmir (and elsewhere) who believe there is a conflict,
isolated. The peaceful and promising political environment in Jammu and Kashmir
literally suggested a lull before the storm. But it all crumbled at the spur of a moment. A
small and completely misunderstood administrative order on a piece of land (for a
Hindu shrine) had the State on fire as much as the United Nations Secretary General
remarked: “we are watching the situation with concern”. (For years all diplomatic
energies are pumped in to prevent such statements.) The distance between New Delhi
and Kashmir appeared longest of the history and the gulf between Srinagar and Jammu,
perhaps, widest ever. Keen observers of Kashmir expressed their fears, in newspaper
columns and TV debates, of Valley slipping out of (Indian) hands and Jammu replaying
holocaust of 1947. As a 'deeply concerned' Prime Minister Manmohan Singh rushed in
an all-party team of top Indian political leaders to pacify the situation (which they were
not able to) there was a sudden realisation that conflict in Jammu and Kashmir was
much more serious than viewed at from policy desks. Moving forward is therefore most
important for peace in South Asian region and effectively tacking the scourge of
terrorism also.

Epilogue Ø
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May 2009

Kashmir issue: Any definitions
I
t wont be an overstatement to say
that Kashmir conflict is today one of
the most complex living conflicts in the
world. And what makes it more
dangerous is the official conflict
resolution mechanism which overlooks
a range of dimensions while engaging in
one aspect. As a result the offshoots of
AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
the main problem keep on assuming regions shaped into five –Kashmir Valley,
dangerous proportions. Civil society Jammu and Ladakh (on Indian side) and
engagements have not brought any Pakistan administered Kashmir and
significant results for two reasons: the Federally Administered Northern Areas
civil society institutions are not very (on Pakistani side). Over past six
vibrant in J&K and wherever they are, decades aspirations and identities have
the engagements and discourses are shaped in a definite manner and
sub-regional specific while the fact is adopted rigidity. The state response and
that Jammu and Kashmir is a mosaic of approaches too have remained
multi-cultures and different to individual areas on both
multi-aspirations sides. What can be seen as an important
where differences in aspect of the dangerous complexity of
opinions and Kashmir issue is the fact that there are
aspirations run deep at least five sets of well shaped up
into blood. Taking a opinions and aspirants and may be five
ringside view shows times more loosely knit stands –all rigid
Jammu and Kashmir a and driven by own reasons. Kashmir
large homogenous conflict is not limited to the Kashmir
mass embroiled in a Valley alone. There is no way of looking
historical conflict. At at the conflict by seeing just one or two
a closer look one gets of the five regions in isolation. It is the
to see a multitude of question of ultimate destiny of all five
conflicts within the regions; the level of sufferings in one
region. region may though be more or lesser
than the other.
Looking at Kashmir
issue only in context For arriving at an understanding of
of partition of India Kashmir issue so as move for a course
and related events of reconciliation it is important to
from 1947 to 1952 know the dominant aspirations. This is
will not serve as any the most difficult part. There may be
guide to the some elements of shared interests
understanding of between Kashmir Valley on Indian side
issues in the present and Pakistan administered Kashmir on
environment. At the the other side but this is not what the
time of division, other three regions –Jammu, Ladakh
there was a princely a n d FA N A – a g r e e w i t h . A n y
State comprised of majoritarian solution based on the
several sub-regions dominant aspirations in any particular
having little in region will find resistance from the
common with each others. Things can be easily
other but strongly understood on the Pakistani side but
knit together under there is a dangerously complex sub-
Maharaja's autocratic regional scenario on the Indian side
and sole authority. which is largely dealt with in this
Post-division, these article to understand deep running
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009

differences between three regions.
Perceptions and
Sensitivities
T
ourism is one of the mainstays of
Jammu and Kashmir economy
and a majority of tourists are
actually pilgrims (visiting two leading
Hindu shrines of the country) who break
off to the hills and slopes after paying
obeisance at the shrines. Months of
summers see an increased influx of
tourists as lakhs from the Indian
mainland head towards Jammu and
Kashmir to escape the summer heats. It
has often been seen in the months of
June and July when temperature in
Jammu is usually between 42 and 46
Degrees Celsius and in Valley it is well
below 30 Degrees Celsius the tourists
take out warmer clothes as they reach
closer to Jammu knowing little that
Jammu in this season is as hot as any
other part of Indian mainland is. This is
how Jammu and Kashmir is known to a
majority beyond its boundaries.
Geography and whether apart, people
outside have very little knowledge of the
emotional diversities. A peep inside tells
a different story. Two years back when
first shopping mall came up in Jammu, it
was named as 'Kashmir Square'. The idea
was to attract a part of the average daily
influx of around 30,000 pilgrim tourists
who come to visit the Mata Vaishno Devi
Shrine. Around same time a first ethnic
Kashmiri restaurant came up in the
town which was named as Kashir
Lounge. Last year when Amarnath land
row agitation broke out, the Kashmir
Square owner had to rename his mall as
'City Square' and the Kashmir Lounge has
been renamed as 'Jammu and Kashmir
Lounge'. Movement is still on for
changing name of 'Radio Kashmir', the
official broadcaster and the last thing
named after Kashmir where Jammu is
AS SOR T ED
not there as prefix.
What should be the exact framework of
seeking a resolution of the Kashmir
issue? Should it (the formula and
solution) come from New Delhi and
Islamabad or the people of Jammu and
Kashmir? India and Pakistan deciding
the destiny of Jammu and Kashmir in
one of their ongoing closed door
meetings can never resolve anything. Of
course it has to be worked out by New
Delhi and Islamabad but a way forward
has to come from the people of Jammu
and Kashmir. And a solution coming from
Jammu and Kashmir can be a 'Jammu
Formula', a 'Kashmir Formula' or a
'Ladakh Formula' as in the given regional
differences it cant be a formula for
resolving Jammu and Kashmir which is
endorsed by any significant number of
people in all regions. People in three
regions of the State (on India side) do
not look at anything with the same
angle.
In November 2002, a new government in
Jammu and Kashmir headed by Mufti
Mohammad Sayeed convened first
session of the legislative assembly.
Muzaffar Hussain, the new Minister for
Law and Parliamentary Affairs, grabbed
all attention of legislators and press
with his eloquent speeches laced with
deep sense of history and vision. In an
atmosphere of pin-drop silence in the
House, Legislators would love to listen
to Baig with rapt attention and end up
convinced with his arguments 'for the
moment'. Such was the prowess of Law
Minister's oratory skills backed with
knowledge. That was Baig's first
experience in legislative assembly. An
Oxford graduate, Baig was until then a
leading a lawyer at the Supreme Court
of India. As he would often refer to the
approaches of Nehru and Patel (Sardar
Vallabh Bhai, first Indian Home Minister)
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
to underline sensitivity of Kashmir
issue, few members from Jammu could
not resist interrupting him as they
lodged a strong protest with the
Speaker. “This is not Kashmir Assembly.
Why is the Minister obsessed with
Kashmir? He should properly name the
state as Jammu and Kashmir”,
lamented the members. “I correct
myself, honourable Spaeaker”, said a
taken aback Baig as he continued his
speech with an added emphasis on
'Jammu' while referring to Jammu and
Kashmir State. A little later in the hour,
a member from Nobra constituency,
sitting in the last row, invited Baig's
attention to Ladakh. Seven years down
the line, Baig is found getting extra-
cautious while talking about Kashmir or
Kashmir issue. Now he always says the
State of 'Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh'.
Differences between three regions of
the state on Indian side of Line of
Control are much deeper than this.
Jammu and Kashmir is perhaps a classic
case of wheels within the wheels.
Issues and
Engagements
W
hen Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh convened third
roundtable conference on
Jammu and Kashmir (first two were held
in 2006) on April 24, 2007 to discuss the
recommendations of the Working
Groups constituted by him, the
separatists and many others trashed the
whole exercise. They had a reason to do
so. The people who sat with the Prime
Minister around the roundtable were all
those who, more or less, endorse New
Delhi's view point on Kashmir. There was
no voice from those who have
reservations with the present system
and have sought to challenge the same
on various grounds. The exercise
without participation of separatists can
be described as incomplete but not

