Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 8:1 (2008), pp.

45-60

Colonial Apostles:
A Discourse on Syncretism and the Early American
Protestant Missions in the Philippines
Joseph TT.. Raymond
Silliman University
jtraymond2000@yahoo.com

The popular discourse pertaining to the colonial experience of the Philippines under the United
States is commonly placed within the context of imperialism and its economic motives seen as
a main catalyst for colonial aspirations. The colonial experience, however, is complex and can
be explained beyond this conventional view. Colonialism serves as a channel for the accelerated
mutation of colonized societies; such that, the colonizers as much as the colonized, are active
participants in the dynamics of the colonial encounter. As civilizations interact in a world system,
syncretism takes place; this is the blending of elements from different cultural traditions, the
result being that a foreign tradition becomes meaningful in a land far from its origin. This
acceptance of foreign belief practices is made possible due to the presence of associated
indigenous values amongst Filipinos. These values of karangalan (dignity), katarungan
(justice), and kalayaan (freedom) which emanate from a core value of kapwa (fellowmen)
served as cultural bridges that accelerated the acceptance of the new faith. Thus, it is possible
to re-image the colonizer and the colonized people as beneficiaries of a shared experience.
This deviation from traditional paradigms used to explain the era, has permitted an alternative
perspective on colonialism.
This study focuses on the early events that transpired with the initiation and propagation of
Protestantism as a belief system, by various religious missionary groups during the early stages
of American colonial rule; how the Protestants in the United States viewed the colonial acquisition
of the archipelago; and why they were welcomed by those who first came in contact with
them. The intention is to understand the reasons for the coming of Protestantism to the Philippines;
and to give a picture of the role and influence of early religious programs on the American
colonial experience at its onset. This will then make possible a description of the Filipino response
to Protestantism as a result of cross-cultural exchanges that have led to cultural enrichment.

Keywords: Syncretism, Protestant missions, indigenous values, cross-cultural exchange

The approach used in this study is influenced
and guided by this concept: that as belief systems
interact in a world system, cross-cultural
conversion takes place through the process of
syncretism, which allows the blending of elements
from different cultural traditions, resulting in the
foreign tradition becoming “intelligible, meaningful,
and even attractive in a land far from its origin”.
Furthermore, social conversion takes place in
which people and societies adopt or adapt foreign

© 2008 De La Salle University-Manila, Philippines

46 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW
cultural traditions (Bentley, 1993, p.8). Conversion
through syncretism is of three types: conversion
through voluntary association; conversion
introduced by political, social, or economic
pressure; and conversion by assimilation. This
study describes the Filipino reaction to
Protestantism based on these three patterns of
social conversion as seen from a historical
perspective.
Influences on societies were caused by political,
economic, or commercial alliances with well-
organized foreigners when the former voluntarily
associated with the latter. The agents responsible
for such encounters were merchants who engaged
in long-distance trade but who eventually settled
permanently in the lands where they traded. These
diasporic communities were also responsible for
the introduction of their culture, tradition, religion,
and other aspects of their way of life, which some
of the indigenous peoples voluntarily accepted..
The conversions which thus resulted were hastened
especially when the local native elite found the new/
foreign beliefs and practices not only appealing but
empowering as well.
Conversion induced by political, social and
economic pressures caused occur when states
choose, as a matter of policy, to support
agreements, treaties, and even cultural alternatives
at the expense of their own interests; and since
compliance with such treaties, etc. becomes
mandatory, the people have no choice but to accept
them. Examples of these are the economic and
political colonization by the Asians and later, by
Europeans in the Americas and in Asia as well, in
which the indigenous population could not do anything
but accept the new rulers. In this situation, aside from
merchants, soldiers and missionaries also serve as
agents of political, social-economic and cultural
exchange. In the case of conversion by assimilation
(i.e. a process in which minority groups adapt to the
practices, traditions, and standards of a ruling
majority since the former enthusiastically believe
in the political, social, and economic advantages
to be gained from accepting foreign cultures.
To further explain the syncretization process, it
is significant to point out that the Protestant faith
VOL. 8 NO. 1
was not just merely imposed upon the Filipinos,
but it instead was able to find a cultural bridge into
the hearts and minds of the Filipinos. This was
possible through the strong emphasis of the early
missionaries on self-determination in all aspects of
the new faith. This found its counterpart in the
Filipino core values of kapwa and its associated
values of karangalan, katarungan, and kalayaan
(Mendoza, 2006, p. 71). Significantly, these core
values were at the heart of the nation during the
transition periods from the old to the new colonial
masters. This approach made possible the historical
dynamics in the process of identity creation,
whereby there is the “awareness that identity is not
a fixed datum but undergoes shifts and changes in
response to external demands in the environment,
although still retaining a “core” (Ibid.).
These concepts are to be utilized to analyze the
nature, scope, and effects of early cultural relations
between the Philippines and the United States; and
to see to what extent these have brought about a
continued cycle of historical contacts and
exchanges between cultures that have led to a
positive regional coherence of interests within the
dominant shadow of US-Asia-Pacific foreign
policy. These concepts are to be utilized to assess
the realities brought about by the introduction of
American Protestantism in the Philippines.
Moreover, it is to see how cultural syncretism has
changed, modified, and improved national identities
within a historical framework.
