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CHAPTER SIXTEEN

MAlLAGASY
JQBle RQso'lo'sGEl o'P'Jd CQPI RvbDfo'
gQTRODQ1CTI
i
O
k.ll Lamguage ares aad speakers
Malagasy is an Austronesian language belGnging to the Southeast Barito linguistic
subgroup of the %estern Malayo-Polmesian subfamily (cf. Dahl 1977). It is spGken by
about 14 mllllon pcoplc throughGut MBdagascaT as N'ell as l3'y Bn c'Olnlc grGUp oI1 tlM
island of Mayottc (Comoros IslaIlds; see Map 16. I).
The relationship lmtwcm. Malagasy and the Austronesian languages has been discussed
by various schGIars simce IHGutmaII (1603). An Gverviev Gf'their svGrk is given in Dahl
(1951, l991) svho also outlines that Maanyan, an Indonesian language spoken iD South
Borneo, shows stnking phonetic, grammatical as ~vell as lexical similarities ~vith
Malagasy and is the languagc most c/osely related to Ma/agasy, Adelaar (1989. I994a.
il9941) demomstratcs thc existence of Malav and Javanese loamvGrds iD Malagasy. Hle
proposes the seventh century AD as the most likely migration date and argues for corltin-
ued contacts betweeD Madagascar and Southeast Asia um.til after the introduction of Islarn
im, the latter. Adelaar (1995) shov s the existence of South Sulawesi Ioawvordls im. Malagasy,
Thc contacts of Malagasy %3th Don-AustrolleslaQ Ianguagcs arc 'Lvltnesscd bv elcments
Ronl Swahili and other Bantu languagcs (cf. Dahl 1951, 1988), Sanskrit (Dahl 1951),
Arabic (cf. Dahl 1983), Frcnclh and English.
Malagasy is spokeD iD several dialects vihich are oftem. so closely related to GDe
another that a clem' grGup classification is uncertain and quite a number of different clas-
sificatiGms have been put fovvard (cf. Verin et al. I969; l3ez I963. 1980; Simon l988;
Mahdi I988). Andriamanantsilavo and lRatrenm (1981:4l 63) propose a detailed gpo-
logical classification of Malagasy dialects based on comparisons of specific phonenxcs
or phGnemic grGups within the xegiGnal dialects. They divide them intG three main
groups: the eastern dialects, the western dialects, and the intermediate dialects. The fol-
Iowing phonemic oppositions distiDguish eastern dialects hn svestern ones (see also
Beaujard 1998): . dr'J vs. i'li' (e.g. JPJiiA vs. JJriih ' to f i ght' ). /tsi/ vs. r'ti' (e.g. aPJfsiku vs,
QflAAQ' Gurs ), ~tr| % s. )tR'(e.g. fQA8fQAQ vs.fd'A8fill$8' fGurth ),.'-z- vs..'0.' (e.g. PLQ vs. QM
where'),.'-i' vs. )-e/ (e.g. PPJN8fstkcl vs. JrwM')se4' to move ).
The easteffl dialects IMI ude Alftt8kQJDJrd. 7$JPPJJA8'A~, SQA'dkQvQ QEYtrQtJQ, 88: QPro=:QH0,
SifAivJr847 rD the noftheast, M8J'JPiN, 88fsr 5 JsivJQkQ 0 JsrPPro, 88fsr(80 cA-'QJ6'EPQ IQ the ceDtral
east, and APJ/GJPJK'JU', A JJAM'A'QAciQJ4J', APJE8'sQkQ, A JrifQJJI6Kl', XiMcdQ, ZQfl'$6J6 LD the southeast,
ANif@r'PJJOA9 Ilas tlM oldcst %'6ttcD Iiteraturc, 'A'hich ls 3 cGDsequencc Gf tllc early encouIItcr
of its speakers v ith Islam. Already in the fifteenth century the APJJaiJPJOJU nsade use of
the Arabic script to vi rite Malagasy. MeriJra. spoken in the central highlamds, was also
f)rst wfltteQ JD Afa13lc scrlpt. In l 820 the Malag3sv klDg Radama ll Bdopted tlle Roman
script using an orthGgraphy developed by British missiom.aries,
The Austionesian Languages of Asia anu Nauagascai - Routleuge (EXTRACT)
http:www.ebookstoie.tanuf.co.ukmoieinfo.aspx.isbn=978u2uS821121&IS0=0S
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4158 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
The western dialects include SakaI'ava Of Mesurbe, ~M'asiiom and ke="0 a~areinv in the
cemtral west and Avtmdrey, Aiahq)hIy, RBaia and Vezo a1Isimo in the south-west. The
interInediate dialects, which slm.re eleIrients from both the western and eastern dialects,
include Bam, Avreslsy arid Befsileo. Tlhe AvielaoSJ dialect aIid two dialects spokcn on
Mayotte, Aihosy Kisumvv and KiaakaIaakm, are nGt iIicluded in this dialect classification.
Tihe estab1ishment of a moriarchy amd the colonial rivalry betv eem, France arid EnglaIid
IA the AlnctecAth celltury cGntributed to thc suprcmacy Gf the MeriM dialcct. Itt was stan-
dardized by British and French IrIissioriaries arid scv ed as the model for the ofTicial
Malagasv lariguage. Schmidt (1991:14 20) gives a historical accourit of the status of
Malagasy from the cighteenth cerIturv to the early 1990s (sec also sTE1wmvER. L~wcv~t;E
Poi 1CY
).