meaningless. Interesting were the view
points when recommendations of four
of the five working groups made public.
"Eyewash", this is the one word most of
the Kashmir experts and the people who
have reservation with the system used
to describe voluminous reports.
They are right in doing so. The most
important of the five working groups
studying the Center-State relations is
yet to submit its report to the Prime
Minister. The four working groups which
have finalised the reports have nothing
specific in their recommendations
which can become part of the larger
Kashmir solution. There is nothing at all
which can satisfy, even by a smaller
extent, the separatists or Pakistan on
Kashmir resolution. A document which
does not address the larger political
issue is often trashed. However, seen
with the eye of a common man, the
working groups, perhaps, have been the
first ever organised study to understand
the prevailing issues which concern the
majority in Jammu and Kashmir. Even
though many of the issues have not been
dealt with deeply and implementation
of the recommendations still can be
seen with doubt (as recommendations
of many empowered groups are still
gathering dust) an analysis of the
smaller but serious problems have for
the first time taken shape of an official
document for consideration at the
highest level.
Alternative
Understanding
T
he problem in Jammu and
Kashmir has often been described
as the one with two dimensions:
internal and external. Having
understood that the conflict involving
Kashmir is live and present, now is
perhaps the time to understand that it is
AS SOR T ED
a three dimensional issue: With
External, Federal and Internal
dimensions.
The External dimension involves the
engagement between New Delhi and
Islamabad, inter alia Pakistan's
diplomatic offensive, export of the
elements of terrorism into Jammu and
Kashmir, covert as well as overt political
support to separatist sentiments in
Valley, lobbying in Islamic world etc.
The Federal dimension, which is often
described as international dimension as
situation actually prevailing within
Jammu and Kashmir is grossly ignored,
is about the spirit of the instrument of
accession, autonomous status of the
state of Jammu and Kashmir, provisions
of the Article 370 of the Constitution of
India, Delhi Agreement of 1952 and
Indira Sheikh Agreement of 1974/75.
The third, most critical and
continuously ignored aspect of the
conflict in Jammu and Kashmir is its
internal dimension. In fact the peoples
are continuously in conflict among
themselves and with the state.
Regional and sub-
regional unrest
I
t will be no exaggeration to say that
the regional conflict within Jammu
and Kashmir is far more serious than
the level of conflict between state and
the centre. Even after the State of
Jammu and Kashmir is granted greater
autonomy as advocated by the largest
political party of the state -the National
Conference or Self Rule as demanded by
the Peoples Democratic Party the
conflict will not end. Rather, settling
the power conflict between New Delhi
and Srinagar will bring to the fore the
underlying conflicts among the regions
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
and sub regions.
Jammu and Kashmir is comprised of
three distinct regions clearly identified
and separated on the basis of
geography, topography, demography,
culture, language and aspirations. The
most unique region in this state -Ladakh
has never been at ease with Kashmir and
therefore a demand for separation from
Jammu and Kashmir and independent
status of Union Territory has been there
since 1947. The movement for
separation from Jammu and Kashmir
state and creation of a Union Territory
reached a all time high in 2002, when
Leh units of all political parties were
unanimously dissolved and the local
leadership cutting across the
ideological and party affiliation formed
the Ladakh Union Territory Front
(LUTF). The LUTF candidates won
assembly elections unopposed and
uncontested as there was complete
unanimity for the creation of Union
Territory. In a bid to arrest the
sentiment of separation from Jammu
and Kashmir, the state government, in
consultation with New Delhi,
empowered the Ladakh Autonomous
Hill Development Council (LAHDC) to
the extent that LAHDC Chief Executive
has more financial powers than the
Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. A
classic case of a "State within a State".
The J&K CM has authority of sanctioning
a project or contingency to the upper
limit of Rs two crores. But that too has
to be ratified by the cabinet when it
meets next. However, the LAHDC chief
has the powers to sanction a project of
Rs five crore without any administrative
approval from the state government.
With this huge empowerment and
political concession it was thought that
the sentiment of separation from the
state has been arrested. Interestingly
the LAHDC administration and the LUTF

leadership says that empowerment of
the LAHDC is the first step towards
creation of Union Territory for Ladakh.
This throws an important question on
the regional and sub-regional conflict.
Ladakh region again is comprised of two
distinct areas identified as two
different districts and administered by
two different authorities. LAHDC-Leh
and LAHDC-Kargil. It is only the Budhist
dominated Leh district which is
spearheading the demand for Union
Territory. The Shia Muslim dominated
Kargil district has been opposing this
vehemently. Both districts together
constitute the Himalayan cold desert of
Ladakh, they remain isolated from rest
of the country for nearly eight months a
year due to hostile whether and
geographical conditions but people
from each entity do not see each other
eye to eye for their differences on the
Union Territory status.
The third distinct region and country's
gateway to Jammu and Kashmir -the
Jammu region comprising six districts
has always opposed autonomy and is
now protesting against the demand of
self rule. In this region, for several
decades there has been campaign
against autonomy and a demand for
abrogation of Article 370 of the
constitution of India through which
Jammu and Kashmir enjoys special
powers in the Indian Union. However,
since mid 1990s, voices are being raised
in Jammu region for a separate
statehood. A Jharkhand type of
movement is taking shape here with the
formation of parties and groups like
Jammu Mukti Morcha, Jammu and
Kashmir Nationalist Front and Jammu
Statehood Front. The BJP and its allied
groups are fully supporting such
movements.
The conflict at the sub-regional level is
AS SOR T ED
too sharp. Cutting across the political
and ideological differences, there is a
strong movement in Doda district for
creation of Chenab Valley Autonomous
Hill Development Council. The twin
frontier districts of Rajouri and Poonch
too have been campaigning for separate
development council as the fruits of
infrastructure and industrial
development are concentrated around
the capital cities of Jammu and Srinagar
alone. As already explained above, if
three distinct regions of the state do not
find a common ground with each other,
the conflict can never find a resolution.
Identity and
Cultural Conflict
F
or understanding Jammu and
Kashmir the identities and
aspirations will have to be
understood first. The discourse of
separatist politics exists only in parts of
Kashmir valley while the state extends
to vast regions of Jammu and Ladakh as
Epilogue Ø
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IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
well. Issues and aspirations in Jammu
and Ladakh regions have never been the
same as those in Kashmir Valley.
Therefore, there has to be a different
treatment for different identities.
The kind of identity crisis and ethnic
conflict that prevails in Jammu and
Kashmir is arguable nowhere else in the
country. There are five major cultural
and linguistic identities in the state -
Kashmiri Muslims, Hindu Dogras, Gujjar
Muslims, Pahari Muslims, Kashmiri
Pandits and Budhists. In a population of
ten millions, the Kashmiri speaking
Muslims constitute less than one third.
Ironically in the political description at
national and international level every
one belonging to Jammu and Kashmir is
described as a 'Kashmiri'. In this
backdrop there is a strong movement
for identity across the state, as people
in Jammu and Ladakh refuse to identify
their interests and aspirations with
Kashmir alone. Then there is a serious
identity conflict between Gujjars and
Paharis of Jammu region and two