To understand the colonial aspirations of the
United States it is important to realize the roots of
her imperial philosophy that eventually became
the cornerstone of the justification of her acts, all
of which led to the creation of the American colonial
empire, beginning with the acquisition of the
Philippines in the late nineteenth century. There are
three events in American history that are milestones
in the formation of the American colonial
framework: the imperial philosophy, popularly
known as “manifest destiny”; “the White Man’s
Burden”; and in the politico-diplomatic idiom –
“Benevolent Assimilation”, which began with the
American Revolution in 1776 and the
independence of the United States by 1783. The
COLONIAL APOSTLES
idea was thus initiated, that the Americans had some
form of divine destiny, as proven in the victory of
pitchfork-wielding settlers and farmers over a
colonial power like Great Britain.
A second event that strengthened this idea of a
“divine destiny” and perhaps the most important,
since it was the matchstick that lit the fire, was
the victory of the liberal minded American North
over the traditional South during the American Civil
War which lasted from 1861 to 1865. This is
considered as a landmark event in the formation
of the colonial destiny of the American nation, since
the mission of benevolence was accomplished by
liberating the African migrants from the oppression
of slavery, giving them the opportunity to live as
“equals” in an American society. As a result, the
notion of the “White Man” as the liberator and
savior of the “dark skins” or non-whites became a
popular interpretation of the Civil War..
The third event and a consequence of the first
two, was the westward movement of the
Americans as they slowly gained territories from
European colonies in the continental United States,
and further acquired more lands from the American
Indians that further put into motion the concept and
belief in the “civilizing mission” of the white
American.
It is clear that the Americans had long-term
intentions for the Philippines as evidenced by the
presence of Admiral George Dewey in Hong Kong
before the battle of Manila Bay and even before
the declaration of war on Spain by America
(Agoncillo, 1990, p. 188); and the sending of three
waves of reinforcements from June to July of 1898
headed by Gen. Thomas Anderson, Gen. Francis
Greene, and Gen. Arthur MacArthur to Manila
despite the already obvious defeat of Spain (Ibid.,
p. 194). This intention was later legitimized by the
Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation of U.S.
President William McKinley on December 21,
1898, just eleven days after the signing of the
Treaty of Paris, which opened the Philippines to
American business, military installations, and
religious programs, which, in general, represented
the interests of the new colonial administration
(Ibid., p. 214).
RAYMOND, J.T. 47
PROTESTANT SENTIMENTS
IN THE UNITED STATES ABOUT
THE ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES
It is significant to point out that the American
Protestant reaction to the acquisition of the
Philippines was influenced by two general trends
that characterized Protestantism in the United
States at the turn of the century. First, there was
the clamor for the importance of an institutional
church that later took on a socialistic and
humanistic outlook – “A historic Kingdom of God
was sought on earth through cooperative projects
of discipleship”. Second, there was the trend in
late nineteenth century Protestantism towards self-
assertiveness and strident emphasis on the
supremacy of the Anglo-Saxons, as typified by the
American branch (Meyer, 1986, pp.7-8). The
existence of these two major trends will serve to
explain the essence of the American Protestant
sentiment toward their country now being a
colonial power. As a result, the American
understanding and imagery of race relations, as
defined by their civilizational-social responsibility—
became a catalyst for colonial religious motives.
Moreover, “implicit of all these forces—
nationalism, humanitarianism, imperialism—was a
sense of mission (Clymer, 1986, p.11).
The historic May 1 battle of Admiral George
Dewey in Manila generated a great deal of interest
in the Philippines, which became a hot, central
issue of discussion and debate among many
Americans. This despite the fact that few knew
exactly where the islands lay; nor did those few
have any real knowledge of the life and habits of
the Filipinos, and of the natural environment of the
Islands (Ibid.). The months of May to December
of 1898 were described as “exciting” for most
Protestant churches in the United States where
there was a clear support for the expansionist
venture. They had supported the war against Spain,
then lobbied for the acquisition of the archipelago
(Clymer, 1986, p. 3; Meyer, 1986, p. 14.).
The Protestants’ fervor for the Philippines was
also fueled by the fact that the archipelago was the
very last country in proximity to peninsular
48 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW
Southeast Asia to open to “Protestant Bible
colportage” or mission work. French Indo-China
had been opened in 1891 by French missionaries;
but not until 1903 would Christian and Alliance
missionaries from the United States begin their
work in Da Nang, Vietnam (Sitoy, 1992, p.1).1
However, it is important to note that Protestant
Bibles had already been in circulation in the
Philippines through the American Bible Society;
such that in 1853, a total of 1,050 Spanish written
Bibles and 100 testaments had already been sent
to Manila (Ibid., p.6). Early influences, especially
after 1834 when the Philippines opened her ports
to international trade and the liberal movements in
Spain, led to the distribution of more Bibles and
other Protestant and liberal documents in the
Philippines (Agoncillo, 1990, p.116; Sitoy, 1992,
pp.6-7). By 1877, portions of the New Testament
had been translated into three Filipino languages
by a former Dominican priest and secretly passed
around (Gowing, 1965, p.137).2
But despite these early efforts, it is clear why
Protestantism had a difficult time entering the
Philippines. The Spanish colonial administration had
imposed the 1886 “special laws” which specifically
stated that “those who publicly exercise acts of
propaganda, preaching, or other ceremonies which
are not those of the religion of the state [Catholicism]
shall incur the penalty of prision correccional in its
minimum grade (six months and one day to two years
and four months)” (Ibid., p.2). This ban on
everything non-Catholic further fueled the
Protestant resolve to liberate the Cubans and
Filipinos from what was perceived to be Spanish
misrule. The Protestant Church realized that
American control of the islands would pave the way
for the Protestant message to be brought to a territory
previously denied of it (Clymer, 1986, p.3). Spanish
misrule was understood by many Americans at the
turn of the twentieth century as the “highest
exponent of the old world’s civilization, namely
militarism…and its triumph would arrest the world’s
progress and reversal of its blood-bought civilization”
(Prentiss, 1900, p.15). Most Americans believed that
the archipelago just withered away under Spanish
domination (Meyer, 1986, p.11).