During the French colonial period (1895 1960). French obtained a privileged position
over Malagasy in ofrIcial Rnctions, educatiGA, and the media. Malagasy was restricted
to faITiily use only, aIthough it was allowed in soAfie cemsored m.exvspapers. AfIer inde-
pendence in 1960, both FreIich aIid Malagasy receivcd oNcial status. This proccss avas
kno~m. as fanagasias>a Gr Hurlgaefsisation (Schmidt lI984). AAer 1975 Malagasy vm
introduced in educatioli, but it was Aever implernentcd in umversities and eventually
became established in state primary schools only, Despite the fact that French is the
IriediuIln in higher education, Malagasy is predominant in national radio broadcasts, and
it is usedl in local newspapers and television. Although the cfTorts to promote Malagasy
v cre largely urisuccessf ul (Schmidt 1983, 1984) an obsious repercussion Gf sixty years
of French occupa~tlGri Malagasv%'as cstablIshcd as thc DatlGQal language of tl M
Malagasy Republic im arI official referenduIln passed in II992.
Il.2. Major soillees
The comprel.ensive monolingual Malagasy dictionary by Rajemisa-IRaolison (1963, nev
edition 1985) was ome of the first Irionolingual dictioriaries Gf an Austronesian language,
llts pub1ication was an imtiative to proIriote Malagasy as opposed tG Frerich.
There are several dialect dictioriarics and werdlists: Dubois 19l7 (Betsikea); Decary
Il928 (AIItmd>ey); II3eschamps 1936 (Aai'aisaka); Deschcerimeker |unpubl.) amd Dez 1960,
II992 (all thfce dlctlonanes of sGuthcfn 8efswlfsQIQkQ), Mampltov"I|' 1978 (Zifi
f
ifMI6
);
GueuIiicr 1986 (dialect of Mayottc); Elli Il988 (BaIU); Bcaujard 1998 (Tmala),
Major bilingual dictionaries iriclude the Frcnch Malagasy dictionarics of Abirml/Malzac
(1888), lkajaonarimanana It1995b), RajaolIarimanana alid Verim, (1997), and the
Malaga~g French dictiGAary of %ebber (l853), the Malagasy English dictionarics Gf
Freeman arid Johis (1835), RichardsGA (1885). Paginton (1976), and IHallanger (1969,
Il973). A compact Malagasy EIiglish'English 1Halagasy dictionarv bv RasolosGA appearcd
im. 266 l. There is also a Mlalagasy Russian dictionary (Korneev 1966), a Russian Malagasy
dictioliary<KGrnecv ll.970) and a Malagasy German dlictioriary (BergcI1holtz 1991).
Older granmnars iriclude Ailloud (1873), G. Cousins (1882), the gramnatical iritroduc-
tioIi in Richardson's dictioIiary by W. Cousins t1885), the xvorks Gf Causseque (1886),
Malzac (1908), Moritagnc (193 l) arid Gcrbinis (1946), which are followed by an outpour
of Malagasy granmnars v rittcn by native speakcrs as exemplified by IRalmjarizafy (1960).
lkajemisa-Raolison (II969). RajaoIia (1972). Domenichini-IRanzaramanana (1976).
lkabeIulaiIm IC 1983), and Ikajaonarimaimna (1995a). Further grarmnars include Dez (1986)
and Builles (1998). AA array Gf works on diFerent aspects of Malagasy morph.ology
and smtax lhas recentIIy appeared, e.g. Keenan (1976, 1994), IkandriaInasirI>aIMria (l986),
MALAGASY 4 59
Dalsl II1986j, Mahdi (1988), MaDaster-RaIner (1992), Pearson alld Paul (l996). Keenan alld
Poiinsky (1998), KCCDaIl and Ralalaoherivony (1998), Paul (1998), lkackowski ( l998),
Fugier (1999), Randriamasitrtawlana (l999), Paul (1999. 2000), Pearsort (1996, 2001),
Keenan and Rabetttilaina (2M1).
Major Malagasy textbooks iD French include Berthter (l922), Rajaobelina ( Il966),
Rabearivelo (19763, IRazafiDdrabe (l984), Razafindrakoto (1990) aDd Rajaonarttmartana
(l99SC). Stark (1969) published a Malagasy course for English-speaking stLjtdents.
Razafindrabc, Ralahatra and IRamomalaia (l 980) provide an outstanding bllingual text-
book iD French and English. The first Malagasy textbook for Gertrtan speakers is
Rasoloson (19971.
Corpus-based studies of spoken Ma/agasy are rare (Rasoloson 1994 i 995). Most of the
exansplcs in this chapter origimate from our oms corpus cf spontaneous spokeD lartguage.
2 PHOWi'IDLOGY
The Malagasy consoGBDtal inventory ls detalled lD Tablc l6. l, uslng tlM standafd
Malagasv ortllography. Phonemes attested only 1D some dialects are glvcD in parerttheses.
Voiceless stops are unaspirated. Tihere is am. asymmetry in the velar stops; the voice-
less velar stop has a palatalized alloplhone precediDg the vwvel i, artd all velar stops
palatalize followiDg the voavel i, e.g. aIika 'dog' [alikja], A8A>gas>a 'fast' [(h)aj~gjana]. All
stops may appear prenasalized. They are then prorlouDced eItther vith a short homorgaDic
nasal oIlset or, less frequently, as stops follmving a heavily nasalized voxvel. The voice-
less premasalized consonants mp, r>f, sit'r, n/s, and zk only appear svord-medially. (The
nomimal prefix sup- in v ords like arpAha 'Norker' is pronounced [p].) The five hatives
tn Malagasy tnclude hvo lablo-dentals, f alld v, two alveolar, groovedl fncattves art>-
culated mth spread lip position. s aDd , and the weak glottal fricative h. Fricatives lnay
be syllabic when they precede devoiced vowels. The four afMcates ill Malagasy are the
apical dento-alveolars I's and j (dz), and the blade alveolars h and dj . ILike the stops, they
may appear prenasalized. The resonants are I, a voiced. dento-alveolar lateral, alld r, a trill
TABLE 16.i: MALAGASY CONSQNANTS
Bilabial Labko-
Dental
Alveolar.'