districts of Kashmir Valley -Baramulla
and Kupwara. Caste based and ethnic
conflict has become an order of the day
in these areas. The list of identity
conflict here is not exhaustive as there
are other smaller conflicts also.
Different ethnic and cultural groups in
Jammu and Kashmir have their own
definite identities and aspirations. The
separatist sentiment, that now has not
only the national but also international
concerns, prevails among a particular
cultural and linguistic group that does
not make the majority. With a focus on
this particular sentiment, the
aspirations of the majority are not only
completely ignored but they are also
not recognised and identified. This
trend has a potential for alienation
among those who form the mainstream
groups and such alienation is now
showing. Thus, there is an imminent
need of making a detailed account of all
ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities
in Jammu and Kashmir, discuss their
issues and aspirations. Recognition of
different identities will help understand
the core issues and can actually simplify
the process of conflict resolution.
Denial of Powers
to People at
Grassroots
A
lienation of masses from the
mainstream system has its roots
always in the denial of
democratic rights. A denial of right to
franchise to some in Kashmir valley
makes the protest audible at
international level. But looking deeper,
it comes out that the State has no
mechanism at all for involving people in
a democratic decision making process.
There is a big distance between the
State and the people. Left unattended,
AS SOR T ED
this accumulating dissidence can
rupture for the worst.
A major cause of discontent in Jammu
and Kashmir is the centralisation of
powers and administrative authority.
While Srinagar's unease with New Delhi
over more autonomy has been an
evident "struggle" for fifty years but
little is known about the quantum of
power the State shares with the people.
In fact, the majority in Jammu and
Kashmir has no role at all in the
development process.
At present, Jammu and Kashmir
presents the worst case of
extermination of grassroots institutions
of governance. For example, the
Panchayats were dissolved in 1977 as
the government wanted to empower
them through a constitutional
amendment and therefore fresh
elections were proposed to be held.
That process could not take place for
next 24 years. It was in 2000-2001 that
National Conference government
headed by Dr Farooq Abdullah
conducted the Panchayat elections. It is
important to note here that the despite
state-wide violence, killing of over a
hundred political activists and chopping
off the ears and noses of eight women
who were contesting the elections, the
Panchayat polls held after a staggering
gap of 24 years saw massive public
participation. Such huge public
participation and enthusiasm
underlined the urges and aspirations for
restoration of powers to the people
through grassroots democratic
institutions of governance. Ironically,
however, seven years down the line, the
Panchayats were never formally
constituted and powers were never
devolved to the democratically elected
bodies. This can be seen as derailment
of democracy and has created deep
alienation among the masses.
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IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
The mainstream political leadership in
Jammu and Kashmir, from time to time,
has underlined the need of restoration
of greater autonomy, which means
devolution of more powers from New
Delhi to Srinagar as a means of conflict
resolution. But if conflict has to be
resolved honestly, this power, or the
existing powers, need to travel to the
people in regions and sub-regions from
Srinagar. If power remains concentrated
in few hands, as it is today, the conflicts
will never be resolved.
Moving Forwards
D
espite all the historical
differences and conflicts of
opinion, there are strong basis
for moving forward. The framework of
moving forward has to be evolved like
climbing a ladder. Instead of jumping to
the top for an eventual fall down, the
need is to make well defined steps from
the bottom. The first step can be
initiation of dialogue at the regional
level and resolution of those smaller
issues which do not have to be
necessarily put to final resolution of
Kashmir issue. Dialogue between
Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Ladakh
regions in first phase and the Pakistan
administered Kashmir and Northen
Areas in the subsequent phase is
important for treating Jammu and
Kashmir as a single entity with shared
aspirations. Until these distinct regions
draw closer, settle their differences and
agree to operate as equal partners,
there will never be a stable basis upon
which relations with rest of India, or on
other side of the Line of Control, can be
satisfactorily tackled. More than it is
required between New Delhi and
Islamabad; there is an urgent need of a
sustainable dialogue between all five
regions of Jammu and Kashmir. To begin
with, there should a multi-level

A framework for Conflict
Resolution in Kashmir
The Kashmir situation deserves consistent and concerted engagement to gradually contain and
ultimately eradicate the cycle of the political violence perpetrated by the state authorities and the
militants. Building peace in Kashmir will enhance regional stability and help address the conditions
that incubate terrorism.
TAHIR AZIZ
Author is a consultant with
conciliation Resources based in
London. He originally belongs to
Pakistan administered Kashmir.
AS SOR T ED
L ike many other protracted
conflicts in the world, the conflict
in Kashmir has taken almost every
possible dimension. The long history as
well as the ethnic, linguistic, religious
and geographical diversity of the
stakeholders living in various regions of
the disputed territory make it difficult
to comprehensively capture the
complexity of the Kashmir issue. From
a conflict resolution point of view,
however, there are certain bigger
aspects that are fundamental to the
contemporary analysis of Kashmir and
therefore must form the basis of any
framework of peacebuilding in this
region. For the reasons of brevity, this
article briefly outlines some of these
aspects below:
Noviolence as a political tool:
All stakeholders must realize that the
use of violence has not worked in
Kashmir. It has in fact brought more
miseries. The only way forward in
resolving Kashmir is through a non-
violent approach. Until and unless the
protagonists completely reject violence
as a political tool, any hope for peace
will remain elusive. The rejection of
violence and pursuing political goals
through peaceful negotiations and
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
processes are the principles that are
equally applicable to Kashmiris and the
governments of India and Pakistan.
An inclusive framework:
The stakeholders in Kashmir – broadly
the people of Jammu and Kashmir and
the states of India and Pakistan - are yet
to articulate a broader framework that
accommodates diversified and
competing claims. In other words there
is a need in Kashmir for a common moral
vision. This does not mean that all
should agree on one particular political
solution, rather it means that the
process of achieving differing political
aspirations in Kashmir should be
inclusive and democratic, where
diverse groups feel that they have equal
opportunities for achieving their
desired goals.
Non-zero-sum understanding:
People of Jammu and Kashmir need to
realize that in order to achieve their
political aspirations they need the
support of the people of India and
Pakistan. In other words the resolution
of the Kashmir issue should not be seen
at the expense of the interests of the
Indians and Pakistanis. It should be a
win-win for all.