VOL. 8 NO. 1
The words of Senator D.O. Rideout, when he
addressed returning Utah Volunteers, gives us a
clear indication of how the Americans viewed the
early colonial campaign. He said, “you have written
a new chapter in the history of Utah and interwoven
with each beautiful line lessons of pure and lofty
patriotism—you have added in shining course to
the expanding walls of human liberty” (Ibid.). In
Utah, the first presidency of the Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints issued an address to
its communicants urging them take up arms for a
worthy cause, “while from the pulpits of the various
churches came similar words”; in all reality, the
nation was swept with the fever of patriotism such
that, Mormon, Gentile and Jew, Republican,
Democrat and Populist; high and low, rich and
poor—all were alike carried away by that
sentiment (Ibid., p.30).
The official Protestant call for support was truly
heard and heeded by all those who inspired by the
victory of Dewey in Manila. In New York in 1899,
a retired Presbyterian businessman, Horace B.
Silliman, LL.D. walked into the Presbyterian
Board of Foreign Missions and offered $10,000.00
dollars to open a school for the Filipino people.
The shocked secretary in the office (given the fact
that that was a huge amount at that time) said they
did not have a Filipino mission yet; but suggested
that Silliman might want to open a school in another
part of the world where they already had existing
missions. But Silliman insisted on the Philippines
and on establishing an industrial school for boys
there (Carson, 1965, p.2).3 This eventually led to
the the first permanent Protestant mission in the
Philippines, to be set up in Iloilo (Salamanca, 1984,
p.93),4 for which Dr. David S. Hibbard was tasked
with finding the best location for the school. In
1901, this school became Silliman University in
Dumaguete City, Negros Oriental. It is unfortunate,
though, that Dr. Silliman never got to see the school
that he founded because of his death in 1910.
The Baptist reaction, at that time, as reflected
in their news publications like the Watchman
published in Boston, and the Examiner in New
York, was focused on the four courses of action
open to the American government regarding the
COLONIAL APOSTLES
Philippine situation. These four options were: 1)
the archipelago could be returned to Spain; or 2)
held in joint protectorate with some other nation;
or 3) given to the Filipinos for self-government; or
4) simply be retained (Meyer, 1986, p.14). There
were a number of reasons for discouraging the
establishment of Protestant missions. First,
Catholicism, which claimed three centuries of
dominance, would create difficulties for other
religious denominations to convert Filipinos to their
faith. Second, They had to deal with problems in
the homeland of uplifting the lives of their own
“ethnic minorities”, the African-Americans and the
American Indians, for whose welfare the
government had done very poorly. Third was the
climate of the archipelago. Fourth was the distance
of the new territory. Fifth was the existence of
Muslims in the Philippines, plus even the possibility
of an Islamic state within the country. Sixth was
the possibility of overshadowing Baptist missions
in India and Burma. And last was the uncertainty
of the Filipino Revolution (Ibid., pp.16-17).
But these pessimistic pronouncements were
later overcome by the strong motives of
expansionist-minded Protestants who believed that
they needed to break up the Catholic monopoly in
the region. For them, competition would mean less
corruption, especially for the Catholic church,
which was quite an interesting way to look at their
motives. They were driven by their vision of putting
the Bible in the hands of the people, coupled with
a theological aspiration for the people themselves
to interpret the scriptures once it was translated to
the vernacular, as well as educational aim of
increasing literacy among Filipinos (Ibid., pp. 17-
18).
Nonetheless, the general Protestant sentiment
in the Unites States still generated skepticism and
reluctance due to the lack of knowledge about the
Philippines; and as in any new enterprise, the
unknown factor would always lead to uncertainty.
But eventually, all these uncertainties were
overcome by the strong belief in the White Man’s
ability, destiny, and divine mandate to bring the
“light” of the Protestant faith to those darkened
shores. Furthermore, the motives behind the
RAYMOND, J.T. 49
Protestant missions eventually pushing through was
the belief in their duty and mission as the divinely
endowed new race to civilize new territories.
America’s old European nemesis, Spain and Great
Britain, needed to make way for the new dog in
the pound. As Uncle Sam would probably say to
them the Spaniards and the British: take a seat
boys, it’s my turn now, enjoy the show.
THE COMITY: THE DIVISION
OF THE PHILIPPINES BY AMERICAN
PROTESTANT MISSIONS
The following statements, what supposedly
uttered by Pres. William McKinley to Methodist
ministers during the latter’s courtesy call in the
White House, exemplifies the divine social
character of colonization used to justifying their
cause:
…I walked the floor of the White House night
after night until midnight, and I am not
ashamed to tell you gentlemen, that I went
down on my knees and prayed Almighty God
for light and guidance more than one night.
