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An Analysis of Joint Chamber

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New Delhi's Fresh Peace Initiatives
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INTERVIEW : NYLA ALI KHAN RESEARCH :

Author of Islam Women & Socio-Cultural and Economic

Violence in Kashmir Changes Among Muslim Rajputs
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Volume : 3, Number : 11
ISSN : 0974-5653
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M O N T H O F N O V E M B E R 2 0 0 9

The present issue coincides with two most

nd
important events in Jammu and Kashmir: 62
anniversary of state's accession to the Union of
India and first anniversary of Cross-LoC trade.
Subjects touched upon are of timeline
significance. An interview with Nyla Ali Khan
unveils the mind of the author of a fresh and
authentic study on Kashmir.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

 J&K MOVING FORWARD

M ay issue was one of the rare collections of ideas where 12 natives from
both sides of Jammu and Kashmir poured their ideas out of the heart on
how boundaries can be blurred and relations can be strengthened.

May 2009

LOK SABHA POLLS 2009

W ith Prof Rekha Chowdhary looking into various aspects, the May issue
offered a complete view of the Lok Sabha elections in Jammu and
Kashmir. An interview with Finance Minister Abdul Rahim Rather explained
most critical questions on the state's economy

June 2009
THE FUTURE OF JAMMU AND KASHMIR

J uly 2009 issue offered a rare insight into the whole gamut of Kashmir
issue. An ACDIS, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign sponsored
study, which was the cover feature, examined Kashmir issue from different

A limited number of unbound back volumes is available in our stocks.

perspectives.

July 2009
A R E Y O U M I S S I N G O U R PA S T S T O R I E S

UNFOLDING THE LAND OF MOON

A ugust 2009 issue was one of the path-breaking in the life of Epilogue
magazine. The cover story explored many aspects of life in Ladakh and
carried a first hand of research on the state of media in the Himalayan cold
desert.

For booking your copies call us at 9797599365

August 2009
UNDERSTANDING J&K ECONOMY

A lost has been written and debated on politics of Jammu and Kashmir but
nothing much on the economy. Reading into J&K's annual budget that
was presented in August, Epilogue's September issue focused on
developmental and economic profile of Jammu and Kashmir.

September 2009
JAMMU AS IT IS

J ammu, along with Ladakh, has often complained of neglect within the
state of Jammu and Kashmir. October 2009 issue focused on regional
identity of Jammu. This issue was in follow-up to similar special issue on
Ladakh in August.

October 2009
3

Epilogue
because there is more to know

g
www.epilogue.in CONTENTS

Editor
Zafar Iqbal Choudhary
r i dg i n Contributors to this Issue 4

B
Essential Entries 10
Prologue 13

s
Publisher

d e
Letters 14

i
Yogesh Pandoh

Div
Consulting Editor
D. Suba Chandran Books/Authors
Nyla Ali Khan
Associate Editors Challenging Hegemony of 38
Irm Amin Baig Static Versions of History
Tsewang Rigzin
Volume 3, Issue 11, November 2009
General Manager
Kartavya Pandoh Research
Socio-Cultural and Economic 44
Manager IN FOCUS changes among Muslim Rajputs:
Adarsh Rattan Bali Bridging Divides A case study of Rajouri District
(Marketing & Advertisement) in J&K
Dr. M. Mazammil Hussain Malik
Art Editor 9 A Window of Opportunity
B.G. Verghese
Keshav Sharma
Features
Research Officer 10 PM in Kashmir
A Journey to Himalayan Enclave 54
Raman Sharma An Olive Branch from
Manisha Shobarjani
Position of Strength
Epilogue Report Spreading the Lamp of 55
Phones & email
Learning - the Ladakhi Way
Office : +91 191 2493136
Zainab Akhter
subscriptions : +91 99060 27136 14 Promoting Cross-LoC Trade
A Trek Through Life 57
Editorial: +91 94191 80762 An Analysis of the Joint Chamber
Thinlas Chorol
Administration: +91 94191 82518 Moeed Yusuf
editor@epilogue.in
subscription@epilogue.in 30 Harnessing the Indus :
J&K In Numbers
From Treaty to Governance
Printed and Published by Power Sectors 59
Perspectives from India
Yogesh Pandoh for Epilogue D Suba Chandran
NewsCraft from Ibadat House,
Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, 34 Harnessing the Indus
Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 180012 Perspectives from Pakistan
and Printed at : DEE DEE Nausheen Wasi
Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New
Rehari Jammu (J&K)

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction

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www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

4 CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Chandran, D Suba (In Focus, P..), is Varghese, BG (Perspective, P..), one

Deputy Director at Institute of Peace
and Conflict Studies, New Delhi and a
Consulting Editor with Epilogue
Chorol, Thinlas (Features, P..), is a
Fellow with Charkha Communication
and Development Network working on
Ladakh
of the most respected journalists,
authors in India, has remained an
Editor of the Indian Express and
Hindustan Times. He was also Advisor
to the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
Wasi, Nausheen (In Focus, P..), is
Lecturer at the University of Karachi

Khan, Nyla Ali (Books & Authors, P..),
is Associate Professor of English at the
University of Nebraska-Kearney in
United States. She is first Kashmiri
woman scholar to have written a
highly researched book on Kashmir
conflict
Malik, Dr M Muzammal Hussain
(Research, P..), a research scholar, is
presently Associate Professor of
Sociology at Government Degree
College Ramnagar in Udhampur
district of J&K
Sobhrajani, Manisha (Features, P..), is
a Delhi based independent researcher
working on the various aspects of
Kashmir conflict. She divides her time
between Delhi and Jammu and
Kashmir
Yusuf, Moeed (In Focus, P..) is a
Fellow at the Frederick S Pardee
Center at Boston University, a
Research Fellow at the Mossavar
Rehmani Center at Harvard's Kennedy
School of Government and a Research
Fellow at Strategic and Economic
Policy Research in Pakistan. He has
been involved in track II meetings on
Kashmir supported by United States
Institute of Peace
Zainab Akhter (Features, P..), is a
Fellow with Charkha Communication
and Development Network working on
Ladakh

Readers' requests for getting in touch with the

authors, for feedback, comments and further
discussions on their subjects of interest, are
welcome. Since all authors/contributors are not
interested in taking mails directly, the readers are
requested to send us interview requests at
editor@epilogue.in for passing on to the authors

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

5 NO T I C E BOARD
Essential Entries
ON REGISTER ON RECORD
APPOINTED: Wajahat
Habibullah is appointed Nation is committed to provide latest weaponry and
as State Chief other sophisticated gadgets to the troops for
Information maintaining sanctity of borders in J&K
Commissioner of J&K on
Oct 22. Until then CIC of President of India, Pratibha Patil during his visit to Rajouri
India, as an IAS officer he earlier on Oct 9
served J&K for nearly three decades

ELECTED: Raja Farooq

Haider Khan is elected
on Oct 22 as Prime
Minister of Pakistan There is a political problem in Kashmir and it has to
administered Kashmir be solved through dialogue…there will be dialogue
replacing Sardar Yaqoob with every section of opinion on Kashmir…there will
Khan. be a quiet diplomacy
HONOURED: Maharaja
Gulab Singh, the
Indian Home Minister P Chidambram, at a Press
founder of J&K, is Conference in Srinagar on Oct 14
honoured with a
commemorative stamp
on his 217th birth
anniversary. Stamp is released in
Jammu by MoS C&IT Sachin Pilot on
Oct 21.
It is a good and welcome sign. Hurriyat Conference is
committed to dialogue with both India and Pakistan
AWARDED: Noted to resolve Kashmir issue
journalist, author and
human rights activist Hurriyat leader Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, reacting to Home
Balraj Puri is nominated Minister's offer for talks
for Indira Gandhi Award
for National Integration
for year 2008. Puri also runs Institute
of J&K Affairs at Jammu and is a
leading public figure of the country
Our tourism potential is biggest economic advantage.
RELEASED: Separatist West is already enjoying Kashmir, now we need to
leader Shabir Ahmed adopt Look East policy to tap tourist from Taiwan,
Shah is released from Hong Kong, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore etc
prison on Oct 20 after
14 months detention. He Chief Minister Omar Abdullah while inaugurating Kashmir
was arrested in August festival on Oct 10
2008 while leading the symbolic march
to Muzaffarabad during Amarnath land
row

ARRESTED: A journalist 'The acts of terrorists across the globe underscore that
and Editor of a Jammu terrorism is a global threat which transcends borders
based News Agency and religions and is not linked to any specific sect or
called NAK is arrested religion or creed
by Police on allegations
of passing on security
Union Health Minister and Former J&K CM at Conference
information of Pak intelligence agency
ISI. He is booked under various
on 'Terrorism --National and International' organised by
sections of Enemy Act and IT Act Jama Masjid United Forum in New Delhi on Oct 27

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

6 P R O L O G U E
J&K and October Jinx
Zafar Choudhary
Every year, towards the end of October,
Jammu and Kashmir is found engaged in
serious debates, discussions and
introspections. Two prominent regions
of the state, Jammu and Kashmir
Valley, are seen divided in opinions as
people attend symposia and seminars;
they participate in celebrations at
some places and protests at others.
Elsewhere, in parts of India, in Pakistan
and in many parts of world, Jammu and
Kashmir is at the center of discussions.
They discuss the past to take cues for
future. It was in this year in 1947 that
this state acceded to the Union of India.
Many discussions revolve around
accession –was it final or conditional.
And then comes the day of October 27
–the anniversary of landing of Indian
Army in Kashmir. The Valley shuts down
to reiterate that there is a problem
awaiting resolution. In Jammu,
crackers are burst and sweets are
distributed to mark the event as a
historical victory. In rest of India, the
day is celebrated as victory of Indian
secularism and defeat of two-nation
theory floated by Pakistan's founder
Mohammad Ali Jinnah. In Pakistan this
day is reminds the nation that one
important agenda still remains
unfinished. Seen from different places,
there are different perspectives. For
half of the October, every year, editors
of newspapers in Jammu and Kashmir
don't have to pursue with the writers
for the op-ed page columns. There is a
flood of articles with two sets of
www.epilogue.in
From the Editor
opinion –'accession was subject to
ratification', 'accession was full and
final'. The same story has been
repeating year after year for last 62
years. The tragedy of Jammu and
Kashmir can be located in most of these
articles which are repetition of almost
exactly the same what these writers
had written and published 15 years
back or 20 years back. Any discussion or
writing going beyond these two well
formed opinions is seen with contempt.
It can be called unpatriotic in some
parts of state or disrespect to hundreds
and thousands of martyrs in other
parts. It is now the third generation
engaged in these discussions. Nothing
has changed much. At Epilogue, we OCTOBER 2007
have strongly been of the opinion that
all stakeholders will have to look become a Rs 50 Million weekly trade.
beyond the status quo to move This reflects that peoples on both sides
forward in Jammu and Kashmir. Some of the LoC are eager to shun the past
will have to do a little climbing down and step into future arms-in-arms but
the ladder, others can take few steps they want the barriers to be removed.
upward to tell the world that Kashmir In context of J&K, Prime Minister of
is no more any troubled region of the India Dr Manmohan Singh have often
world awaiting intervention of world reiterated that redrawing of
powers. There are two successful boundaries is out of question but
examples: militancy, of course, has making them irrelevant is the way
not ended but a ceasefire on borders forward. Translation of these words
has been largely successful since into action can certainly change the
November 2003. This reflects a will for discourse Jammu and Kashmir is
restraint. Following initiation of engaged in for 62 years. How many
Cross-LoC travel between parts of the more Octobers we need to turn our
state in 2005, the trade was launched backs to the past and face the future?
in October 2008. Without even the
basic facilities of banking and Feedback :
communications, it has now almost zafarchoudhary@epilogue.in
Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009
7 L E T T E R S
Readers Write

Communalism, Jammu's
own enemy
Rekha Choudhary's argument “in Jammu region there is a
political discourse that revolves around the issues
related to regional deprivation and neglect. Kashmir in
this discourse forms the center of power within the
state and is perceived to be dominating not only the
power structure of state but also controlling the
economic and material issues” is an objective assessment
of the regional problem (The Politics of Regional Identity,
Epilogue, Oct 2009). The feeling in Jammu that Kashmir
behaves as a big brother is lingering on for six decades
but the regional leadership (if there is any) needs to
share its responsibility. What defeats the cause of Jammu
is the fact that every agitation in the region launched for
the balance of power is based on communal premises.

SHEIKH NISAR AHMED

Kishtwar

Leadership vacuum
Had Viveyata Sharma been wrong in her opinion (The
Limits of Duggar Desh) on mass leadership in Jammu,
there would have been any complaints in the region.
OCTOBER 2009
Where is the political leadership in the region? The BJP
has a clear communal agenda and therefore can never
enjoy trust of entire region. The Congress always
negotiates power in its interest with whosoever calls shot
in Srinagar –yesterday it was PDP, today National
Conference, tomorrow it may be Hurriyat Conference. We Selective use of statistics
are reminded of 2002 assembly election campaign when
the grand old national party of Nehru and Gandhi Happy to note that Prof Hari Om stuck to just statistics
compromised with its political ideology to make regional (Jammu Region, the Story of Neglect, Epilogue, Oct 2009) and
empowerment of Jammu as a poll plank and later did not go much into the politics of regional bias on which he
succumbed to the pressure of PDP. Its leader Ghulam Nabi has written millions of words in past couple of decades. The
Azad referred to mainstreaming of Assam and compared problem, however, is that every issue can't be addressed be
Mufti Mohammad Sayeed with Lal Denga to justify figures alone. Even as Hari Om makes out strong arguments
Congress decision of offering power to PDP. Leaders in on discrimination against Jammu with his figures, he has
Jammu region have been the representatives of their own always chosen to use only one set of statistics which serves
assembly constituencies or at the most individual his standpoint. He would never talked about industries in
districts. The one from Bhaderwah does not know about Jammu, the upcoming of mega skyscrapers and most
aspirations of Kathua and vice versa. They have failed us. importantly the difference in total annual development
expenditure in Jammu and Kashmir Valley.

ARUN JAMWAL Mushtaq Ahmed

University of Jammu, Jammu Ganderbal, Kashmir

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

8 L E T T E R S
Readers Write

Dangers of quiet diplomacy Needed a follow-up

Union Home Minister P
Chidrabram's policy statement,
recently in Srinagar, on New
Delhi's intentions to get engaged
with different shades of opinion in
Jammu and Kashmir in a 'quiet
diplomacy' to find out solution of
Kashmir issues has been widely
welcomed barring few exceptions
from BJP and the likeminded
parties. Chidrambram's opinion
that Kashmir is a political problem
and needs to be resolved through
dialogue, though criticized by BJP
and likeminded parties, is again a
welcome statement. It is this part
of his statement (political
problem) which has inspired the
separatists to join the dialogue as
Government of India has always
refused to recognize Kashmir as a political problem. However, what
confuses in Chidambram's statement is the proposed craft of holding
dialogue in complete secrecy and revealing its contours only when the
results are known. This is not fair. Is there is a problem that is about the
people of Jammu and Kashmir and those people who do not fairly represent
the people have no right to get engaged into a secret dialogue which
peoples don't know about. What happens when Mirwaiz Farooq of Hurriyat
Conference (or for that matter any other leader) arrives at an agreement
with the Government of India but the peoples refuse to accept that. Will
they (New Delhi) discard the previous decision and initiate a fresh exercise?
Any formula discussed about the future of Kashmir should be first put to the
public debate for getting feedback. Secret parleys can help the
Government of India bring few separatist leaders into mainstream and not
resolve the issue.
The effort to discuss Jammu (Jammu As
It Is, Epilogue, Oct 2009) is appreciated
but much more could have been done.
There are set of perceptions which
discuss certain problems of development
and politics but the broad contours of
Jammu region, diversity and clash of
identities still goes unexplained. For
example, problems and aspirations in
Chenab Valley region –districts of Doda,
Kishtwar and Ramban have not been
discussed properly. These regions have
found just passing references. Editor
may consider doing a follow-up on
Jammu.
SUNAINA KOTWAL
Bhaderwah
Where is news?
Besides insights into issues of topical
importance, we always look forward to
read about important developments of
the month in Jammu and Kashmir. Since
there are no other media outlets in this
state informing us about Jammu and
Kashmir, Epilogue's section on essential
stories would bring us a dossier of
monthly developments which kept us
informed about state's strides on
development and politics. It was
disappointing to see news section
missing in October issue.

MIR IRFAN VIJAYAN MK

Srinagar Kottayam, Kerala

Honest statement
Anmol Sharma's article (Discrimination Symptoms in our DNA) is an inspiration for the youth. It calls for
breaking far from the narrow and divisive discourse of the so called leaders of regional empowerment
and charting our own course with an intellectual capital. His article, as bitter as always, bring home a
fact that how every Kashmiri contributes to the making of Kashmir and how every in Jammu is
responsible for the poor plight of the region. His understanding, “Kashmiri has now started exerting
himself as more academically…but on the other hand we (in Jammu) have no taste for reading good
books which espouse wisdom, world-craft etc”, is an honest statement on the state of affairs in Jammu.

NITIN KAPOOR, Jammu

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

9 IN
A Window of Opportunity
B.G. VERGHESE
There is a window of opportunity opening in J&K that must not be missed once again. This follows the
Union Home Minister's statement that the Government intends to open and persevere with quiet talks with
all sections of J&K opinion, including those outside the mainstream like the Hurriyat and . None can claim a
veto or set conditionalities. Spoilers will be exposed.
The first and more important part of a J&K
settlement is an internal resolution on matters
of human rights, disappearances, displacement,
autonomy, livelihoods and development
generally. This must include bridging regional
divides. Pakistan can have no role in this and
must, rather, put right its own house in order in
that part of J&K under its control which lacks the
autonomy and freedom enjoyed on this side.
The other part pertains to an external
settlement with Pakistan which can now
realistically only be along the LOC on the basis of
making boundaries irrelevant (with no
derogation to sovereignty on either side) as
basically agreed in principle. This means halting
the trans-border infiltration and mindless
violence that Pakistan has wantonly indulged in,
extending jihadi terrorism far afield to other
parts of India, of which 26 /11 was a horrendous
example. There are no true non-state actors as
the jihadi organizations and Taliban have all
been trained and sponsored by Pakistan and
cannot masquerade under new names. To say
that Pakistan is itself a victim of terrorism means
little as it is the monster Pakistan has long bred,
and even now patronises in part, that has turned
on it.
No one either in J&K or Pakistan can plead
for more time to formulate their views. Nor can
it be argued that “Kashmiris” must meet to
EXCLUSIVE TO decide on a common position before the internal
Epilogue dialogue commences. What will they discuss
that they could not discuss earlier or have
www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11
FOCUS
Bridging Divides
already discussed in recent years? Cross-border
relations in turn will unfold and evolve over time.
One urgent new issue is climate change that
will hit J&K and the entire Indus basin. This will
respect no boundaries and offers both a
challenge and an opportunity. The Indus Treaty
has worked fairly well. Both sides now need to
avail of Article 7 of the Treaty on “Future
Cooperation” to move towards joint investigation,
development and management of the three
Western rivers allocated to Pakistan (in which
the Indian part of J&K has a modest share) but
whose upper basins are controlled by India. This
alone will permit the optimal development and
utilization of the full potential of the Indus basin
for the mutual benefit not only of all the people
of J&K but also of India and Pakistan.
Together with this, the Siachen issue can
easily be settled by acknowledging the specific
and unambiguous 1949 Karachi Agreement
delineation of the LOC beyond the last
demarcated point at grid reference NJ 9842 and
“thence north to the glaciers”, without leaving
any part as no-man's land as stipulated. Once
this is done, the triangular area from NJ 9842
running NE to the Karakoram Pass and NW to K2
could be declared a Peace Zone and a scientific
park for joint Indo-Pakistan glaciological,
hydrological and meteorological studies, with
international collaboration, in order to monitor
and respond to climate change on the basis of
real time data.
This is the way forward.
Epilogue, November 2009
10 IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides

PM IN KASHMIR
An Olive Branch from
Position of Strength
EPILOGUE REPORT

After months of mistrust and confusion, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has again warmed up the
atmosphere for peace politics in Kashmir. Along with Congress President Sonia Gandhi, his two-day visit to
the Valley has certainly put into motion a process to shorten distance between New Delhi and Srinagar. The
ball is now seen to have rolled down in the court of separatists.

I ndependence Day addresses of
Indian Prime Ministers are heard with
rapt attention in Kashmir. It was the
historic speech of Prime Minister Atal
Behari Vajpayee on August 15, 2002 that
that turned around the political
landscape in Kashmir. Vajpyee
recognized space of all shades of
political opinions and promised free and
fair elections. He lived up to the
expectations. The following months of
2002 saw most credible elections in the
history of Jammu and Kashmir and then
began rounds of dialogue with
separatists. Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh too carried forward legacy of
Vajpayee and always addressed key
issues from the ramparts of the Red Fort
except for this year's Independence Day
address which left the Kashmiris,
particularly the separatists stunned.
The Prime Minister said that successful
two rounds of elections in Jammu and
Kashmir –Assembly polls in late 2008 and
Lok Sabha polls in early 2009 –with
vigorous public participation is a proof
that there is no space for separatist
thought in the state. It was quite
significantly different from Dr Singh's
speeches in the last over five years as he
had repeatedly stated that his UPA
government believed in talking to all
sections of opinion, including the
separatists. While his unexpected
statement made the separatists to
accuse him of speaking in the “language
of power”, the Chief Minister Omar
Abdullah too was seen in a spot as on the
same day he had called for a dialogue
with separatists. PDP leader and former
Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed,
a strong votary of dialogue, was blunt
enough in disputing Prime Minister's
interpretation of the massive public
participation in elections.
Observers believe that Prime
Minister's statement was not quite out
of place as he sought to underline the
significance of electoral democracy and
honour the people who participated in
elections against all the risks involved.
However, for separatists the Prime
Minister's statement marked the end of
the road to dialogue before Home
Minister P Chidambram rekindled hopes
in the middle of October. Chidambram's
announcement of quiet diplomacy
opened a new chapter in the peace
process which earned an across the
board welcome in Kashmir. Separatists
have always been averse to the large
assemblies of dialogue (like the
roundtable conference which they
boycotted); Chidambram's statement in
Srinagar on October 14 allayed those
fears. Much to the pleasure of
separatists he said the dialogue will be
on one-to-one and two-to-two basis and
its results shall be known only after
some conclusions are arrived at. Even if
the talks fail, such exercise gives face
saving to the parties engaged in the
process.
As Prime Minister unveiled his mind
during his two-day visit to Kashmir, it
appeared that Chidambram's visit, a
fortnight back, was ground preparation
exercise. Had Chidrambram not
unveiled the dialogue blueprint in
Srinagar, Prime Minister's would have
landed in a Valley of mistrust and
confusion as it was since August 15.
Responding to Chidambram's offer of
dialogue, the separatists, particularly
the Hurriyat Conference headed by
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq had set some
conditions –downsizing of troops from
the civilian areas, release of political
detenues and recognition of Kashmir
issue as a political problem. Half of it
was done by Chidambram during his
October 14 Press Conference when he
said “there is a political problem in
Kashmir and it has to be solved through
dialogue”. Perhaps first such statement
from any Indian leader in several

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

11 IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides

decades. In the time between

Chidambram's departure from Srinagar
and Prime Minister's arrival on October
‘Willing to Talk to Anyone
28, two formations of Indian Army had
been pulled out of Kashmir Valley, a
prominent separatist leader Shabir
who has any Meaningful Ideas
Ahmed Shah was out of the jail after 14
months and the unrelenting hardliner
Syed Ali Shah Geelani was seen roaming
about freely, first time since March this
year. Then comes the Prime Minister's
visit who invites all for the dialogue who
have some meaningful ideas. His olive
branch extends to separatists as it also
goes to Islamabad. “I call upon the
people and government of Pakistan to
show their sincerity and good faith. As I
have said many times before, we will
not be found wanting in our response”.
Exhibiting the sincerity to initiate
dialogue on Kashmir at both levels –with
separatists and also with Pakistan, the
Prime Minister appeared quite
concerned about the question of
governance in Jammu and Kashmir. He
made a specific mention of local
governance and the development
process. “I would urge that time has
come for elections to local bodies be
held quickly. This will increase the
people's participation in the process of Text of Prime Minister Singh’s speech at the inauguration of
development”, said the Prime Minister the historic Anantnag-Qazigund rail line in the Kashmir
in his speech on inauguration of
Anantnag-Qazigund rail link. Refusal to Valley October, 28th :
empower the peoples at grassroots has
of late become a hallmark of flawed
governance in Jammu and Kashmir. Last
Panchayat elections were held in the
I am delighted to back in the valley of
Kashmir in the lovely season of
autumn. We will soon see the beautiful
The last time I came to Jammu and
Kashmir, the State assembly elections
were going to be held. Later, the Lok
state in 2000, after a staggering gap of golden hues of the season and the Sabha elections were also held. I am
more than two decades but Panchayats magnificent Chinar will soon be flaming happy that the people of Jammu and
were never constituted or empowered. red. Kashmir turned out to vote in these
Next elections were due in 2005 but I have come today to inaugurate elections in large numbers. I believe
never held. It was widely believed that the Qazigund-Anantnag rail link. I that it was a vote for a peaceful path to
denial of democracy at the grassroots is congratulate the Indian Railways and a better tomorrow. I applaud the
also a potential alienator. Chief Minister the people of Kashmir for this wisdom and good faith of the common
Omar Abdullah recently said that achievement. The day is not far when m a n o f K a s h m i r. T h e e l e c t e d
Panchayat elections will be held in next trains will run from Jammu to Srinagar government has a golden opportunity to
few months. through the Banihal Pass. consolidate the peace in the State.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