Faith in internally-driven change:
This is by far the most important aspect
that needs constant emphasis. It is a
wide held perception among Kashmiris
that the situation will only change when
Pakistan and India will change it or when
the world powers (especially the U.S.)
will facilitate this change. While the
importance of all these actors cannot be
overlooked, the truth is that more than
anybody else Kashmiris are
fundamentally relevant to their
situation and hence it is they who need
to have the confidence of initiating and
leading a change to their problems.
But this understanding of public peace
activism is not meant here to undermine
the primacy of the official peace
process between India and Pakistan; it
must be seen in the spirit of
complementing these official talks.
The insights from contemporary peace
processes show that sustainable peace
can only be achieved through involving
wide sections of society, thus
broadening public stake in the peace
process. This is because, quite often,
when the agreements transpire after
the official peace negotiations, that
mostly take place in a secret and
closed-door environment, the public
masses watch in a daze of disbelief as
they learn of the concessions their
leaders have made which they, the
constituency, will be obliged to fulfil.
While the leadership is highly involved
in the creation of shared space
(sometimes having years of confidential
talks to adjust to the idea of
cooperation with “the enemy”), the
people are expected to shift
instantaneously from a mentality of
defensive victim to peace-loving
citizen.
The Kashmir situation deserves
consistent and concerted engagement
AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
to gradually contain and ultimately conflict. In other words, the
eradicate the cycle of the political stakeholders will need to get
violence perpetrated by the state empowered with a vision of making the
authorities and the militants. Building change possible. Nothing can be more
peace in Kashmir will enhance regional relevant to capturing this vision than
stability and help address the the civil society in Kashmir.
conditions that incubate terrorism.
The above mentioned principles seem
easy on paper but their practical Now
achievement is a gigantic task.
However, the overall situation basically Telling
The insights from The J&K Stories
contemporary peace processes
show that sustainable peace
can only be achieved through
involving wide sections of
Epilogue
society, thus broadening public because there is more to know
stake in the peace process. This
is because, quite often, when
Contact
the agreements transpire after
the official peace negotiations,
that mostly take place in a ABDULLAH NEWS AGENCY
secret and closed-door Lal Chowk, Srinagar
***
environment, the public masses
RAINA NEWS AGENCY
watch in a daze of disbelief as Residency Road, Jammu
they learn of the concessions ***
their leaders have made which ABC STATIONERS AND
they, the constituency, will be DISTRIBUTORS
obliged to fulfil. Leh
***
SHAHEEN NEWS AGENCY
points to one thing: without a broader Kargil
vision and without change in people's ***
hearts and minds, peace is not possible CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
in Kashmir. Fundamental change in the
New Delhi
approach of all stakeholders (the
***
Kashmiris, Pakistanis and Indians) is
necessary to incrementally achieve
OXFORD BOOK STORE
peace in Kashmir. There is no simple New Delhi, Mumbai,
magic that can make the whole Calcutta, Bangalore,
situation change and bring about a Chennai & Goa
political settlement to the Kashmir
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009

Revisiting General Musharaf's Ideas
Formulations on Jammu and Kashmir
General Musharaf's formulations on Kashmir need to be studied in the proper context of global
architecture of power evolved in the aftermath of 9/11. It also needs to be analyzed in the context of
changing power dynamics in South Asia.
Dr. GUL MOHAMMAD WANI
Author is a Political Scientist teaching
in the department of Political Science
University of Kashmir
AS SOR T ED
T his year's theme at 8th India
Today Conclave was “Challenges
of Change”. General Musharaff
former President of Pakistan, in his
dinner keynote address spoke on “The
LOC must be torn down like the Berlin
wall”. He believed that 21st century is
the century for Asia but the question is
can we South-Asians be part of it? He
attributed his pessimism to continued
India-Pakistan hostility. He felt
confident that we moderates must
guide the events and not allow
extremists to create obstacles in the
way of peace. We have to head for a
solution on Kashmir. I had given a
formula which could form the basis for
moving forward and taking it towards a
solution. It is in this sense that a need is
felt to revisit his formulations after
General Musharaff has vacated the
political scene in Pakistan. Needless to
mention all conflict resolution
formulations in any part of the world
are contextual and grounded in existing
realities. The Jammu and Kashmir
constitutes no political exception.
When dogs from different
neighborhoods meet they smell each
others tail. India and Pakistan have
done it so often in the post-partition
era. One of the great puzzles of India –
Pakistan relations is not why smaller
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
Pakistan feels insecure but why the
larger India does so. Prof. Stephen
Cohen – widely respected expert on
South-Asia argues that the world's most
intractable disputes are psychologically
paired minority conflicts. It is only for
this reason that earlier on in a seminar
on South-Asia in the University of
Kashmir; I had argued that South – Asia
needs to be looked at more as region of
regions rather than as a region of states.
Regions are more natural and
historically more deeply planted. The
state–centric paradigm with excessive
obsession with national interest has
vandalized the social and economic life
of the people of sub-continent in
particular and that of South–Asia in
general.
General Musharaf's formulations on
Kashmir need to be studied in the
proper context of global architecture of
power evolved in the aftermath of 9/11.
It also needs to be analyzed in the
context of changing power dynamics in
South Asia. The formulations also
evolved in a bilateral context. The
composite dialogue began and back
channel diplomacy was in operation. In
April 2005 Delhi summit declared peace
process as irreversible. Further the
unilateral cease fire was declared on

the line of control. In a way these
formulations were also the by–products
of Indian states inflexibility purely
because of the fact that India has never
suffered defeat on the Jammu and
Kashmir issue. This notwithstanding the
fact that Indian state's moral position is
seriously compromised on Kashmir. In a
fundamental way Khan Gaffar Khan's set
of questions raised earlier after India's
independence are as provoking today as
these were then. He wanted to know as
to “whether Indian leadership has
fulfilled all the promises it made to the
people of Kashmir and also whether
people of Kashmir have abided by the
promises they made to India”.
In the immediate analysis what had
prompted General Musharaf to put forth
the set of formulations on Kashmir is to
look for an explanation both within and
without South Asia. South Asia and more
particularly indo-Pak equation is a
strategic microcosm of clash of
emotions. In the contemporary world
order the western world displays a
culture of fear, the Arab and Muslim
world are trapped in a culture of
humiliation and much of Asia displays a
culture of hope. In its approximation to
South Asia one can suggest only one
change—a culture of fear and arrogance
that the Indian state displays in its
dealings with Kashmir. Having said all
this I have no intention to join the
category of prophets of doom. There is
an articulate yet small section of people
in India's security and strategic
establishment which believes in
meaningful engagement with Pakistan.
They argue that ignoring Pakistan is
neither desirable nor feasible. No
country can really be great if its
backwater is in mess. Pakistan has
proved to be a bold bulwark for the
defence of India from the North West
from time to time. Even the Prime
AS SOR T ED
Minister also endorsed it when he stated
that a strong Pakistan is in India's
interest. For India the only way to
engage Pakistan and to emerge as a
major regional power is to consolidate
the region and emerge from it. Deeper
engagement with Pakistan is a political
investment for India. Lately Stephen
Cohen has advised India to liberate
itself both from Kashmir as well as
Pakistan in order to stake claim for a
regional power status. This has become
important for another reason also as far
as China's observer status in the South
Asian regional Co-operation framework
is concerned. Be it noted that China's
trade with SAARC countries is more than
that of India.
The above context does provide a wider
perspective in which one can examine
four components of General Musharaff's
formulation i.e., de-militarization;
self-rule; porous borders and joint
management.
De-militarization will take the army to
the 1989 position i.e., back to the
barracks. General Musharaf believed
that the military should be out, security
should be done by the people and
military should be garrisoned in a few
places. He also claimed that de-
militarization can be done by steps.
Earlier he talked of some good image
projection in a few districts of the
valley. Some political groups within
Kashmir ranging from main-stream to
the separatists have over a period of
time taken strong position on excessive
presence of security forces in Kashmir.
It also becomes clear if we only look at
the disproportionate presence of forces
on the ground which of course is an issue
not of consensus but subject to varied
assessments. There are round about 45
brigades of army which means
anywhere between 160,000 to 180,000.
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May 2009
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J&K Moving Forward
As per estimates provided by Gautam
Navalkha sometime back there are: 66
bns of RR, 56 bns of BSF, 50 bns of CRPF,
30 bns of CPMF, 5 bns of Ladakh Scouts,
15 bns of J&K Light Infantry, 25 bns of
J&K Rifles, 7 bns of Territorial Army, 1
bn of Ikhwanis, 64,000 JKAP, 23,000
SPOs, 25,000 Home Guards and 200
Village Defence Members. The socio-
economic implications of the huge
presence of the state too have been
examined by experts and government
authorities. Officially 681,839 Kanals of
land have been occupied by security
forces, out of which 3,10,184 Kanals are
un-authorized. In view of the fact that
de-militarization is a very sensitive
issue and very important from the point
of view of human security certain
sensible suggestions have emanated
which should factor into any decision
taken on it. First, de-militarization as
an issue should not be politicized by
groups and political parties. Second,
independent voices like that of
Mubashir Hassan and Kuldeep Nayer,
that India and Pakistan need to reduce
the trust deficit should also be taken
into account. More importantly civilian
spaces having no militant presence
need to be immediately vacated. Half a
dozen innocent people having fallen to
the bullets of CRPF or police men in
recent weeks at Bomai and Haigam
suggest that AFSPA needs to be scraped
and accountability of forces ensured.
The Omar Abdullah government needs
to fulfill the promise of strengthening
the State Human Rights Commission.
Self-rule:
Self-rule too like de-militarization is
subjected to many interpretations and
explanations in and outside the state.
General Musharaf claimed that while
autonomy creates confusion self-rule
means people will govern themselves.
He said let the people on both sides
 AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward

meet and debate. The Indian position is
that self-rule will be considered when
Pakistan presents it in a format. Within
the J&K state the National Conference
claims that self-rule is akin to its
greater autonomy formulation. The
Peoples Democratic Party which
recently presented its report on self-
rule feels that Art. 370 as adopted in
1949 is self-rule in essence. It also talks
of a grand reconciliation between India
and Pakistan on issues of self-rule. Prof.
Abdul Gani Bhat of Hurriyat Conference
(M) says that “we interpret the proposal
in the context of sentiments that are
fast changing”. He said that
“Kashmiries will have their own prime
Minister, President, Supreme Court and
Election Commission”. Needless to
mention that both autonomy and self-
rule are most sought after and resisted
devices for conflict resolution world
over. Self-rule becomes contentious
where it is associated with assertions of
or qualifications of state sovereignty.
Many conflicts in the world are
themselves about the demand for and
resistance to self-rule. Though self-rule
is the way-out that would eliminate the
sources of ethnic, territorial conflicts
entrenched into notions of sovereignty
yet the challenge is how successfully
sovereignty is fudged, diffused and
fragmented. It is only for this reason that
A.G.Noorani claims that, “experience
has amply demonstrated the futility of a
New Delhi-Srinagar accord without a
prior India-Pakistan accord on it.
The joint management mechanism is
ultimately dependent upon how much
distance India and Pakistan are able to
travel together. Unless trust deficit is
not transformed into trust surplus the
chances of a grand reconciliation are
minimal. It is only for this reason that
one can safely conclude that greater
people to people contacts and porous
borders need to be given preference till
peace constituencies in all parts are
expanded and people develop a vested
interest in peace. Porous borders and
more confidence building measures are
necessary in view of the fact that
historically Indo-Pak relations have
been quite accident prone. Musharraf
claimed in his speech that during his
time the trade list of importable items
to Pakistan increased from 200 to 1400
which had equal beneficial impact. He
also believed that sincerity, flexibility
and boldness are needed to improve the
environment. He hoped that India has to
show magnanimity and humility as the
major power in the region. Let no one
ignore the sane words of Charles
Darwin: it is not the strongest species
that survive the most intelligent but the
most responsive to change.

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May 2009

A New Hope
ANIL DHAR
Author is a Kashmiri Pandit
Political and Social Activist
now based at Jammu
AS SOR T ED
T
he valley of Kashmir which was
described as the “High School of Hindu
Science” by eminent Islamic Scholar, Al
Beruni, in early eleventh century & of which a
renowned linguistic expert & writer, Sir
George Grierson writes that “from this valley
have issued masterpieces of history,
romance, philosophy & fable”, and also most
eloquent teachers of Saivism & Sufisism”.
Today it is known as the valley of turmoil and
has been so for nearly two decades now.
It is a pathetic perversity of history that the
descendants of the ancient architects of the
Kashmir's universally acknowledged
multifarious glory are today witnessing the
disintegration and dematerialization of their
own century's old inheritance & ethos some of
them the destruction of their own roots in
their soil of ancestors.
The turmoil in the valley has engulfed the
whole state and even the part of it on the
other side of the divide. Kashmiris in general
have felt alienated, the Pandits uprooted and
the people of Jammu discriminated. Even
their bretheren on the other side of the line
are aggrieved. All this has resulted by what
has been happening between India and
Pakistan from the bloody days of partition and
continues even today, only changing the
patterns with the changing times.
Even though the people of the state in all
walks of life yearn for peace, yet it is a little
far away. The people of Jammu and Kashmir
on the Pakistan side also want more
interaction and exchanges in trade, cultural
activities and people to people contact.
The positions of the Govt. at every level have
been dismal. No attempt has been made to
end the mental distances between the people
and the communities, physically living apart.
No sincere attempt, by the Govt. has ever
been made to create a congenial environment
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May 2009
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J&K Moving Forward
for larger people to people contact, and
larger interaction been the civil societies and
primarily the youth.
Time has come to move forward. A
multipronged strategy based on innovative
planning and broad based execution is
required at present. The winds of change
have made their impact. People of Jammu
and Kashmir especially the separatist
elements have begun realizing the futility of
protracted violence and indifference. The
recent happening in Pakistan is an eye-opener
for one and all, especially for those who have
been abdicating peace and advocating
violence for the last two decades.
What people of Jammu and Kashmir need
today is economical freedom and not political
independence. The Govt. both at the Centre
and the State and moreover the Govt. of India
and Pakistan need to take a lead in promoting
infrastructure investment and economic
development.
In a recently concluded international
workshop for conflict resolution in Jammu
and Kashmir, held at Bangkok and attended by
a cross section of civil society of Jammu and
Kashmir on both sides of the divide, it was felt
that return of peace and conflict resolution in
Kashmir is of utmost importance.
On a broader scale it was felt that any action
to bolster democracy in Kashmir would also
help to undercut the rationale of unrest in
Kashmir and thereby help to rid Pakistan of
the incubus of religion-based terrorism.
The civil society in the sub-continent should
make significant contributions to the process
of restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir and
ultimately help the Govt. of India and
Pakistan to find a lasting solution to their
conflict over Kashmir.
 AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward

Keeping hopes alive for

Kashmir settlement

Despite height of tourism between India and Pakistan, a key confidence building measure - Cross-LoC
bus and truck service - in intact. While New Delhi and Islamabad deserve credit for restraint, the
people of Jammu and Kashmir have strongly conveyed that they would like to continue their efforts
for peace and cooperation.

T he Mumbai carnage reversed the solution of Kashmir problem. Both the

5-year old composite dialogue
process between India and
Pakistan. Conversely, the Bus Service
between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad
and the trade route across the Line of
Control (LoC) have not only been intact
but also making some progress.
Amazingly, local authorities decided to
open Poonch-Rawalakot route for two
days a week instead of once a week
recently. Despite the lack of adequate
trade facilities this move has the
potential to double the ongoing trade
between two parts of the divided
Jammu &Kashmir state.
ruling and major opposition parties of
Jammu and Kashmir used every
occasion to impress upon New Delhi to
resume the stalled talks with Pakistan
over Kashmir.
The mainstream parties also realized
that without addressing the broader
dispute over the future status of Jammu
and Kashmir lasting peace and stability
could not be achieved. This political
consciousness bridged the ideological
gulf between separatists and the
mainstream parties to a greater extent.