And one night late it came to me this way —
I don’t know how it was, but it came: (1) That
we could not give them back to Spain –that
would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2) that
we could not turn them over to France or
Germany – our commercial rivals in the
Orient; (3) that we could not leave them to
themselves – they were unfit for self-
government and would soon have anarchy…;
and (4) there was nothing left for us to do
but take them all and educate the Filipinos,
and uplift and Christianize them, as our
fellow men for whom Christ also died. And
then I went to bed, and went to sleep, and
slept soundly….(Salamanca, 1984, p. 93)
[emphasis is mine]
Thus, these statements reveal the American
political as well as religious intentions for the
Philippines even though there was no clear policy
making Protestantism a state religion in the new
colony, in contrast to what the previous colonial
50 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW
ruler, Spain, had done. America need to allow
freedom of religion, which is provided for in her
Constitution, in her colonies. However, the
character and attitude of the colonial government
supported in all aspects the promulgation of the
faith as espoused by the sentiments of President
McKinley above. The American government’s
support of the Protestant missions and programs
was more of an unwritten colonial policy that also
worked as a catalyst to promulgate the American
political, economic, and military agenda. It was
through religion promoted through educational and
social service programs later on, that directly and
indirectly contributed to winning the hearts and
minds of Filipinos to accept and promulgate such
programs.
The first American Protestant workers in the
Philippines, from YMCA secretaries and chaplains
who came with the volunteer regiments in 1898,
were then followed by members of the British and
Foreign Society (BFBS) and the American Bible
Society (ABS) (Sitoy, 1992, p.12). In reality, the
army was expected to go beyond their regular
duties as they were assigned to “larger and larger
posts for economical, educational, and disciplinary
purposes, but their presence in the Islands is
beneficial to the cause of order” (Taft, 1909, p.
15). With religious freedom installed under
American rule, no less than seven Protestant
missions from the United States opened in the
Philippines in three years, from 1899 to 1902. The
first ones, as previously mentioned, were the
Presbyterians and the Methodists, followed by the
Baptists, the Episcopalians, the United Brethren,
the Disciples, and the Congregationalists. The
Christian and Missionary Alliance also sent some
volunteers starting in 1900, but not until 1905
would they formally have a Philippine mission. The
last evangelical groups to begin work in the
Philippines were the Seventh-Day Adventists in
1906 (Ibid., p.27).
Because of the need to delineate areas of
responsibility, the concept of comity was
implemented by the various Protestant missions.
“Comity,” meaning, “the division of territory and
the assignment of spheres of occupation including
VOL. 8 NO. 1
the delimitation of boundaries, on the one hand,
and noninterference in one another’s affairs on the
other,” also defined the cooperative practices of
the missions (Clymer, 1986, p.32). Six weeks after
the May 1898 victory of Dewey, with Presbyterians
in the lead, several Protestant organizations met in
the offices of the Presbyterian Board to recommend
to their respective boards the appointment of two
representatives to form a committee to look into
the affairs of the comity with regard to the
Philippines (Ibid., p. 33). This meeting took place
on July 13, 1898 (Sitoy, 1992, p.11).
The immediate concern raised by the
Presbyterians over the significance of the comity
was to avoid unnecessarily duplicating expenses
and the possibility of rivalry (which actually existed
to a certain degree). This was the first time that
the various Protestant groups had come together
to plan and pray so as to decide on “how men and
money could be used to the very best advantage
and to the avoidance of many evils of
denominationalism,” as stated by Dr. Arthur J.
Brown during the centennial of the Presbyterian
Board in 1937 (Ibid., p.12). Thus, the division of
the Philippines was geographically carved just as
the previous Catholic missions had done. The map
illustrates the result of the cooperative effort of the
Protestant missions prior to their union under one
umbrella organization in 1948, the United Church
of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) (Sitoy, 1997,
p.1073).5
EARLY FILIPINO REACTIONS
TO PROTESTANTISM
As mentioned earlier, the introduction and
acceptance of Protestantism by Filipinos can be
explained and interpreted in terms of conversions
resulting from syncretism, of which there are three
types; 1) conversion through voluntary association;
2)conversion introduced by political, social, or
economic pressure; and 3) conversion by
assimilation. What further strengthened the
syncretization of the new faith was the propagation
of Filipino values that went hand in hand with the
COLONIAL APOSTLES RAYMOND, J.T. 51

Map showing the distribution of the Evangelical Churches

prior to the Union of 1948

teachings and programs of the early Protestant
missions.
The entry of Protestant bibles into the
Philippines in the mid 19th century was an offshoot
of the clamor for reforms in the church in the form
of secularization, and of national sentiments for
political reforms in the form of democratic
freedoms. As a result, even before the entry of
American missionaries into the Philippines, a
number of individuals became Evangelicals and
several tiny underground congregations—
supported at times by Freemasons—came into
existence (Gowing, 1965, p. 137). This sentiment
was felt by Aguinaldo himself, as reported by one
Bible agent; it seems that Aguinaldo looked
favorably on the establishment of Protestant
missions in the Philippines as later might be proven
when he gave his permission for residents in Kawit
to convert to Protestantism (Sitoy, 1992, p. 16).