12
In the last five years, the govern-
ment of India has taken a number of
steps to bring development to Jammu
and Kashmir. We have tried to revive the
traditional connectivity between the
people of the region. We took the bold
step of reviving the movement of goods
and people across the Line of Control on
the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad road on the
Poonch – Rawalakot road. I am happy to
announce that the Central Government
has decided to fund the additional cost
of Rs. 385 crore to build the heritage
Mughal Road that will connect Shopian
with remote areas of Poonch and
Rajouri.
Unprecedented resources have
been committed to the state for its com-
prehensive reconstruction. But I recog-
nize that the benefits are tricking down
slowly. This state of affairs should
change. We have to spend up the pace
of development in the state. We have
reverse the brain drain that has
denuded state of many of its teachers,
doctors, engineers and intellectuals.
We have to create the conditions for
them to return and to be the instru-
ments of change and development. We
want to strengthen in the hands of the
State government so that they can
implement an ambitious development
agenda.
I would also urge that the time has
come for elections to local bodies be
held quickly. This will increase the peo-
ple's participation in the processes of
development.
I appeal to the youth of Kashmir to
join in building a new Kashmir. I under-
stand their frustration. But things are
changing. I huge them to think con-
structively about how to build their
futures.
The Central Government will make
all efforts to involve the youth of the
State in constructive work. Under the
'Skill Development to Employment'
www.epilogue.in
Programme, The Ministry Tourism will
train 300 youths of the state. In addi-
tion, 200 youths will be trained and
deployed as tourist escorts during the
Amarnath and Viashno Devi Yatras. The
ministry of Labour will train 8000 youths
in it is every year.
As part of the national programme
the Ministry of Youth Affairs will deploy
around 8,000 youth in Jammu and
Kashmir on voluntary basis. They will
engage in public service such as clean-
ing of the Dal Lake.
I believe that the It Sector of J&K
can be as developed of the country. We
will fully support the efforts of the State
in this area. I am happy that more than
600 youth of the State trained under a
Central Government project have been
employed in the IT sector recently.
I am happy to announce that the
Government of India has decided to set
up two Central Universities in J&K, one
in Jammu and one in Kashmir.
The majesty and splendour of this
beautiful valley and culture of hospital-
ity of the Kashmiri people are second to
none. It magnificent lakes and forests
have charmed travelers for centuries. It
offers the solemnity of the Budghist
monasteries of Ladakh, the treasures of
the Hazratbal shrine and the piety of
the Raghnuath Temple. Let us build
Kashmir into one of the world's top tour-
ist destinations.
The picturesque Dal Lake is the
icon of the tourism have been funding a
project for the conservation of the lake
but progress has been slow. I would urge
the state Government to set up a task
force to expedite the project. The
Centre has decided to commit addi-
tional funds of Rs. 356 crore for this pro-
ject. We will also discuss with the State
Government how to expedite on going
projects for the conservation of Wullar
Lake and Manser Lake.
The Government is concerned
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
about reports of receding glaciers.
I am happy to announce the launch
of the National Mission on Sustaining the
Himalayan Eco-System. We wish to pre-
serve the sacred heritage of places like
the Amarnath Shrine.
The era of violence and terrorism
is coming to an end. The public senti-
ment is for peace and for a peaceful res-
olution of all problems.
When I came to office in 2004, I
had said that our Government is com-
mitted to having unconditional dialogue
with whoever abjures violence.
We had discussions with different
groups. We had a number of round table
conferences. All issues were discussed.
WE tried to give voice to the demands of
all sections of the people. We have
implemented a number of initiatives as
a result of this process.
I wish to say again today that we
are willing to talk to anyone who has any
meaningful ideas for promoting peace
and development in Kashmir.
We want to carry all sections of the
people with us in resolving the political
and economic problems of Jammu and
Kashmir.
I had also said that I was ready to
discuss all issues with Pakistan. I did so
not because of weakness but from a posi-
tion of strength. We had the most fruit-
ful and productive discussions ever with
the Government of Pakistan during the
period 2004-07 when militancy and vio-
lence began to decline. Intensive dis-
cussions were held on all issues includ-
ing on a permanent resolution of the
issue of Jammu and Kashmir.
For the first time in 60 years, peo-
ple were able to travel by road across
LoC. Divided families were re-united at
the border. Trade between the two sides
of Kashmir began. In fact, our overall
trade with Pakistan increased three
times during 2004-07. The number of
visas that we issued to Pakistanis dou-
Epilogue, November 2009
13
bled during the same period. An addi-
tional rail link was established.
These are not small achievements
given the history of our troubled rela-
tionship with Pakistan. In side the val-
ley, as militancy decline, trade, busi-
ness and tourism began to pick up. We
were moving in the right direction. For
the first time there was a feeling among
the people that a durable and final
peace was around the corner.
However, all the progress that we
achieved has been repeatedly thwarted
by acts of terrorism.
The terrorists want permanent
enmity to prevail between the two coun-
tries.
The terrorists have misused the
name of peaceful and benevolent reli-
gion. Their philosophy of hate has no
place here. It is totally contrary to our
centuries old tradition of tolerance and
harmony among faiths.
I strongly believe that the majority
of people in Pakistan seek good neigh-
borly and cooperative relations
between India and Pakistan. They seek
a permanent peace. This is our view as
well.
The Cross-LoC initiatives have
been well received on both sides of the
border. But I am also aware that they
are not as people friendly as they cold
are. Trade facilities at the border are
inadequate. There are not banking chan-
nels. Customs facilities need to be
strengthen. There are no trade fairs.
The lists of tradable commodities need
to be increased. Clearances for travel
take time. Pioneers of India and
Pakistan are languishing in each other's
jails even after completing their sen-
tences.
The fact is that these are humani-
tarian issues whose resolution requires
the cooperation of Pakistan. We are
ready to discuss these and other issues
with the government of Pakistan. I hope
that a s result things will be made easier
for our traders, divided families prison-
www.epilogue.in
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
ers and travelers. For a productive dia- cal conclusion. They should destroy
logue it is essential that terrorism must these groups wherever they are operat-
be brought under control. ing and for whatever misguided pur-
We will press the government of pose.
Pakistan to curb the activities of those I call upon the people and govern-
elements that are engaging in terrorism ment of Pakistan to show their sincerity
in India. If they are non-state actors, it and good faith. As I have said many
is the solemn duty of the government of times before, we will not be found want-
Pakistan to bring them to book, to ing in our response. In the words of the
destroy their camps and to eliminate poet :
their infrastructure. The perpetrators 'There are moments in history
when wrong decisions are taken; the
effects of which are felt for ages'.
For the first time in 60 I appeal to the government of
years, people were able to Pakistan that the hand of friendship
that we have extended should be car-
travel by road across LoC. ried forward. This is in the interest of
Divided families were re- people of India and Pakistan.
united at the border. Trade In conclusion, I wish to convey my
good wishes to the people of Jammu
between the two sides of and Kashmir. I hope that the future will
Kashmir began. In fact, our bring a new ear of peace, reconcillation
overall trade with Pakistan and development.'
increased three times during
2004-07. The number of Epilogue
visas that we issued to Available at
Pakistanis doubled during Jawahar Book Center
the same period. An Jawahar Lal Nehru University
additional rail link was NEW DELHI
established. ---
India Book Center
THIRUVANTHAPURAM
of the acts of terror must pay the heavi- ---
est penalty for their barbaric crimes CNA Enterprises
against humanity.
DN Road, MUMBAI
It is a misplaced ideas that one
---
reach a compromise with the ideology
of the terrorists or that they can be used
KC Enterprises
for one's own political purpose. Himayat Nagar, HYDERBAD
Eventually they turn against you and ---
bring only death and destruction. The EBS News Agency
real face of the terrorists is clear for the
Sector 22-B, CHANDIGARH
people of Pakistan to see with their own
---
years.
I hope that the government of
Bhargave Book Center
Pakistan will take the ongoing actions University Center,
against the terrorist groups on their logi- ALLAHABAD
Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009
14 IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides

Promoting Cross-LoC Trade

An Analysis of the Joint Chamber

MOEED YUSUF

S
ince 2005, Pakistan and India have pursued out-of-the-box thinking on Kashmir
and have allowed nominal human interaction and economic exchanges across the
Line of Control (LoC). One of the most promising recent developments has been the
formation of the Federation of Jammu and Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and
Industry (Joint Chamber), the first formal joint establishment across the Line of
Control, which is poised to play a central role in future efforts at increasing economic
collaboration.
The Joint Chamber is still in its infancy and faces a number of critical challenges that are
indicative of the potential stumbling blocks any effort at enhancing economic collaboration
across the Line of Control is likely to face.
Currently, a consensus is missing on the future direction of the Joint Chamber. Not only are
the central governments in Islamabad and New Delhi skeptical about according this new body
a pivotal position in cross–LoC trade, but even the business communities in the Indian and
Pakistani parts of the state suffer from internal differences on the scope of the Chamber's
activities.
Perhaps most worrisome is the Kashmiri business community's reluctance to lobby
proactively for expansion of ties beyond trade in goods. Investment, joint ventures, and transit
trade through Pakistani Kashmir and Pakistan hold the real potential if economic
interdependence is to ameliorate the long-standing political tensions over Kashmir.
The Joint Chamber members need to agree on a clear vision for the Chamber, preferably
including concerns not only relevant to goods trade but also to trade in services, investment,
joint ventures, and transit trade. To cover this broad horizon the Chamber would have to
increase its capacity by involving entities such as trade associations and the civil society at large.
Before tangible gains can be made, the Joint Chamber needs a number of scoping exercises
to determine the true potential for economic collaboration on all fronts. The current dearth of
information is a major shortcoming in determining the specific areas that could expand the
hitherto nascent cross–LoC interaction.
The Joint Chamber is already engaged in advocating for an increase in the nominal goods
trade initiated across the LoC in October 2008. Protocols for physical travel and communication
between traders, marketing and banking facilities, and an expansion of the scope of
engagement are obvious next steps for this process.
The key to the Joint Chamber's success is to strike a delicate balance between nudging the
governments to open up and remaining pragmatic about the necessarily incremental nature of
the gains.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