R.etroflex
Velar
pb
mp[ p]
mb[ b]
Stops
PfenasalIIzed
stops
Fncahves
AAflcates
Prenasalized
afMcates"
Nasals
Ldterals
'llrilh
* Prenasa[ized stops and aH'rieates are represented in the oKeial orthography avith a h>phen follmvinp
the nasai in eases of a morpheme break.
** The glottal stop has phonemie statrls only in a fm dialeetse.g. Antaimoro.
tdl
nt ["t]
nd ["dj
tsj [dzj
nts ['tsl
nj ["dzj
n I
tr dr
ntr [ 'tr]
ndr ["dr]
kg
rrk [~jr.]
nm Pg]
r
469 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
which may also appear as a single flap. All consonants except A are slightly palataIIzed
before i, and may be slightly labialized before he vowel n. The velar rlasal II is preserlt
In Irlost val'Ictles of Malagasy,' howevcr, it 1s IIloi phoncmic in Merina.
All coI1sonaI1ts except the voiceless prenasalized consoI1ants may occur In inItial
positicn. The oI1e exception to thIs rule is ahioIO 'anccstors'vhiclh lost a historical irutial
Ad (KceI1alI and Polinsky 1998), The glottal fricative is often dropped in mcdia1 position.
especially betwcen tvo distlnct vovels. 1lt alternates with k in ccrtain Irlorphologically
complex forms, reflcctiI1g an oldcr stage of the IangI1agc (~k > h): Non-kdvidpy t.'oloM-
hendry/ persoI1-%'1sc ) %' lsc pcl'soA JIMIHgQHkd ltlgQHQ sornewhat fas' t (.'RDP-
11aingaI1V'fast').
Althouglh geminate consonants do not exist in undcrlying form. they may resujt frorI1
the devoicing and dropping of BA ullstressed I or 6 vowel. c.g. J'HoQ 'v1'lat'[II1na]. Nl'hen
an u1llstressedl vowel is dropped before the I1asail n, the nasal may assimi]ate to the pre-
ceding consonant, causing gcIlnination: hie>jtlM 'sct, arrange' [1awnma], /eiisuv 'sv allow'
[tclla], Neve 'person' [Qlla].
Malagasy lhas a fouI vowel system, i (spclled <y> in vord-final position), I>
(orthographic ~o>), e. and a, with four diphthongs, ui, ia, oa, and au. The vowel [o]
mi1ay result from shortening of the vowel sequences ao or oa tcxccpt v ordl finally vherc
it is pronounced as n), e.g. misioI'm 'to thank' [misotra], Ioahv 'too much' [Iotra], but
laMa 'indeed' [tuku]. The vowel [o] also frcqucnt)y occurs in loan vords, where it IMy
be represented orthographIcally as 0, e.g. karmoaeh 'pick up truck', snojt'Dsikij'dh
'nzotorcyeie", biofojia 'biology'. Although the vovei [o] does occur as a phoneme in non-
standard dialccts, the only native Merina word with thc vowel is the vocativc interjection
6. The vowcl sequence ia atId the diphthong ai may bc pronounced as [e], e.g. Na 'focus
particle' [de], iamo 'yoI1" [cnau]. IIDino 'listen" [heno]. The vov cl /a( may redI1ce to [v]
in unstresscd eI1vironments, or just to a simp/e release of the preceding consonant,
especially word-fiM)ly. e,g. maAita [mahita] 'see'.
'll'ovcls have vea.k nasalization preceding a nasal consonant, and heavv 11asahzation
precediI1g prenasalized coI1sonants. They do not occur long.
All vowels may occur root-initially, but the vowcl e is rare as the second vovel of
Mtlve roots lln flM) posItIon wlth soIne vcrbs the vowel I (orthographIc v) a)tcrnates
v ith e in sufFixed. forms, e.g. nme>MEy<<InaN-voly) 'plant (actIvc)' vs. voiena 'pjant
(passive)'. No seqI1ences of identical vwvels occur, aI1d oI1lly the scqucnce ZaiV fIInctions
as a stab)e diphthoI1g, retaining the stress pattern v'v instcad of becoIrting v.v' with stress
attracting sufrIxes c Garvey 1964: I 9).
The unstressed vowels i and 0 are often devoiced in Malagasy, especially in final
position or betv cen tvo consonants.
2.2. Svllable strIactuIe amd stress
Malagasv syllablc structurc Is CV; no codas are allov ed v~ord-flnally and the maximal
onset is one segment, except in a few loanvords, e.g. (nmfsdy 'FreI1ch'. Onjy vowels IMy
5mction as syllable peaks, all other segments must be treated as onsets phonologIcally.
Most Malagasy words are ~~scd on the penultimate syllable, e.g. mal'iihv 'sce', miwba
'crocodile', sNi A' 'divination', vAy 'rice', pwiIy 'tobacco' (u1 stand'ard Malagasy ortho-
graphy, stress is indicatcd by a grave accent, as in thc preceding exampjcs). Hovcvcr,
there are cases whcre stress is not predictablc, c.g. ih' 'liver' vs. a/i' 'here (not in sight)'
and In the irnperative formation of some active verbs and adjectives. as a result of
a sufFix -a that l11as mergcd (contracted) with a Anal root vo~vel, c.g. mandsa 'vash
(indicativc)' vs. manasi 'wash (iInperative)'; tscim 'good' vs. tsam 'be goodl'. If a avord
endls in a diphthong. It bears Anal stress, c.g. papciy 'papaya', mm>io 'do'. Moreover,
words eI1ding in the 'xveak final syllables' -iM, -kv, or -iiri take stress on the antepcnulti-
mate syllable, e.g. fiMmatm 'prInciplc', Iambana 'hwin', fiis>I'atm 'kIIow', man&Itbola
'begin". A rcgular exception to this rulc is that words. v hich end in weak syllables have
pcnultimatc stress when the preceding vowcl is /e', ./e,' being a regular stress-attractor in
Malagasy, c.g., po@lm 'purse, hand bag'.