In fact, he later sent his two sons, Esteban and
Miguel, to Silliman University which was run by
the Presbyterians. To further this notion of
Aguinaldo’s support for the entrance of
Protestantism, when in an interview by Dr. James
B. Rodgers, one of the first American missionaries
to arrive in the country, he was asked what he
thought of the Aglipayan movement, Aguinaldo
answered, “It’s the first step.” When asked what
the next step should be, he replied, “Protestantism
of course!” (Ibid.; see Rodgers, 1940, p. 3).
52 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW
It is also important to understand that Aguinaldo
was sympathetic to the Protestant movement as
early as October of 1898, when he appointed
Gregorio Aglipay, founder of the Philippine
Independent Church, the Military Vicar General
of the Revolutionary Government (Agoncillo, 1990,
p. 233). The Philippine Independent Church was
born out of the regular-secular conflicts among
the Catholic clergy, conflicts actually caused by
racial discrimination against Filipino priests who
were denied administration of parishes and other
duties by the Spanish friars. It is in this sense that
by Filipino acceptance of Protestantism can be
viewed as a reaction to Spanish religious colonial
policies. Thus it was in this religious-political
context that the value of kalayaan was embodied
in and identified with the Protestant movement. In
fact, the schism of the Independent Church of
Aglipay in the religious aspect, contributed to the
partial “Protestantizing [of] the Filipinos” through
the Aglipayan doctrines, such as and especially the
non-recognition of the Catholic Pope. This James
A. LeRoy, a journalist and staff member in the
Philippine Commission, observed in the early
1900’s (LeRoy, 1968, p.94).
Therefore, indirectly, the growth of the
Aglipayan movement meant also the growth of the
Protestant faith; and the later decline of the
Aglipayan organization primarily due to the non-
acquisition of Catholic churches they occupied, led
to the further blossoming of Protestant
denominations due to the doctrinal inertia already
suffered by the Independent Church. According
to the census of 1918 there were a total of 124,
575 Protestant Filipinos, constituting 1.3% of the
total population (Salamanca, 1984, p.94). Although
some would consider this a less than impressive
figure, considering that, by then, it had been roughly
eighteen years since the introduction of the new
faith, it is nonetheless noteworthy that it was
possible for their numbers to grow despite the odds
they faced, especially that of an already deeply
entrenched Catholic faith as well as the Filipinos’
initial resistance to American rule. The
Presbyterians reaction to the 1918 census was:
“We should not rest content until we more and more
VOL. 8 NO. 1
reduce the difference shown in these figures” (The
Philippine Presbyterian, 1921, p. 1). Today, the
phenomenal growth of mainstream as well as
smaller denominations (the latter also later on grew
in number) was a result of the initial efforts of the
missionaries.
From the very beginning, Evangelical
Protestantism sought to minister to the needs of
the Filipino people as part of their hearts and
minds campaign. It was also part of the American
colonial structure which correlated with the Filipino
values of katarungan (social justice)and
karangalan (dignity). Institutions founded under
Protestant sponsorship played a significant role in
putting forth education, health, agricultural
development and other types of social services.
The earliest institutions were the Presbyterian
school of Silliman University (1901) in Dumaguete
City, Negros Oriental; Central Philippine
University in Ilo-ilo (1905) founded by the Baptists;
and The Union Theological Seminary in 1907 [now
also conjoined in one campus with Philippine
Christian University, located in Dasmarinas,
Cavite].6 These institutions fostered social service
programs as a mainstream objective of the
American colonial philosophy. Education
intertwined with the religious aspect was felt to be
necessary, not only by the missionaries themselves,
but also by those entrusted to set up the public
school system in the Philippines. Thus was religion
made a generic guiding element of the colonial
framework, as embodied in the notion of “Christian
Education.” C.E. Steele, a Thomasite, wrote in the
“Log of the Thomas”:
The religious sentiment has not been
neglected on the good ship Thomas. The fact
that so many teachers are going to the islands
of the sea carrying the best that a Christian
civilization can give to a downtrodden people
led many to think seriously of the trust
committed to their care, and to give some time
each day to the consideration of how to give
the richest blessings to our new possessions.
(US Embassy Public Affairs Section,
Philippine-American Educational Foundation,
2001, p.31) [emphasis is mine]
COLONIAL APOSTLES
Areas that came under these Protestant missions
and generally in other places in the archipelago
became peaceful with the help of the US Army,
which, as mentioned earlier, went beyond their
regular duties; for example, each company was
ordered to assign one soldier to teach English in
the schools (Taft, 1909, p. 27). The importance
the establishment of an educational system is
revealed in the words of W. H. Taft:
There is no real difference between the
educated and ignorant Filipino that cannot be
overcome by the education of one generation.
They are a capable people in the sense that
they can be given a normal intellectual
development by the same kind of education
that is given in our own common school
system. (Ibid., p. 26)
The above statement also reflects the American
assessment (one can say, even a condemnation)
of the effects of the Spanish colonial educational
administration. Further comments were also made
regarding the need for the Filipinos to be educated
on health practices, given poor sanitation in the
country (Ibid., pp.50-51). In a letter to the
Presbyterian missionary Rev. George W. Wright,
Col. E.L. Munson of the Philippine Health Service
requested the mission to open two hospitals in
Samar and Tacloban due to “highly inadequate
facilities for hospital relief in the islands (25
provinces now being without any hospital
whatever).”7
Significantly, aside from being supported by the
American colonial government and the various
educational and social services the missions
offered, the spread of Evangelical Protestantism
was also “mediated by its individual members, many
of whom have attained high office in government
and distinction in professional and business life”
(Gowing, p.141). The establishment of these
professionally organized institutions of learning and
the provision of social services for Filipinos, served
as an important catalyst for the acceptance of the
new religion.