15
The India-Pakistan dispute over
Kashmir has proved to be one of the
most intractable in the world.
Traditionally, these two countries have
remained preoccupied with concerns
about territoriality, sovereignty, princi-
ple of equality, and moral legitimacy
when approaching the issue. However,
their failure to find a breakthrough and
the high costs associated with maintain-
ing the status quo have nudged
Islamabad and New Delhi to consider
fresh ideas for resolving the dispute.
Perhaps the most promising develop-
ment in recent years has been their
amenability to normalizing the state
through enhanced economic and human
interaction between Pakistani and
Indian Kashmir—previously no direct
contact was permissible between the
two parts of the state. The hope is that
enhanced economic interdependence
would act as a catalyst for ameliorating
the conflict by creating a strong, indige-
nous constituency that can push the two
states toward peaceful resolution of the
dispute.
Commendably, Pakistan and India
have not only proclaimed the goal of
enhancing cross–Line of Control ties but
have already made tangible progress
toward this end. Shortly after the initia-
tion of the bilateral peace process in
2003, a mutually agreed cease-fire was
enforced along the LoC. Since then, bus
service was initiated between Srinagar
and Muzaffarabad in 2005 and between
Poonch and Rawalakot. Fourteen
months later, five LoC crossing points
were opened for relief assistance in the
aftermath of the devastating earth-
quake in the region in October 2005,
and an understanding was reached to
conduct cross–LoC trade in selected pri-
mary products of Kashmiri origin in
2006.
Although critical in their own right,
all stakeholders, including the Indian
www.epilogue.in
and Pakistani governments, acknowl-
edge that these steps are only the
beginning of a process of economic col-
laboration that could ultimately make
the LoC irrelevant for economic and
human exchanges. Most analysts remain
convinced that only such expanded
cross–LoC interaction can generate the
kind of interdependence necessary to
stabilize the area. While intermittent
tensions between India and Pakistan
since 2006 have dampened the initial
euphoria regarding cross–LoC ties, two
developments in October 2008 have pro-
vided renewed impetus for normalizing
relations across the divided state:
Islamabad and New Delhi initiated
cross–LoC trade and business communi-
ties from Indian and Pakistani Kashmir
established a joint body to promote eco-
nomic interaction—the Federation of
Jammu and Kashmir Chamber of
Commerce and Industry (hereafter
Joint Chamber). Although still tenuous
and not yet an effective platform to
facilitate cross–LoC business interests,
the chamber is still the first formal joint
establishment across the LoC and thus
poised to play a central role in any
future effort to enhance economic
exchange. Moreover, the organization is
the first non-governmental body of
note; its presence complements the
hitherto exclusively The views
expressed in this report do not neces-
sarily reflect the views of the United
States Institute of Peace, which does
not advocate specific policy positions.
To request permission to photocopy or
reprint materials, e-mail: permis-
sions@usip.org top-down approach to
cross–LoC collaboration. In essence, the
Joint Chamber provides a concrete
opportunity to push forward the dream
of an “irrelevant” LoC.
This report examines the Joint
Chamber in detail. It outlines the basic
features of this new structure, analyzes
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
the outlook of the key stakeholders
regarding its potential, weighs the chal-
lenges ahead, and recommends means
to transform the Joint Chamber into a
body capable of playing an instrumental
role in expanding cross–LoC economic
collaboration. The report is designed to
provide both the business communities
and policymakers with a clear sense of
the steps needed to optimize the role of
the Joint Chamber in enhancing
cross–LoC interaction. The analysis car-
ries a broader message: the case study
of the Joint Chamber— independent of
the fate of the Chamber
itself—highlights the clash of interests
among the key stakeholders as well as
the constraints on them, factors that
constitute stumbling blocks for any
effort to expand cross–LoC economic
exchange.
The Joint Chamber
In September 2008, on the side-
lines of the U.N. General Assembly ses-
sion in New York, Pakistani President
Asif Ali Zardari and Indian Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh agreed to implement
the previously reached understanding
to allow trade in primary products
across the LoC. The Pakistan-India Joint
Working Group on cross–LoC confidence
building measures, which had already
held meetings to negotiate the issue,
was tasked to finalize trade modalities;
subsequently, October 21, 2008, was set
as the initiation date for cross–LoC
trade.
The decision to commence trade
also provided an incentive to the busi-
ness communities on both sides of the
LoC to come together and discuss ways
to optimize trade relations. Thus, from
October 9–16, 2008, a nineteen-
member delegation from the Azad
Jammu Kashmir (AJK) Chamber of
Commerce and Industry visited Srinagar
and Jammu to meet their counterparts.
The deliberations between the
Epilogue, November 2009
16
business communities during the AJK
Chamber's visit led to the creation of
the Joint Chamber. The presidents of
the Chamber of Commerce of Pakistani
Kashmir, Indian Kashmir (Valley), and
Jammu formally agreed to set up a joint
body to bolster cross–LoC economic
interests. The Joint Chamber is limited
to the three Chambers; other business
entities such as traders' associations or
sector-specific groupings from the
region are not represented in the body.
The new structure's board will comprise
thirty-two individuals, sixteen of whom
will be nominated by the AJK Chamber
and sixteen jointly by the Indian
Kashmir and Jammu Chambers. The
Joint Chamber is headed by a president
who is appointed on a rotational, two-
year basis, with the Pakistani and Indian
Chambers alternating the title. The
president will act as the executive and
will be assisted by two senior vice presi-
dents, one each from the Pakistani and
Indian part of the state, and four vice
presidents, two from each side. As a
goodwill gesture, the Indian side
offered the inaugural presidency to Mr.
Zulfiqar Abbassi, the current president
of the AJK Chamber, for an initial one-
year term. He is to hold the title until
October 2009, after which the Joint
Chamber members will select a new
president for a full two-year stint; the
next term is likely to be awarded to a
nominee from the Indian side of the
LoC.
Neither side had envisioned creat-
ing a joint body prior to their meetings.
The Kashmir Chamber in the Valley had
only planned to offer a memorandum of
understanding to the AJK Chamber.
However, the AJK group, encouraged by
the positive mood during the meeting,
suggested taking the arrangement a
step further by instituting the joint
group. After some hesitation, the
Kashmir Chamber accepted the pro-
www.epilogue.in
posal. The Jammu Chamber was not
part of these discussions; it was only
brought on board when the AJK delega-
tion visited them following their visit to
the Valley.
The absence of any prior internal
deliberations by either side regarding a
joint set-up, however, meant that the
Joint Chamber could not move beyond
mere formal agreement during the dele-
gation's visit. As it stands, the organiza-
tion exists only on paper: the Chamber
has not been launched formally, neither
side has finalized its list of members, no
formal charter or mandate exists, no
decision has been made on establishing
a physical presence, no meeting sched-
The national governments
on both sides reserve the
right to prevent the state
governments from
recognizing the Joint
Chamber.
ule has been determined, and financing
for the body remains uncertain.
The Chamber also faces potential
legal complications. For example, in
Pakistani Kashmir, article 8 and 31 (3)
(d) of the Constitution prohibit the AJK
government from starting any interna-
tional joint trade venture on its own;
the Government of Pakistan retains com-
plete jurisdiction over such matters.
Similarly, article 370 of the Indian
Constitution enables the central gov-
ernment to take charge of international
trade in Jammu and Kashmir when it
deems it necessary. In short, the
national governments on both sides
reserve the right to prevent the state
governments from recognizing the Joint
Chamber. These stipulations also imply
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IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
that the Chamber cannot be officially
registered as a joint entity unless
Islamabad and New Delhi are on board.
While both sides could separately regis-
ter the new body without approval from
the national governments, doing so
would render the entity no different
than the individual Chambers that
already exist.
Although the three relevant busi-
ness communities realize that the deci-
sion to set up the Joint Chamber is a
beginning, their vision to solidify the
body's presence lacks coherence. That
said, the following themes do find wide-
spread support as potential future
objectives for the Joint Chamber:
To increase contact between the
two business communities through regu-
lar meetings; these interactions would
allow the members to discuss avenues
for closer cooperation.
To gain greater exposure to each
other's markets and peoples.
To provide a forum to raise mutual
concerns as well as a symbol of progress
in intra-Kashmir relations.
To act as a pressure group to nudge
state and national governments to
implement their official vision of
enhancing cross–LoC collaboration
beyond mere symbolism.
To serve as an expert body that
deliberates issues related to trade and
investment and provides concrete
advice regarding trade modalities and
avenues for trade expansion to the gov-
ernments.
To lobby for improved “governance
of cooperation”; this amounts to easing
restrictions that do not strictly fall
within the trade and investment
ambit—primarily security and bureau-
cratic hurdles—but directly affect busi-
ness activity.
To galvanize other stakeholders in
the economy—small-scale producers,
retailers, transporters, marketing out-
Epilogue, November 2009
17
fits, technical experts, academics, and
civil society at large—to support the ini-
tiative, thereby creating a sense of own-
ership and empowerment among a large
section of the population on both sides
of the LoC.
Since the Srinagar and Jammu
meetings, the Joint Chamber has
remained largely dormant. The body's
only tangible output thus far has been a
set of recommendations, heavily
focused on improving the current
cross–LoC trade regime, which were
passed on to the Pakistani and Indian
governments for consideration. Apart
from this, the Chamber's decision to
form working groups to identify items
that could be added to the current
cross–LoC trade list has been held in
abeyance. Similarly, a proposed recip-
rocal visit by the Indian Kashmir and
Jammu Chambers across the LoC is on
hold. The present lull stems from the
sudden spike in Indian-Pakistani ten-
sions in the wake of the terrorist attack
in Mumbai on November 26, 2008. The
sense of despondence that has pre-
vailed among the business community
on both sides since the Mumbai attack
suggests that the status quo may remain
until political tensions diminish.
The Lay of the Land: the Actors and
their Preferences
The preferences of the key stake-
holders, namely, the Chambers on both
sides of the LoC, the state governments
in Indian and Pakistani Kashmir, and the
Pakistani and Indian authorities in
Islamabad and New Delhi respectively,
are paramount to the evolution of the
Joint Chamber. Other entities such as
traders' associations, small-scale pro-
ducers, and retailers— which are known
to wholeheartedly support enhanced
cross–LoC cooperation—remain outside
the loop. Moreover, there seems to be
little interest in exploring the possibil-
ity of expanding representation in the
www.epilogue.in
near term; a leading figure from the
Kashmir Chamber in the Valley told the
author that the business community
strongly preferred other, smaller bodies
to explore options of similar arrange-
ments with their counterparts inde-
pendently of the Joint Chamber.
The AJK Chamber
The decision to form the Joint
Chamber was a bold turnaround for the
business community in Pakistani
Kashmir. Previously, the business
enclave as well as the state government
in Muzaffarabad had been reluctant to
pursue trade liberalization. For over
two years, the AJK Chamber had
deferred an invitation from their Indian
counterparts to visit Srinagar and
Jammu to discuss trade related issues,
it did not extend a reciprocal invitation
until recently, and its members did not
attend workshops intended to allow the
two business communities to interact.
The AJK business community's skep-
ticism was in large part driven by mar-
ket realities. Pakistani Kashmir has sig-
nificantly weaker economic prospects
than the Indian part of the state; the
situation was further skewed toward
the Indian side after the 2005 earth-
quake that devastated Pakistani
Kashmir's economy. The Pakistani side
of the LoC is severely underdeveloped:
approximately 88 percent of the 4.4 mil-
lion people there depends on agricul-
ture and forestry as their principal
source of livelihood while the manufac-
turing sector is in poor shape, with many
of the 917 industrial units having been
declared “sick.” Although Indian
Jammu and Kashmir is one of the least
developed states in India, its agrarian
economy is rapidly industrializ-
ing—particularly in Jammu—and it
already has a multifold advantage in pro-
ductive capacity over its Pakistani coun-
terpart. In short, there is little doubt
that in the near-to-medium term, the
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IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
direction of trade would overwhelm-
ingly favor Indian Kashmir.
The proactive approach taken by
the AJK Chamber in proposing the idea
of the Joint Chamber then is somewhat
puzzling. On the one hand, there is gen-
eral agreement across the region's busi-
ness community that economic interac-
tion with Indian Jammu and Kashmir
should increase. It also appears certain
that the AJK Chamber will not reverse
itself on the issue of the Joint Chamber's
existence when the ongoing delibera-
tions among the region's business
enclave are completed. On the other
hand, the business community is not
unanimous on the pace at which they
would like cross–LoC ties to expand or
on the role they envision for the Joint
Chamber.
Two competing visions exist in the
AJK Chamber. In addition to the philo-
sophical difference on the utility of
trade expansion, these two visions also
reflect the fault line along which power
politics plays out within the Chamber.
The political economy dimension is obvi-
ous when one examines the makeup of
the two groups. Those involved in indus-
tries such as textiles and apparel in
which their Indian Jammu and Kashmir
counterparts are more competitive
tend to be circumspect about swift lib-
eralization. On the other hand, individ-
uals interested in areas such as power
generation where potential for mutual
gains is high form the most vocal sup-
port base for enhanced interaction.
At the core, all AJK Chamber mem-
bers remain mindful of the necessity to
cater to local industry interests.
However, those supporting swift move-
ment toward relatively free trade are
upfront in stating their belief that
enhanced ties would ultimately benefit
consumers and producers on both sides;
for Pakistani Kashmir they see the inter-
action providing impetus to investors
Epilogue, November 2009
18
from Pakistan-proper to set up manu-
facturing units in the state, thereby
enhancing productive capacity and
employment. This group views the Joint
Chamber as a stepping stone to fulfill
this ambition. Perhaps not surprisingly,
the AJK delegation that proposed the
joint body had strong representation
from proponents of this view.
While proponents of the opposing
view do not challenge the logic of this
argument, they are much more focused
on the short term. This faction calls for
a more graduated approach whereby
Pakistani Kashmir's own potential is
taken into account before putting prom-
ises on the table and is less enthused
about the Joint Chamber's abrupt
announcement. At least one influential
businessman who shares this outlook
conveyed to the author his bitterness
about the body's formation, arguing
that the possibility of a joint body was
not on the list of talking points commu-
nicated to Pakistani Kashmir's business
community prior to the delegation's
departure. This more cautious cohort is
likely to push for a thorough internal
debate on the scope of the Joint
Chamber's activities before developing
a unified stance on the issue.
Indian Kashmir (Valley) and Jammu
Chambers
An interesting dynamic exists
regarding preferences on the Indian
side of the LoC. Both the Chamber
hosted in Srinagar as well as the one in
Jammu remain committed to expansion
of economic ties. Individually, both enti-
ties have voiced support for the Joint
Chamber. This makes sense given the
disproportionate gains in the short- to-
medium term for the Indian side.
However, somewhat counterintuitive is
the absence of any joint efforts by the
two entities to capitalize on their
mutual interest. Thus far, the Kashmir
and Jammu Chambers have not met to
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discuss the body's future.
The anomaly has at its root the
brewing tensions between the two
Chambers. The palpable political differ-
ences between Jammu and the Kashmir
Valley, which led to a rupture between
the Muslims of the valley and the
Jammuites in May 2008, resulted in the
two Chambers being hesitant to estab-
lish any serious contact with each other.
It was because of this falling-out that
the AJK delegation had to meet sepa-
rately with the Kashmir and Jammu
Chambers; it ended up conducting the
bulk of its negotiations in the Valley and
only later sought concurrence of the
Jammuites. The internal politicking
This situation leads to a
conundrum whereby both
Indian Chambers remain
committed to the existence
of the Joint Chamber yet
are unwilling to
complement each other's
lobbying efforts
between the business entities on the
Indian side also explains concerns
among segments of the business com-
munity, especially in the Valley, about
including the “other” Chamber in the
arrangement (some members of the AJK
delegation returned with this percep-
tion). The Federation of Chamber of
Industries in Kashmir (FCIK), a Valley-
based group also showed reservations
about handing over the founding presi-
dency to the AJK Chamber even though
the Jammu Chamber had accepted the
arrangement without any apparent res-
ervations.
This situation leads to a conun-
drum whereby both Indian Chambers
remain committed to the existence of
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
the Joint Chamber yet are unwilling to
complement each other's lobbying
efforts. Unlike Pakistani Kashmir, how-
ever, the challenge in Indian Jammu and
Kashmir is not to convince the
Chambers of the merit of liberalizing
cross–LoC economic ties. Rather, it is to
disaggregate the broader political tus-
sle within the state from the relation-
ship between the business communi-
ties. Only then can the Valley and
Jammu Chambers arrive at an internal
understanding about the division of
labor in their roles within the Joint
Chamber and develop a combined nego-
tiating stance for devising strategies
with their Pakistani counterparts.
Finally, some level of goodwill on the
part of the Jammu and Indian Kashmir
Chambers is necessary to accept an
equal representation and voice since
the AJK group has a significantly less
impressive portfolio.
The State Governments
The Joint Chamber can expect a
much more conciliatory attitude from
the state governments on both sides of
the LoC. Authorities in Srinagar and
Muzaffarabad seem committed to
exploring avenues to further liberalize
cross–LoC interaction. The government
in Pakistani Kashmir that left office in
January 2009 had made cross–LoC inter-
action a major pillar of its political pro-
gram. Arguably, the AJK delegation's
offer to set up a Joint Chamber rather
than just signing a memorandum of
understanding in Srinagar was a reflec-
tion of their confidence in the state gov-
ernment's support for moves designed
to expand cross–LoC economic ties.
Indeed, the relationship between the
outgoing government and the AJK
Chamber's leadership is widely believed
to have been the most cordial in recent
history; the latter exercised substantial
clout in political circles, a fact that led
the already amenable government to
Epilogue, November 2009
19
wholeheartedly back the Chamber's
ambitions to play a proactive role in
cross–LoC trade. The business commu-
nity does not expect the incoming gov-
ernment to fundamentally change its
predecessor's stance, although it may
have to face renewed lobbying efforts
by proponents of both
views—accelerated versus gradual lib-
eralization—that exist among the AJK
Chamber members.
The mindset is even more encour-
aging in Indian Jammu and Kashmir. The
lopsided near-term gains make it natu-
ral for the state government in Srinagar
to view the prospect of enhanced trade
favorably. The enthusiasm of state offi-
cials was evident from their outright
support of the idea of the Joint
Chamber during the AJK Chamber's
visit. Barring any negative directives
from New Delhi, the Indian Jammu and
Kashmir government is likely to remain
proactive in its efforts to expand
cross–LoC interaction.
The National Governments
The national governments in
Islamabad and New Delhi continue to
hold the key to the future of intra-
Kashmir relations. Notwithstanding the
ultimate ambition of allowing Kashmiri
civil society to have a larger stake in
decision-making, both the Indian and
Pakistani governments remain unchal-
lenged in their ability to veto any
Kashmiri aspirations. Without their
agreement, developments like the Joint
Chamber are highly unlikely to succeed.
That said, neither Islamabad nor New
Delhi has yet signaled its intentions
regarding the joint body; neither capi-
tal has responded to the list of recom-
mendations the Joint Chamber commu-
nicated to them after the creation of
the body. Of course, it seems unlikely
that the business communities would
have gone ahead with formation of the
Joint Chamber had they known that
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such a measure would cross Pakistan or
India's redlines. Yet, the fact that the
national governments are amenable to
the structure in principle, encouraging
as it is, does not imply that they would
quickly buy into its ambitions.
This is not to say that either side is
likely to attempt to undo the process. In
fact, the symbolism of the development
suits them; it is in line with their official
stance of allowing interdependence
between the two parts of Jammu
Kashmir. Beyond mere symbolism, how-
ever, realizing the Joint Chamber's
vision is likely to prove extremely chal-
lenging given that both Pakistan and
India, despite having moved away from
The two countries see each
other through a zero-sum
lens whereby granting
unilateral concessions is a
sign of weakness. The
strongest opposition on both
sides comes from the
bureaucracies
their traditional maximalist stances,
remain wedded to a security-centric
paradigm in their outlook toward the
dispute. The two countries see each
other through a zero-sum lens whereby
granting unilateral concessions is a sign
of weakness. The strongest opposition
on both sides comes from the bureau-
cracies—the Foreign Office and the mili-
tary in Pakistan and the Ministries of
External Affairs and Home Affairs in
India—even though the political leader-
ship seems to have softened their
stances considerably. Various elements
within the Indian bureaucracy remain
wary of Pakistan's propensity to use
freer human and economic exchange as
a means to create greater unrest in
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
Indian Kashmir. Both parties also feel
that increased interaction would lead to
heightened intelligence deployment by
the other across the LoC. These con-
cerns apply not only to trade between
Pakistani and Indian Kashmir, but even
more so to transit trade, investment,
and join ventures through which reloca-
tion of personnel across the LoC for
extended periods would be legalized,
trade and investment facilitation would
become necessary, and, consequently,
the governments' hold on the process
would inevitably be diluted. Therefore,
while a process that crawls along under
the close watch of the two governments
is diplomatically attractive, fast-track
liberalization is not.
Concerns from Islamabad and New
Delhi are not just security related.
Within the economic realm, one con-
cern that both India and Pakistan
have—Pakistan more so than India—is
the potential for intra-Kashmir trade to
become an excuse for Indian goods to
find their way into the Pakistani mar-
ket and vice versa. At the core, the
worry stems from a realization of the
weak trade governance capacity in the
two countries: both sides know that
irrespective of the monitoring and
policing measures put in place to
check flows beyond the border of
Jammu Kashmir, a truly liberalized
trade regime would lead to products
from the other's heartland flowing into
theirs. Pakistan has already had a bit-
ter experience with the Afghan Transit
Trade facility whereby goods destined
for Afghanistan regularly make their
way back into Pakistan, creating sig-
nificant perversions in the local mar-
ket. This fear, combined with the
absence of any Rules of Origin agree-
ment specific to Jammu and Kashmir,
has forced officials in both countries
to exercise extreme caution when
negotiating cross–LoC trade modalities.
Epilogue, November 2009
20
Current Cross–LoC Trade
The current trading arrangement is
fraught with stringent bureaucratic
impediments. Trade is restricted to
duty-free access for twenty-one items,
all of which are primary products pro-
duced within the state of Jammu and
Kashmir. Moreover, goods on the posi-
tive list do not seem to correspond to
market realities. A number of items defy
trade rationale as they are already
available at lower cost within the
importer's market or the exporter has a
more lucrative market available domes-
tically. Moreover, there is no marketing
setup to promote goods from across the
LoC; this limits the appeal even for
goods not suffering from an adverse cost
differential.
At present, trade can be con-
d u c t e d o n l y o n Tu e s d a y s a n d
Wednesdays between 9 a.m. and 4 p.m.
Transportation is another major impedi-
ment. No more than 1.5 metric tons
(MT) per truckload can cross the LoC
due to infrastructural constraints on
both sides. The small consignment size
makes trade unviable as the fuel, han-
dling, freight, insurance, and other mis-
cellaneous costs are not necessarily pro-
portional to the consignment weight. In
addition, neither side has permission to
transport goods to their final destina-
tion. Trucks must be unloaded at check-
points near the LoC, then reloaded onto
local trucks and hauled to the destina-
tion. Apart from the cost element, this
is especially problematic for perishable
items.
Furthermore, traders have no
means to meet regularly. The visa
restrictions continue to be extremely
stringent for all residents, including
businessmen. Even members of divided
families, for whom cross–LoC buses
were instituted in 2005 and the visa
regime supposedly liberalized, have
underutilized the service—only nine
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thousand people have traveled in over
three years—due to the highly cumber-
some clearance procedures.16
Moreover, people in Indian Kashmir do
not even have the international direct
dialing facility to communicate with
their counterparts across the LoC via
phone.
The absence of banking facilities
and the lack of permission to use
Pakistani and Indian rupees for transac-
tions is another concern shared by the
business communities on both sides.
The Joint Chamber has already voiced
its preference to trade in the local cur-
rencies, with the U.S. dollar as the ref-
erence for exchange purposes. On the
The Joint Chamber should
be looking to explore
avenues that would provide
the business community
with attractive returns, thus
creating a genuine economic
rationale instead of merely
a symbolic one.
banking front, the situation is even
more troublesome as neither the
Jammu & Kashmir Bank on the Indian
side nor the AJ&K Bank on the Pakistani
side has branches across the LoC; they
also have no direct correspondence and
thus do not allow cross-referenced
transactions. In essence, apart from
cash purchases or informal credit mech-
anisms, no official closure is possible.
There is already empirical evi-
dence of the impact of the glaring bank-
ing anomaly. Fruit growers from Indian
Kashmir suspended cross–LoC shipments
within twenty days of the initiation of
the process, citing lack of proper com-
munications and payment mechanisms
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
as the major reason. The transaction
closure and payment process continued
to cause confusion, ultimately resulting
in arrears of around 3.5 million Indian
rupees. Traders of other products have
also threatened to follow suit.
The Challenges Ahead: Looking
Beyond the Current Trade Regime
In the Kashmiri context, the under-
lying rationale for bodies like the Joint
Chamber is to create bottom-up pres-
sure to hasten the process of normaliza-
tion between the two parts of the state.
Ultimately, permanent improvement in
intra-Kashmir relations presupposes sub-
stantial economic interdependence
across the LoC such that the costs of
reversal become unbearably high.
Interdependence, in turn, requires not
only a robust cross–LoC relationship
among the stakeholders in the eco-
nomic sphere but also a streamlined
focus on specific aspects within the over-
arching relationship that are capable of
creating the interdependence.
Ideally, the Joint Chamber should
be looking to explore avenues that
would provide the business community
with attractive returns, thus creating a
genuine economic rationale instead of
merely a symbolic one. The absence of
such a focus at present stands out as a
critical challenge to the entity's future
viability. Currently, the business com-
munities are focusing almost exclu-
sively on trade in goods between
Pakistani and Indian Kashmir. It is only
within this traditional trading sphere
that businessmen seem to have a con-
crete action plan; virtually all other ave-
nues are considered too far-fetched to
receive any serious attention at the
moment.
The impulse to focus on trade in
goods is understandable and welcome
given the stringent restrictions in place
under the current regime. That said,
the Joint Chamber cannot afford to con-
Epilogue, November 2009
21
centrate its energies so narrowly, espe-
cially when goods trade between the
two parts of the state is the least attrac-
tive aspect of the economic relation-
ship. Two critical links missing from this
picture are the potential for Indian
Jammu and Kashmir to use the Pakistani
part of the state as a transit route and
exploring trade in services, investment,
and joint ventures.
The expected gains for the
Srinagar and Jammu Chambers from
trading with Pakistani Kashmir notwith-
standing, Indian Jammu and Kashmir's
business communities have often raised
concerns about the market across the
LoC being too small for it to be a major
attraction. Indeed, this is legitimate,
not only because of the limited size of
the population on the Pakistani side of
the LoC but also because of its meager
purchasing power. Ideally, the Indian
side is vying for a passage through
Pakistani Kashmir to Pakistan-proper,
the Persian Gulf countries, and beyond.
This is true for both Chambers in the
Indian part of the state. Jammu would
like to make use of Pakistani transport
infrastructure to export from the ports
of Karachi and Gwadar, which are much
cheaper and more efficient than
Mumbai, the port Jammu producers cur-
rently utilize. In fact, given Jammu's
strength in industrial production and its
geographical location, the option of
exporting manufactured goods through
the historic Jammu-Sialkot (Pakistan)
route is even more attractive than trad-
ing across the LoC. For the Srinagar
Chamber, the appeal of the transit facil-
ity is twofold. For one, the current
transport route available to the geo-
graphically isolated Valley is highly
undependable. There are frequent com-
plaints of perishable items being dam-
aged by the time they reach their final
destinations in India. Second, transiting
through Pakistani Kashmir implies
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reduced dependence on Jammu as the
Kashmir Valley's sole outlet to the rest
of India.
In light of the above, it is highly sur-
prising that the Joint Chamber has not
deliberated the possibility of transit
trade and that there has been no push
from the Chambers on the Indian side,
jointly or individually, to advocate early
approval of the facility. The dynamic is
rather interesting. On the one hand, the
keenness to move from the “to” to the
“through” arrangement with Pakistani
Kashmir is evident among the Indian
Jammu and Kashmir business commu-
nity. In fact, some members are cate-
gorical in highlighting that transit trade
The internal contradiction
in the stance of the business
enclave is obvious: while
they are bitter about
government restrictions,
they have been unable to
formulate a unified
position.
is their only real interest. However, lead-
ers of the respective Chambers argue
that the decision not to include transit
trade in the list of recommendations
communicated by the Joint Chamber to
the governments was deliberate; it was
believed to be too controversial for the
authorities to consider seriously.
The disconnect between the desire
for tangible gains among the business
community on the Indian side—hence
the interest in transit trade—and the
passive effort to move to the “through”
arrangement implies that there is insuf-
ficient pressure on the governments in
Islamabad and New Delhi. This is self-
defeating because the present trade
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
arrangement is bound to disillusion
many in the business community; the
danger is that an extended period with-
out movement beyond cross–LoC goods
trade will cause the Chambers to lose
interest altogether and thus make them
indifferent to a de facto reversal of the
minor gains achieved thus far. This is a
concern that some influential business-
men acknowledged during conversa-
tions with the author.
The concern is even graver on the
trade in services and investment fronts.
Past studies have established that the
real potential for a holistic cross–LoC
economic relationship lies beyond
goods trade. The similar nature of the
economies on the two sides of the LoC
makes trade in goods useful only as a
starting point. The prospects for real
long-term gains lie in eight service sec-
tors: tourism, forestry, waterways,
power generation, information technol-
ogy, education, anti-poverty programs,
and disaster management.
Although the Joint Chamber men-
tioned joint ventures in tourism,
exchange in software industries, and
contact between educational and tech-
nical institutions as potential avenues
for consideration in its recent communi-
cation to the governments of Pakistan
and India, the business communities are
unprepared to pursue these ventures
seriously.
There is a lack of information on
the specific avenues to explore regard-
ing investment and joint ventures in the
short to medium term. The business
community often mentions broad areas,
focusing only on the macro, sectoral-
level picture. Thinking about non-goods
exchanges remains extremely tenta-
tive. The lack of movement within the
community is evident in the fact that
the Joint Chamber set up working
groups to identify items that could be
added to the current trade list, but
Epilogue, November 2009
22
ignored the need to start parallel work
on investment and joint ventures.
The internal contradiction in the
stance of the business enclave is obvi-
ous: while they are bitter about govern-
ment restrictions, they have been
unable to formulate a unified position,
let alone pursue it, on issues related to
transit trade, services trade, invest-
ment, and joint ventures. The business
leaders seem willing to take a more con-
servative approach than is perhaps ideal
for a body set up to alter the status quo
in an intensely hostile environment. In
fact, an overwhelming majority seems
resigned to the fact that politics will
continue to trump the aspirations that
underlie the Joint Chamber. While that
is certainly true at present, and is likely
to remain so in the near-to-medium
term, deferring the future of the Joint
Chamber to the political domain under-
mines the very rationale for its exis-
tence, that is, to create bottom-up pres-
sure despite the adversarial framework.
In essence, those who are
Areas of Interest for Investment and
Joint Ventures as Identified by a
Previous Pugwash Study (supported
by USIP)
Tourism: (1) Establish a Joint
Travel Management Board; (2) Set up
hotel management training institutes in
Indian Kashmir where individuals from
both sides would be allowed to train; (3)
Set up vocational training institutes spe-
cific to the tourism industry on both
sides.
Forestry: (1) Involve communities
in Joint Forest Management projects
with assistance from civil society; (2)
Institute public-private partnerships in
the forestry sector; investors from the
same or opposite side of the LoC could
lease out land for regeneration and har-
vesting.
Waterways: (1) Hold joint environ-
mental clean-up exercises; (2)
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Regularly exchange data on water flows
and quality.
Power generation: (1) Conduct a
careful study of the power generation
potential to gauge the amount of elec-
tricity that can realistically be brought
to the grid; (2) Explore the possibility of
a joint power generation project on the
LoC.
Information Technology: (1)
Pakistani Kashmir should utilize the soft-
ware development capacity across the
LoC by outsourcing assignments; (2)
Request Indian IT professionals to teach
at small IT training centers in Pakistani
Kashmir; IT students from Pakistani
Kashmir could also be sent to study in
the proposed Indian Technology
Institute in Indian Kashmir; (3) The
Indian side could help their Pakistani
counterparts in setting up software tech-
nology parks and other such IT ventures.
Education: (1) Initiate a small stu-
dent exchange program for postgradu-
ate institutions; (ii) Share experiences
on improving the quality of education;
educational administrators (including
nongovernmental ones) on the Pakistani
side could build on their existing pro-
grams for teacher training, either by
sharing best practices or exchanging
master trainers at teacher training
institutes across the LoC.
Anti-poverty programs: (1)
Replicate the Rural Support Program
(RSP) from Pakistan's Federally
Administered Northern Areas structure
in Pakistani and Indian Kashmir; RSP top
brass could conduct orientation and
training courses for their Indian coun-
terparts and/or set up the program in a
few model villages in Indian Kashmir
most desperate for tangible gains—the
business communities—are unwilling to
follow the path that is most likely to
lead to those very dividends. The cur-
rent mindset creates a selffulfilling
prophecy.
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
Source: Moeed Yusuf, Exploring
the Potential for Economic
Development and Cross–LoC
Collaboration in Jammu Kashmir,
Pugwash, Issue Brief, March 2007
The Way Forward: Making the Joint
Chamber Deliver
The following recommendations
suggest both steps the Joint Chamber
itself needs to take and areas in which
the body needs to lobby the state and
national governments.
Viability of the Joint Chamber
Bringing the Stakeholders Together
The very idea of the Joint Chamber
presupposes a consensus within the busi-
ness community on the existence and
objectives of the body. Neither side can
claim to have fulfilled this prerequisite
yet. The foremost requirement then is
for business communities to be on board
in unison. In Pakistani Kashmir, an inter-
nal convergence of opinion is required
whereby proponents of both views dis-
cussed earlier (accelerated versus grad-
ual liberalization) are comfortable with
the entity. As for Indian Jammu and
Kashmir, both Chambers have to work
out a mechanism to ensure that their
interaction in the Joint Chamber is
immune to intrastate political turbu-
lence. Specifically, the Kashmir Valley
and Jammu businessmen need to chart a
common negotiating stance vis-à-vis
New Delhi.
The Joint Chamber's creation not-
withstanding, business communities
from the two sides also suffer from a
trust deficit thanks to decades of state-
led propaganda. The fragility of the rela-
tionship was evident during the AJK
Chamber's visit across the LoC. For
instance, the delegation found it offen-
sive that Pakistani Kashmir was referred
to as Pakistan “Occupied” Kashmir in
one of the post deliberation
communiqués issued by the hosts. As
mentioned, the FCIK was also not too
Epilogue, November 2009
23
enthused about granting the first presi-
dency of the Joint Chamber to an AJK
representative. These minor episodes
signal the need for dedicated efforts to
trust building. While increased contact
should help, both sides need to remain
mindful of each other's sensitivities and
exercise caution in their interactions.
Moreover, the Indian Chambers might
consider making initial concessions in
their trade and investment approach
even if they defy economic logic. Such
goodwill toward the weaker side could
go a long way to increasing trust and
diluting skepticism in Pakistani Kashmir.
The Joint Chamber must take the
national governments into their confi-
dence. This is essential to satisfy legal
concerns as well as to ensure smooth
functioning of the entity. An immediate
task concerning all Chambers is to cre-
ate a strong constituency in support of
the Joint Chamber in Islamabad and
New Delhi. Chamber delegations should
meet with relevant ministry officials
periodically in the coming months to
explain the rationale of the joint body
and ease concerns harbored by the
bureaucracies. Regular contact with the
national governments should allow the
business communities to gauge
Islamabad and New Delhi's redlines.
Keeping these in mind, the Joint
Chamber should develop a stance that
neither ruptures their relationship with
the respective governments nor defers
wholly to the authorities on issues of
utmost business interest. At present,
their outlook errs substantially toward
the latter.
Permanence and Vision of the Joint
Chamber
The Joint Chamber needs to bring
permanence to its own existence. Based
on the internal convergence of opinion
on both sides, working groups from the
thirty-two-member body should deter-
mine the precise nature of the entity
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and its activities. The body should for-
mulate a concise vision and specific
aims and agree upon issues such as the
Chamber's physical presence, funding,
meeting schedule, and other relevant
concerns. Specifically, Chamber mem-
bers should seek legal advice to work
out means to register and locate the
body as a joint entity. The Joint
Chamber should also issue a formal char-
ter.
Delineating a clear vision for the
Joint Chamber would also require a fun-
damental decision on the body's scope.
As previously mentioned, there is cur-
rently a disconnect between the norma-
tive aim of acting as the pivot for any
Business communities from
the two sides also suffer
from a trust deficit thanks
to decades of state-led
propaganda.
issues related to cross–LoC economic
interaction and the overwhelming focus
on goods trade. The Joint Chamber,
being the only common platform, must
approach the issue holistically by
including concerns relevant to trade in
goods, services, investments, and joint
ventures in all sectors of interest.
Without such an approach, the business
community is certain to lose interest.
Should the above course be pur-
sued, the Joint Chamber members
would have to revisit their capacity.
Currently, the body suffers from an
extremely narrow membership base.
The Chamber will have to bring within
its fold representatives of service sec-
tors with cross–LoC potential, invest-
ment consultants, smaller trade associ-
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IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
ations, technical experts, academics,
and perhaps even members of the
media. Although these representatives
do not need to be permanent members,
they should be invited regularly to pro-
vide guidance. Such input could often
end up having a multiplier effect by gen-
erating new ideas for cooperation.
Broadening the Joint Chamber's
representation will assist the new
entrants as well. Their inclusion will
provide them a channel to voice their
sector-specific demands. For exam-
ple, members of the education sector
have not even lobbied for implementa-
tion of recommendations by previous
working groups on the subject in part
because they lack organization and a
platform to do so, something the Joint
Chamber would be able to provide.
Addressing the Communication Gap
The above tasks presume an ability
on the part of the Joint Chamber mem-
bers to remain in contact, and meet
physically and relatively freely.
Business communities on the two sides
cannot afford to wait while govern-
ments consider requests for relaxation
of visa and communication restrictions.
Even a favorable decision in this regard
will likely only come after protracted
negotiations between the national gov-
ernments. Two alternatives could be
pursued. First, outside actors could
assist in creating opportunities for busi-
ness community representatives and
other relevant stakeholders to meet
periodically. Donor groups and inde-
pendent facilitating organizations could
arrange meetings such as dedicated
workshops and conferences where one
or two days are reserved for Joint
Chamber meetings.
A second, less preferable, but inno-
vative idea is to set up a joint Web site
to exchange information and negotiate
trade deals. A model exists in the form
of the Jammu and Kashmir Chamber of
Epilogue, November 2009
24
Traders and Manufacturers Cooperative
Limited. This is a limited liability entity
conceived by the president of the
Jammu Chamber, Ram Sahai, to pro-
mote cross–LoC interaction. While the
cooperative is largely symbolic at this
point, a key aspect of it is a “joint Web
site,” which is supposed to symbolize
cross–LoC unity. Taking this idea as a
starting point, the Joint Chamber Web
site could become an interactive com-
munication and data center for busi-
nessmen: it would contain updated
information allowing businessmen to
gauge market price data, trends, and
other relevant statistics. If agreeable, it
could also house a secure portal where
business deals could be negotiated and
closed.
The information gap between the
business communities on both sides of
the LoC and organizations such as the
United States Institute of Peace,
Pugwash, Conciliation Resources, and
South Asia Free Media Association who
are committed to facilitating intra-
Kashmir normalization must be over-
come. The business communities should
be forthcoming in communicating
requests for assistance that can be
addressed by these outside actors. By
the same token, interested parties
should continue to explore avenues for
supporting the process. Clearly, the
Chambers remain the key actors to tap.
However, these organizations should
also consider broadening their contacts
to include much the same cohorts as the
Joint Chamber: smaller trade associa-
tions, technical experts, service sector
individuals, and investment consul-
tants. Furthermore, greater attention
should be paid to sector-specific exper-
tise. For example, academics from both
sides, who remain tentative in
approaching their counterparts across
the LoC, could be brought together to
discuss publishing joint papers or hold-
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ing conferences at neutral venues that
could be implemented within a set time
frame. Likewise, members from the
tourism sector could be brought
together to discuss specific avenues,
modalities, and requirements to jump-
start the industry.
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS FOR
EXPANDED TRADE AND INVESTMENT
Information Collection
The Need for Concrete Research
Arguably, the most serious impedi-
ment to a long-term plan for trade
expansion is the absence of accurate
data on the market structure in
Kashmir. Lack of interaction between
the two sides over the years has meant
that neither has specific information
about the precise nature of the market
across the LoC. More alarming is the fact
that information is scant even within
the respective parts. For instance,
Pakistani Kashmir lacks a detailed mar-
ket study of its own potential as well as
up-to-date, disaggregated data captur-
ing production and trade information.
This makes it virtually impossible to pro-
ject the impact of trade liberalization,
and thus convince skeptics—be it busi-
nessmen or governments—about the
potential gains from enhanced interac-
tion.
Only detailed market studies on
both sides will highlight the respective
comparative advantages and allow trad-
ers to sensibly agree on the amount and
scope of trade in the short- to-medium
term. That said, none of the Chambers
have the wherewithal to conduct such a
comprehensive study themselves.
Independent organizations or consul-
tants would have to undertake the work
in collaboration with the respective
Chambers. Ideally, researchers from
within the state should be identified to
participate; the AJK and Jammu &
Kashmir Universities would be the obvi-
ous institutions to tap. That said, these
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
exercises could be designed such that
they maximize the involvement of and
interaction among Chamber members,
thereby simultaneously building trust
and enhancing capacity.
The need for a scoping research
exercise is as acute in the investment
sphere. Currently, virtually no informa-
tion exists at the subsector level, a nec-
essary prerequisite to identifying the
viability of specific investment and
joint venture projects and the steps
required to enact them. Again,
researchers, preferably from within the
state, should be tasked to conduct
detailed investment studies at the
subsector level.
The potential flow of trade through
Pakistan, should Islamabad allow Indian
Jammu and Kashmir to use its territory
for transit purposes, should also be
researched. A scenario-based exercise
could forecast the potential revenue
gains for Pakistan and Pakistani Kashmir
under various royalty tariffs. This would
give Islamabad and Muzaffarabad a
clear sense of the benefits likely to flow
from the arrangement. Thus far, no con-
crete information is available due to
data deficiencies on the Indian side,
where disaggregated data for trade and
production is not easily accessible.
Approaching the Governments
The suggestions put forward thus
far are required to make the Joint
Chamber a viable entity as well as to
provide it with an empirical basis to pur-
sue its agenda of cross–LoC economic
interaction. Once the joint body is on a
sound footing and has a clearer agenda
of specific measures it would like to see
implemented, it should begin lobbying
the state and national governments. Its
efforts should span the entire economic
spectrum—trade in goods and services,
investment, and joint ventures.
The Joint Chamber is already
focused on the present trade arrange-
Epilogue, November 2009
25
ment. Some of the trade facilitation
measures that need to be pursued have
been communicated to the national gov-
ernments, both by the Joint Chamber as
well as sanctioned groups such as the
Indian Working Group on strengthening
cross–LoC relations. Overall, the follow-
ing measures deserve attention; a num-
ber of these are applicable to aspects of
the economic relationship beyond tradi-
tional goods trade.
The Composition of Current Trade
Trade should be allowed seven
days a week. In addition, the number of
items on the approved list should be
increased and these items should be
selected based on market realities, not
arbitrary choices by Pakistani and Indian
officials. The India-Pakistan Joint
Working Group on cross–LoC Confidence
Building Measures is mandated to
review the list of items periodically. The
Joint Chamber should lobby the Working
Group to expand the list at their next
meeting, if not sooner. As a start, items
proposed by one side but not included
during the negotiations should be revis-
ited. From India, these would include
cricket bats, silk products,
pharmaceuticals, gems and jewelry,
honey, and cut flowers while from
Pakistan the expanded list would con-
tain precious stones, salt, marble,
onions, garlic, and pine nuts. Other
items which could potentially be traded
across the LoC (the actual scope for
doing so will depend on the results of
the market studies recommended ear-
lier) include: silverware, copperware,
seeds, sewing machines, fluxes and
chemicals, juices and jams, canned
food (from India), fertilizers and rice
(from Pakistan), and leather and
leather shoes (two-way flow).
Moving beyond primary goods
would be a natural and urgently needed
subsequent step. The FCIK has already
communicated to the state government
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in Jammu and Kashmir that cross–LoC
trade would only be attractive to it if
the export of manufactured products
from the state were allowed. The group
has forwarded a list of fifty-two items
that it wants included on the approved
list.
If the two sides allow the trade of
manufactured goods across the LoC, a
mutually acceptable Rules of Origin
framework specific to Jammu and
Kashmir will have to be devised by
India, Pakistan, and the state govern-
ments. While the South Asian Free Trade
Area (SAFTA) provides a ready frame-
work, it is highly unlikely that New Delhi
and Islamabad would allow the respec-
Once the joint body is on a
sound footing and has a
clearer agenda of specific
measures it would like to
see implemented, it should
begin lobbying the state and
national governments.
tive Chambers to issue certificates of
origin. The concern is obvious: the other
side could allow goods not meeting the
origin criteria to be exported in the
guise of intra- Kashmir trade. That said,
as technically challenging as this issue
may be, without a Rules of Origin agree-
ment, it would be impossible to move
beyond trading in primary items pro-
duced wholly within Jammu and
Kashmir. One option could be to allow
the Chamber from the opposite side to
verify each Certificate of Origin after
examining facts about a particular prod-
uct's supply chain. However, this
assumes transparency in information
sharing and physical access to the other
side.
Finally, to allow local ownership of
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
the trade facilitation process, a Kashmir
Trade Agent, nominated by the respec-
tive business communities and
approved by the state government,
should be appointed on both sides of the
LoC to oversee the process and act as a
liaison between the business enclave
and the national governments.
Facilitating Transport and Travel
A number of actions could be taken
to improve movement and access:
Currently, only the Srinagar-
Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakot
routes are operational. All historic
routes, including Mirpur-Naushara,
Tithwal-Chilhan, Gurez-Astore-Gilgit,
Chumb- Pallanwalla, Kargil-Skardu, and
Kotli-Rajori, should be examined for
traffic and trade potential and
reopened where appropriate. If transit
of Indian Kashmiri goods through
Pakistan were permitted, the Sialkot-
Suchetgarh route, both road and rail,
would also become appealing. Full truck
loads of twelve to fifteen MT should be
allowed in order to lower per unit
expenditures for the traders.
Necessary infrastructure should be
prepared to ensure smooth operations,
including strengthening roads and
bridges.
Trucks should be allowed to carry
goods to their final destination rather
than having to unload at the LoC; spe-
cific truck companies and drivers could
be issued security clearances and passes
that would be renewed periodically.
Trucks could still be subject to security
checks.
The trade centers and truck termi-
nals that are already planned at each
LoC crossing point must be designed
with the expansion of trade volume in
mind. Specifically, trade centers should
be able to host cross–LoC business meet-
ings, trade fairs, and small-scale retail
markets rather than serving simply as
formal facilitation complexes.
Epilogue, November 2009
26
A travel permit system should be
initiated whereby traders (and other
stakeholders relevant to economic
facilitation) could be issued security
clearances and trade passes; cleared
businessmen could then be allowed to
travel across the LoC in their own vehi-
cles rather than having to use the bus
service or at least be allowed to cross
over and park at the trade centers and
use local transportation to reach their
final destination.
In order to enhance interaction
and exposure to the other side, periodic
trade fairs and industrial exhibitions
should be organized on both sides. As
mentioned, these could be held at the
trade centers if the infrastructure per-
mits. Small-scale retailers of products
on the permissible list and edible items
could be issued a cross-over permit and
allowed to set up daily bazaars in the
trade centers across the LoC.
The Essentials for Trade: Marketing,
Communications, Banking
If the items to be traded and the
infrastructure to move them are the
“hardware” of trade, then marketing,
communications, and banking are the
“software.”
Legal provisions should be made to
allow marketing companies from both
sides to operate across the LoC. As a
start, exporters from one part could be
allowed to hire local marketing compa-
nies from the other side.
Efficient trading patterns are
unlikely to develop without regular
phone contact. Indian Kashmir must
allow international direct dialing to
enable Jammu and Valley businessmen
to call their Pakistani Kashmir counter-
parts freely. At present, cell phones can
be used but most individuals avoid these
given the potential for harassment by
intelligence agencies.
The absence of postal and courier
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services between the two sides is also a
hindrance to trade. Postal services
should be allowed as they are across the
international Indian-Pakistani border;
local and international courier agencies
should also be allowed to operate.
In the absence of banking services,
trade and investment ventures cannot
be expected to flourish. The Joint
Chamber should continue to press the
Indian and Pakistani governments to
allow AJK Bank branches in Srinagar,
Jammu, and Poonch, and Jammu and
Kashmir Bank branches in Mirpur,
Muzaffarabad, and Rawalakot.
Furthermore, SAFTA's currency stipula-
tion allowing for trade to take place in
local currencies should be applied to
intra-Kashmir trade.
Beyond the Traditional Trade Sphere
Regarding services trade, invest-
ment, and joint ventures, the scoping
exercises suggested previously are a nec-
essary prerequisite to formulating a con-
crete action plan going forward. In light
of the facts revealed by the market and
investment studies, the Joint Chamber
should put together a priority list of
future actions—related specifically to
concrete projects—and lobby the gov-
ernments in parallel with their efforts
on the traditional goods trade front.
Initiatives that are less likely to be con-
troversial in the current security-
centric environment in Islamabad and
New Delhi should be given preference.
Finally, accurate estimates of the
potential revenues from transit trade
may spur interest in the Pakistani
Kashmir and Pakistan governments. This
will be especially true if the multimil-
lion dollar Gwadar port project under-
taken by Islamabad fails to deliver the
kind of dividends Pakistan expects from
the inflow of Central Asian goods
transiting the facility. The turmoil in
Afghanistan makes this all but inevita-
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
ble; estimates of future returns are
already being scaled back. Therefore,
the Pakistani authorities are likely to
look for other potential clients; Indian
Kashmir, and India-proper, are obvious
choices. Depending on the outcome of
the number-crunching exercise sug-
gested in this report, it is not incon-
ceivable that the potential returns
from a transit facility arrangement
would trump concerns about some of
the goods leaking into the Pakistani
market, especially if the modalities
allow the Pakistani side complete logis-
tical control once the consignments have
entered its territory.
Conclusion
The six-decade-long Kashmir dis-
pute has caused tremendous human and
economic costs. This is an aspect of the
conflict that is often overlooked. The
present thaw in Indo-Pak relations has
provided an opportunity to use cross-
LoC relations as a means not only to
increase the prosperity levels of
Kashmiris on either side but also to use
the interaction as a means of ameliorat-
ing conflict. This hope is based on the
liberal theory of economic interdepen-
dence, which argues that by increasing
the economic incentive for peace,
trade-driven interdependence brings
amelioration of interstate conflict as a
welcome political externality.
Allowed to reach its true potential,
cross-LoC trade in Jammu Kashmir
could produce the kind of interdepen-
dence liberal trade theorists envision.
While further expansion in trade in
goods is the obvious next step, the main-
stay of the interaction over the
medium-to-long term is likely to be in
the trade in services, joint ventures,
and cross-LoC investment spheres.
Moreover, transit trade facilities for
Indian Kashmir are certain to create an
added incentive to maintain normalized
Epilogue, November 2009
27
ties. Finally, the human interaction
between these divided peoples that eco-
nomic ties will inevitably create will per-
haps be a potent force against regres-
sion toward active hostilities over the
territory.
This is where efforts from a body
like the Joint Chamber become so
important. Presently, the governments
of India and Pakistan manage issues
regarding cross–LoC activity closely.
Given their security-centric outlook,
the economic interaction remains
unpredictable, and indeed unattrac-
tive. Under such circumstances, it is
only bottom-up pressure from non-
governmental bodies that can hope to
inject a broader perspective into the
official mindset. This requires a deli-
cate balance in the Joint Chamber's
approach; the body's members need to
remain pragmatic, avoiding an overly
aggressive attitude that would unneces-
sarily provoke the governments to
MAKE YOUR CONNECTION TODAY
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JAMMU & KASHMIR
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clamp down on their aspirations and an
overly deferential posture that would
leave the Joint Chamber at the mercy of
political relations between Pakistan and
India.
No matter how challenging, mea-
sures necessary to keep the business
community interested in cross–LoC
interaction must be pursued; the enor-
mity of the challenge cannot be allowed
to dissuade the business enclave. After
all, few believed prior to the initiation
of the peace bid that duty-free
cross–LoC interaction, as it stands
today, would be possible. And certainly
no one could have imagined that a joint
platform would be formulated and
accepted, even if notionally, by the gov-
ernments of Pakistan and India. Yet both
are reality today.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS FROM AUTHOR
The author wishes to thank Zulfiqar
Abbassi, Ch. M. Saeed, Masood-ul-Hasan,
and Mubeen Shah for detailed inter-
POLITICS
BUSINESS
VIEWS & NEWS
CULTURE
STRATEGIC AFFAIRS
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
views and several other members of the
business community in Azad Jammu and
Kashmir and the Lahore Chamber of
Commerce and Industry for their valu-
able inputs. He is also grateful to Mr.
Happymon Jacob for soliciting infor-
mation from the business community
in Indian Jammu and Kashmir and to
the Research Society for International
Law, Lahore, Pakistan for providing
their opinion on the legality of the
Joint Chamber. Finally, he wishes to
thank Marie Pace, A. Heather Coyne,
David Smock, Jonathan Cohen, and the
anonymous reviewers for their valu-
able comments.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS FROM EPILOGUE
Epilogue express sincere
gratitudes to the United State Institute
of Peace for granting us permission to
reproduce this exclusive report. This
report was commissioned by USIP’s
Center for Mediation and Conflict
Resolution.
Epilogue, November 2009
28 IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides

TIMELINE

Described as second biggest intra-Jammu and Kashmir, the Cross LoC trade was launched on October 21-22, 2008
between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad and Poonch and Rawalakote after an agreement between India and Pakistan.

A team of traders from Pakistan Administred Kashmir visited Jammu and Kashmir in October last year to finalise the
trade modalities with their counterparts on this side. A similar visit of traders from Indian side to Pakistani side still
awaits clearance.

Largely seen as a placating measure after two months of political turmoil in the state in 2008, the Cross-LoC trade is
being run purely on trust and barter in complete absence of banking and communication facilities.

There has not been even a single review meeting of Indo-Pak Joint Working Group on Cross-LoC trade since it was
launched. Traders from both sides also never had an opportunity of a formal meeting to review progress.
Reopresentatives of PaK Chamber visted J&K in October 2009 on invitation of Center for Dialogue and Reconciliation
a Mumbai-Haryana based NGO. They had meetings with their J&K counterparts but there was no official
participation.

While the trade volume on Poonch-Rawalakote route is improving week after week, it has almost come to neglible
on Srinagar-Muzaffarabad route. Lack of proper roads on Pakistani side is stated of the reason, even as traders in the
Valley admit that they are more interested in transit trade.

Since April 2009, many Kashmiri traders switched over to the Poonch-Rawalakote route as the cross-LoC trade on
Uri-Muzaffarabad route was virtually suspended in few months after launch.

On September 30, the Cross-LoC trade on Poonch-Rawalakote route touched an all time high at Rs 5.34 crore amidst
a very high demand of moong dal among the traders of Indian side Jammu and Kashmir. Out of Rs 3.31 crore imports
from PaK, moong dal alone valued Rs 2.5 crore volume.

he Cross-LoC trade on Poonch-Rawalakote route ran into trouble in the middle of July after traders on both sides
started retruning trucks load of goods after blockage of good in barter by many traders. The matter was later
reolved through meeting at the crossing point the next week.

Cross-LoC trade suffered another roadblock towards the end of May when custom authorities blocked exchange of
items which did not have the certificate of origin within Jammu and Kashmir. Chinese garlic, coconut kernel and
brown cardamom were three such items. Trade was resumed on June 7 when authorties allowed temporary
exchange of these items.

Truckers were accused in August of smuggling Pakistani SIM cards of mobile phones and subsequently four drivers
were arrested on August 4. While security agencies believed hand of Pakistani Army to send in communication
gadgets for use of militants but some traders were of different view. This may have been done to facilitate
communication between traders near LoC as there are no direct phone links.

Onion, garlic, dry fruit, fresh fruits, prayer mats, Peshawari sandals, moong dal are among the major items of import
from PaK. Vegetables, particularly tomato, fruits, honey, spices and coconut kernels are among the major export
items from J&K

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29 IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides

CARRYING FORWARD

Traders from both sides of state say that they have invested in peace at the cost of their businesses but now it is
becoming increasingly difficult for them to carry on the trade under present circumstances. They have called for
immediate meeting of the Indo-Pak Joint Working Group on Cross-LoC trade to review progress and remove bottlenecks
for future trade. Among the major recommendation made by the traders from both side, at a meeting organised by the
Center for Dialogue and Reconciliation in Srinagar on October 11, included:

FACILITATION
There should be provision of multiple trade passes for the engaged traders. Once this is agreed upon, the Joint
Ø
Federation of Jammu and Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and Industry should be given the authority to
recommend the members from their respective sides for multiple entry trade passes.
Visit of traders to either side of the Line of Control should not be made hostage to the Cross-LoC bus services. The
Ø
traders should be allowed to use their own cars untill the LoC crossing points.
There should be hassle free clearance of goods.
Ø
There should be provision of meetings between the traders to make a periodic review of progress on trade. This
Ø
meeting should involve the stake holders from both sides.

INFRASTRUCTURE
ØThere should be free and open channels of tele-communications between both sides of the Line of Control. When
people from PaK already have the facility of calling up in J&K, the government should consider on priority making
it a two way process.
ØThere should be an expansion of loading and unloading areas at the LoC clearance points. The authorities may
probably consider making warehousing facilities where traders are allotted sheds to park their 8 to 10 trucks at a
time for loading an unloading at convenience.
ØImmediate provisions of banking and postal facilities.
ØRoads and bridges should be improved on both sides so that at least trucks carrying 15 tonne load can pass over.

EXPANSION OF SCOPE
ØThe prerogative of selecting items, whenever, should exclusively rest with the stakeholders.
ØLoC trade, for all practical purposes, should be purely driven by the market demand.
ØAll items produced and manufactured in both sides of Jammu and Kashmir should be allowed for trade but again
stakeholders should be allowed to fix the priorities.

OTHER RECOMMENDATIONS
ØThere should be involvement of the stakeholders from both sides in all decisions pertaining to the LoC trade.
ØAll traditional routes between both sides should open with express priority to the routes with trade potential.
ØThe LoC trade should not be limited to fixed days and it should be declared as an all-days trade.

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30
HARNESSING THE INDUS :
From Treaty To Governance
Perspectives from India
D SUBA CHANDRAN
I
nvariably every comment on the
Indus Waters Treaty (1960) between
India and Pakistan have focussed
that despite the wars of 1965, 1971 and
1999 and a border confrontation during
2001-02, India and Pakistan have not
violated the Treaty. Besides, this is seen
as the only success story, between India
and Pakistan; hence there is a hesitancy
to tinker/amend the treaty.
True, the treaty has survived the
four wars, a border confrontation and
military stand offs; however, if the
Treaty could be violated, it can be done
only by one party to the contract – India.
Pakistan, being a lower riparian state,
cannot violate the treaty, unless it
prefers to pursue a military action, to
implement the Treaty. A radical section
within Pakistan has been claiming that
Islamabad should even consider the use
of nuclear bombs, to protect its water
rights.
Though India claims that it has not
violated the treaty in principle, some of
its constructions, especially relating to
barrages and dams, are seen by Pakistan
as against the Treaty. India put forwards
its own reasons to undertake those
constructions, to make better use of the
water systems in J&K and the
surrounding region.
It is also interesting, while on the
one hand people on both sides talk
about the IWT as the most effective one
(comparatively) in the last five
decades, on the other hand, there have
been numerous complaints on how
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those who actually negotiated the
treaty in the 1950s, on both sides failed
to achieve the interests of their
respective countries.
Finally, the Treaty was signed in
1960, almost fifty years back, in a
different political, economic,
demographic, ecological and energy
environment. Today there has been a
considerable change in all these five
areas. Should India and Pakistan take
into account the contemporary issues/
problems/challenges in managing the
Indus Waters, or keep it aside, for the
fear of not tampering something that is
believed to be working smoothly? How
can India and Pakistan work together to
make optimum use of the Indus Waters?
How can both countries get ready to
address the impending environmental,
demographic, economic and political
challenges, through efficient
management of the Indus Waters?
Finally, should India and Pakistan, waste
all their energies in accusing and
defending, what could be done and not
done, legally under the IWT, or should
both countries think beyond pure legal
terms? In short, should the focus be
“legal” interpretation of the IWT or
Indus Water “Governance”?
SHARING THE INDUS WATERS: MAJOR
ISSUES/PROBLEMS
The Indus Waters Treaty is likely
face greater stress in the near future,
for the following reasons.
Changed History
The IWT was signed in 1960, after a
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
prolonged negotiation in the 1950s, led
by the World Bank, in a different
regional and international environment
– immediate pangs of partition,
settlement of refugees, Kashmir in the
United National, Cold War and Pakistan
being a part of the US led pact, while
India insisting on pursuing a non-
alignment approach to its international
affairs. Regional pulls/pressures within
India and Pakistan along the Indus
Waters basin were relatively less, if not
totally non-existent during that period;
hence neither the Indian government in
New Delhi nor the Pakistani government
in Rawalpindi/Islamabad had to take
into account the regional political
demands for “their share” of water on a
particular river system.
Also, during the 1950s the federal
governments in India and Pakistan were
strong vis-à-vis provincial governments.
The latter was more dependent on the
former and in most cases, regional
politics was very much controlled by the
governments at federal level. In India,
the towering personality of Jawaharlal
Nehru and the Congress played an
important role on this process, while in
Pakistan the pressure at the national
level between the military and polity,
kept the regional politics at a low key
level.
Today the situation is different at
political level, in terms relations
b e tw e e n f e d e r a ti o n a n d p r o v-
inces/states in India and Pakistan.
Regional politics and parties play a
Epilogue, November 2009
31
larger role at national level, and the fed-
eral governments have to take into
account the regional aspirations. On the
Indus Water basin, Sindh, Balochistan,
Punjab, NWFP, Northern Areas and the
governments on both sides of the LoC in
Srinagar/Muzaffarabad play an impor-
tant role in the national politics.
Clearly, the political situation in
the Indus Water basin today, is not what
it was fifty years back. Given the prog-
ress in the last two decades, one is likely
to see more problems in the next decade.
Both New Delhi and Islamabad should
consider this important change, and what
is likely to happen in the next decade.
On the positive side, one should
also consider the positive break-
throughs that have taken place in the
last one decade, despite the military
and political upheavals at the bilateral
levels. Both countries have matured and
taken certain measures, for the first
time in the last sixty years, for example
opening the LoC for the movement of
people and goods. Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh has made a statement
on making the borders irrelevant
between the two countries. Despite the
negative happenings, the political atmo-
sphere today, is not how it was sixty
years back. Both countries should be
willing to pursue a bold political step, in
terms of harnessing the Indus Waters.
Demography, Industrialization and
Increased Emphasis on Water
Unlike the 1950s, both countries
have grown tremendously, in terms of
their population and industrialization.
Despite the expansion of various sec-
tors, agriculture still remains the pri-
mary focus of occupation for many in
rural India and Pakistan. In this decade,
both India and Pakistan have achieved
new heights in their economic growth
and have a high expectation for the next
decades. Manmohan Singh has categori-
cally stated that 9 percent growth rate
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will be his primary emphasis – at the
national and international levels; his
domestic and foreign policies are likely
to reflect this basic exposition.
Clearly, this has already placed
enormous stress on the effective use of
water in both countries – for the pur-
poses of irrigation and generation of
electricity. Worse, these demands on
the water resources for agricultural and
industrial purposes are likely to expand
in the coming decades. Pakistan in par-
ticular has been facing an energy crisis
in the last couple of years; given the
The political situation in
the Indus Water basin
today, is not what it was
fifty years back. Given the
progress in the last two
decades, one is likely to see
more problems in the next
decade. Both New Delhi
and Islamabad should
consider this important
change, and what is likely
to happen in the next
decade.
problems associated with the energy
production and the equation between
the independent power producers and
the government of Pakistan, one could
only conclude the energy crisis will con-
tinue. For India, to achieve and sustain
a nine percent growth as Manmohan
Singh has envisaged, energy security is
equally important; with the Iran-
Pakistan-India gas pipeline now placed
in a limbo and the Indo-US nuclear deal
unlikely to produce large scale electric-
ity in the near future, India's energy
demand is no less.
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
Indus Waters will become an
increasing bone of contention, not only
between the two countries, but also
between the regions/states/provinces
in these two countries. In fact, there
are already clear signs of an impending
disaster on managing the waters at
national and bilateral levels. For J&K,
on both sides of the LoC, Indus rivers are
likely to be primary source of energy
production. Invariably all the projects –
Baglihar, Kishenganga, Mangla and
Diamer-Basha are facing political and
technological problems, in terms of cre-
ating electricity, besides issues
between the provinces and federation,
in terms of governments of Srinagar and
New Delhi, Muzaffarabad and
Islamabad, and the Northern Areas
administration and Pakistan. Besides
the huge uncomfort that the lack of elec-
tricity creates for the ordinary people,
it energy insecurity also affects indus-
trial production and any new invest-
ment and tourism sectors. Who would
like to visit those hill stations, how ever
scenic they are, if there is electricity
only for a few hours, every day?
Differences Within and the Disasters
Without
As mentioned above, internal dif-
ferences within India and Pakistan have
the potential to become a major crisis,
straining the IWT at the bilateral level.
First, there is a clear divide between
Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and the fed-
eral governments on the nature and use
of IWT. The people and government of
J&K, where the Indus and most of its
important tributaries flow through, are
against the IWT, as they feel it is against
their interests. A resolution was passed
in J&K Legislative Assembly in 2002, call-
ing for annulling the IWT. A section
inside J&K even considers the IWT as an
Indo-Pak conspiracy against the
Kashmiris. The Kashmiri grievances are
based on emotional and economic
Epilogue, November 2009
32
issues; for Kashmiris, water and land
have always been an emotional issue.
Second, J&K also considers the IWT
as an economic liability. Majority in J&K
consider that the IWT discriminates the
Kashmiris by not letting them tap the
potential of Indus and its tributaries in
terms of using the waters for agricul-
ture, transport and energy. It is believed
that the losses that the IWT cause to
J&K are around 8000 crores annually. In
the recent months, there appears to be
a politicisation of waters, by the opposi-
tion party against the government,
purely for political reasons. Mehbooba
Mufti, the leader of the opposition, has
been making statements on the “Loot of
Water”, primarily to embarrass the gov-
ernment. Given the fact the ethnic
Kashmiris are extremely emotional
about “land” and “water”, this is
another powder keg.
Third, the people of Northern
Areas consider the IWT against their
interests. The controversy over the con-
struction of Diamer-Basha dam high-
lights the tensions between Northern
Areas and Islamabad on sharing the
Indus Waters. Many in Northern Areas
feel that Islamabad has not provided
any political status to the region, pre-
cisely to exploit them over the Indus
Waters. They argue, had Northern Areas
been a political entity, Pakistan then
would have to share the waters and roy-
alty. Worse, a section also believes, that
while the Basha dam will submerge
parts of its land and result in displace-
ment, the royalties will go to the NWFP.
Fourth, Pakistan occupied Kashmir,
has a serious problem with the rest of
Pakistan on Mangala dam. Muzaffarabad
feels exploited by the rest of Islamabad
over the Mangala dam; the construction
in Mirpur has dislocated the entire city,
whereas the benefit goes to Pakistan.
Islamabad is too sensitive about any
water related issues involving PoK and
www.epilogue.in
the Northern Areas. A government offi-
cial was suspended for writing a book on
the Mangala dam; subsequently all his
books were banned during 2002-04 and
accused for “anti-state and an attempt
to promote nationalist feelings amongst
Kashmiris.”
Fifth, the four provinces of
Pakistan are deeply divided within, in
terms of sharing the Indus waters. The
controversy over the construction of
Kalabagh alone will amplify internal
problems relating to the water conflict.
While Punjab wants to build the dam at
any cost, leaders of Sindh has warned
Islamabad to choose between Kalabagh
and federation, meaning that construc-
tion of the dam will result in Sindh walk-
ing out of the federal structure.
Ineffective Water Governance
South Asia as a whole has a serious
deficit relating to water governance. All
countries in SAARC fail to use water judi-
ciously; as a result, there is a huge
water wastage. Besides, despite know-
ing that water is previous commodity,
South Asia has failed to evolve alternate
modes of irrigation; canal and river irri-
gations are the most preferred in South
Asia.
Methods like drip irrigation and
crop rotation to use the available water
judiciously, are yet to be effectively
evolved. South Asia as a whole, wastes
water.
Receding Glaciers & Shrinking Sources
All the above mentioned
issues/demands focus on the increasing
demands on the Indus Waters, based on
the presumption that the supply will
continue, as it has been in the past.
What if there is a reduction in supply,
purely on geological/environmental rea-
sons?
Studies on the Himalayan glaciers
highlight the possibility of a decline in
water flow in the Indus and its tributar-
ies. Invariably every one agrees today,
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IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
that the glaciers are receding and all
the major Himalayan river system –
Indus, Ganges and Brahmaputra are
likely to face shortage of water supply.
Unfortunately, neither India nor
Pakistan, at the governmental levels
have initiated any major studies – either
independently or jointly. While the envi-
ronmentalists in India and Pakistan have
undertaken some excellent studies,
their acceptability by the governments
is yet to happen. With an expanding pop-
ulation and growing energy and eco-
nomic needs, any decline in water flow
will only increase the stress on the IWT.
Given the inter-state and intra-state
political and emotional issues along the
Indus river basin, the possibility of
water scarcity resulting in water wars
between the states and within them,
cannot be completely ruled out.
It is imperative, that India and
Pakistan and their sub regions work
together to address the growing con-
cerns and avoid any future conflict over
the sharing of waters. IWT has an inbuilt
provision to rework sections of this
treaty. India, Pakistan and its sub
regions should work together towards
creating Indus Water Treaty – II,
addressing the issues mentioned above.
IWT-II could very well be a conflict pre-
ventive measure relating to water
issues along the Indus river basin..
DEBATING THE OPTIONS
What are the options available for
India and Pakistan? The extremists in
India have already talked about the
abrogation of the Indus Water Treaty.
Nothing would harm India more than
abrogation of a treaty, which was nego-
tiated along with the World Bank, and
withstood the sea-saw relations of the
two countries. Besides, the interna-
tional ramifications, in terms of India
adhering to treaties and agreements
that it has signed, it would have a series
of implications for similar treaties it had
Epilogue, November 2009
33
signed with its other neighbours. India
has similar treaties on water with Nepal
(Mahakali Treaty) and Bangladesh (Gan-
ges); any abrogation of the IWT will
affect the confidence India's neighbours
on similar treaties relating to water.
Internally, it will also set a bad pre-
cedent for the states, that are fighting
over sharing of water; for examples,
Karnataka and Tamilnadu, with the for-
mer being the upper riparian and the
latter being the lower riparian, in terms
of sharing the waters of Cauvery river.
Second, unilateral abrogation of
the IWT is also unlikely to make the
energy situation better in J&K. Given
the level of bad governance and corrup-
tion involved in many of these projects,
abrogation of the IWT is not likely to
result in J&K becoming a gainer in terms
of harnessing the waters.
Pakistan, has been threatening to
use even nuclear weapons to secure
their water rights. It is a political rheto-
ric aimed at local audience. Pakistan is
unlikely to do anything like that, except
objecting to any and every project
relating to the western rivers, and per-
haps give more support to the move-
ment of militants. None of these options
are likely to benefit Pakistan in the long
term, in terms of effectively harnessing
the Indus Waters. Indo-Pak history has
numerous examples of where the
Pakistani military exercises have led
them to, ever since the IWT was signed.
It is neither in India's interests to
unilaterally abrogate the IWT, nor in
Pakistan's interests to wage a water war.
The extremists on both sides, in worst
case scenario may pressurize for such an
option, which could be undertaken, but
with no positive results. Both the above
options, will only hamper the water rela-
tions further and negate, whatever has
been achieved so far. Clearly, the only
option is engage with each other to
www.epilogue.in
effectively harness the Indus Waters
jointly.
RECOMMENDATIONS
India and Pakistan could consider
the following, given the issues/ prob-
lems related to the IWT, and those
which are likely to arise in the next
decade.
Debate on Indus Water Treaty – II
From New Delhi's perspective, it is
important to realise that internal politi-
cal and emotional situation regarding
the sharing of water in Pakistan and in
J&K is likely to have a negative impact
on the IWT as a whole. Experts like BG
Verghese have already pitched for an
Indus Water Treaty – II, which is impor-
tant from New Delhi's perspective to
look into and prepare for the future.
IWT-II does not call for the abrogation of
IWT, or a parallel treaty; it only aims at,
making the existing treaty more effec-
tive, taking into account political, eco-
nomic and environmental develop-
ments in the last five decades, and
those changes likely to take place in the
coming decades.
A collaborative background research
Clearly, neither India nor Pakistan
has a vision, in terms of what needs to
be done, except for reacting to a
domestic audience. There is a need for a
joint, but impartial research that would
provide alternative approaches to
address the present and future chal-
lenges emanating from the Indus Waters
Treaty.
Indus Waters Experts Group
As a corollary of the above exer-
cises, there is a need to form an Indus
Water Experts Group (IWEG), compris-
ing six to ten experts, from different
backgrounds, who have been working
with the governmental and non-
governmental sectors like BG Verghese,
Ramaswamy Iyer and Arshad Abbasi,
who have undertaken some pioneering
Vol. 3, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
work on these issues. The IWEG should
spearhead independent meetings in
India, Pakistan and both sides of the
LoC, with a larger group, in terms of
addressing the main concerns of the
stakeholders in the national and
regional capitals.
Joint Study of Glaciers and Effective
Use of Waters
Both India and Pakistan should
jointly invest in encouraging independ-
ent scientific/environmental studies on
the Himalayan glaciers and give them
the necessary access. There have been
numerous proposals already on convert-
ing the Siachen into a peace/science
park, and monitor the developments.
There is a need for such a focus on all
the glaciers of the Himalayas, from
which most of the perennial rivers of
India and Pakistan originate.
Given the fact that countries like
Nepal and Bangladesh also depend on
the Himalayan source, it would be pru-
dent to include them, along with China,
which also has a stake here on the
Brahmaputra system.
it would be prudent to include
them, along with China, which also has
a stake here on the Brahmaputra sys-
tem.
Reducing the Water Rhetoric
Both in Pakistan and India, along
with both sides of LoC, there is so much
of political rhetoric, which is actually
harming everyone, including those who
are making this statement. There is a
clear need to avoid “the loot of our
waters,” “decide the dam over federa-
tion,” “we will use any weapon, includ-
ing nuclear to secure our water rights,”
and “abrogate the treaty, for we give
them the waters, but they send terror-
ists.” While the extremist elements are
unlikely to reduce their rhetoric, noth-
ing is stopping the moderate elements
to raise their voices in favour.
Epilogue, November 2009
34 IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides

Harnessing the Indus

Perspectives from Pakistan

NAUSHEEN WASI

T he Indus Water Treaty (1960)

brought to an end, the 12 year old
canal water dispute and became
the basis of resolving any water disputes
which appeared after that. The treaty
consists of three parts: the Preamble,
twelve articles and Annexes A-H.
Almost, fifty years after the Treaty
has been in signed, today, it is under
stress. The following questions need to
be addressed from an Indo-Pak
perspective: Does the Indus water
treaty address the issue of river waters
between India and Pakistan today? What
are the new issues/ problems emerging,
in relating to water ? What specific
measures need to be pursued to
effectively harness the river waters?
How do we address future water needs
of both countries?
Indus Waters Treaty: A Short
Introduction
The Indus flows through the north-
west of India and Pakistan. It arises
within Tibet from a holy lake called
Mansarovar, the mouth of the lion. After
rising in Tibet, the Indus runs north- the British annexation of the area but in were developed --- Bari Doab and the
west between the Karakoram and the a rudimentary form. The irrigation Sutlej Valey Project. Originally designed
Himalayas. In Kashmir, the river crosses network constructed during the British as one scheme. With the partition of the
the Line of Control (LoC) and enters rule, especially after 1885, was based subcontinent in 1947 , including the
Baltistan. The principal tributaries of on perennial canals which led off from province of Punjab, the Indus system
the Indus in the west are Kabul and river-spanning weirs and headworks. was also divided; while the headworks
Khurram rivers, while its five main Vast areas which had remained fell to India, the canals ran through
tributaries in the East are the Jhelum, inaccessible under the traditional Pakistan With a view to attaining the
Chenab, Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. irrigation system were brought under most complete and satisfactory
The British laid the foundation of the cultivation by this canal system. In the utilization of the waters of the Indus
Indus Basin River System in the late 19th Punjab, two major systems of irrigation basin and recognizing the need for
Century. The system did exist prior to

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

35
fixing and delimiting the rights and
obligations of each country in relation
to the other , both states, as a part of
the Indus Waters Treaty agreed to:
All the waters of the Eastern
rivers, namely Sutlej, Beas and Ravi,
shall be available for the unrestricted
use of India except for domestic,
nonconsumptive and agricultural use by
Pakistan. Pakistan shall receive for
unrestricted use all those waters of the
Western Rivers namely the Indus,
Chenab and Jhelum. India shall be
under an obligation to allow the flow of
these waters and shall not permit any
interference except for domestic use,
non-consumptive use, agricultural use
and generation of hydroelectric power.
If a party is to plan an engineering
work on any of the rivers, it will first
notify the other party about its plan.
A Permanent Indus Commission
shall be constituted comprising one
Commissioner as representative of each
country. The Commission will meet
regularly at least once a year
alternately in India and Pakistan. Any
question which arises between the
parties concerning the interpretation or
application of the Treaty shall first be
examined by the Commission. If the
Commission fails in reaching an agreement
on the question then a 'difference' will be
deemed to have arisen.
A 'difference' at the request of
either Commissioner shall be dealt with
by a neutral expert; if the neutral
expert informs the Commission that in
his opinion, the difference should be
treated as a dispute, then a 'dispute' will
be deemed to have arisen. A court of
arbitration shall then be established to
resolve the dispute.
Dams on the Indus: Major Challenges
Almost all the disputes over water
that have arisen between India and
Pakistan are about dam projects
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constructed or being constructed by one
of the two parties. The negotiations
over these issues involve divergent
concerns and interests, based on their
interpretations of the Indus Water
Treaty. The major disputes have been
over the following projects:
Salal Dam
After the signing of Indus Waters
Treaty, the first dispute India and
Pakistan were engaged in was over the
construction of the Salal Dam by India
on the Chenab River. Under the terms of
the Treaty, India submitted its plan to
Almost all the disputes over
water that have arisen
between India and Pakistan
are about dam projects
constructed or being
constructed by one of the two
parties. The negotiations
over these issues involve
divergent concerns and
interests, based on their
interpretations of the Indus
Water Treaty.
the Permanent Indus Commission for
Pakistan's approval in 1968. A run of the-
river hydroelectric project, Salal was
deemed crucial for the agricultural
needs of the Indian Punjab and
economic progress of the country. In
1974 Pakistan officially objected to the
design of Salal project arguing that it
did not confirm to the criteria for design
of such hydroelectric projects laid down
under the Treaty. During the course of
the negotiations, several options were
discussed for reaching to a final
settlement including resort to the
arbitration procedure provided in the
Treaty. Finally, India agreed to make
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IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
some changes in the design of the dam
including reducing the height of the
dam and to the permanent closure of
the diversion canal after the hydel plant
had been commissioned.
The resolution of this dispute was
hailed in both countries and is still
quoted as a case of successful
dilpomacy over water sharing between
Pakistan and India due to the
concessions made under the Salal
Agreement signed in April 1978.
Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation
Project
The second challenge to the treaty
came regarding the construction of the
Wullar Barrage, as it is called by
Paksitan, or Tulbul Navigation Project as
termed by India. The dispute arose in
1984 when India began to build the
barrage and navigational project at the
mouth of the Wullar Lake on the River
Jhelum. In 1986, Pakistan referred the
case to the Indus Commission, and in
1987 work was halted on the project by
India. The main point of dispute is that
Pakistan views the project as a storage
work while India claims that it is a
navigational project. These divergent
positions are further urged in the light
of specific provisions of the Indus
Waters Treay. For Pakistan, the project
violates Article I (11) that prohibits both
parties from undertaking any 'man-
made obstruction' that may cause a
change in the volume of water. Article III
(4) prohibits India from storing any
water on the western rivers. Further,
sub-para 8 (h) entitles India to construct
incidental storage work on the western
rivers only after the design has been
scrutinized and approved by Pakistan.
Its storage capacity should not exceed
10,000 acre feet of water. Pakistan
argues that the existing water level in
the Wullar Lake is enough for small
boats to navigate between Baramula
Epilogue, November 2009
36
and Srinagar, so there is no need to store
additional water. It further argues that
the dam's storage capacity was 32 times
more than the 10,000 maf capacity
provided under the Indus Waters Treaty.
India, on the contrary, contends
that despite the broad principles
governing the Treaty, India has been
allowed, under certain conditions, to
construct a barrage in the light of
Article 3 (4) conditions, which are
enlisted in Annex D and E of the Treaty.
India views the project as an attempt to
make the Jhelum navigable, not a
reservoir. Controlling water for
navigation is permissible under the
Treaty.
More than a dozen rounds of talks
have been held to date over the
construction of this barrage but it
remains the oldest and longest lasting
water dispute between India and
Pakistan.
Kishanganga Hydroelectric Project
The Kishanganaga project is
another controversial water issue
between the two countries. The 330 MW
hydroelectric project is located about
160 kilometers upstream of
Muzaffarabad and involves diversion of
Kishanganga or Neelum River, as is
known in Pakistan, to a tributary, Bunar
Madumati Nullah of the River Jhelum
through a 22-kilomtre tunnel.
Pakistani objections are based on
the grounds that the project will have
an adverse effects on the Neelam-
Jhelum link project that Pakistan
initiated in 1988. A second diversion of
the water of Kishenganga river to
Jehlum would ruin the Neelam valley in
Pakistan. It is feared that the project
could reduce Pakistan's total water
availability from an estimated 154 maf
to about 140 maf, a shortage of about 8-
9 per cent. Further, it is also expected
to reduce the flow of water in the River
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Jhelum in Azad Kashmir by 27 per cent,
affecting power generation capacity of
the 1.6 billion Neelam-Jhelum
hydropower project in Pakistan.
By May 2004, India confirmed that
it had started constructing some
components of the project. On severe
critisicm in April 2006, India offered to
modify this project and submitted a
revised plan in July 2006. In the revised
plan India agreed to convert the storage
and power generation project into a
run-of-the-river project and construct
pondage in accordance with the Indus
Hostile anti-Pakistan
segments in India view the
Indus Waters Treaty as
giving undue concessions to
Pakistan, which Prime
Minister Nehru signed to
'purchase peace'. Since it did
not bring peace to Kashmir,
they want to revisit the
concessions given to Pakistan
under the Treaty.
Waters Treaty. However, Pakistan
rejected the plan maintaining that the
project still had objectionable aspects.
Pa k i s t a n c o m m u n i c a t e d t h e s e
objections to India later in a detailed
report. The issue figures on the agenda
of talks every time between the two
countries; however, bilateral talks have
so far failed in reaching a settlement.
Baglihar Hydel Power Project
Located on the River Chenab in
Doda district, the Baglihar hydropower
project is one of the nine major
hydroelectric projects identified by
India on the Chenab. Divided into two
phases, the project would install 900
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IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
MWs of electricity capacity. The design
of the dam was submitted to Pakistan in
1992 and, without much delay, Pakistan
protested over the design of the dam
and demanded a halt to its
c o n s t r u c t i o n . H o w e v e r, t h e
construction continued as the two sides
exchanged further details.
The Baglihar water dispute is the
most specific of all these disputes
between the two countries
foregrounding their, fears, perceptions
and dilemmas on water sharing. For the
first time, the neutral expert clause in
the Indus Waters Treaty was invoked. In
May 2005, Raymond Lafittee, a Swiss
civil engineer, was appointed by the
World Bank as the neutral expert. After
a detailed analysis of about 13,000
dams across the world, talks with both
parties and visiting the dam site, he
gave his verdict on Baglihar in February
2007. Both parties agreed to abide by
the final verdict. Yet, this decision was
not followed.
IWT: Internal Problems
Besides these dam project, there
are several internal and regional issues
that strain the Indus Waters Treaty. The
most important is the view of the
people in Jammu and Kashmir who see
the Treaty as exploiting their rights by
both India and Pakistan. And their call
for its annulment as an economic
liability. People of the northern areas in
Pakistan are also opposed to n dam
projects in Pakistan like the Mangla
dam.
Second, hostile anti-Pakistan
segments in India view the Indus Waters
Treaty as giving undue concessions to
Pakistan, which Prime Minister Nehru
signed to 'purchase peace'. Since it did
not bring peace to Kashmir, they want to
revisit the concessions given to Pakistan
under the Treaty.
Third, Pakistan also has serious
Epilogue, November 2009
37
problems regarding the sharing of Indus
waters among its four provinces. This is
evident with entrenched controversy
being present in the country on every
planned dam. The shortage of water has
deep political, economic and social
effects. For example, farmers in Sindh
point their fingers at Punjabi landlords,
and accuse them of 'stealing their share'
of the Indus's water.
Finally, there are environmental
and ecological changes which call for
consideration. Because of climate
change, the Himalayan glaciers are
melting at an alarming rate. For water
resources, this means an increase in
water initially due to flooding. Within
the next 50 years, however, experts
believe there will be a 30 to 40 percent
drop in glacial melt because the glaciers
will have receded. A strategy to create
more storage capacity for water is the
only option available, but one has to
remember that glacial melt is not only
water but also silt that will reduce the
capacity of the reservoirs. This aspect
has not been considered at the political
level or at least has not gained
prominence.
Essentially the following two
features have shaped Pakistan-India
water politics:
The underlying concern of both
states is the political aspects that water
entails. This aspect is believed to be the
catalyst behind the hydropolitics in
which both countries are engaged.
Thus, the discussion on water issues has
always been there in almost every
dialogue between India and Pakistan,
and now it figures in the high level talks
that reflects the dominance of water
issues.
Most of the time, Pakistan being
the lower riparian follows up on these
issues on sharing of waters more
vigorously. It has objected to almost all
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the projects planned by India on the
western rivers calling them a violation
of the Indus Water Treaty. Nonetheless,
India does not accept this view and
takes defensive positions.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Keeping in view the different
dynamics of the water problem, experts
are talking of an Indus Water Treaty II
both in India and Pakistan. One feels
that this issue should be taken up
seriously and negotiations on the Indus
Waters Treaty II be taken up in good
faith. If India and Pakistan take a
political decision to restructure their
relations, they will have to ensure that
water serves as a link to bring them
together, rather than taking them
further towards conflict. Water needs
to be managed as a commodity. It is
essential to jointly set up an
organization with representatives from
both countries, whose functions would
entail identifying short term and long
term supply capacity of the basin and its
integrated development, setting up of
infrastructure and coordinating
activities of the different technical
agencies.
India and Pakistan should adopt a
transparent approach to development
problem relating to sharing water and
invite interdisciplinary
communications. Often, the findings of
geologists escapes the notice of
sociologists, anthropologists and
economists, but the reverse is also true.
Therefore, a holistic approach is
required to understand the background
and functioning of highly sophisticated
irrigation systems.
Besides, it is time that India and
Pakistan along with other countries in
the region come up with conservation
policies, instead of creating more
storage, that they have focused on for
long. Dams are environment issues of
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IN FOCUS
Bridging Divides
great complexity. They are expensive to
build, involve destruction of habitat
and heritage, and relocation of whole
communities. They also need water, and
storage strategy does not consider
where the water to fill dams and
reservoirs will come from. It is time for
the strategy to harness our water
resources to change from being a large-
scale capital- and technology-intensive
and environmentally degrading option
to management-intensive and
ecologically balanced development
relying on indigenous technology.
Political considerations, of course,
cannot be ignored while dealing with
the water issue on technical grounds,
especially keeping in mind the present
distrust in India-Pakistan relations and
their history of antagonism. Hence, the
two countries should seek international
support, perhaps again with the World
Bank taking the lead to negotiate a
sound water sharing and usage
mechanism. Mediation in case of water
disputes resolution has worked between
India and Pakistan in the past and would
solve another great concern -- financing
the projects if India and Pakistan agree
on something.
KNOWLEDGE
ØJama Masjid is one of the oldest and the
most spacious of all the mosques in
Kashmir, situated in the heart of the City.
The area of the mosque is 384 ft x 381 ft
spacious enough for over thirty thousand
people to offer prayers at a time.
ØThe Railway network in J&K State is the
highest altitude railway network in India.
Presently the railway network in the State
exists upto Udhampur district and the rest
between Udhampur to Qazikund is under
construction. Intra Kashmir railway line
from Qazigund to Baramulla is near
completion and has been laid open for
railway traffic from (Nowgam) Srinagar to
Anantnag on 11th October in 2008.
ØTulip Garden in Srinagar is the largest
garden of Asia.
Epilogue, November 2009
38 B OOK S / AU T HOR S
Conversation

NYLA ALI KHAN

Challenging Hegemony of
Static Versions of History

I n literary intellectual and political circles of Jammu and Kashmir a

new book is making waves these days. To say that “Islam, Women
and Violence in Kashmir :Between India and Pakistan” more or less
picks up the threads where Aatish-e-Chinar (Flames of Chinar) had left
around three decades back won't be amisstatment. The new book not
only tells the remaining story of Kashmir but also goes down the
history bringing about fresh perspectives through a painstaking
research. “Islam, Women and Violence in Kashmir” is therefore a
scholastics work, first of its kind of any Kashmiri woman scholar, who
goes through hundreds and thousands pages of history, travels across
length and breadth of the state and revisits the hearts and minds of key
players and eye witnesses to tell the world the story of Kashmir. The
author, NYLA ALI KHAN, Professor of English at the University of
Nebraska-Kearney in United States, says that her book is a tribute to
the resilient spirit of the inhabitants of Jammu and Kashmir. What
makes Nyla's book most credible is the fact that her work does not
reflect anywhere that she is granddaughter of the illustrious leader
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah.
With this issue, Epilogue launches a three part conversation series
with Nyli Ali Khan as she responds to questions posed by ZAFAR
CHOUDHARY. We are also reproducing excerpts from her book and
readers are welcome to send questions for the author.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

39
Since your book “Islam,
Women and the Violence
in Kashmir: Between India
and Pakistan” hit the
bookstalls, it is being
described by readers and
reviewers as first of its
kind. First in depth study
by a woman…. first
thorough study of the
tragedy of Kashmir” etc.
How is it first of its kind?
Although there is a plethora of richly
nuanced books on the complexity of
the Kashmir issue, Islam, Women, and
the Violence in Kashmir, is the first
book written by a Kashmiri woman
from an interdisciplinary perspective
seeking to challenge the hegemony of
statist versions of history and
foreground the versions of history that
have been relegated to the
background. My book, Islam, Women,
and the Violence in Kashmir: Between
India and Pakistan is a labour of love
into which I put my heart and soul. It
is an interdisciplinary work in which I
have deployed not just literary
analysis but political critique; history
as a revisionist project; erosion of the
cultural syncretism of J&K;
significance of retrieving our rich
cultural heritage and building a whole
new edifice on our legacy; role of lay
women during the awaking of
nationalist sentiment in J&K in 1931,
during the resurgence of the
separatists movement in 1989, the
increase in gender violence because of
the brutal militarization of the State;
and finally, the nuclearization of J &
K. I have used self-reflexive and
historicized forms, drawn on my
heritage and kinship in Kashmir in
order to explore the construction and
employment of the Kashmiri political
and cultural landscape, and gender in
secular nationalist, religious
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B OOK S / AU T HOR S
nationalist, and ethnonationalist
discourses in JK.
In my book, I seek in the collision
of modernity and communal memory a
horizontal relationship producing
intersectional spaces between
different cultural realities, times, and
ways of reflecting upon the
construction of my own subjectivity. I
have tried to underscore the dire need
to retrieve and renew contact with our
national culture but also recognize the
dangers of mythologizing historical
and cultural pasts. Acknowledging our
complicity in oppression,
My book, Islam,
Women, and the
Violence in Kashmir:
Between India and
Pakistan is a labour
of love into which I
put my heart and
soul.
reconceptualizing paradigmatic
structures, and mobilizing cultural and
political coalitions is riddled with conflict
but it is the need of the day for us to
engage in these processes, in doing
which I have employed all my energies.
It appears, unlike most of
the members of your
family, you are scholar
first and then anything
else. What was the
primary motivation for
writing this book?
First off, the interdisciplinary
approach in my book is designed to
Vol. 3, Issue 11
Conversation
help readers think critically and
constructively about the ethical
implications of various approaches to
research selection, evidence gathering
techniques, inextricable link between
social power and structures of
inequity, and the production of
knowledge. The reprehensible
endeavours of the Indian and Pakistani
establishments to rewrite history
impelled me to undertake the book-
length study of the politically
tumultuous situation in the state of J
& K which has led to an increase in
gender-based violence. In my book I
have made an honest attempt my to
provide my interviewees with a
legitimate forum at which they voice
their political, cultural, and social
ideologies without fear of reprisal or
erasure. The ethnographic field
research, which I undertook, was a
method of seeking reconnection by
simultaneously belonging to, and
resisting, the discursive community
of traditional Muslim Kashmiri and
Gujjar rural women. I was further
motivated by the desire to critically
observe the sociopolitical discourse
in Kashmir through from the margins
instead of from an elitist center. My
goal was to engage in reflective
action as an educator working with
diverse cultural and social groups. I
wanted to examine the systems that
have generated the culture of silence,
in which the political elite has been
complicit.
“…… Kashmir: Between
India and Pakistan”, the
title clearly suggests
Kashmir a victim, in equal
parts, of India and
Pakistan. This is contrary
to the popular perception,
at least in Kashmir valley.
Your comments.
Epilogue, November 2009
40
Kashmir is a parchment on which
various discourses, nationalist,
ethnonationalist, secular nationalist,
Islamist, militaristic, have been
inscribed and reinscribed for several
decades. Since the dawn of the
Independence and Partition of India,
the aspirations of the people of J&K
have gone unheard in the cacophony
of the vacuous political rhetoric
voiced by Indian and Pakistani
mainstream politicians, who have
made no bones about their myopic
political agendas and political strings
attached to any developmental aid
given to J&K. The long history of
discriminatory treatment of the
populace of J&K, the discriminatory
nature of which was further
aggravated by the visibility of their
perceived difference of, has created a
negative self-image in many Kashmiris,
which hasn't been redressed by the
militarization of the region. Kashmiris
have time and again attempted to
chart a viable course in the choppy
waters of duplicitous subcontinental
politics but have always been
subjected to political and social
constraints. We still have a long way
to go in recognizing the dire
consequences of trauma brought on by
political turmoil, military brutality,
the dadagiri of militias and
paramilitary divisions of the police,
and fear psychosis created by such
happenings. There are people who do
not have recourse to the judicial and
administrative machinery. It is
unfortunate that the more
unaccountable state-sponsored
agencies have become in J&K, the
more aloof and gluttonous our
bureaucratic, military, and
administrative machinery has become.
The culture of impunity has grown
around India and Pakistan like nobody's
business. Given the reality of the two
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B OOK S / AU T HOR S
nation-states, I emphasize that it is
upto us, the people of J&K, to bring
about restitution in a war-weary and
battle-ravaged society. We cannot
confuse the idea of the nation with
the practices and power of the nation-
states of India and Pakistan.
While researching I was
fortunate to have access to
the priceless archival
material collected by my
maternal uncle Sheikh
Nazir Ahmad, who was a
young and zealous
political activist during
the heyday of the Plebiscite
movement
You have depended
significantly on the oral
history. You met people
and have named them.
After all your family is also
an essential part of
Kashmir's history. Who do
you relied most (in the
family) on in gathering
information for your work.
History is not a seamless narrative in
which all the pieces effortlessly fit
together. On the contrary, History with
a capital “H” is replete with gaps,
omissions, erasures, and strategic
manipulations. The use of oral history
in my book addresses the complex
ways in which challenges to an
established or state-sponsored
discourse might be voiced from the
periphery, which recognizing the
power of centrist discourses to defang
the theory and practice of resistance.
While researching I was fortunate to
Vol. 3, Issue 11
Conversation
have access to the priceless archival
material collected by my maternal
uncle Sheikh Nazir Ahmad, who was a
young and zealous political activist
during the heyday of the Plebiscite
movement and was persecuted during
the autocratic repression of the
autonomous status of J & K. He has a
well-developed sense of the various
historical discourses, dominant and
peripheral, which have been inscribed,
erased, and reinscribed on the
political and sociocultural matrices of
Kashmir. I also talked with Ghulam
Mohammad Shah sahib about the
nationalist awakening in J & K in the
1930s and later the duplicitous
policies implemented by Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru and his ilk to break
the revolutionary spirit in the State.
My mother, Suraiya Ali Matto, who
spent invaluable time with Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah sahib while he
was in externment in Kodaikanal from
1965 until 1968, reminisced about that
period. Last but not least, my father,
Mohammad Ali Matto, was generous
with the scholarly materials in his
library and enriched me with
narratives of the consciousness
movement, beautifully interweaving
the personal with the political and
social.
One of the good things
about you book is that it
originates from margins
and touches upon
perspectives of varied
hues. You are essentially
from elitist background.
How you have able to keep
your self away from your
background in leading with
objectivities.
Working on my book enabled me to
critically appraise political, cultural,
and social discourses which my
Epilogue, November 2009
41 B OOK S / AU T HOR S
Conversation

locations of privilege hadn't allowed
me to question previously. I have been
conscious of the limited
representations in some other works
on Kashmir which reflect the power
relations between those who
represent and those who are
represented. For me, my maternal
grandfather, Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah sahib, has always been a
larger than life figure, whom I revere.
I question some of his political
decisions but am fully cognizant of the
collision of the ideas of self-
determination, identity, and unity
propounded by the young members of
the Reading Room Party and the
Plebiscite Front with the brutal force
and suppression wielded by the Indian
and Pakistani nation-states. I have
appraised not just the history of the
Kashmiri nationalism dominated by the
elite but I have carefully looked at the
politics of the people and the political
mobilization engendered by such
politics. Popular mobilization in J & K
during the 1930s and 1940s took the
form of uprisings, which was a primary
locus of political action. This potent
political resistance was led by people
like Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah,
Chauhary Ghulam Abbas, Mirza Afzal
Beig, Maulana Masoodi, Ghulam
Ahmad Ashai, Kasap Bandhu, who did
not have access to the echelons of
power and spoke vociferously from the
margins. Their activism made
substantive forays into established
discourses and structures of power. I
have engaged constructively with
issues of representation and
knowledge production. The primary
question for me is “Who is speaking
and who is being silenced?,” enabling
me to recognize the legitimacy of
knowledge produced from the point of
view of the local subject, like the
vaakhs of Lalla-Ded; the cultural and
religious knowledge disseminated by
Nund Rishi; the determination of the
women's militia in 1948; the stoicism
and perseverance of the Association
of Parents of Disappeared Persons;
the conviction of the workers of
political parties who maintain the
vibrancy of the credo of self-
determination; the collision of the
idea of self-determination with
military oppression on the
contentious site of nationalism.