Weak final syllables in Malagasy bchave peculiarly in that they fijinction as extramet-
rieal stem. fomltives, svhieh delete in eompounding, reduplication, and beforc clitics
and sufFixes: a~>hiaawa 'fall into the haIIds of'+ mae>ba 'crocodilc' =anAina-mdmba
fall lnto thc hands of a cruel pcrson; fiAlMf to cllutcll. clasp' + Nd'Nb8 ~ jTAI-Bid%bQ
'refusal to lct go of sorI>ethIng', =:dnaka 'child'+ =lko ' Is.cEN' >mnaI|a 'my child'. The
deviant belhavior of -ka, fm, and -ze reflects the fact that they are a product of a default
vowel ."a,' added after historically eonsonant-final vords as part of the devclopment
towards the modern CV structure in Malagasy, e.g. volana 'moon' (< Nikrn), s~wbe
'writing'(< 5wmi). The rcsulting forms should be treated as 'extended roots' which are
involved in a mrIety of synchronic alternations.
Roots of four or more syllables assign secondary stress to every second syllable
worklng back from thc maln stress. Compound %'ords rcceivc primary stress on the
second %'ord of thc conlpouncl, c.g. iio(6-JlvElM' (point-idea) advlee'; 5785'6M poPQJ41
(/maN-hosotra-fotaka/
=An.-smear-mud) 'smear with mud, slander'.
In sufTixation. root stress shifts one syllable to t11e right (e.g. Mbo ~ baboina be
capturcd't ulIless the root is stressed on the final syllable., is Inonosyllabic, or has a aveak
ending in which case an additional consonant m.ay be inscrted, e,g. l'o > ioavina 'be
obeyed', fiioAa > fiioAana be carried ofF". KIII'ith bi-syllabic enclitics, the cnclitic often
attracts hcwp stress, but does not alter the stress of the root.
ZA Mol PhlDPhorI8$lks
A homorgaIIic nasal is inscrted behvecm. reduplicant and base in reduplication and. behvcen
the two coInponents of a genitive construction or cornpwmd if the first component does
not end with a weak fiI>al syllable -i'm -4r or -rra e g iisiii-Ai>v ('resy-tory/=overcome-
sleep) 'ovcrcon1e by sleep'; sofom-bodiaI oho (.'solo-vody-akoho,' = substitute-ruInp-
chickcn) 'a gift given to one's elder (diIfFerent from thc traditiona.l ehickcm. run1p)',
akizjos>-jYi=a (/akinjo-zaza/=clothing-child) children's elothing', feiirw-pim>a@rviaIia
(feN-fIanakaviana'=feast-famIIv) famIlv feast' (for furthcr dctai.ls of genItIvc forma-
tion. see section 3.2.1).
If the Arst con1poncnt of a compound or reduplication cnds on -It'w or -ka, the ~veak
Anal syllable is dropped before a consonant. If this consonant is a fricative or liquid
it beeomcs a stop or afFrieate based on the rules givcn in Tablc l6. (sce Emin I996
for a more detailed phonologicaI aceount). Examples: hena-e>mo (/lMnatra-maso/
=
slmme-cye) 'bchming in the presenec of others', Arha-pi5o (hataka-piso/=request-cat)
*pcrsistent F
iiUcst', poQ-Msl' (/poaka-basy)=cxploslon-gun) ' gunshot; %'050MPQI51'
(/vosotra-ratsy/
=joke-bad) 'bu5ooncry'; manddlsa-Mmim (/mandatsaka-viratra/ =Iay/
cast down-thMlder) 'to caUse mlsfoTtunc fl'oHl a %'roDgdoing Before a vowel Gil c flna
i
l 8 of
thc weak syllable is dropped, the dropped vov cl in this emiroI1ment being indieatcd in the
orthography by an apostrophe e.g. smak Nina (.'sasaka-alina'=half-night) midnight'.
462 'll HE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
TAEll K 16.X: AIORI' HGlPHQAtEMIC AlLli'KR'MTI ONS IlN CGMPOttNDIWG
h ) k
s) t s
fmmeksv&am-bMon-khditra
thsi-bbhon-tanana
osllka qr@ho ~ana( pllsh back hand')
fitandr~nrarn-pahasalatnMa
(.'fitandrirnana-fahasalarnina,'=earing for4ealth
)
(.'fanavakavhhana-volo-hoditra'I=discrirnination-eolor-skin
fhdin-tseranana (.'fhdy-serhnanal=taboo-port of entry j
mihhtsi-jhza (I'tIIi-h0tsika-zhz@=Aer-rnove-child)
tnangjran-8Ntsy I''maaglrana-ratsyj' = light beam-bad)
anMlana (".an-hlanaj'=on-road)
raeial dherimination
rejection showing disdain
health carc
ctjstoms dutiez
to bc in labour
first dtm light of the rnornine
on the v,ey
z ) j
r) dr
l ) d
%ords endilItg v ith the veak fiIlaI syllable -na drop final a before consolItants,, and the
Ilasal is realized as hotnorgatlic to the following consorIant. Tlhe IatteI may be occlusivized
followlllg thc rules discllssed ln Tablc I6.2, e.g. 8NJQPQ vd P9$PQ (l3aggagc-commercc ) ~
Ariam-Mmim 'merchandise" (see also the examples in Tablc i6.2).