James W. Chapman of Silliman Institute
lamented that the enthusiasm of the Filipinos for
RAYMOND, J.T. 53
the various programs grew ever more each year
of their participation; and more were expected to
accept Christ as their personal Savior, also
lamented Lailyn Cox, another missionary at the
Dumaguete station.8 Inevitably, Protestant doctrine
became part of the educational institutions
established by the missionaries, such that “The
Bible is a textbook and is studied by every student
in the school,” stated Dr. David S. Hibbard, the
first and longest President in office (1901-1935)
of Silliman University (Hibbard, 1922, p.3). These
social service institutions cast the early Protestants
in the image of individuals who cared for the
people beyond religious instruction, such that their
religious teaching duties went hand in hand with
looking after the people’s welfare in terms of their
education, health and overall well-being. Thus, the
promotion of an individual’s personal dignity as well
as of social justice were now available to the many,
where it was the privilege of the few in the past.
Another significant aspect to the acceptance and
as a consequence, the spread of Evangelical
Protestantism (that is also a result of American
religious liberty), is the notion of self-support and
self-liberation that correlates with the social aspect
of kalayaan, inherent in which is the provision of
personal dignity. The period of American
colonization was also the period of the ecumenical
movement whereby emphasis was placed on the
emerging churches that encouraged active
participation of indigenous clergy/ministers so as
to promote self-leadership, self-support and self-
propagation. From the onset, an indigenous church
was intended to be built, “led, supported, and
propagated by Filipinos” (Deats, 1965, pp.163-
164). This philosophy was expressed by one of
the missionary leaders of the time, Arthur Judson
Brown, who said in 1903, “But within reasonable
limits, we should give the Asiatic churches freedom
to develop their own forms and adapt themselves
to their peculiar environment” (Ibid.; quoted from
Brown, 1903, p. 170).
As a result of this emphasis on self-
determination that began with the arrival of the
American missions starting in 1898, the following
developments took place: By 1914, the
54 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW
Presbyterian mission became an autonomous
church under a Filipino moderator, in the person
of Pastor Jose Moleta of the Ilo-Ilo Church
(Rodgers, 1914). By 1920 the Evangelical Union
had a predominant Filipino membership; three
years later it elected its first Filipino president. By
1929, the Presbyterian, the Congregational and the
United Brethren Churches united to form the United
Evangelical Church led by a Filipino, Enrique
Sobrepena (Ibid., p.163). In the Batangas, Bohol,
Dumaguete, and Leyte stations, Filipino pastors
proved their ability of self-propagation in the absence
of American missionaries (The Philippine
Presbyterian, 1921, p. 1). This was made possible
by the ordination of more Filipino pastors in order to
develop their sense of responsibility for the church.9
Thus, it is due to this factor that the spread of
Protestantism was readily accepted in the early period
since, as nationalism gripped the archipelago, the
notion of self-determination became synonymous with
the growing nationalist sentiment. It is important to
note as well that the idea of self-determination was
also be manifested in the American colonial
government’s popular campaign , for the country
to undergo a period of training toward self
government. As Pres. Theodore Roosevelt
explained to the U.S. Senate and House of
Representatives on Jan. 27, 1909, referring to early
American achievements in the archipelago, the
American colonial government “…would not have
striven to teach them how to govern themselves or to
have developed them, as we have developed them,
primarily in their own interests” (Taft, 1909, p.5), if it
(the American government) had not intended
Filipino self-rule to begin with. The Presbyterians,
the largest of the early groups, clearly advocated
and echoed the government’s notion of eventual
self-rule; as the editor of their publications, stated:
Our Filipino friends are forgetting that we
come out here for a distinct purpose. We are
here as the representatives of the churches
of America to help establish an “independent”
Filipino church which will teach those great
principles found necessary in the
establishment of any true republic. (The
Philippine Presbyterian, 1921, p.13).
VOL. 8 NO. 1
Thus, the evident congruence of the political and
the religious campaign in the archipelago that,
indirectly also appealed to the whims and caprices
of the elite leaders of the revolutionary movement
and later, to the American-sponsored Filipino
government.
As mentioned earlier, the spread of
Aglipayanism also meant the spread of the
Protestant doctrine since Protestant missionaries
had been advisers in the development of the
dogmas of the Independent Church (LeRoy, 1968,
p.95). Aside from the non-recognition of Vatican
authority, other syncretized Protestant beliefs and
practices became appealing to the Aglipayans
because these significantly complemented the
national desire for self-determination. First, there
was the dissemination of the Bible, now translated
into the local dialects. Second, there was the
practice of ensuring transparent policies from the
political structure of the church from top to bottom
in a congregational manner. Third, there was the
freedom of interpretation of the written word and
even the acceptance of modern science. And
fourth, there was the practice of the election of
Bishops (Ibid.). Viola R. Smith, a missionary in
the Albay-Camarines station, reported that “they
[the Filipinos] have begun by giving out and selling
bible portions. This greatly delights them as it
makes them feel like real missionaries on their
own.”10 This practice could have never been
possible under the friars in the past, and thus the
Filipinos felt the importance of religious self-worth
was felt.