Islam, Women, and the Violence in Kashmir:

Between India and Pakistan
BOOK
T
he once paradisiacal region coveted by
Excerpts kings and mystics alike, albeit for
different reasons, where snow-covered
peaks majestically tower over flowing rivers and
streams bordered by lilies gently swaying to the
cadences of the gentle breeze, by a quirk of fate,
has become a valley of guns and unmarked
graves. The paean of the Mughal emperor
Jahangir in 1620 to the enthralling and spiritually
healing beauty of Kashmir bespeaks the
passionate longing it engendered:
"If one were to praise Kashmir, whole books
would have to be written. Kashmir is a garden of
eternal spring, or an iron fort to a palace of kings –
a delightful flower-bed, and a heart-expanding
heritage for dervishes. Its pleasant meads and
enchanting cascades are beyond all description.
There are running streams and fountains beyond
count. Wherever the eye reaches, there is
verdure and running water. The red rose, the
violet and the narcissus grow of themselves; in
the fields, there are all kinds of flowers and all
sorts of sweet-scented herbs, more than can be
calculated. In the soul-enchanting spring the hills
and plains are filled with blossoms; the gates, the
walls, the courts, the roofs, are lighted up by the
torches of the banquet-adoring tulips. What shall
we say of these things or the wide meadows and
the fragrant trefoil?" (Rogers 1914: 114)
The breezes of Kashmir, which once had the
power to heal every trauma, now cause searing
wounds. The throes of pain, palpable in every
withering flower and trembling leaf, can lacerate
the most hardened person. The ripe pomegran-
ate trees that once bespoke a cornucopia now
seem laden with an unbearable burden. The lit-
urgies in mosques, temples, and churches that
once provided spiritual ecstasy are now jarring
cacophonies. The comforting solitude that one
could thrive on in various spots of the Valley now
seems like a psychosis-inducing solitariness.
What happened to the Valley that provided inspi-
ration to poets, saints, and writers? Where is the
beauteous land in which even a dull-witted
writer could find her/his muse? Where are the
majestic chinars, the fragrant pine trees and the