ln words with prefixes ending vitll a homorgaIlic nasaI such as preseIlt tense aetive
mah , the homorganic Ilasal of the prefix assimilates to a following obstruent, afler which
the obstruent deletes if it is voiceless, e.g. masuiAina (from fIIriIra) 'to clutch, clasp',
srmmg (from ldfy) 'to dress', snamfofm lI from S~YolmII 'to submerge', but mau>bbatsina
(from b6nfsiaa) 'to mislead'. Before vowei-iIlitial bases, the prefix ends in 'n,': irmsmfaka
II'5onl @aAa) 'to set free'. llf the base begins with an |ld, the Jh' is replaced either by a pre-
Ilasalizcd glottal stop as in wangd/aka (from MIaka ~ ~j.aiaI.a) "to ask for' or by )Il) as
in jrmr>dztozm 'hang' (from MIlfona). See Keenam and Polinsky ( i 998:595fl for further
details.
2A RedlIIplication
Malagasv verbs aIld adjectives niaav undergo Ml root redupiication to eIlcode attenuation,
iterativity or um.systematic lI'm.on-motivatcd) event processiIlg, e.g. aminh' blaek', main-
frwQM11' sllghtly dark sktnned', NrQHdeIM to go, valk ~ wQM&AQcfeIrQ to walk
about'. The weak endings -Aa, -tm. -sIa do not participate in the reduplicatiom., e.g.
piisokr 'foolish' > mi-pi/so-pitsoka 'a little bit stupid. foolish', mi-peinNa 'to sit' >
wi-pelrn~trnI a 'to sit about'.
As detalled In Table I6.2 for compound constructlons, reduplications uIldcrgo similar
phoIlolomicaI altemations involntttg consomntal substitutioltt, e.g. zaA-fiis>I'sika to Ilail'
reduplicatcd becomiles wanwnfsipiinfsika 'to mill. repeatedly'. maX-Aintona 'to lhang'
becomes ~uazanimrMi~riomr 'to harlg about', and ~rri-viai'as>a 'to be direct' lmcomes
mia'antamMrnimra 'to be somewhat direct'.
3 BASIC MOlRPHGSYNTAX
lln unmarked phrases, Malaeasy clauses are predicate-initial. The predicate caml be verlml
or non-verbal (e.g. nourL'proper namc, adjective, Ilumeral, prepositional phrase, posses-
sive (genitive) plhrme, temporal adverb, deictIc). The following examples for non-vcrbal
MALAGASY 4 63
predicates shwv that these are I1ot Introduced by a copula, Note also that the Malagasy
predicates do lIot alwzys correspoI1d to the English ones:
P8$$8'$$41'e:
(l ) A JJ +' 4Iav IJaln sI Jwba'.
llpe.DAT DaT car brok en
'The broken car is ours.'
Adj8'CI41Y:
(2) L, ekJke Jakea J l y aemd mme.
bl g l ll dee d DEF al r pQIt i
TlM airport Is blg indeed.
XM%8JQF:
(3) F8 l o 4Aa) lf J J f M '8 '/ = JlaTl''
i erl on ly DEF ox = 3pe.GEN
*'A'e only have got ten oxes,' (lit. Our oxes are only ten)
Belcf Jc 48 jMFSt Hlaiflve p'Jlch'oH:
(4) 'VJ JIv fQHld 4'4%-&OIQJ'lao,
ir1tj
r
ny f ameri m-IMla =I1ao
pLx.v[s,pRD DEF ch a Qgc=2S. GEN
'Hcre Is vour chGIlge. SII.'
(oNpoELO.
t6Alpo = ko
lord= II s.cE~
ln verbal clauses, both trm1sitive and intraI1sitive verbs are marked for voice a11d tense.
Active verbs take an active prefix, the most coIT1mom, ones being nll- and JJlaX-, xvhere
the prefix m- changes to IJ- or JI- depending or1 tense Icsee section 5),
(5) A- 4-sa(9$QIQ' II
psT-AcT-hesliate pN
'Naivo hesitated.'
(6) %-9-AJl'a o46v
NQJ'1'0.
Nalvo.
psT-AcT-see ox
I sRv an ox.
Malagasy simple maiI1 clause subjects are geIIerally placed iII fiI1al-position in non-
verba( clauses as vell as in verbal clauses, as seen in the prece6ing examples. In the
majority of cases where 1Indergoer arguments appear vith active verbs, they occur
immediately after the verb and are indefinite as in (6) unless specified by a demomtra-
tive or the definite article Jlv as iII1<7):
(7) Lasa J l - i -faIlal'Ju'
JIall'OAQ JJQ Hf gJ' 8' vISI't-$
Gor1e n-i-lahatra n-aN-t ohma ny grevistes an!
Gorle PST-AcT-stand.in.lllll c PST.AcI'.suppori l 3EF st nker s IM 4
'Gone [on strike] to support the strikers" (emphatic)
Passive verbs are marked mth the afY'ixes -iJIa, -m>a or a-. The undergoer argument
appears im. subject positior1 aI1d is generally definite (Manaster-Ramer 1992:276), The
464 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
k-eo
t-eo
PST-MED. VIS
actor argumemt inxzxedialtely folllmvs the verb, oAen in the form of a clitic pronoun,
Comtraslt (6) with (8):
(8) 3 PI, i MP81'l6'Im'O
An, n- a-petraka =0
&lTJ PST-RAss-pGt = l s. iGEN
'Uh, I left the car there...'