This notion of self-determination was also
incorporated in the financial aspect and later on
achieved by indigenous churches, that also gave a
strong sense of karangalan and kalayaan for
Filipinos – “Prominent among the tasks that have
engaged the attention of the Albay-Camarines
station during the past year has been the promotion
of self-support among the churches recently
graduated from the financial care of the station,”
writes Stephen L. Smith a missionary. Although
the numbers of Aglipayans were more numerous
than Protestants, such that by 1918 there were
1,413,506 Aglipayans and 123,362 Protestants
COLONIAL APOSTLES RAYMOND, J.T. 55

STATION YEAR OPENED NO. OF CHURCHES MEMBERSHIP

Manila 1899 17 4 Filipino Ministers
1,200 members
1,762 students in
30 Sunday Schools
Ilo-ilo 1900 58 2,900 members
2,800students enrolled in
54 Sunday schools
Dumaguete 1901 Over 3 (no specific 5 Filipino Ministers
data in the report) 25 Sunday schools
1,200 members66 (the report
mentions an average of 100
converts a year)
Cebu 1902 12 72 members
12 Sunday Schools with
582 enrollees
Laguna 1903 19 3 Filipino ministers
844 members
21 Sunday Schools with
682 enrollees
Albay, Sorsogon, 1903 17 2,300 members
Catanduanes 24 Sunday Schools with
965 students
Tayabas 1906 10 2 Filipino Ministers
1,044 members
14 Sunday schools with
515 students
Leyte 1903 18 3 Filipino Ministers
378 members
Bohol 1909 22 1 Filipino minister
1,145 members
(The report mentions a couple of
Sunday schools but with no
specific number)
Batangas Used to be part of the 14 1 Filipino Minister
Manila station and 1,279 members
became independent in 18 Sunday schools with
1917 992 students
Camarines 1911 11 3 Filipino Ministers
320 members
10 Sunday schools (no data
mentioned on number of students)
56 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW
(Salamanca, 1984, p.94), this was only the start
of a non-Catholic schism that was to spread and
grow into many branches in the archipelago in the
years to come. These practices and beliefs were
suppressed during Spanish friar rule, thus its
appealing character to a nation in search of a vehicle
to express the freedoms of self-determination.
This notion of self-determination, also
incorporated in financial matters, and later on
achieved by indigenous churches, further gave
Filipinos a strong sense of karangalan. “Prominent
among the tasks that have engaged the attention
of the Albay-Camarines station during the past
year has been the promotion of self-support among
the churches recently graduated from the financial
care of the station,” wrote Stephen L. Smith
(Ibid.),11 a missionary. Although the number of
Aglipayans was greater than that of the
Protestants, such that by 1918 there were
1,413,506 Aglipayans and 123,362 Protestants
(Salamanca, 1984, p.94), this was only the start
of a non-Catholic schism that was to spread and
grow into many branches in the archipelago in the
years to come. These practices and beliefs were
suppressed during Spanish friar rule, thus they
appealed to a nation in search of a vehicle to express
the freedoms of self-determination.
In this way, the Protestant philosophy of self-
determination syncretized with the Filipino spiritual
psyche since the former directly promoted the
inherent core value of kapwa and its associated
values of kalayaan, katarungan, and
karangalan, all of which promoted the welfare of
one’s fellowman. The significance of kalayaan is
manifested in the social and political nature of early
contacts between the Protestant missionaries and
the Filipinos. This materialized in the following
ways: the freedom of interpreting the Bible; and
later on in preaching the faith to others; and the
practice of the Filipinos themselves managing
churches affairs, from financial to other
organizational matters. In the political sense, the
strong nationalist spirit which was made manifest
by the Philippine revolution was further echoed by
the Protestant push for self-rule, since all their
programs were intended to train the Filipinos to
VOL. 8 NO. 1
run the churches, and eventually the country
themselves. These practices directly comple-
mented the values of katarungan and karangalan
since, for the first time, Filipinos had control and
supervision of a faith they could claim as their own.
These values were strongly felt, as social service
institutions were organized and later run by
Filipinos themselves.
Contrary to the popular notion that Protestantism
competed with Aglipayanism, the latter, in face,
opened the floodgates for the former; and coupled
with the dissatisfaction with Catholicism at the time,
Aglipayanism ensured a steady flow of Protestantism
into the Philippine religious stream. The table provides
logistical data in 1921 that would show the
development of the early Protestant institutions in
the country, specifically Presbyterian, the largest
group of the period.12
CONCLUSION
From the colonial perspective, it is clear that
Protestantism was part and parcel of the whole
schema to implant in the archipelago an American
stronghold in all aspects. This was possible through
the new rulers’ objective of civilizing the local
population, as the Americans considered
themselves the “bearers of light.” This “light” would
shine through education and religion, which would
promulgate political and social reforms through
established American institutions. There is a clear-
cut, but unofficial, cooperative link between
government and the Protestant missions (unlike
colonial Spain, which had officially legitimized the
rule of the Catholic Church in the archipelago). This
cooperation between government and the missions
eventually led to the steady acceptance of
Protestantism as a syncretized faith in the islands.