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

42
luxuriant weeping willows that provided
harbour to those buffeted by the fates?
The mesmerizing Mughal gardens in the
Valley with their refreshing springs and
breathtaking waterfalls bemoan the
state of the riven land, the polluted
streams and the devastated people.
The se ductive beauty of the Valley
of Kashmir that evoked a desire to live to
the hilt, untarnished by sordid passions
and murky politics, is now blemished
with army camps and militant hideouts.
The plight of the repressed Kashmiri is
similar to that of Adam and Eve in the
Garden of Eden, after their wilful defi-
ance of Jehovah. The palpable contrast
between the enchanting beauty of
Kashmir and the glazed eyes of its people
is cruel. The redness of roses that once
awakened sensuality now evokes the vio-
lent bloodshed and loss of innocent lives
that mangle the landscape. The land in
which dervishes meditated to willingly
renounce the self is now a chessboard for
wily politicians.
The strains of mystical music are
now drowned out by the cacophonous
sounds of hate and virulence. The lush
meadows carpeted with daisies and
lupines now reek of death and destruc-
tion. The soothing fragrance of pine-
covered hills has now been overwhelmed
by the odour of false promises and false
hope.
The tranquility of the region has
been shattered by the heavy hand of
political and military totalitarianism.
The region resembles a vast concentra-
tion camp, swarming with soldiers. Police
or military barriers abound in both urban
and rural areas, and intimidation is a
rather common occurrence at these
checkpoints. The Valley seethes with a
repressed anger generated by the humili-
ating brutality inflicted by Indian troops.
The history of Kashmir is replete with
egregious errors. As one scholar, Vincent
H. Smith (1928: 176), wrote, 'Few regions
in the world can have had worse luck than
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B OOK S / AU T HOR S
Kashmir in 20th matter of government.'
The saga of Kashmir has been one of
oppression, political persecution, and
undemocratic policies. Since the perva-
sion of an exclusive cultural nationalism,
religious fundamentalism, and rampant
political corruption it has become a chal-
lenge to lead a dignified existence in J &
K. The armed conflict has changed politi-
cal combinations and permutations with-
out either disrupting political, social, and
gender hierarchies or benefiting
marginalized groups. The social, eco-
nomic, political, and psychological brunt
of the armed conflict has been borne by
the populace of Kashmir. The uncertainty
created by fifteen years of armed insur-
gency and counter-insurgency has per-
vaded the social fabric in insidious ways,
creating a whole generation of disaf-
fected and disillusioned youth. Lack of
faith in the Indian polity has caused
Kashmiris to cultivate an apathy to the
electoral process because it is a given
that persons best suited to carry out New
Delhi's agenda will be installed in posi-
tions of political import, regardless of
public opinion. The earlier enthusiasm
that accompanied democratization
seems totally futile in the current leader-
ship vacuum in the state. Lack of
accountability among the J & K polity and
bureaucracy has caused a large number
of people to toe the line by living with the
fundamental structural inequities and
violence, instead of risking the ire of
groups and individuals in positions of
authority. Political organizations in the
Valley have eroded mass bases and are in
a moribund state. There seems to be an
unbridgeable gulf between figures of
authority and the electorate, who have
been deployed as pawns in the devious<
/o:p> political game being played by
Indian and Pakistani state-sponsored
agencies. The glaring lack of a well-
equipped infrastructure in the Valley
makes unemployment rife and under-
scores the redundancy of the educated
Vol. 3, Issue 11
Conversation
segment of the population. The counter-
insurgency operations undertaken in J&K
by the Indian military and paramilitary
forces were ferocious and cruel, and
have alienated the disillusioned popu-
lace.
I start from the premise that the syn-
cretic ethos of Kashmir has been violated
by the outburst of religious nationalism,
secular nationalism and ethno-
nationalism that have facilitated politi-
cal and social structural violence. The
well-crafted theoretical fiction of a syn-
cretic culture by the advocates of a
Kashmiri polity empowered them in a cir-
cumscribed fashion to choose an idiom
within which they could arbitrarily
remove the distinction between religion
and politics. I consider the shape of
women's empowerment or lack thereof in
the syncretic ethos of Kashmir, and the
new languages of resistance, negotia-
tion, and empowerment it adopts in the
cacophonous social and political situa-
tion created by various nationalist dis-
courses. I draw from the cultural and ideo-
logical spaces I was raised in; the cher-
ished verses of the Sufi poetess Lalla-
Ded, in whose immortal poetry the leg-
endary beauty of Kashmir endures pain
and strife but lives on; conversations with
my maternal grandmother that are
etched in my memory; informative and
enlightening discussions with my par-
ents, who have continued to live in the
strife-torn Valley through years of
unbearable hostility and the psychologi-
cal trauma of armed conflict with an
unparalleled stoicism; informal conver-
sations with friends and acquaintances
who are victims of the politics of dispos-
session; the extensive reading that I have
done over the years on the conflictual
history and politics of J & K. I also draw
from the field work conducted during my
annual trips to Kashmir in July 2005, 2006
and 2007 among predominantly agricul-
tural communities in areas bordering the
Line of Control between India and
Pakistan. Against the backdrop of the
Epilogue, November 2009
43
politically tumultuous situation in J & K
which has led to an increase in gender-
based violence, I attempt to show that
the muted voices of marginalized
laypeople, particularly women, have not
been raised loud enough against the
atrocities to which they are subjected by
Indian paramilitary forces, Pakistan-
sponsored insurgents, counter-
insurgency forces and religious funda-
mentalists. I also emphasize the neces-
sity of foreg-rounding women's perspec-
tives in issues of nationalist ideologies,
religious freedom, democratic participa-
tion, militarization, intellectual free-
dom, judicial and legal structures, in a
milieu that does not co-opt them into
mainstream political and cultural dis-
courses or first-world feminist agendas.
Using self-reflexive and historicized
forms, drawing on my heritage and kin-
ship in Kashmir, I explore the construc-
tion and employment of the Kashmiri
political and cultural landscape, and gen-
der, in secular nationalist, religious nation-
alist, and ethno-nationalist discourses in
J&K. I question the exclusivity of cultural
nationalism, the erosion of cultural
syncretism, the ever-increasing domi-
nance of religious fundamentalism, the
irrational resistance to cultural and lin-
guistic differences. I also question the
victimization and subjugation of women
selectively enshrined in the prevalent
regressive social discourse and the uncriti-
cally rendered folklore of traditional
Kashmiri Islamic and Hindu cultures.
The upsurge of gender-based vio-
lence has circumscribed the mobility of
women who are caught between the
devil and the deep blue sea. I, for one,
would not have been able to conduct my
field research without the armed body-
guard my parents provided for me. As a
woman, it would have been difficult and
dangerous for me to venture into
secluded rural areas which are cordoned
by paramilitary troops. The ethnographic
field research that I undertook was a
method of seeking reconnection sans con-
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B OOK S / AU T HOR S
descension by simultaneously belonging
to, and resisting, the discursive commu-
nity of traditional Muslim Kashmiri and
Gujjar rural women. I was further moti-
vated by the desire to critically observe
the sociopolitical discourse in Kashmir
through an oblique focus from the mar-
gins instead of from an elitist centre. My
goal was to engage in reflective action as
an educator working with diverse cul-
tural and social groups. I was challenged
to examine my own locations of privilege
and seek emotional empowerment in
order to understand the systems that
have generated the culture of silence.
This culture generates problematic ste-
reotypes, alliances, and biases within
and outside the community.
I seek in the collision of modernity
and communal memory a horizontal rela-
tionship producing intersectionalities
between different cultural spaces,
times, and ways of knowing the self in
relation to the family, society, and the
larger cultural landscape. Acknowledging
our complicity in oppression, reconcept-
ualizing paradigmatic structures, and
mobilizing cultural and political coalitions
is riddled with conflict, but it is the need of
the day for us to engage in these processes.
In chapter one of this book, 'Con-
flicting Political Discourses', I delineate
the origins of the Kashmir conflict and
the perspectives on it. I look at the dis-
course of 'Kashmiriyat' as a significant
attempt to form a national consciousness
in order to name its cultural alterity
through the nation. In the second chap-
ter, 'Cultural Syncretism', I analyse the
recorded poems and paradigmatic say-
ings of Lalla-Ded, a Sufi mystic. I retrieve
the rich details of her life that have been
relegated to the background in the docu-
mented version of history. I incorporate
hitherto unpublished opinions of scholars
of Kashmiri and Urdu literature as well as
of scholars of mysticism in the Kashmir
Valley on the impact of Lalla-Ded on the
Kashmiri Muslim and Kashmiri Pandit com-
munities. I also foreground the revival of
Vol. 3, Issue 11
Conversation
indigenous cultural institutions in J & K.
In chapter three, 'Political Debacles', I
underline the repercussions of India's
anti-democratic strategies in the state
which instigated oppositional and dissi-
dent responses. In chapter four,
'Militarization of Indian-Administered
Jammu and Kashmir', I delineate the fun-
damental structural inequities in the J &
K polity, exacerbated by political and mili-
tary intrusions of the Pakistani adminis-
tration and the engendering of political
resistance. In chapter five, 'Negotiating
the Boundaries of Gender, Community,
and Nationhood,' I analyse the effects of
nationalist, militant, and religious dis-
courses and praxes on a gender-based
hierarchy. I write about the radical politi-
cal and socioeconomic changes in the
role of Kashmiri women between 1947
and 1989. I report the reminiscences of
two of the three surviving members of
the women's militia that was formed at
the height of the struggle against politi-
cal and military tyranny. I address the tra-
ditional freedoms and prerogatives of
Kashmiri women in the land of a spiritual
luminary like Lalla-Ded.
I have chosen to deploy oral evi-
dence in my book, which has allowed me
to approach events, notions, and litera-
tures about which there was meagre evi-
dence from other sources. The use of oral
history has empowered my interview-
ees/correspondents; people of J & K, in
significant ways, bringing acknowledg-
ment of hitherto disregarded opinions
and experiences. In some instances, I
have taken the liberty of reproducing e-
mail responses, which I received from my
interviewees, verbatim. I was keen on
providing personal reminiscences from
participants about landmark events with-
out mediating between oral evi-
dence/historiography and more elitist
versions of history. My primary goal is to
ensure that future generations of the for-
mer princely state of Jammu and Kashmir
do not forget, because if we stop remem-
bering, we stop being.
Epilogue, November 2009
44
Socio-Cultural and Economic Changes among Muslim Rajputs:
A Case Study of Rajouri District in J&K
DR. M. MAZAMMIL HUSSAIN MALIK
T
he present Paper deals with
socio-cultural and Economic
changes among Muslim Rajputs of
Rajouri District. The efforts have been
made to explore the historical
background of the Rajouri as well as
Muslim Rajputs, their socio-cultural and
economic conditions and changing
pattern. The Paper accommodates the
concept of Rajputs, historical
background of Muslim Rajputs, their
conversion to Islam, caste stratification
and socio cultural and economic
changes. Primary social institutions like
Family, marriage, education, polity and
economy have been used as parameters
to limit the broader concept of socio-
cultural and economic setup. The
process of change has been examined in
the traditions, customs and rituals
related to family and marriage,
educational standard and
opportunities, political activities and
economic status of the Muslim Rajputs
before and after 1989.
Rajouri and Poonch are the twin
hilly districts of the Jammu and Kashmir
state having rich Historical background
of their own and previously considered
as the land of 'Rajas'. The district
headquarter of Rajouri is located in the
South – West of Jammu and Kashmir
State situated at the distance of
153.km, from Jammu. It lies between
700 to 74o-4, East longitude and 32o-58
to 330-35, North latitude and was
separated from the erstwhile backward
District Poonch. The District Rajouri is
www.epilogue.in
bounded on the north side by District
Poonch, on the south by Jammu, on the
east by Udhampur and on the west, by
Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir
(Mirpur area). Rajtarangni, the anicient
chronicle of Kashmir which was written
during the period of Sultan Zain ul Abdin
mentioned its old name as Rajapuri,
from which the present name has been
derived. Albruni visited Rajouri with
Sultan Masaud in 1036, AD., he has also
stated in his book “India” the name of
Rajouri as Rajavari.
The socio- cultural and economic
history of Rajouri goes back to the Vedic
period. In Maha Bharata there was a
kingdom which was known by the name
of Panchal Desa. The king of that State
was Panchal Naresh whose daughter
Daraupadi was married to Pandavas.
Most of the historians identify Panchal
Desa as the region in the mountains of
Panchal Range which cradled the whole
districts of Rajouri and Poonch. F.F.
Pargitor has stated that second branch
of immigrants crossed Himalayas in the
north- west and settled in Rajouri and
Poonch areas. Rajouri, Bhimber, and
Naushera, were included with in the
territory of Abhisar which was earlier
one of the hill State of Punjab Kingdom.
The early fragmentary record indicated
that in the 4th century B.C., there was a
federal type of political set up in the
north west of India, which included
Abhisar with Rajouri its capital. At the
time of Alexander's invasion, Rajouri
was at the height of its glory. During
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Muryan period, the town of Rajouri was
a great trading centre. Hiuen Tsang who
traveled through this area in 7th
century A.D., mentioned about the hill
State of Rajapuri, the land of the kings.
Still earlier in the Budhist period it
formed a part of Gandhar territory
(Afghanistant, Ghandhar and Tashkent)
and latter it was included in the domain
called Darabhisanga which comprised
the hilly stretch from Poonch to Kashmir
during that period Laharkote (presently
Loran Mandi) in Poonch and Rajouri had
emerged as two independent and
powerful states of the area. In 11th
century A.D. Rajouri was ruled by
chiefs of the Paula Dynasty under the
suzerainty of Kashmir in 1097A.D.
Rajouri emerged as principality in
about 1003 A.D., the first ruler of the
Paul dynasty was Raja Prithivi Paul, and
last was Raja Amna Paul (1194 AD).,
later on the Paula dynasty was
Concluded by Raja Noor ud Din, he
migrated from Punjab and Killed Raja
Amna Paul, he was the first Muslim
Jarral Rajput Raja who laid the
foundation of Jaral Muslim Rule in
Rajouri in (1194 AD), Kingdom Remained
in the hands of his clan for seven
centuries. Rehiemullah Khan with his
son Raja FaqirUllah Khan were the last
Muslim Jaral Rajput rulers of Rajouri,
when Maha Raja Gulab Singh Captured
Rajouri on 21 of October 1846. Rajouri
was merged in to a tehsil of Bhimber
District. Rajouri bifurcated from
Bhimber District and affiliated with
Epilogue, November 2009
45
Reasi District in 1904 A.D., after
independence, Rajouri Became part of
the newly constituted Poonch-Rajouri
District. On 1st. January 1968, Rajouri
was declared as new district in the map
of Jammu and Kashmir State.
Social Structure of Muslim Rajputs:
Presently Rajouri town is the
administrative headquarter of the
District It lies at both the banks of the
river and is a meeting place of different
roots leading to Kashmir, Poonch,
Lahore, and Jammu etc., it is at the
elevation of 3094 ft. from the sea level.
According to Census 2001, 6 Tehsils 7
Blocks and 77 Panchayats covering 381
villages constitute Rajouri District.
Nearly 45% of the geographical area of
the District is covered with forest.
Administratively whole District of
Rajouri has been divided into seven
tehsils, these are Rajouri, Kalakote,
Naushera, Sunderbani, and
Thannamandi, and in addition to that
Dharal Malkan is the 7th tehsil declared
in 2007.All the tehsils of the district
have their own socio cultural and
economic importance.
The whole District is populated
with different religious and caste
communities with deeply rooted
customs and traditional system. The
whole population of the area is
comprised of Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and
Christians. The total population of the
district Rajouri is 4, 83000 out of which
Hindus constitute 39%, Muslims
constitute 58%, Sikh and others
constitute 03% of the total Population.
Total Muslim population of the District
Rajouri is 2, 80,140 and Muslim Rajputs
estimated population is about 1, 45,672
which constitute 51.99% of the total
Muslim population. Muslims of Rajouri
District have been classified into four
categories, such as Rajputs, Gujjars,
Kashmiries and 'others' The Gujars and
Kashmiries are the linguistic divisions of
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the area, where as, the whole Muslim
population of the district is stratified
into various caste groups.
RAJPUTS: The term Rajput is
derived from Sanskrit word “Rajputra”
found in the Vedas, the Ramayana, and
Mahabharata. It has been used by the
warriors and the Rulers, with passage of
time there were many kshatriyas. The
primogeniture allowed only the oldest
male offspring of a king to succeed him,
the rest were known as Rajputras.The
word Rajput is claimed to be a changed
term of Rajputra. Gradually it became a
caste. Rajputs regard themselves as
being descended from the vedic warrior
class known as the Kshatriyas. To
differentiate them from ordinary
Kshatriyas the word Rajput was used,
which literally means "son of a King."
Rajputs are divided in to 36 major clan
belong to one of the three great
patrilineages, which are:
The Suryavanshi lineage claiming
descent from Surya, the Hindu Sun god,
in English it is called Solar Dynasty, it is
one of the oldest dynasty of the
kshatriyas.
The chandravanshi lineage,
claiming descent from “Som” which
literally means "Moon." In English called
This Lunar Dynasty, it is also old but
younger than the Sun Dynasty. Som was
the first king of this dynasty.
The Agnivanshi .lineage, this
lineage claming descent from Agni, the
Hindu God of fire. Only four Rajput
clans are expected to be belonged to
this lineage, they are Chauhans,
Parmara, Solanki and Partiharas. Some
scholars also include Nagvanshi and
Rishivanshi a separate lineage.
Literally, Muslim Rajputs are the
Rajputs that converted to Islam The
Raj-Puts (Sons of King) were ruling royal
warrior clans of South Asia from ancient
times has a long and well documented
history of warrior kings and a strong
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martial reputation. They are in
Pakistan and northern India, In Pakistan
Muslim Rajputs generally took part in
government services and in politics,
Prime Ministers, Chief Ministers,
Governors of Provincial states,
Ministers, such as Quaid e Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah the father of
Pakistan his ancestors belongd to Bhatia
clan of Rajput from Paneli village in
Kathiawar, Gujrat. Many Pakistani
politicians belong to Rajput clans who
served as Prime Minister of Pakistan.
First elected Prime Minister of Pakistan
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was Bhutta Rajput of
Larkana, Sindh Momammad Khan
Junejo the 11th Prime Minister of
Pakistan was Junejo Rajput of Sindh. In
politics of Pak occupied Kashmir, Muslim
Rajputs played a significant roles the
leading politician in POK, Sardar
Sikandar Hayat Khan belong to Muslim
Rajput clan. Muslim Rajputs have been
recognized in history as the warrior
aristocracy, and were designated by the
British Empire as a Martial Race and
recruited into the Imperial Army.
Muslim Rajputs have been engaged in
the Pakistani military in large numbers,
reaching ranks of Generals and the
highest grade, as 7th Chief of Army Staff
General TikkaKhan and the 10th Chief of
Army Satff General Asif Niwaz Khan
Janjua.
Conversion of Muslim Rajputs:
Various Rajput clans had converted to
Islam during the early 12th century and
since conversion have remained loyal to
their faith. They were converted to
Islam by the Muslim Sufi missionaries of
the famed Chistiya, Qadriya orders and
many others reasons. Some conversions
also took place for political reasons.
The Delhi Sultanate and later Mughal
Dynasty encouraged the martial clans to
convert to Islam. Conversions to Islam
continued into the 19th century even
during the period of the British Raj.
Epilogue, November 2009
46
Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru mentioned,
“The fact of subsequent conversion to
other faiths, did not deprive them of
this heritage; just as the Greeks, after
their conversion to Christianity, did not
lose pride in the mighty achievements
of their ancestors, of the Italians in the
great days of the Roman Republic and
early empire...Christians, Jews,
Parsees, Moslems. Indian converts to
these religions never ceased to be
Indian on account of a change of their
faith.” ('Discovery of India' oxford uni-
press, 1985).
He also mentioned his personal
experience about the Muslim Rajputs
as, "I grew to know; the Rajput peasant
and petty landholder, still proud of his
race and ancestry, even though he might
have changed his faith and adopted
Islam. More importantly he bears
testament to the fact that despite his
change of faith, a Rajput is still a
Rajput.”
Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru has also
referenced the impact of mass appeal
of the Islam in the process of
conversion, as, "The impact of the
invaders of the north-west and Islam on
India had been considerable. It pointed
out and shown up the abuses that had
crept up into Hindu society-the
petrifaction of caste, untouchability,
exclusiveness carried to fantastic
lengths. The idea of brotherhood of
Islam and of the theoretical equality of
its adherents made a powerful appeal,
especially those of the Hindu fold who
were denied any resemblance of equal
treatment.”
He also indicated the conversion of
Hindu upper castes to Islam, "Some
individuals belonging to the higher
castes also adopted the new faith,
either because of a real change of
belief, or, more often, for political
economic reasons though all their social
structure was based on the group
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(caste/social class), in matters of
religion they were highly
individualistic. It is worth noting as a
rule, conversions to Islam were group
conversions. Among the upper castes
individuals may change their religion
almost an entire village would
convert...group life as well as their
functions continued as before with only
minor variations with regards worship
etc.”
Sir Denzil Ibbetson repre.(2002)
has referenced the prominent positions
of the Muslim Rajputs and indicated
their courage and valiant martial
tradition, and similarity with the Hindu
counterparts in some regions.
J.M. Wikeley in 'Punjabi Muslman'
(1991) has stated, “The general
conversion of the Muhammadan Rajputs
from Hinduism is supposed to have
taken place towards the end of the 13th
or early 14th century AD. The
Muhammadan conquests undoubtedly
accelerated this change of religion, but
the preaching of several renowned
Muhammadan saints, especially Bawa
Farid of Pakpattan, whose eloquence
drew large numbers to hear him, helped
considerably to this end”
The majority of Rajputs in Rajouri
District is Muslim Rajputs their origin is
claimed from Rajisthan, Gujrat,
Punjab, Haryana and H.P. Though the
Muslim faith is against belief of a person
being born from Sun, Moon, and fire,
but even Muslim Rajputs feel proud of
being belonging to Rajput Clan. They
often reference the bravery of their
ancestors in the battle fields of the past
and they extend equal status to the
parallel clan that is Hindu Rajputs. At
the time of any conflict with non Rajput
communities, the Hindu and Muslim
Rajputs communities emotionally unite
to protect their prestige. Still they like
to serve in armed forces. While
observing the attitude of the Rajputs of
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Rajouri district that is martial in spirit
with a fierce pride of lineage and
tradition it is not out of place to
mention here quotation of Encyclopedia
Britannica, (1911edition), “The
tradition of common ancestry permits a
poor Rajput yeoman consider himself as
well born as any powerful landholder of
his clan, and superior to any high official
of the professional classes. No race in
India can boast of finer feats of arms or
brighter deeds of chivalry, and they
form one of the main recruiting fields
for the Indian army of the day. They
consider any occupation other than that
of arms or government derogatory to
their dignity, and consequently during
the long period of peace which has
followed the establishment of the
British rule in India, they have been
content to stay idle at home instead of
taking up any of the other professions in
which they might have come to the
front”. Rajputs of Rajouri District have
been divided into two religious
communities, i.e., Hindu Rajputs and
Muslim Rajputs. Both the Rajput
communities have common caste titles
and common origin.
Caste Stratification Among Muslim
Rajputs:
Historically Muslim Rajputs of
Rajouri District have been classified into
two major groups represented by two
linguistic division i.e, Pahari and Gojri, on
account of regional variation the clan
speaking Gojri language is not considered
Rajputs in the area. The Muslim Rajputs
have been stratified into various sub
castes such as, Jarral, Malik, Chauhan,
Janjua, Chib, Domal, Gakhar, Feerozal,
Khokhar, Manhas, Bhatti, Thakkar,
Kamlak, Salahria, Manial, and Thakyal
etc. As such there are more than 36 sub-
castes of Muslim Rajputs exist in Rajouri
District. Still the caste hierarchy has been
maintained by the Muslim Rajput clan on
the pattern of Hindu Rajputs.
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47
Jarral Rajputs: Historically were
the Rajas of Rajouri. The majority of
Muslim Jarral Rajputs settled in Rajouri,
while on the other hand who have not
embraced Islam scatteredly settled in
Hoshiarpur, Shiwaliks, Kallanoor
(Punjab). It is also claimed that Bandala
clan of chamba (H.P) also traces its
origin from Jarral Rajputs. They are
Chandervanshi Panduas Clan. After Paul
dynasty Rajouri was ruled by Jarals who
happened to be the descendents of Raja
“Jir-Rao”. The first Jarral Rajput who
embraced Islam was Raja Sab Sinah,
from the fifth generation of Raja Jir
Rao. He embraced Islam along with
some relatives and his own son Neel
Sinah, in 1174. A.D., during the period
of Sultan Shahab- udin Ghori. Later on
the name of Neel Sinah was converted
as Nooruddin. Nooruddin ruled Rajouri
and Kingdom Remained in the hands of
his clan for seven centuries. Jarral
Rajputs settled in Town of Rajouri
(Ander Kote), Badhoon, sunderbani
Tehsil, Behrote, Dand Kote, Dahral and
Various other Villages of District
Rajouri. They extend Matrimonial
Relation with parallel Rajput clan
Maliks.
Malik Rajputs: Malik Rajputs were
the Hindus came from Punjab and
Haryana. Akbar gave a title of Malik to a
clan of Rajputs; they were given
preference in Akbar's Army and deputed
on the crossing points of Kashmir vally
on the high reaches of Pir panchal. Later
on, they embraced Islam. This clan is
located in the higher parts of Rajouri
District lying at the foot of Pirpanchal
Range. The place is known by the name
of the Rajput clan as Darhal Malkan.
They have also settled in the other
Districts of the State like Doda, Poonch,
Vally of Kashmir and some villages of
district Rajouri.
Chauhan Rajputs: After the defeat
of Prithvi Raj chauhan by Mohammad
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Ghori in 1193 A.D., and consequent
downfall of chauchan Kindom at Delhi,
the clan was probably split up in to small
groups, who, when arrived in other
States could not be treated at par with
the ruling races. In Kangra the Chauhan
Rajputs claim to be first grade Rajputs
and have matrimonial relation with
Katoch (Bigley, A.H and Cunningham
1972). Most of the Chauhans live in
Jammu and Kashmir and some of them
have embraced Islam. They are
recognized as sub caste of Gujjars.
Their conversion is considered to be the
period of the down fall of Prothivi Raj
Chauhan during the dominancy of
Mohammad Ghori in 1193 A.D., they are
settled in adjoining area of Pir Panchal,
Dodason Bala, Mangota, Fethepur,
Behrote, Dharal and Nadian etc. Their
means of substances is cattle rearing.
Some are leading semi nomadic life they
never extend matrimonial relation with
other Rajputs except Salaria, Kataria,
Soods, Sango etc which are the sub
castes of Muslim Gujjars.
Janjua Rajputs: Rajput clan claim
descent from Raja Mal, a Rathore
Rajputs who migrated from Kanoj early
in the 10th century during the period of
Sultan Mohamood and embraced Islam.
Janjua Rajputs are settled in Rajouri
and Poonch district have common
historical background. They extend
matrimonial relation with Khokhar
Rajputs.
Chib Rajputs: Origin of Chib
Rajputs can be traced from Raja Dharm
chand alias Shadab Khan of Bhimber.
The Name of Chib Rajputs as a clan
started after the name of Raja Chib
Chand 7th descendent of Raja Dharm
Chand. They are mostly settled in
Daghwar, havalie, Dehrakote, Rajdhani,
Shahdra Shrief, and some other villages
of District Rajouri. The accurate period
of their conversion is not available but it
is expected that like other Muslim
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Rajputs their conversation is believed
to be taken place during the Muslim
Rule in India. They maintain familial and
matrimonial relation with other Muslim
Rajputs.
Domal Rajputs: Domal Rajputs are
originally a branch Janjua Rajputs.
Since the time immemorial they were
Hindu Rajputs. Among Muslim Rajputs
Dharm Chand and Purabh chand were
two brothers hailing from the 7th
generation of Raja Chib Chand of
Bhimber Pakistan. Dharm chand the
elder brother of Purabh chand first
embraced Islam at Delhi and could not
return to Bhimber because of familial
conflicts. It is also believed that he was
killed on the way while retuning to
Bhimber. When the members of the
community came to know that Dharm
chand embraced Islam at Delhi, they
made Purabh Chand the king of the
Bhimber. Later on Purabh chand also
converted to Islam after becoming the
King of Bhimber and changed the name
from Purabh chand to Dom Khan,
(second son of his father) thus Domal
Rajputs claimed their descendency
from Raja Dom Khan, after some time
he migrated from Bhimber and settled
in Rajouri Village Rajdhani. Raja Dom
Khan was buried at Narrouni a small
village Near Rajdhani. Domal Rajputs
still celebrate his death anniversary
every year by offering Fateha at his
grave. Domal Rajputs reside in various
villages of Manjakote block of Tehsil
Rajouri and constituting about 35% of
total Muslim Population of Tehsil
Rajouri.
Gakkhar Rajputs: the clan is
considered to be the off springs of
Sultan Gohar of Asphan Iran, (Tarikh
Aqwam e Poonch 1941), Seven
generation of Sultan Ruled Tibet and
Kashmir, the last ruler of the clan was
Rustam Gakkhar. But Sir Lepel Griefen
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48
disagreed the claim of the clan and
stated that two sons of Sultan Sikandar,
were Sultan Ali Shah and Shahzada Shai
Khan. They were also known by the
names of 'Sultan Zainulabedin' and 'Budd
shah' they used to quarrel among
themselves Shai Khan took support of
Hindu Rajput Raja Jasrat Gakkhar, and
became the king of Kashmir. Jasrat
Gakkhar along with his tribe entered the
Kashmir first. Thus Gakkhar Rajputs of
Rajouri are the progenies Jasrat
Gakkhar. They remained Hindus up to
1008 A. D. and embraced Islam during
the period of Shabuddin Ghori '(Tabqat e
Akbari vol.3, 1920) after the downfall of
Mughal rule in Punjab the Gakkhar
moved from Punjab towards different
parts of Jammu and Kashmir State. They
have matrimonial relations with other
Muslim Rajputs. They settled in Shahdra
Shrief, Rajdhani, Saj, Behrote Nagrota,
Dahral, Budhal and various other
villages of Rajouri District.
Feerozal Rajputs: the Rajput clan
is also considered a branch of Gukhar
Rajputs. Feerozal Rajputs of Rajouri
District are the generation of Gukhar
Firoze Khan. This Rajput clan embraced
Islam during the period of Sultan
Shabuddin Ghori. They settled in
various villages of Poonch and Rajouri
such as, Kallar morah, Kullutta,
Pemrote, Darian Narr Feerozalan etc,
Chandyal, Behrote, Lah and Saj. They
have established matrimonial Ralation
with other Muslim Rajputs.
Khokhar Rajputs: There are two
branches of Khokhars one is known as
Kutub Shai Khokhar and Rajput Khokhar.
Kutab Shah married the daughter of
Hindu Rajput Raja. The off springs from
them are even today known as Kutab
Shai Khokhar. Rajputs Khokhar were the
domiciles of India and were originally
the followers of Hinduism, later on they
embraced Islam and with the passage of
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time most of them settled near
Jehlam, Pindadan Khan, Ahmed Abad
and Pothar. In Rajouri District Khokhars
are residing in various villages. Marriage
among Kutab shai Khokhar and Rajput
Khokhar is permissible. They constitute
about 4% of Muslim Rajput population.
Manhas Rajputs: Manhas Rajputs
claim their descent from lord Rama of
Ayodhya. It is also said that Jamwals are
also descendants of Manhas Rajputs.
Muslim Manhas Rajputs of Rajouri and
Poonch are the descendants of Raja
Joug Rao, who was from the 58th
generation of Raja Jamboo lochan. Raja
joug Rao had two sons, Millan Hans and
Surej Hans Maharaja Hari Singh was
from 35th generation of Surej Hans.
Manhas clan belonged to the generation
of Millan Hans being descendant of
Millan Hans they were known by the
title of Manhas. Manhas Rajputs of
Rajouri and Poonch are Muslims but
those who live in Jammu are Hindu
Rajputs. They performed certain rituals
similar to that of Hindu Rajputs at the
time of Marriage and other occasions.
They have matrimonial relation with
other Muslims except Gujjars.
Bhatti Rajputs: The Rajput clan
traces its origin from lord Krishna
(Tariekh aqwam -e- Poonch 1941) Bhatti
/ Bhatti is a Rajput caste and is one of
the largest tribes among Rajputs in
India. It is also a prominent Gujjars and
Jat gotra. They are found in North India
and Pakistan. Rawal Jaisal Singh was a
descendant of the Bhati Rajput clan. He
founded the city of Jaisalmer in 1156
AD., he built a fort on a hill called
Trikuta. Bhati Jats were horse riders and
warriors. Their reign spread to the
Punjab and beyond, to Afghanistan.
Most of the Bhatti Rajputs are Muslim
along with significant Sikh, Hindu and
Christian populations. The Muslim and
Christian population of Punjabi Bhatti is
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predominantly in Pakistan. Bhatti
Rajputs of Rajouri district are Muslims
and claim their origin in Punjab and
Rajasthan. A section of Muslim Bhatti
Rajputs is associated with Ahmedi
School of thought. Other Muslim Rajputs
restrict matrimonial relation to Ahmedi
and Gujjar Bhatties.
Thakkar Rajputs: The clan
connects their origin with Hindu
Thakers, which is considered to be a
superior Hindu Rajput caste in Jammu.
Thakkar Rajputs claim that before their
conversion to Islam they were Hindu
Thakers. In Rajouri District they came
from Samba District, due to which both
the Hindu and Muslim Thakers use the
title of Sambyal Thakers and Sambyal
Thakers respectively. Majority of this
caste are settled in Rajdhani,
Thannamandi and Saj villages of Rajouri
District.
Kamlak Rajput: Majority of the
Kamlak Rajputs settled in Azamatabad a
village situated in north of
Thannamandi Tehsil. The clan claim
that they are the descendants of Raja
Azamat Khan Kamlak, who migrate from
Budhal to this village, presently some
Hindu and Muslim Kamlak Rajputs are
residing in different villages of Tehsil
Budhal. Both the communities claim
common origin and have some common
customs and rituals.
Socio-cultural And Economic
Changes: The socio-cultural and
economic condition of Muslim Rajputs
has been studied with the reference of
familial, matrimonial educational,
political and economic aspects of
Muslim Rajputs to make the study
limited
Family and Changing Pattern: The
family is a complex and dynamic
institution in India and for many
decades, several studies were carried
out to understand this complexity.
Epilogue, November 2009
49
Family performs same functions every
where. In the past joint family was a
common pattern among Muslim Rajputs
of Rajouri District. It consisted of
father, mother and two or more married
sons, their wives and children. They ate
together at a common hearth and
shared a single house, owned land in
common and worked together in the
fields. The young married sons
continued to live with their parents and
reared their children in common
courtyards. The old women enjoyed the
commanding charge of giving daily
ration of food to daughters in law in
extended family. The father runs the
farms and remained active
authoritative figure until they are very
old. Among Muslim Rajputs generally
after the death of the father the joint
property was divided among his sons,
but in some family's property was not
divided, rather the eldest sons of the
family took charge of the head of the
family and all the younger extended full
support, cooperation and respect to
him. But with passage of time a major
changes have taken place in the familial
aspects of the Muslim Rajputs of Rajouri
District. The first break in the joint
family system usually comes when a
man and his wife decide to have a
separate hearth this step may be taken
with overt good nature and willingness
on both the sides and may be
rationalized on the basis of
convenience, some time it results from
tensions and quarrels among the
women of the family.
Viewing the change in the family
pattern, after 1989, the Data indicated
that Majority of the respondents 63%
observe nuclear family system and
perceive that joint family system
cannot justify the needs of all the
members according to their income and
some partial attitude of the parents
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creates long time strife among the
brothers and sisters in the family.
Considering the size of the family
among (645) respondents 81% of the
respondents are of the view that in the
past family was comprised of 6 to 15
members, where as at present the size
of the family is comprised of 3 to five
members, because the community
understudy was unaware of the
importance of family planning and
never adopted contraceptive measure
to control the birth rate of the
community, but at present the people
are aware of the problems caused by
large size of the family. While
comparing past with the present
significant change has been observed in
the structure of the family of Muslim
Rajputs of Rajouri District.
In reference to the status of
Women among Muslim Rajputs, majority
of the respondents 89% have elicited
that in the past the women of the
community were ignored in various
spheres of life and birth of female child
is considered as bad omen and did not
enjoy liberty in the general familial and
matrimonial affairs, 98% of the
respondents have expressed that
parental property moveable and
immoveable was inherited only to the
male members of the family and
females were ignored in property
matters, Where as at present they are
dealt with the same way, enjoy the
same status with some social
restrictions. Thus no change has taken
place in the past and present attitude of
community understudy related to the
female members, as the civil laws and
religious citation remain ineffective to
change the attitude of the community.
Marriage and Changing Pattern:
Marriage among Muslim Rajputs is
socially considered important, which is
performed with certain social customs
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and rituals, the major objectives of the
marriage is to perpetuate the lineage.
The proposal of the marriage was
initiated by the 'Barbers' who also
performed allied rituals like calling the
participants with the consent of the
heads of the family of Brides or
Bridegrooms. Hindu Rajput code
dictates that Rajputs can only marry
amongst other Rajputs. However,
tradition of marriages into only one
group or clan because of caste
restrictions is not permitted in Islam
theoretically, though this should lead to
a great change in the traditional Rajput
marital policy after conversion. But it is
not so, as in the case of Muslim Rajputs
of Rajouri District. The custom of
Rajput endogamy is still persists among
Muslim Rajputs. They took wives from
other dominant Aristocratic Muslim
clans except Sayyed. This was observed
that some Rajput clans of Punjab
intermarried into other clans of foreign
descent. However, Muslim Rajputs of
Rajouri District still follow endogamous
pattern of Marriage, rarely they get
wives from other castes but don't give
daughters to them. In the past only
'NIKAHA' ceremony differentiates the
marriage of Muslim Rajputs from Hindu
Rajputs' Other customs and ritual were
performed commonly by both the
communities, such as 'Sehara Bandhi',
'Drum beating', keeping swords on the
shoulder of Rajput Bridegroom by
himself at the time of 'Baraat', wearing
special dress of same colour by all the
'Baraties', taking services of Molvi and
Pandits and some other customary
mischief were made at the occasion of
marriage. Traditionally among the
Muslim Rajputs dates of marriage had to
be communicated to the relatives and
friends eight days before the actual
date of marriage, otherwise the
invitation was not acceptable to them.
Epilogue, November 2009
50
After 1989 some changes have taken
place in the matrimonial systems and
allied rituals among Muslim Rajputs of
Rajouri District due to rapid increase in
urbanization in the District and
advocacy of 'Jammat Tableegh', in rural
areas.
In matrimonial context majority of
the respondents 86% elicited that
presently the services of the barbers are
not considered important and now
marriage proposal are initiated by
friends and relatives.
in the process of mate selection
87% of the respondents have stated that
in the past educational accomplishment
of the boys and girls was not the criteria
in the settlement of marriages among
Muslim Rajputs of Rajouri, but now the
educational accomplishment is taken in
to account at the time of mate
selection, the respondents 91% are of
the view that they observe caste
endogamous pattern of marriage and
they are against the encouragement of
Rajput exogamy.
In the pattern of marriage, the
performance of rituals and other
customs like, divorce and dowry system
majority of the respondents 88 % hold
the view that on account of the
preaching of Jammat Tableegh and
impact of the militancy in the area the
performance of un Islamic rituals like
Sehra Bandi, Drum beating and allied
rituals have been restricted, 82% of the
respondents prefer monogamy as in the
past having more than one wife was a
common practice, 91% of the
respondents have stated that the rate of
divorce were less in the past but
increasing presently, due to the
increasing number of working women,
selection of mate at infancy stage and
early marriages due to the threat of
terrorism and rapid increase in
urbanization in the District. 84% of the
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respondents are of the view that in the
past there was no dowry system but now
the dowry system among the Rajputs is
a common practice.
Thus the significant change has
taken place in the institutions of family
and some aspects of marriage that has
been observed by the comparison of
past and present familial and
matrimonial patterns.
Educational Standard and
Change: Educational status of Muslim
Rajputs of Rajouri District was
relatively low since the past. They were
not encouraged to send their children to
the school by the educated people of
the community. The Literacy rate
among the Muslim Rajputs is less than
the other castes (Gujjars and
Kashmiries) of the District. Majority of
the Rajput students could not complete
even their school education up to the
10th level, so dropped out from the
school due to the financial constraints
of the parents and uncertainty of future
career. The data (M.Phil Dissertation
1994) indicates that, 15% to 20% of the
children's population of the Rajputs
went to school. Among total drop-out
children, Rajputs drop-out children
constituted 73% of the total drop-out
children of the district from first to
primary level. Among total Rajputs
drop-out children of the same level,
female drop-out children constituted
76%. The major causes behind the
victimization, was the geographical
location, extreme poverty, traditional
beliefs, orthodoxy and mass illiteracy.
They were unable to send their wards
particularly the girls' children at the
distance places to get education and
they prefer the children to graze the
cattle in the field or (male children) to
work as labourer and earn money to
fulfill the basic needs of the family.
More over, there was lack of educational
Vol. 3, Issue 11
RESEARCH
Sociology
facilities, only one degree college 13
higher secondary Schools and few
middle and primary schools were in the
District.
Change has taken place after 1997-
98 in educational sphere of the
community. The educational facilities
have been increased in the area by the
State government with result that at
present the literacy rate in the district
is 57.65, total educational institutions
in the District are 1250, including 04
Degree colleges( Education department
and Digest statistics 2005- 07). A rapid
change has taken place in attitude of
the people towards education by the
dint of mass migration of the people to
the town of Rajouri in 1997- 98 due to
the impact of militancy in the area.
Majority of the Muslim Rajputs took
refuge from the hilly and rural areas and
settled in the City of Rajouri and
Jammu, those who were financially
well-off availed the educational
facilities of the urban area and poor
Rajputs get exposure of the city life and
started working as manual labuorer,
admitted their children in the city
schools.
Viewing change in the educational
standard of Muslim Rajputs, the data
has indicated that 83% 0f the
respondents are of the view that in the
past members of the community were
socially and economically backward due
to illiteracy and lack of educational
facilities but at present the community
members are aware of the values of
education due to which they are
encouraging their wards to seek more
and more education. Majority of the
Respondents 96% hold the view that in
the past the Muslim Rajputs and their
counter parts Gujjars were leading
similar way of life but presently Rajputs
are lagging behind in all the
developmental aspects in general and
Epilogue, November 2009
51
educational sphere in particular due to
the provision of Scheduled Tribe
reservation to Gujjars and depriving
The Rajputs under the banners of
'Paharies' as their children are un able to
compete them and feel insecure future
career. 82% of the respondents hold the
view that in the past Rajputs were not
giving preference to the women
education and still the problem persists
as only few community members are
encouraging the girls to go to the
schools and collages to seek education,
58% of the respondents are of the view
that In the past community members
force their children to work in the field
or to do manual labourer to fulfill the
basic amenity of the family instead of
sending school and still the practice is
common in hilly and remote areas, they
are not aware of the legal restriction on
the child labour.
Thus little improvement has been
made by the government of J&k by
providing local reservation to the
Resident of Backward Areas and
expansion of educational facilities at
broader level due to which change has
taken place in educational standard of
the community in urban area of the
District. But Majority of the Rajputs in
remote area is not aware of the
government facilities that have been
granted for them. Thus the change has
taken place in the attitude of present
generation more over they have the
sense of competition.
Economic Status and Change: The
Economic condition of Muslim Rajputs
of District Rajouri was relatively better
before 1947; the community members
were serving in army or holding
agricultural assets. It declined with the
impact of war of 1947, Majority of the
Rajputs were the land lords and having
sufficient land for cultivations, in the
past other communities were working in
their fields as agricultural tenants some
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were bonded laborer from generations.
The Indo Pak war of 1965 and 1971 and
land ceiling process in J&K have also
badly impacted the major agriculture
economy of the community, since the
community was economically self
sufficient before 1990, due to political
turmoil in the state the economy of the
community got major setback, the
people were forcibly pushed from the
villages and their crops were destroyed
during peak season by the army in
conducting search operation for the
militants. The people took refuge in the
town in miserable condition. the major
occupation of the District's population is
agriculture and allied activities (Census
2001), due to the Geographical
disadvantage, mass poverty and
illiteracy the Rajputs are economically
backward, now the small farmers of the
community have little pieces of land
holdings, kacha houses, most of the
agricultural area is located on the hill
slopes where irrigation and tractor
facilities can not be availed. On the
other hand due to snow fall in hilly area
only Kharief crop is possible in their
fields, in addition to that there is lack of
employment, and manual workers go
outside the state in search of job. At
present Major economy of the people is
agriculture but it can be expected that a
single source of income which cannot
fulfill the basic amenities of a particular
community does not deserve to be
recognized as the economy of the
community. On the basis of the study,
the whole economic structure of Muslim
Rajputs of the District Rajouri is divided
into four categories: (i) Rajputs with
Agricultural activities, (ii) Rajputs with
Government services. (iii) Rajputs with
cattle rearing, (iv) Rajputs working as
manual labourer. 48% of the total
working population is engaged in
agriculture economy while, 13% of the
working Population is engaged in
Vol. 3, Issue 11
RESEARCH
Sociology
government services, where as, 23% of
the total population depend upon cattle
rearing, 16% of the total population is
working as manual labourer. Among
them 09% of the labourers are working
outside the state, as, in Mumbai,
Punjab, and H.P., on account of non
availability of work avenues in the
State. The major portion of the youth is
unemployed), the economy of the
District is not satisfactory and more
than 60% of the population is living
below the poverty line.(District
Statistic and planning, data 2004-05)
The youths of the area is badly effected
by the prevailing limited economic
resources. Due to extreme poverty and
unemployment some people even
indulge in illegitimate sources of
earning, either they smuggle forest
wood or join militancy in the State for
their means of subsistence.
Viewing the change in the economy
of the community under study data has
indicated that Majority of the
respondents 93% hold the view that in
the past, major economy was
agriculture but with the passage of time
and increase in population, the
community members have engaged in
other economic activities, like
Government services and manual skill
and un skilled labour and a section is
working out side the State due to non
availability of work avenue. 86% of the
respondents admitted that in the past
their economic condition was not
progressive because there were no
proper economic planning or
programmes actively initiated by the
Government, but now the government
is expected to be serious in
rehabilitation of economic lose which
happened during militancy(after
1989),by initiating various
developmental and rehabilitative
measures and programmes. 89% of the
respondents are of the view that the
Epilogue, November 2009
52
women of the community were not
permitted to engage themselves in any
economic activity outside the home,
due to which the community was
economically backward but with the
mass urbanization (1997-98) and
victimization of widowhood due to
militancy in the area women have
started taking part in economic
activities to nourish their children and
slightly improving the economy of the
family. 76% of the respondents hold the
view that in the past youth were not
aware of the available government
facilities, for improving economic
condition, but at present various
developmental programmes have been
launched at rural level like self
employment schemes, IRDP, ICDS,
NREGA etc. and people are get aware of
the benefits to some extend as well as
fast track recruitment scheme have
b e e n la u n c h e d to re d u c e th e
unemployment by the state
government.
Thus it is observed that the slight
change has taken place in the economic
sphere of the community due to the
efforts and rehabilitative measures of
the government to compensate the
economic lose due to militancy in the
areas.
The political system of the
community understudy is not different
from other communities of the area, the
change has also been observed in the
political setup of Muslim Rajputs. Since
the past Muslim Rajputs have effective
representation in the national and state
politics holding position of MLA,
Minister and Speaker in state assembly.
At present Raja Shabir Ahmed Khan,
MOS belongs to Muslim Rajput
community of District Rajouri. More
over the present youth is politically
aware than that of the past.
Changing Factors: Social change is
the law of nature, it occurs in every
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society. Various attempts are made to
analyse socio-cultural and economic
changes in terms of specific models
which are based on the experience of
change in a particular societies.
Generally sociologists are focusing on
the questions relating to change,
direction and rate of change and factors
responsible for bringing social change.
Viewing the factors of change in socio-
cultural and economic pattern of
Muslim Rajputs, it has been emphasized
that socio-cultural changes are brought
about due to the cumulative impact of a
host of interrelated factors. Generally,
the factors like, demographical,
technological, geographical, ecological
factors and the process of urbanization
and industrialization bring about social
change in all the societies of the world.
After 1997-98 a large scales
shifting of the Muslim Rajputs from
remote and hilly areas to the city of
Rajouri due to militancy allied factors in
the areas. The chunk of population from
Rajput dominant tehsils of the District
has changed demographic structure of
the Rajouri town permanently or
temporarily to avail the urban facilities
of education, and struggling for the
improvement of their social and
economic condition. Thus urbanization
in Rajouri is the major factor of bringing
about change in the attitude of the
people, the term urbanization refers to
the movement of population from
agricultural to industrial work and from
rural to urban places of residence either
by the pull or push factors.
It is generally emphasized that the
change that has taken place due to the
impact of urbanization is considered
developmental aspect of change and
development is defined not only in
terms of economic dimensions but also
in terms of socio-cultural dimensions,
until recently, the popular notion was
that economic growth was a sufficient
Vol. 3, Issue 11
RESEARCH
Sociology
and necessary condition to stimulate
development in all other institutions of
society. This has been proved in correct
in present study. The urbanization has
impacted the structure of the family
and changed it from joint to nuclear
form and also discarded some
traditional and futile practices, The
marriage pattern and rituals in context
of endogamy and other allied rituals are
also impacted by the urbanization with
the result that 3% to 6% of the marriages
among Muslim Rajputs are performed
out of castes, with Kashmiries and other
non Rajputs in Rajouri District. It is
considered a major change among the
people of the area.
In regard to education the change
has been observed in the general out
look of the parents and students due to
urban social contacts. In economic
sphere the impact of urbanization is not
proved fruitful but considered as the
process of rehabilitation of the
economic lose caused by leaving the
agricultural land without cultivation,
only the government employees and
skilled and unskilled manual labourer
could manage house holds in the town.
Thus abrupt migration of the people
from rural to urban led to the both
positive and negative consequences.
Negative consequences are associated
with the state of loss of ones culture,
homes, livelihood and economic
belongings. The positive consequences
are that the people have new
perceptions and aspirations in the
realms of all aspects of social life.
Procedure of the Study: The
present study is based on the
exploratory design that includes survey
of the literature related to the
community understudy, experienced
survey, contains informal interaction
with experienced persons and analyses
of insight stimulating cases among a
large population of the community
Epilogue, November 2009
53 RESEARCH
Sociology