Other arguments and adjumcts t>TIically occI1r in betweem the tv o core argunMnts of
transltl'le vefl3s
c 9) NaiMOVan'iIy
Jlf
ny
DEF
tismbbii'u...
tormobila...
CI'91x Rouge AVi i $$' iIV
Ci'oix Ropg8' kermlesy ny
Cross Red f al r DEF
n aN tao v ama
=m".my
PSTW[RC-do-SF-CIRC = CEN.DEF
vod 9 v08dgo HQ.
v61a. Vo a-amgoM.
nloney REs-ralse
'Tihe momey raised ~vas used
I( 10) NQfGM' 8l' CrQIx
n-a -taio: m ' m Cmix
PST-PASs-do = GEN. DEF Cross
V8@bHg8HQ 8 f AVPMeS f.
Oa-amgong mp kem1esy
REs-raise DEF f a i r
'The Red Cross organized the fair xvith the Imoney raised.'
'II 1 l ) NQP'MovGH flJ Crolx Rouge k' 8JvRpsp
t-Itml H I I P XOI IIt t - SO Mahm Ak>
mT-on cEN DEF Fnday psr-MED Iw~ Is Mahavokg
Rg vo I 6f 1'OQMHg9iv.
DEF Hl ol My RES- ral se
'The momey raised was used by the Red Cross to organize a fair im. M ahavoky on
Friday."
by the Croix Rouge to organize a fair.'
Rouge Ii @HA'8 ~p' VOI8
R6'Mge t-amln nv vola
Red PsT- w1t
i
h:c EN.DEF rnoney
psTxIRc.do.sFxIRc = GEN.DEF Cross Red fai r
AdjuiIcts occurring aAer the sI1bject cam be interpreted as Inodifying the subject rather
tham the overall predication, as im. (1l2).
( 1 2) NQfil6I'ovGB fll' Cl'olx Ro uge Ji Y'l'VM51' 8 J Vokl
psT.cIRc:do: sF.cIRc.cEN. DEF Cross Red f ai r DEF m iomey
VOQ-O'HgMQ' PMi MPl i l l ' ZOPIQ l - 90 4'fQAQl"00:
RES-raise psT- On:cEN.DEF Fr i day p s r - I IIED.I>ms Ma h avoi g.
'Tlhe momey raised on Friday in Mahavoky avas used by the Red Cross to orgam-
ize a fair.'
As shmm im. examples (lo), (1 l), and (l2j. prepositional plhrases always shmv temse
agreement mith the verb. Here they are inflected for past tense with the prefix t- (i,e. fmo
and fMJw'Ji'f Nl').
The ummarked VXS v ord order may be altered by the from.ting of a. normally post-
predicate smbject foWo~vedl by the focus marker iIIo: S+ mo+ F. The eleInent precedimg
MALAGASY 4 65
DEF teachel' voc Ps T-AcT-clap the hand
the particle iio, wllich is the subject appearing here in clause-initial position, carries the
greatest promincnce 1A tlle clausc, c.g.:
( l 3) iX' V PHpQPiipM'NQPSQ H0 f f.- i - fi8AQkl.
'The Iteacher (and no one else) applauded.'
(13) encGdes a restrictivc memling singling Gllt this teachcr from any other pcrson eho
mlght be Undcf CGSIderatloA(e.g. the mllslclan, the cl'llklfen, the spectators, etc.).
Tihis Ihye Gf focus cGnstructioI1 is Ilot restricted to subjects. 08.er noI1-predicate
elemeIlts (e.g. an adverb) ca alsG appear iI1 initial position and be follG~ved by the
particle s>o iIldicating focus or> this elemeilt. Thus, in t4C sentence: omNy eo iIIYiimga i~a
(g'esterday FGc PsT:lcave 3)i the focLls is Gn thc temporal adverb 68Jd Fl' 'yesterday': 'IHe.'she
leflt ycsterday (andot G another day)'. Compare also:
(14) T- 80
MQAiIII'8'kf 8- iNJSf8 8 f
t-ao Llahavoky t - aI I I 1 Ily
PST-MED.INvls MahaVGky PsT-on:GEN.DEF
Il-aI1-t8.o-V-ana = Ily
PsT-C[RC-do-sF-CIRC = CEN.DE F
CrGIx RGUge fiY' PRIew' f - Gi iMIPf Ifv VOIQ
'I'09-QPiglMQ'.
Cross Red fai r PsT-with:GEx.DEF money Rzs-raise
'lt v as in MahavGky om. Friday that a fair was orgaized by t4e Red Cross with the
money raised.'
ZOJNQ Bo
z oma nG
Friday Foc
8888i 7M'l1 Pil >'
Another inversion construction may be Gbtaied simply by frotiIlg the post-predicate
slIbject, which yields a 'eiAphatic' SVO avord order. Tlle preposed sllbject is set off from
the relTl31nder of a seAtcAce by a, pause of by lengthcnlng t
i
hc last vGwel Itl|QAWIV:::) of tlM
preposed subject argurnent (cf. RasGlosoI1 l994: l09 122):
Jl P' Kl j i QIlM~Q'Lg' I QAM4' ESV PJAOk l 8- 8- II / f i9 JQPiQWi IIISMia'
3 slst er last NEi >'et Ps T-AcT-sec sea
'The yGuIlgest hvo (sisters) of then1, they have not seen the sea yet.'