In past, both Islamabad and New Delhi

ERSHAD MAHMUD
Author is Islamabad based security
analyst and hails from the Poonch
district of the Pakistan administered
Kashmir. He can be reached at :
rawalakotjk@gmail.com
used to suspend progress on Jammu and
Kashmir whenever any tension rose. The
inhabitants across the 740 km long LoC
had invariably been worst victim of this
rivalry. Fortunately, this time it remains
largely peaceful. Isolated events of
skirmishes along LoC were not allowed
to spawn constant occurring. Islamabad
and New Delhi deserve credit for
showing remarkable restraint even
during the height of hostility.
The last year state elections in the
Indian-controlled Jammu and Kashmir
also underlined the significance for the

Epilogue Ø
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May 2009

The widespread desire to seek early
solution of the conflict is considered as
a positive sign to restart triangular
negotiations between New Delhi and
Islamabad, Delhi and separatists and
finally between Islamabad and Kashmiri
stakeholders.
On the other side, the ongoing national
elections in India also lured major
contestants particularly the Congress
and BJP to adopt a tough line about
Pakistan to grab Hindu extremists' vote
bank. The competitive Indian politics
scuttled the progress achieved during
the last five years. In the 2004 Indian
national elections both Congress and
BJP were championing India-Pakistan
harmony and cordial relations but now
their election's flagship is to fight
against terrorism or Pakistan.
Relations with the Pakistan also figures
in the Indian political parties' election
manifestoes. The key opposition party
BJP says that if it gets power it will
resume peace talks with Pakistan only
after Islamabad dismantles the
'terrorist infrastructure' on its soil.
Without that there can be no
comprehensive dialogue with Pakistan.
The BJP leadership has persistently
been accusing the ruling alliance and
particularly the Congress for being soft
on Pakistan and making unnecessary
concessions to Islamabad.The ruling
Congress party also appears tough
towards Pakistan. It demands that
Pakistan has to come up clean on
Mumbai before the resumption of Pak-
India peace process. Recently Pakistan's
foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi
offered the resumption of peace
process with India but the later declined
the offer and said that until Mumbai
attackers were not brought to justice
India would not restart the dialogue.
Likewise, Indian Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh also said that if his
AS SOR T ED
people were being killed he could not
resume the dialogue process between
two countries.
Some observers believe that after
elections the Indian government may
restart peace process and particularly
refocus to expand the scope of
confidence building measures in Jammu
and Kashmir. However, the increasing
diatribe against the 'dubious' role of
Pakistan's secret services in 'war on
terror' and Washington's ever-increasing
thickness with New Delhi offset
Pakistan's security establishment.
It is time for this lobby (people-
to-people) to come up with new
ideas and redirect the Pakistan-
India relations immediately after
the Indian national elections. A
section of the media and several
political actors had done a great
deal of damage to the peace
process. It can be undone with the
greater civil society intervention
and the positive media role.
Additionally, the India Afghanistan
proximity and Washington' complicity
with it also sent negative signals to
Islamabad.
Traditionally, the Kashmir issue had
been the bone of contention between
the two neighboring countries but now a
number of other issues have come in the
way and rather have taken the center
stage. The alleged Indian support for
Baloch insurgency and terrorist
networks in Pakistan's tribal areas has
pitted both the countries against each
other. It also has put a dampner on
Pakistan-US relations and has the
potential to wrest the stability of
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May 2009
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J&K Moving Forward
Afghanistan. Kashmir has been linked
with other conflicts in the region
particularly with the Afghanistan and
terrorism at large.
A number of negative and positive
developments are taking place in the
region in tandem. The robust people-to-
people contacts and other socio-
political ties between Pakistan and
Indian had created a large constituency
and to some extent had transformed the
traditional discourse over Pak-India
relations from zero sum game to
cooperative mode in recent years. In
wake of the Mumbai attacks the peace
lobby has been marginalized and hawks
took the centre stage at the two side of
Wahga border.
It is time for this lobby (people-to-
people) to come up with new ideas and
redirect the Pakistan-India relations
immediately after the Indian national
elections. A section of the media and
several political actors had done a great
deal of damage to the peace process. It
can be undone with the greater civil
society intervention and the positive
media role.
Fortunately, both India and Pakistan had
arrived a broader understanding over
Kashmir settlement and had already
garnered the support inside Jammu and
Kashmir. Besides, both the governments
have proposed a number of positive
steps for building cooperation between
two countries. The bus service and
opening trade routes are the bench marks
of the positive forward movement.
Further, institutional cooperation
between two parts of Jammu and
Kashmir was also envisaged and, in fact,
some good news was around the corner
but tragic attacks of Mumbia seized the
opportunity. Now, Srinagar and
Muzaffarabad can again try to capitalize
on these available avenues.

Images of Kashmir in Pir Panjal Region
ABDUL RAUF MIR
Author is a peace and development
activist associated with Action-Aid
International. He works in Banihal
area of Jammu
AS SOR T ED
F
ew people living in Jammu and
Kashmir know about the
hardworking, skillful and simple
Kashmiri people living across Pir Panjal
range in Jammu region. But besides the
National Highway and some broken
forgotten roads and linkages, which
connect the valley of Kashmir with
these regions, there is a much stronger
bond which, many don't seem aware of,
that connects the people across. This
bond lies in the shared similar culture,
tradition, practices and language which
makes all the hearts beat in unison.
Presence of Kasmhiri people across the
Pir Panjal range can be seen right from
Poonch, Rajouri, Doda, Ramban,
Kishtwar up to Tehsil Billawar, Basohli
and Ramnagar areas. Not only this, but
across the borders of J&K, 60 to 70
villages of Himachal Pradesh are
Kashmiri populated.
District Pooch:
Twenty miles from Poonch is located
Mandi Sarai where 80% of local
population are Kashmiris and are
considered as colourful centre of
Kashmiri culture. About four miles from
Mandi is located Qila loher kote, a
historic place where the famous
Mohammed Gaznavi was defeated by
Kashmiris now known as Lohran. In
Surankote, half of the population is of
Kashmiris. It borders with Uri,
Baramulla and Budgam and is at a
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
distance of only one or half day. But due
to clousure of Haji Pir and Soi Maidan
roads, people now have to travel
hundreds of kilometers to meet their
own relatives on other side of the range.
So it seems that the provincial
boundaries have become a barrier
between them and mother Kashir
(Kashmir) and they are now distanced
from their language & culture.
District Rajouri:
In 1965 Rajouri was made a separate
district. It is of great importance due to
passage of the historic Mughal Road
though this district. Cahng Sarai,
Fatehpur Sarai, Suz Sarai, Thon Sarais of
Mughals are some historic places here.
Cahng Sarai is 22 km from Rajouri
where Mugahal Emperor Jahangir died
while coming from valley and some
mortal remains of his body are buried
here. Thanamandi here is considered as
centre for Kashmiri culture. Tehsil
Buddhal and Darhal which are
connected to Banihal, Kulgam and
Shopian though Mong hal and Hoon hang
passes are also considered rich in
Kashmiri culture. Although there are
less Muslims in Noushehra tehsil, still
there is cultural dominance of Muslims
and Kashmiris in the district. More like
other areas of pir panchal except some
areas of Banihal and Bhaderwah there is
less or no cultivation of Rice as
compared to potato, beans, maize etc,
So at some places people take rice only