under study. The Process of change has
been examined on the basis of
comparison of administrative data
related to study of pre and post period
of 1989. The primary data has been
collected by using Interview Schedule
comprised of items related to socio-
cultural and economic aspects of the
community. In all 645 respondents
constituting sample of the study as
heads of the households belonging to
four Muslim Rajputs populated tehsils of
the District have been interviewed. The
Data has been analyzed and interpreted
on the basis of item analysis method.
Conclusion: On the basis of the
above discussions it can be concluded
that Muslim Rajputs of District Rajouri
have rich socio-cultural history.
Historically whole Muslim Rajputs have
two linguistic divisions, i.e., Gojri and
Pahari. The Gojri speaking section is not
considered Rajput clan due to regional
variation. The community is stratified
into various sub castes and still majority
is practicing caste endogamy, though
some customs and rituals have been
changed. The structure of the joint
family has been changed into nuclear
family. The traditional educational
system is also in transformation; change
has taken place in political system, still
remarkable change cannot be claimed
particularly in economy of the
community instead of the Government
efforts. Socio-cultural and economic
backwardness' among the Muslim
Rajputs was due to their traditional
beliefs and social practices, mass
illiteracy, unapproachable geographical
region, unawareness, poverty, and
orthodoxy. Various factors are
responsible for bringing about socio-
cultural change among the community
but Major factor that played significant
role after 1996-97 is Rapid urbanization
and allied push factors, due to political
turmoil in the State, that uprooted a large
section of the community from their
settlement took refuge in Rajouri town.
Thus it is suggested that the
government should provide more and
more facilities for the upliftment of the
community by providing Scheduled
Tribe Status to the community at par
with their counterpart Gujjars.
Awareness campaign by NGOs and
enlightened members of the community
should be launched at mass level in the
area for general awareness of the
community to get the benefits of
modern technology and prevailing
schemes operative in the area. Political
leaders should be sincere to watch the
benefits of the Community at state and
national level.

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www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

54
A Journey to
Himalayan enclave
MANISHA SOBHRAJANI
I
recently travelled by road from Leh
to Kargil, and it was a journey unlike
any other – either within Jammu &
Kashmir or outside. The Indus river
came along till Batalik, and then
changed course to make its way into
Pakistan. The stark naked, brown
mountains provided a very
unwelcoming terrain, but the curves
and turns got friendlier as one got used
to them.
On my way, I crossed village
Nehmo, from where came the Leh Berry
juice until it got embroiled in
controversies, and the manufacturing
stopped. Nehmo is also known for its
sole woman Panch (head) who
contested the Panchayati Raj elections
in 2001, and got elected to the village
council. Tashi Yangskit was the first and
only female voice in the first and only
Panchayati Raj elections held in Jammu
& Kashmir.
I crossed many Border Roads
Organization (BRO) boards which read:
'You are being watched by the enemy'. I
briefly stopped over at Khalsti for a
quick snack as I was told it was the last
point where one would get any food
until Kargil. I kept eyeing the apricot
trees which dotted the entire route
from Leh to Kargil, and were laden with
so much fruit that they seemed to be
weighed down under the weight.
I was keen to visit Darchiks - the
last village in the Batalik sector - which
is under Army surveillance due to its
proximity to the LoC. I had to seek
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permission from the Biama Brigade to go
up to the village, which is known for the
last few surviving Aryans who live there
(Aryans are considered to the semi-
nomadic tribe which wandered in to
India from Central Europe around 1500
BC, establishing the beginnings of the
'Indian Culture').
The Army has set up a Women's
Empowerment Centre where women
from the village are taught tailoring. I
have grudged this for all the years that I
have been working in Jammu & Kashmir
– any civil society initiative for women
ends up in tailoring/ embroidery
schools, as if women can't do anything
else! However, I also do realise that this
is something which comes naturally to
women; something that does not need
too much 'exposure'!
The high point of this journey was a
visit to the Drass War Memorial. Drass
and Kargil became household names
after the infamous summer of 1999.
National Highway 1D passes through
Drass, connecting Srinagar and Leh.
Drass also happens to be the coldest
inhabited place in India. Situated
amongst Tiger Hill, Tololing and Three
Pimples - the three ranges captured by
the Pakistani Army in early 1999 which
led to the war of Kargil - the memorial is
awe-inspiring, to say the least.
The Kargil war was fought through
the months of May and June, and in the
soldiers' accounts accompanying the
many photographs at the memorial,
there is one in particular which struck
Vol. 3, Issue 11
F EATURE S
Travelogue
me: The climate was so harsh that 'eggs
become tennis balls, and orange juice
has to be boiled'. The photo gallery was
overwhelming, and I made a mental
note of coming back to spend more time
there.
As I was leaving, I thanked the
soldier on duty who had very patiently
and kindly answered all my questions,
and shown me around the memorial. He
even wished me a pleasant onward
journey. Overloaded with emotions, I
said to him that it was because of him
and innumerable other jawans like him
that people like me were walking 'free'.
He returned the compliment by saying
civilians were equally important. He
went on further to say that thousands of
people worked hard day and night to
prepare food and warm clothing, and
arranged to carry weaponry etc. uphill
so that the soldiers could fight, and
eventually win the war. I can't
remember a more humbling moment!
It made me dwell on the futility of
war. Certainly nothing original about
this reflection, but something very
personalised. Ten years since Kargil,
have we – India and Pakistan – moved
forward on any front? Leave alone the
larger Indo-Pak issues, have we moved
any further on the cross-border/ intra-
Kashmir initiatives?
Perhaps the only effort which has
moved anywhere is the cross-LoC trade
– of course not without its controver-
sies. No doubt the cross-border trade is
at a very fragile crossroads right now. A
Epilogue, November 2009
55 F EATURE S
Life Stories

recent visit to
Chakkan da Bagh con- Spreading the Lamp of
firmed the same.
There was talk of
trade exchange of
Learning–the Ladakhi way
products which are
not J&K specific (I
understand this is
one of the pre- ZAINAB AKHTER
conditions for the
products being

L
traded!). adakh in the eastern part of child-centered, joyful and meaningful
However sym- Jammu and Kashmir, a high- learning activities. And stressed on the
bolic it may be, it altitude desert region, on the use of games, songs, stories, field trips,
does exist. And now upper reaches of the Indus River, shares and low-cost teaching aids.
that it has com- borders with both China and Pakistan. In 1994 SECMOL launched
pleted a year, we This strategic position by itself has been Operation New Hope (ONH), to overhaul
must extend all the single-most important factor in the primary education system in the
efforts towards sus- opening this isolated rural society. With Government schools in Leh district. This
taining it. Perhaps it high priority on defence since the addressed the foundational causes of
is the only ray of 1960's, it has attracted subsidies from the malfunctioning of the educational
hope in the the Central government and system especially in remote villages.
sequence of events development activities such as schools The ONH movement rests on the
beginning with the and other institutions was initiated. convergence of three sectors on the
Mumbai attacks, Today Education has taken centre- Government, the Non-Governmental
going on to the con- stage in national policy and the priority Organizations (NGOs), and the village
troversial meeting accorded to it is justified. For any communities.
between Indian society to develop, Education is the One of the key components of the
Prime Minister foundation and this stands true for ONH was to inculcating a sense of
Manmohan Singh Ladakh where the education system was community ownership of the
and his Pakistani in disarray. Government schools did government schools , to ensure
counterpart Yousuf
not function properly remained in dire accountability. This was the motivation
Raza Gilani at
need of repairs. There was a complete for a concentrated campaign and the
Sharm-el-Sheikh,
lack of involvement of the families and creation of VECs (Village Education
and ending with the
village communities in schools Committee. VEC's elected by the
very recent meeting
This is where the local government villagers themselves have one third
of the two foreign
“Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development women members and include at least
ministers –
Nirupama Rao and Council (LAHDC) along with some highly two students.
Salman Bashir - in motivated NGO'S stepped in to don the The move has caught the
New York. mantle to revamp education system at imagination of the people and the
Manisha the grassroots. The efforts of SECMOL momentum was palpable. It essentially
Sobhrajani is a Delhi- (Students Educational and Cultural transformed them from passive
based independent Movement of Ladakh) an organization bystanders bemoaning the crumbling
researcher working founded in 1988 by a group of young government educational facilities to
on the various Ladakhi's with the aim to reform the taking the onus of improving it
aspects of the
educational system have been stellar. It themselves. From 1997, SECMOL has
Kashmir conflict. She
can be reached at attempted to change the attitude and organized more than 10 batches of
manishasobhrajani@e approach of the people towards intensive training for 1000 VEC
pilogue.in teaching, from "chalk, talk and stick" to members. The training uses group

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

56 F EATURE S
Life Stories

discussion, brainstorming and role-

plays to develop techniques of problem
solving and planning.
To promote transparency and
a c c o u n t a b i l i t y, m e m b e r s l e a r n
accounting and book-keeping. Insights
and knowledge gained by the VEC
leaders are then shared with the
community where the level of
receptivity has been found to be high. .
After the success in Leh District, a
similar reform movement has started in
Kargil District
For taking the flame of education
beyond established villages to remote
areas in Leh, SECMOL runs a hostel to
groom community representatives who
are willing travel and work in such
areas. There they combine their
educational training with actual
developmental work in the villages. It education while instilling in them the a keen desire, a commitment to
also provides media training to spirit and skills to take this learning education in its widest possible sense.
interested students in basics of video forward in their respective regions. It Rather than addressing a single
including shooting and editing, audio, has intervened at other levels too, aspect SECMOL has looked at the needs
photography, reporting and layout. addressing availability of of the region in its entirety. These have
The emphasis on reaching out to infrastructure. Middle and high schools ranged from content and syllabus,
village communities is accompanied by in several remote villages face teacher training, infrastructural needs
expansion of reading materials, both problems because of lack of support and and community participation. It has
course and for extra reading available infrastructure. In response to one such then evolved an expansive system which
to teachers and students. Keeping in case in the high mountainous region of takes into account multifarious needs of
mind, the region's needs in developing Changthang plateau, SECMOL opened a a society, a region which remains
material related to the cultural, social, solar heated residential school in distinct from the rest of the country and
regional context, SECMOL's sister September 2001. This combined the even within J&K in terms of its history ,
concern Melong Publications publishes a resources allocated to middle and high terrain, its culture and language.
variety of genres. Books on Ladakhi schools and was able to provide free Today in its 2 decade long journey,
language, food, children's stories, board and lodging for students for whom this commitment and efforts have paid
school books and teaching materials traversing the mountain terrain on a off, lighting up young lives in Ladakh. A
designed specially for Ladakh are its daily basis was difficult. standing testimony to this has been the
forte. Being culturally appropriate, This was a pioneering move, which big jump in enrolment and retention of
students find it much easier to grasp the has since been picked up by the children in areas of their work had
messages than from books suited to government to establish similar increased to such an extent by 2006,
other regions. residential high schools in other far- that it was jokingly said that the new
SECMOL has developed an flung areas of Ladakh. Students being problem in the school system was
innovative way of training students trained at SECMOL are being absorbed in overcrowding!
from remote areas to become teachers the education department of Leh. They Charkha Features
while they pursue higher secondary are making it to the teacher selection {This article has been written under
School education in Leh. The idea is to list brought out by the J&K the “Sanjoy Ghose Ladakh Women
not disrupt the process of regular Government. All of this emanates from Writers' Award 2008-09}

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

57
A Trek Through Life
THINLAS CHOROL
Growing up amidst the mountains in Ladakh, the story of a young girl fired by a dream to become a
professional trekking guide, a male-dominated field. The rejection she faces from travel companies and
the support from individuals and groups mark her journey to realize her dreams.
I was born in a small village with
around 60 houses called Takmachik
about 120 km from Leh, Ladakh . In
my village, all the 60 families are
divided into groups to take turns at
grazing the goats and sheep on the
mountains.. We also would make trips
to collect grass and store it so that
during the long harsh winters, the
animals have adequate fodder.
Sometimes my father used to go up
everyday for 3 or 4 weeks to collect
grass in the quantities required.
As a child during my holidays , I use
to go up on the mountain with my father
and our herds. I was afraid that
something may happen to him if he was
alone. My mother had died when I was a
baby and I had only my father, whom I
cared about deeply. I did not really cut
any grass, I just went because of my
father and because I loved the peaceful
mountains.
This was the bliss of my childhood
which I still miss in the village which I
still love. But then life changed and I
went out into the world to get myself an
education and explore possibilities for
my life ahead. After Class 10th , I had to
leave my village to further my studies. I
was selected for the SECMOL (Student
Educational Cultural Movement of
Ladakh) hostel in Phey, around 25 km
from the Leh Town.
www.epilogue.in
In SECMOL I met many volunteers
and I went trekking with some of them.
One of the women asked me to come
with her as a guide. Previously, she had a
bad experience with a male guide, who
had tried to coerce her into having sex
with him. Distraught, she had
abandoned the trek and fled. And now
was understandably weary of taking a
male guide along. She knew that I have
trekked before and though I said I did
not the route, remained keen to hire me
as a guide and offered to pay me my
charges. I had been born in the
mountains and spent my childhood
amidst them. It was natural for me to
slip into that mode and become for the
first time, a trekking guide!
It was an altogether different
experience from my childhood
wanderings. I found I was attracting a
lot of attention with local people
coming up to me and speaking to me in
English saying they had never seen a
Ladakhi female guide ever before. In
fact so remote was the possibility of
encountering one, many of them
thought that I was Japanese!
The trek turned out to be
wonderful and the woman enjoyed it
immensely. She suggested that I think
about becoming a guide as a profession.
It was the first time, I had got advice of
this kind and suddenly the world opened
Vol. 3, Issue 11
F EATURE S
Life Stories
up before me. What was a part of my
growing up experience could become a
way of life, a career option, She
pursued this and together we went to
meet with the organization “Snow
Leopard Conservancy” which runs such
programs in the region. Although it did
not quite work out with this particular
organization, the experience of this
foreign women believing in me, left a
huge impact on my life.
I decided to pursue it on my own
steam and approached two travel
companies. At one of them, the person
in charge asked me if I did monastery
tours. He was taken aback on hearing
me say categorically, that I wanted to
work as a trekking guide. I was rejected.
At the second company, it was worse. I
was clearly told that local society would
not accept a woman going up on the
mountains with a group of tourists.
These were bitter experiences, leaving
me dejected, my dreams seemed on
the verge of being shattered.
But help was near. I shared my
angst with my English teacher, Becky
who was from America and found a
much needed supporter in her. She
encouraged me to pursue my dreams
and paid my fees for mountaineering
courses. Later, Becky introduced me to
a travel agency, she knew well and they
Epilogue, November 2009
58 F EATURE S
Life Stories

said they would hire me! It was I knew a travel companies. I faced a similar time experience the real Ladakhi way
turning point for me and I had to prove situation everywhere. of life.
myself to all those who believed in me. But I persisted in my efforts. And Over time, a few travel companies
I did a few courses to upgrade my my lucky break came in 2004 again came to know about our work and
knowledge and skills and also to show through SECMOL. They opened a travel approached me to be a trekking guide
the agency that I was really serious company called “Around Ladakh with and I began to get hired for their treks.
about my work. I first did Students”. Most of the guides were This is what I loved doing the most and
mountaineering course at the Nehru women, all of them were doing cultural such opportunities encouraged me and
Institution Of Mountaineering and guide and monastery tours, except me. gave me a confidence, a renewed faith
National Outdoor Leadership School I was for the first time a full-fledged in myself.
(NOLS India) . It was here that I really trekking guide! It was a dream come I have learnt a lot on my journey
learnt how to live in the wilderness. true and my joy knew no bounds. This and enjoyed it immensely. Women who
Generally in Ladakh, students was the beginning of a journey for me. I are interested in the outdoor field or
work as a guide without any formal observed that generally it was very any field dominated by men should be
training. Men are hired by company expensive for individual tourists to patient and keep the competitive edge
even if they do not have this training, travel to different regions in Ladakh and sharp. I have learnt that if a woman has
any familiarity with trekking routs or get a sense of the local life there. In the courage to do something in male
work experience. In spite of my my present capacity, we use homestays world, it will be a lot of hard work, but
training though, in the beginning it was for taking up groups where tourists can the sweet rewards of success will surely
very difficult for me to get hired by the stay in homely comfort and at the same be hers in time.

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www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

59 J &K IN NUMB E R S
Power Sector

20,000 MW Capacity
The estimated hydro power potential of the state is 20,000 Megawatts (Mws), of which 16480 Mws have been identified.
Out of the identified potential, only 2318.70 Mws or 14 percent have been exploited so far, consisting of 758.70 projects
under Central Sector i.e. 690 Mws (Sala Hydro Electric Project) and 480 Mws (Uri-I Hydro Electric Project) and Dulhasti 390
Mws. The prestigious Baglihar Hydro Electricity Project, with a capacity of 450 Mws was commissioned during 2008-09.

2120 MW Peak Demand Rs 6.19 Per Unit Cost of Supply

The base load requirement of the State is about 716 Mws and peak demand is The power tariff in J&K State is
currently pegged at about 2120 Mws. The sixteenth All India Power Survey has determined by an Independent
projected an increase in power demand of Jammu and Kashmir from 1706 Mws Regulator known as State Electricity
i.e., 9640 Mus during 2004-05 to 2120 Mws i.e. 14750 Mus during 2008-09. By Regulatory Commission (SERC). It came
2010-11, the demand is expected to touch 2441 Mws i.e. 14321 Mus and 4000 into existence through SERC Act 2000.
Mws i.e. 19500 Mus by 2020-21. It has issued two tariff orders for the
years 2007-08 and 2008-09.
The average cost of supply comes to
Rs. 6.19 unit. However, the
agricultural consumers have been
1278.99 Cr Proposed Outlay provided power at Rs. 1.84 unit. During
Under Power Sector Rs. 3875.82 crores were approved as outlay for the years the year 2008-09, 204.88 MUs of power
2007-07, against which Rs. 3045.15 crores were spent on all the valued at Rs. 126.82 crore (cost of
projects/schemes. An amount of Rs. 8196.95 crores have been earmarked for supply to Rs. 6.19 unit) has been
all this sector under 11th Five Year Plan which is 112 percent more than that consumed by this category of
of 10th Plan outlay. The approved outlay 2008-09 is to the tune of Rs. 1096.14 consumers. These consumers have,
crore, out of which 705.76 crore have been spent upto January 2009. however been billed for Rs. 37.72
However it is anticipated that the expenditure will touch about 1567.82 crore crore @ Rs. 1.84 unit. Thus a subsidy of
during current year. Proposed outlay for the year 2009-10 is to the tune of Rs. 89.10 crore has been availed of by
1278.99 crore. these consumers and it work out to
70.26% of the cost of supply.

63% Aggregate Losses

Management of any Sector determines the health of that sector. An inefficient management leads to chaos and acts as a great
hurdle in development of that sector. Only 32.50 percent of the energy through out was realised in the year 2009-07 and it is
expected to grow to the tune of 37.18 percent in the year 2007-08, which is one of the lowest in the country. The
transmission and distribution losses are about 50 percent while as rest 13 percent are collected loses making it an aggregate
of 63 percent. Collection efficiency is only between 65-70 percent.

Around 55.28% Tariff Realisation 95% Electrification

During the year 2006-07 an amount of Rs. 395.26 crore
were realised against the total target of Rs. 7111
crore, thereby constituting 55.28 percent of the
targeted revenue realisation in the power sector.
During 2007-08, revenue of 693.24 crore has been
realised.
By the end of March 2008, out of 6417 inhabited villages,
6152 were electrified thereby, registering 95.87 percent
average. Out of 9278 hamlets, 6600 (71.14 percent)
hamlets were electrified. Besides, 1246 Harijans Basties
were electrified. Number of installations rose to 1241054
during 2007-08

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

60 J &K IN NUMB E R S
Power Sector

Rs. 200 Cr Renovation Project

The Board of Directors of State Power Development Corporation headed by CM Omar Abdullah has approved renovation and
modernization of redundant and outdated power projects. These include: Lower Jehlum Power House which is 30-years old
having 105 MW capacity, Chenani Power Project which is 60 years old with 30 MW capacity, Upper Sindh Stage-II which is 24
years old having 105 MW capacity and Ganderbal power plant which is 60 years old with 20 MW capacity. It has been decided
to invest Rs 200 Crore for modernization of these projects. The Board also gave approval for starting Baglihar stage –II Project
with 450 MW capacity. The earlier phase with 450 MW capacity is already in operation. With the start of the new second
stage the Baglihar Project will be able to provide 900 MW of electricity which will play a vital role in strengthening the Power
capability of the State and also help in economical development.

1000 Micro Projects

The Army is engaged in construction of 1000 micro Hydel electric projects
in J&K under BADP and operation Sadbhavana at a cost of Rs 10 crore.
Under the Prime Minister's Reconstruction Plan, hydro electric project Uri
phase-II with the capacity of 240 MWs, Nimmo, Buzgo with a capacity of 45
MW, Chutak with the capacity of 44 MW, Bursar with the capacity of 1020
MW and Kishenganga with the capacity of 330 MW are the central sector
power projects. Pakal Dul hydro electric project with the capacity of 1000
MW has been taken up as a joint venture between J&K State Power
Development Corporation, NHPC and PTC at a cost of Rs 3480 crore. Under
Rajiv Gandhi Gramin Vidutikaran Yojna (RGGVY) all un-electrified villages
and hamlets are proposed to be covered during the current year at an
estimated cost of Rs 700 crore.
Under State hydel policy, 10 power projects have been awarded to various
IPPS through two stage transparent competitive feeding process. These
power projects included Athwatto, Baramulla over Madumati nallah with a 1353 MW Shortfall
capacity of 10 MW, Tangmarg project in Baramulla over Ferozpur nallah, Total availability of power from all the
Aharbal project in district Pulwama with a capacity of 22.5 MW over Vishow sources is just around 8170 Mus, the state is
nallah, Hirpora project in district Pulwama with a capacity of 12.00 MW under stress to purchase power from other
over Rambhir nallah, Brenwar project in district Budgam with a capacity of sources. To meet the restricted
7.5 MW over Doodganga nallah, Kahmit project in district Kupwara with a requirement of 9523 Mus in the current
capacity of 4MW over Kahmit nallah, Bonfyar project in district Baramulla year, the State may require to purchase
with a capacity of 12MW in Hapathkhai nallah, Mandi project in district additional 1353 Mus through U.I. and short
Poonch with a capacity of 12.5 MW in Mandi nallah, Ranjala Dunadi project term purchased besides banking
in district Doda with a capacity of 15 MW in Lower Kalnai nallah and Drung arrangements with Punjab, Haryana and
project in district Kathua with a capacity of 5 MW in Ujh nallah. Chatisgarh.

Rs.18912.25 Cr Programme Rs 5.12 Cr Invested, Abandoned

Rs. 18912.25 crore have been earmarked
under the Prime Minister’s
Reconstruction Programme for
development of power in the State. This
includes an amount of Rs. 14,952.41
crore in the Central Sector for
generation of power and Rs 2811.00
crore for strengthening transmission and
distribution network/BHEP in the State
sector and an amount of Rs. 1148.84
crore under Accelerated Power
Development Reforms Programme
(APDRP).
The Gurez and Tulail Valley in Kashmir have no availability of hydel power.
Presently Gurez and Tulail valley are being supplied electricity 6 hours a day
from 15 Diesel Generator sets with capacities ranging from 20 KVA to 320 KVA
located at various suitable places. The work on 2 MW Ashtan Nallah was
taken up in 1986-87 and an expenditure of Rs. 512.97 lakhs has been
incurred on the project till March 2007. Work on the project was abandoned
due to upcoming Kishenganga hydro-electric project as the entire Dawar area
where Asthan Nallah Project is located was getting submerged due to
construction of dam for Kishenganga project. Tenders for another project
namely 1.05 MW Tulail were invited under IPP phase II & III but no response
was received. Two more schemes namely Achhora Dawar and Bagtore SHPs
have been identified for which pre-feasibility reports are under preparation.
Therefore, in Gurez, there is no possibility of light at the end of dark tunnel.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2009

 Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya
Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya
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Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya
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Surya Surya
Surya Surya
Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya Surya
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