This 'enlplImtic' SVO cGnstructioI1 could be giveI1 as arl almver to the questioI1: '%ho
has not see the sea vet7"
In predicate Rclls constructions. the subject also GcclIrs in clallse-iIlitial positio, aIld
the predicate is prcceded by the particle dha: S+ d|s+ P. The imptication of this Ih~ Gf
cGIlstruction is that. Gf t4e set of potential eveIlts under cGnsideration (put in brackets as
shov+ bel.ev ). there Is only Ge which is carried Gut (l6).
( l 6) )VV 6f &NBl ' 46 8 8- 5- AlHQPilQ fiV Id kQ=Pll
DEF insect(s j Foc PST-.cc T-cat DEF r oot= 3.cm
T1M 1I1sect(s) Bte Its roots
i
(thcy dld Ilot damage then1 or play %'Ith them, etc. 3.
CGmpare this example v itll the related subject-focus clause constrllctiG:
(l 7) 8>b>AeJy ee i I- I - Auiaim i i y fCika =ny.
iIlsect
(s) Foc ps T-Am-cat DEF r oot s=3.iczw.
'Insect(s) l(not butterflies, AGt bees, AGt dfagoIlflles. etc.
) ate its roGts.'
466 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
lln 3 subh~ of the predicate-focus com.struction, the clause-initial subject consists of
a non1inaIized expression and the predicate of a nomina.l expression:
(18) Ay J>-i-AinaJIa ny f i k a
=ny dia bi bJ'I eh'.
DEF PsT-AcT-cat DEF r oots = 3.GEN Foc i ns ect
(s).
'lnsect(s) ate its roots (thc ones v ho ate its roots were insectsj.'
Basic order in fmli noun phrases is DETERNI~ER vEAD woDIFIER. Alternative orders of head
3nd modifier are possible but usually also convey a different meaning. Thus. adjectives
usually follow their head as in ni~ Iimm JJJaKMO l
c
DEF shoes dirty) 'the dirty shoes'. Ilf the
3djcctive precedes its head, a nominalization results I'cf. also section 6.l). JJy JJJaM/0
hmrv (DzF dirty shoes) 'the one mth the dirty shoes'.
Con1rnon noun phrascs are marked for definitcness by an article or a demonstrative,
v ith 3 special set of markers occurring in the case of pcrsonal I1ames lI cf. Table 16,3).
ln addltlon to the definlte 3rtjcle JJ'I', thcre is tlle dcteHDlner JIQ'l' wvhich is used for ref-
creI1ts kllown to spcakcr Bnd hearel vla', speci IC shared knowiedge withGUlt I1ecessarlly
having becn mentioned in the preceding discourse.
( 19) AJ>' /E91' JQJJgi9Ill' Ji U-J-PJ Jsokl IJJ( Q= JIQG;
and DzT man pRs-Acr-crazy pAss:sec=2s.cEN
'What about lthat crazy Inan you sa~v~'
The persorml article t is not used v hen the name bcgins ~vit11 a proper name proclitic,
J-, Pa-, Dai- oI Nila-. In addition to the personal article i. there is a further personal
3rticle Jy which designates a group of persons in a family relationship or in a friendship
relationship with the person denoted by the noun it precedes (20). Ry is also used before
nolIKS 'lto Mldfess sorneoM dlrcctly (2l ).
5'6 JJde
fQ
IQ'J6'AXS'1~ g' B Q' JCOI'I'
m.-aN-lcfa taratisy n Bak ol y
PsT.Acr: send Iettcr PN Bakol y
'Bakoly aI1d lher family sent a letter.'
(2 l) N- J57 voAv ve J- Qo MQJMf.
FST-ExlsT Hl , oncy PTcL FST-RIED, INvIS PN M um
'Was therc aI1y money in there, Mumi1".'
Tihe Mll genitive clitics of the group (A) in Table l6.3 are used as proclitics, fonning
possessive predlicates ( group 8 is discussed in the ncxt section). AJJ 'JJy [atu1i] and aJJ "iIm
are en1ployed avith definite con1n1on nouns v hereas aJJ 'i
[ani] is used avith proper nouns:
A JJ JJP> JJIPQJJJPMJMIIP J S8'JJ6I JO t l ' Pok8AQ
| EN.DEF tcacher:GEN.PN Sendra PRx. vls b3g'
'This bag bcloTIgs to SeTIdra's teacher.'
PRX.VIS
TAIBLE l6.3: NGKIN PH$LASE MARKKRS
DEF GE'A.I3EF
Defmite common IIouns ny ' i hy an' ay . ' an"ihy
= n'W
Persona1 nam~w i an'i = n I,'=n
MALAGASY 4 6 7
( 2.3) AEJ S Rb l Q Zd' 0 8 ' . ~
cEN.ew Rima now mn
'It is Rina's [It1Irm
] noav! '
Tihese pOssessive prediicatcs caA l3e AGHlinalized by pMpos1Ag the dcfinite article m

and them, function as subjects (preposed subjects in the folIG>vimg examplc):


(24) Ay ee' i s8 dis o fa wy ee ' i@NAJ ao Nih'.
DEF GEN FAM wrong bu t DEF GEN F AN,M F oc oka v
'"Yours" (i.e. Gme trainee's performa11ce) is ~vrong but 'gours" (another trainee's
performance) is okay.' (Teacher to his trainees.)