once a day, usually at dinner time.
Kashmiri tea is common among the
Kashmiris and Gujjars of the areas.
More like Kashmir valley there are a
large number of famous and holy shrines
of Sufis and saints in the whole Pir
panchal area region. Rajouri is famous
for holy Shardra shrief Shrine, Kishtwar
famous for Hazrat Shah Asrar sahib's
shrine similarly there are many more
holy shrines in the entire pir panchal
region. It is noticed that the way people
practice their religion is more like that
of people doing the same on holy shrines
in Kashmir valley. Common link
between Kashmir's Baba Reshi shrine in
Tangmarg and holy shrines in this Pir
panchal region can be seen by the way
people practice their religion in these
holy shrines. Moreover the langar khana
(mess) arrangement in Baba Ghulam
shah sahib shrine is all made on Kashmiri
pattern.
Chinab Valley:
Without consideration of three
districts, Doda, Ramban and Kishtwar
the imagination of a complete Kashmiri
culture is incomplete. Majority of
Kashmiri population of Pir Panjal range
live here. Banihal and other areas like
Gool, Marwah and Warwan etc are more
close to Kashmir valley and thus
AS SOR T ED
influenced by the life style of the
people of valley. Nature has made
Banihal a cold desert and handed it to
fast blowing chilly winds and in the
name of the state same wind has swept
Doda district is another
example of Kashmiri culture in
the region, Bhaderwah which
is called as Chotta Kashmir is
very closely related to Kashmiri
culture. There is very large
number of Kashmiri speaking
people in the whole district
who also speak their regional
languages like Bhaderwahi etc.
Hindus living in this area very
simple and hardworking most
of them can speak or
understand Kashmiri
language.
away the identity of this region and
restricted it between Jammu and
Kashmir by the name of “and” 90%
population of Banihal Tehsil living in
more than 85 villages speak either only
Kashmiri or both Kashmiri, Poogli and
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Gujjri. Similarly Gool area is 80%
Kashmiri speaking. More like other PPR
areas there are lot of shrines of Sufis
and saints in this district also. Moulana
Syed Abdullah, Alam Shah Sahib, Shah
Asra and many more. The same
practices are followed by the devotees
which are seen in the valley like
organizing Khatme Sharif (special
prayers) on special days, Shab Khwani (
full night prayers), celebrating Urs, tying
threads of faith on the window sills and
rejoicing in the spiritual aura and seeking
fulfillment of both worlds. The faith is
unflinching and strong which helps the
people endure the hardships in life and
seek the true meaning of existence.
Doda:
Doda district is another example of
Kashmiri culture in the region,
Bhaderwah which is called as Chotta
Kashmir is very closely related to
Kashmiri culture. There is very large
number of Kashmiri speaking people in
the whole district who also speak their
regional languages like Bhaderwahi etc.
Hindus living in this area very simple
and hardworking most of them can
speak or understand Kashmiri language.
Bhalesa area of Doda is considered as
rich center for Kashmiri culture in this
district.

Kishtwar:
Kishtwar another district of this region
is also very rich in Kashmiri culture.
The district is very rich in Sapphire.
Kishtwar is an example of brotherhood
and harmony between the people of
this region and Kashmir region,
evidence of which are fond in the
history when after leaving Kashmir,
Yaqoob Chak was helped by Raja
Bahadur Singh of Kishtwar and later
married his sister Shankar Devi with
Yaqoob Chak giving him the status of
brothr in law. Kishtwar is also famous
for its hot springs like Atpaddar,
Chatroo, Marwah, Dacchan and Polark.
As I have the privilege to travel to all
the blocks of these three districts from
Dacchan to Paddar and from Gandooh
to Ukheral and Gool. Dacchan, Marwah
and Kishwar are nowadays being
connected to Kokernag from Margan
Top and Sinthan Top respectively which
is at a very small distance. Ishrat
Kashmiri (writer) has described
following regions of Kishtwar where
Kashmiri culture is still very rich, these
are Dacchan, Nagsaini, Dryal,
Kishtwar, Sarwa Sarthal khas Kishtwar,
M a r w a h , Wa r w a n , Pa d d a r a n d
Bonzwah. It is famous for the presence
of various Sufis and Saints and the holy
shrine of Hazrat Shah Asrar Sahib is
very famous.
Although casts of Kashmiris in whole Pir
Panjal region right from Poonch-Rajouri
to Kishtwar and Banihal are more or the
less same. Except a few almost all the
casts are present in Kashmir valley eg.
Wani, Mir, Khan, Sihekh, Lone, Rather,
Nayak, Giri, Shan, Malik, Bhat, Tantry,
Parray, Ganaie, Khanday, Manhas,
Katoch, Gang, Goni, Mugahal, Tak,
Beigh, Lohar etc are found in this region
and more or the less same casts are
found in Kashmir valley also.
AS SOR T ED
Kashmiri culture is also found in large
number of villages in Ramnagar like
Panara, Lodra, Bandool, Jakher,
Basantgarh, Chanter, Kadu, etc. Same
is the case with Malhar area of Tehsil
Billawar. In Basooli Tehsil there are
various examples of Kashmiri culture
in following villages of Bugan,
The reason for detailing the
above facts is to bring to light
the commonalities in the
culture and lifestyle of the
Kashmiri people across the
state of Jammu & Kashmir,
many of whom now live a
scattered existence. Much has
been talked about people to
people interaction, and sharing
of cultures and knowledge etc
across- LOC & countries. But
it is very ironic indeed that we
often forget to know more
about people within the same
State, who are so close to us
both geographically and with
whom we share a common
identity. There is a need for
more interaction and
communication amongst these
people.
Fatehpur, Dlang, Dohty, Dagar, Badra,
Bikhai, Tappar, Poad and Banjal. There
are some great poets and writers who
have contributed to the Kashmiri
culture across the Pir Panjal region and
their contribution is everlasting
towards the development of Kashmiri
language and culture. Not only in
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Jammu region but all over Jammu and
Kashmir some prominent names are
Rasa Javidani, Kamgar Kishtwari,
Jabaz Dolwal, Margoob Banihali,
Tavoos Banihali, Waif Bhaderwahi,
Shahbaz Rajouri and Mushtaq Faridddi
there are many more who have worked
and who are working toward
upliftment of Kashmiri language and
culture in the region.
The reason for detailing the above
facts is to bring to light the
commonalities in the culture and
lifestyle of the Kashmiri people across
the state of Jammu & Kashmir, many of
whom now live a scattered existence.
Much has been talked about people to
people interaction, and sharing of
cultures and knowledge etc across-
LOC & countries. But it is very ironic
indeed that we often forget to know
more about people within the same
State, who are so close to us both
geographically and with whom we
share a common identity. There is a
need for more interaction and
communication amongst these people.
This would generate increased
awareness and facilitate better
interaction amongst them which will
eventually go a long way in developing
and seeking issues of common interest
and survival in the long run. For the
conservation of the fast diminishing
cultural ethos and identity, a renewed
interaction and opening/renewal of
the connecting linkages with the
people of the Pir Panjal and the people
of the valley is essential. This would
generate more sensitivity and sense of
belongingness among these Kashmiris
as for them it is really high time to stop
ignoring each other , or stigmatizing
and start embracing one another with
the common bonds of brotherhood,
spiritualism and love.