The first factor that led to this acceptance of
Protestantism was the support of the new colonial
and the local elite, which led to their voluntary
association with the new faith. The former,
represented by the leadership of the American
politico-economic hierarchy, was driven by an
agenda of establishing a strong foothold in the
COLONIAL APOSTLES
islands; and the latter, encouraged by the
revolutionary leaders who were driven by their
dissatisfaction with the former Spanish colonial
power and the Catholic Church ( as one source of
that dissatisfaction). Because of this support from
both the American colonial government and the
local elite, in the Filipinos were indirectly created
political, social, and to a certain extent, economic
motivations to welcome the Protestant faith. Political
and social motivations, since Protestant missionaries
served also as the colonial government’s
representatives , as administrators of educational
institutions, health facilities, and other social
services. These facilities catered to the needs of
the people where they were located; the people,
in turn, seeing and the benefits they gained from
these facilities, became attracted to the new faith.
Also related to political pressure as motivation,
in a positive sense, is the fact that nationalism
expressed through the Aglipayan Church led to the
acceptance of a Protestant doctrine which
appealed greatly to Filipinos — self-determination.
Thus, the new faith, through its doctrines, appeared
as one that was in congruence with the popular
sentiment of national freedom as well as being in
sync with the popular American declaration of
benevolent assimilation and the American intent of
preparing the colony for self rule. In the areas where
these missions were located and established,
economic order was restored; and because of this,
regular investments both local and American, were
then allowed to continue. Therefore, conversion
to the faith was possible also through assimilation
since, there were social and economic advantages
to it for those who integrated themselves into the
new missions, through their various educational and
social service institutions.
Most significant was the reciprocal effect of
self-determination and the reinforcement of the
Filipino core value of kapwa, and its associated
values of karangalan, katarungan, and
kalayaan. All of which can be seen in different
aspects of the introduction of the new faith. The
emphasis on the campaign for Filipinos to run and
manage their own churches gave them a strong
sense of dignity and responsibility, as well as
RAYMOND, J.T. 57
freedom (e.g. preaching themselves; managing
finances of church organizations). The various
educational and social services also provided a
sense of social justice, which was not widespread
under the Spanish colonial rule.
Today, mainstream Protestant churches, those
of the first seven Protestant denominations to arrive
in the archipelago, are still present. But they have
been overshadowed to a significant extent by
breakaway denominations that have mushroomed
all over the country. To a certain extent, this
phenomenon has also led to reforms in the Catholic
Church which has realized the times call for such
reforms.
Finally, one can conclude that cross-cultural
contacts and exchanges are part of a process that
takes place when civilizations interact through
colonization brought about by war and trade. It is
an inevitable occurrence that cultural traditions and
practices are modified and sometimes even lost,
depending on the degree of adaptation to newly
introduced ideas and traditions. If one accepts this
as a “normal” trend in human history, then perhaps
one can understand these events as transactional
occurrences in order to view these experiences
from a non-violent and non-confrontational
perspective. Thus, we come to understand these
contacts with other belief systems as a cultural
experience of enriching exchanges, and not just as
a consequence of conflict.
ENDNOTES
1
In the work, Dr. Sitoy states that “the Philippines is
the very last country in Asia to open” but I replaced
“Asia” with Peninsular Southeast Asia since Dr. Sitoy’s
discussion elaborates on other Christian religions in Asia,
such as Nestorian Christianity and Catholic Christianity
in different parts in Asia. But to be clear when Protestant
Christianity arrived nearest to the Philippines, actually
begins in French Indo-China which includes Cambodia,
Laos, and Vietnam, thus, my usage of the term Peninsular
Southeast Asia of which the three countries are a part of
in a geographic collective context.
2
The name of the Dominican friar is not mentioned,
perhaps to protect that individual, but this is only
speculation on my part.
58 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW
3
Dr. Carson is the fifth President of Silliman University
serving from 1938-1954 being the last American President
to serve the University, ushering in the transition to
Filipino administration with the appointment of the first
Filipino President, Dr. Leopoldo T. Ruiz.
4
Dr. Salamanca provides the information about the
first permanent protestant mission. I provide the idea
that it was due to the donation of Dr. Horace B. Silliman
that led to the establishment of this permanent
Presbyterian Mission.
5
IEMELIF stands for Iglesia Evangelica Metodista
En Las Islas Filipinas an indigenous congregation of the
Methodists (see Gowing, 1965, p.139).
6
Majority of the primary sources are found in the
archives of this school. Sad to note that these archives,
upon my visits, are already in bad shape. Steps should
be taken to preserve them.
7
Minutes of the Executive Committee of the
Presbyterian Mission in the Philippine Islands, Manila,
May 12-16, 1924, 63.
8
Annual Reports Philippine Mission of the
Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. 1932-1933.
9
Station and Personal Reports of the Philippine
Presbyterian Mission 1914, Cebu, October 3-10, 1914, 8.
10
Annual Reports 1928-1929 Philippine Mission,
Presbyterian Church in the USA.
11
Although this was written in 1928, it is evident that
from the very beginning it was the intention to make
mission churches to be self-governing in all aspects and
this testimony is a result of that effort.
12
The data in the table is based upon the reports of
the following missionaries: James B. Rodgers (Manila),
H. Roy Berger (Ilo-ilo), Geo Dunlap (Dumaguete), Charles
R. Hamilton (Laguna and Bohol), Roy H. Brown (Albay),
Charles E. Rath (Cebu and Leyte), P. Fred Jensen (Tayabas
and Batangas), Roy H. Brown (Camarines), The Philippine
Presbyterian, Department of Evangelism, The Fruitage of
the Years, Vol. XIII, No.1 (January, 1921), 8-22.
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