Peace via voiceless people;
A Northern Areas perspective
Strategically most important region in context of Greater Jammu and Kashmir, the Northern Areas is
not finding due space in any dialogue.
EJAZ AHMED KHAN
Author is Media & Development
Communication Expert associated with
(PEN/Publishing Extension Network)
Gilgit, Northern Areas, Pakistan. He can be
reached at pen_gilgit@hotmail.com
AS SOR T ED
T he Northern Areas is situated in
the extreme north of Pakistan. It
is the most glaciated area in the
world - outside the polar caps. Having a
rich but distinct culture in its lap,
Northern Areas is inhabited by five
major ethno-linguistic communities,
and three different Muslim sects (Sunni,
Shia, and Ismaili). Administratively, this
region falls under the administrative
control of the Federal Government of
Pakistan. It is a landscape dominated by
high rising mountains, plateau, glaciers
and valleys, with the Hindu Kush, lesser
Himalaya, Karakoram and Pamirs
converging to form a huge mountain
mass.
Strategically the region is one of the
most important units in the context of
greater Jammu and Kashmir, bordering
both China and Afghanistan. Northern
Areas – with a population of around 1.5
million people – is scattered over a
territory of 72,496 square kilometers. It
presents a rich mix of cultures,
languages, plants, animals and
habitats. In the recent times
comparatively easy access to the region
has brought about dramatic changes in
social, economic, and political fields of
the region. As a result the realization for
still-illusive constitutional status has
accentuated.
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Neither Kashmiri nor South Asian
Prior to the British colonization of the
Gilgit region in the late 1800s, the
people of the western Karakoram
Mountains had closer social and cultural
linkages with the people of Central Asia
and Afghanistan than with the vale of
Kashmir or the Punjab.
Only with the establishment of the
Gilgit Agency, did the British construct
the Gilgit Road, linking the town of
Gilgit with Srinagar. The British also
constructed the Indus Road, linking the
region with the Northwest Frontier and
the Punjab. However the political
representatives of the region had
submitted legal petition in AJK High
court about constitutional status to
become either part of AJK or Pakistan
but in vail. The political leadership has
the view that at least they should be
given representation at any forum like
Kashmir committee, Kashmir council
and in the process of dialogue on
Kashmir dispute.
Neither Part of Azad Kashmir nor
Pakistan
NA is historically comprised little kingdoms
ruled by Rajas, Mirs and Chieftains; it was
partially annexed by the Dogra regime
of Kashmir by middle of the 19th
century. In 1935 the British acquired

Gilgit Wizarat for 60 years. However, in
November 1947, the people liberated
the area and acceded to Pakistan.
F o l l o w i n g 1 9 4 7 , t h e Pa k i s t a n
Government through the various local
rulers administered the Northern Areas,
formerly known as the Gilgit Agency.
Only in the 1970s were the local rajas
and mirs retired and formal Pakistani
bureaucratic agencies established.
In Azad Jammu and Kashmir the
government of Pakistan established a
quasi-independent government,
including a president and prime
minister. The Northern Areas was never
included in such an arrangement nor has
the region ever had its own
democratically elected political
representatives.
In compliance with the UN resolution on
Kashmir and as per the constitution of
Pakistan, the Northern Areas is a disputed
AS SOR T ED
region and is not officially recognized as
part of the constitutional territory of
Pakistan. As such, the region does not
have any representation in the National
Assembly nor does it have a democr-
atically elected leadership, as in AJK.
In addition, the Northern Areas has
limited local governance. The Federal
Minister for Kashmir Affairs and the
Northern Areas, who is appointed by the
Prime Minister of Pakistan, rules the
region. In the 1990s, a Legislative
council was created, that is known
today known as the Northern Area's
Legislative Assembly. However, the
Assembly has no independent
legislative power.
The Karakoram Highway and
Integration into Pakistan
For a long time the ancient Silk Route
provided the only significant link to the
outside world. In the 1970s the
government of Pakistan upgraded the
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old Indus Road and transformed it into
the Karakoram Highway, with extensive
technical, financial, and construction
assistance from China. With the opening
of the KKH in 1978, dramatic changes in
the region have occurred.
During the 1990s, the region witnessed
a huge increase in tourism, providing
many economic opportunities to the
people of the region. However, since
2001 tourism to the Northern Areas has
all but disappeared.
One of the biggest impacts on the
economy of the region is the “China
Border Trade” – many local traders
travel back and forth to the western
Chinese province of Xinjiang importing
a variety of Chinese manufactured
goods into the Northern Areas and to the
rest of Pakistan.
The KKH also provides an avenue of
trade with the rest of Pakistan,

intensifying cash crop production and
the providing of forestry products
(leading to serious problems of
deforestation).
A Civil Society Perspective:
Emerging Civil Society
Only since the 1978s has the Northern
Areas been connected with the rest of
Pakistan through the construction of the
Karakoram Highway. Following the
opening of the highway a number of
international NGOs started working in
the region. The Aga Khan Development
Network is the largest organization with
dramatic impacts, particularly within
the Ismaili community.
Since the 1990s many other
international NGOs have been working
in the region, including IUCN, WWF,
European Community, and various UN
agencies including UNDP, UNICEF,
UNFEM, and UNAIDS. As a result, many
local NGOs have come up to facilitate
development work, capitalizing on the
investment of funds from international
donor agencies.
NGOs are having both a positive and
negative impact on the region.
NGOs have made significant
contributions in the fields of health,
education, and general social
development. Some districts in the
Northern Areas are the most literate
with female literacy rates around 70%
(though female literacy rates in other
districts, namely Diamer, remains
significantly low at about 4%)
NGOs have also left significant
economic impact by providing
employment opportunities to the
educated youth of the region. Very few
employment opportunities exist for the
people of the region outside the trade
AS SOR T ED
and earlier tourism (which since 2001
has deteriorated). These NGOs offer
lucrative packages for a good number of
people working for the uplift of their
communities.
One of the negative impacts has been
the creation of economic disparities in
the region, creating a class of
development professionals who are
separate from the mass rural
population.
The second negative impact has been
the pacification of what was a very
vocal and active movement in the 1970s
for the right of self rule. NGOs provide
an economic path, distracting people's
attention from the issue at hand. The
ultimate result was that no real
leadership could emerge and prosper as
the gap was filled in temporarily by the
NGOs, offering religious figures to step
in. A sectarian strife then turned into a
deep-rooted issue of the region,
undermining any collective move for
the rights.
A Civil Society Perspective:
Sectarian Issues and the
Prospects for Local Peace
Over the past decade, the Northern
Areas has witnessed unprecedented
violence between the followers of Sunni
and Shia sects, particularly in the
administrative capital Gilgit.
During the period of intense violence in
2005, various civil society organizations
maintained their neutrality and
interacted with the people at a
comparative ease.
The organization I represent, PEN –
Publishing Extension Network –
established in 1997, was founded on the
principle of bridging divides between
communities. Our Board of Directors
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belonging to different religious and
ethnic groups in Gilgit have successfully
worked in different ethnic communities
in the Northern Areas.
Prospects for Peace
The current status of the Northern Areas
is in limbo, having weak voice in
political processes. The continued
conflict between India and Pakistan has
very detrimental impact on the people
of the region who are operating without
basic rights.
From the perspective of the people of
the region, there are few possible
solutions offering alternatives to the
current situation.
Representation like FATA within
Pakistan' National assembly and Senate.
Annex to Azad Jammu and Kashmir.
Setup like Azad Jammu and Kashmir,
with own President and Prime Minister
At least representation in the Kashmir
Council, chaired by PM Pakistan
One of the challenges of identifying
prospects for peace for greater Jammu
and Kashmir is the recognition of the
radically distinct histories and cultures
of the region. The affect on local
communities is different, and each
community must be taken into
consideration. No peace settlement can
be made without the voice of the
different people being represented.
Civil society organizations such as PEN
will play an important role in the peace
process by working with local
communities, strengthening their
voices, and sensitizing them to the
political realities. A forum such as this
will offer avenues for people to raise
their voices for a peaceful solution to
Jammu and Kashmir conflict.