Promouns come in three A1ajor sets rather than the hvo Rttestcd for cornmon nouns
(sec TabIe 16.4 for a summary). The momimative case is used for pronominal subject
arguments, e.g. Xio ia (fcd up 3) 'he,'sB.e is fcd uip'; thc dative for non-subject argu-
memts and for predicates cor1veying possession, e,g. Lee ia' i ho (fed up 3.0zT ls)
'I am
is fed up ~vith him"her. 4nario io, (2p.DAT that) 'That is yo1Irs'. The gem.itive fomm
are used to indicate the actor Gf a nom.-active verb, e.g. f7l'a=ko Hdl' M
i
4. (PAss-
fimish=l s.cEN l3ET book) 'I finislhed that book", Gr the possessor of a nominal, e.g.
vy sokmciso=vcio (GH. glasses 2s.rEN) 'vom glasses'. They are aIso used for most prepo-
sitional objects. The choice betweem the hvo genative forms is morphonologically comdi-
tioned. as discussed in the next section,
Hoth forms of the first prm.oun singular iho andl iziA0 can function as a nominative
subject. Tlhe differemce betwcen them is conditioned by wvord Grdcr: LiAo is the c1ausc-
initial co1A1tcrpart of ciAo. E.g.: (Msa ctAO (xvork ls) 'll Rrn xvorking' vs. X="ci A0 dia midsa
( Jl s Foc %'ork) 'll am %'ofklng (not slceplng),
The second singular pronoun imdo is not mecessarily a familiar form. In most uses. it
in fact excludes any kind of familiarity and is usedl Rs R distant form. 1lm. family relation-
ship, however, im>do may express fmmiliarity when used bchvecn R marricd couple or
by RA Rdullt addressing R chlld,. IIH othcr informal fflendly fc1ationslMips, a dlfFercnt set
of 805/'lQP Rddress fofms I,s pMferMd wvhch cncode addl t l GM!1 infGHIDation about
the speeclh act participants (sex, age, social status, personal relatiomship, etc.). e.g.
AvBAy (ligh degree of fa>mliarity, addressing a malej. inCk i (high degree of fRIniliarity.
addressimg a female). ise (high degree of fami)iarity) (cf. example t24) above Rmd
Rasoloson 2.000).
TAIBLK 16.4: lFUL1. ANIB CLI TI C FOl R>l S Ol F MALAGASY
PKRSONAI. FRONGUNS
NOM DAT
3.PL
I.SG
2.$6
I.PL INCL.
I.PL EXCL.
2.PL
3 (SG or PL)
MHBMQ
]zSIllG' Q.o
iaIIAO
i~tka
izalhiy
Izy
Izy irdo
RTl86
cIllBTt.O
ahy
alltSlka
arliy
azy
5zp llto
=tIV
=o
=r1 IZf lrdO
468 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
3.2. J Gewff'8' COJI'stpzvcAOKv
GenIltivc constructions arc morphonologically compicx and difFer for prorlominal a11d
nominal genitive modifiers. The head of a genitive construction can be a noun, a verb in
passlve or clrcumstantlal volce, of a preposltlon.
Tihe use of the gcnitive pronoulm IITablc l6.4) varies according to whcthcr or not the
final syl/able of the hcad is a vcak syllable. Heads not ending in a weak syllable take the
gcnitive pronouns of group (I), e.g. ny Iircim ~ nv Iin@e=ke II'DEF shoe= Is.cEN) 'my
shoes', ~1' boAy ~ >1Mki =nmva (Dzx book =2p.GEx) 'your book'. %'ith heads ending in
veak -na, the veak svllablc drops and genitive pronouns of group (I) are used as vell:
krhiaa 'earring" > k&'i =eiJ (carrim.g= l pv.avN). If the head ends in vcak -Aa or im, the
f'inal -a of thc weak svllable is dropped arld the genitivc prorlomirlal clitics of group (II)
are used: e.g.: pemha 'rlng > pewh =do II'ring=2s,GEN) 'your ring'. If these cllitics
begia v ith a consorlant (i.e. the third persorl and the first person plural inclusive clitics),
then they rep/ace thc vcak syllablc, hencc pdnvw~ 'her.'his'their ring' and pembika 'our
(Irlcl.) flAg .
If the genitive argument consists of a noun or noun phrasc. a numbcr of difTerent scc-
narios have to be distirlguished. Irl thc case of definite noun phrascs and pcrsonal namiscs
functioning as gcnitive arguments, tlhe gcnitive markers of group (8) in Table I6.3 above
are uscd:
=11'zy (phonologicaljy ~'mi.") is employcd vith common nouns vhile=a'i
Itphonologically also (nif) is cmpIojjed with personal names: ny 50ky 'thc book(s)' ~ sr1
bok(=8 llv %pdlHpiYt'RQAQ the teachers l3ook . Rv k1JYH'0 the shoes w H' ItiBvw=R l
FNy 'Faly's shoes', Major variants of this basic rule are as follows:
If the personal nmrlc begins vith.~'r) (includiwlg names bcginning ith the personal name
proclitic Ra
=
) the genihvc marker is simply=zi: sky 'photograph'+ Rasoro > sA isr-
dRasoR 'Rasolo's photograph' (r > dr is a phonologically regular alterrlation in redu-
pllcatllon. compo181ds arld gcnitlvc corlstructions (cf. scctIon 2.3)). The usc of a dash 1A
l3ctvcerl head aAd genitlvc argumcnt llll this cnvlromncnt is a convcntlorl of standard
Malagasy orthography. Another example vith a verbal head is MbNa iofom-dkakiy sr1'
kafe (still pAss-pound
=cEN IRalav Dzv coffee) 'Ralay is still pounding the coA'ee'.
If the genitivc argument is a personal narne and the head ends in a. mak syllable (Ita, fnv,
or ea) the voel a of the vmk syllable is dropped (in orthographic representations it is
replaced witIh an apostrophe) and no spccial genitive marker is 1I1sed: kivina 'car6ng' ~
M vie' i Riea 'IRina's carring(s)'. As the preccding example shows. this rulc also applies
to personal namcs bcginning with,'r', which thea are preceded by the pcrsonaI article i.
If thc genitive argument is a dlefinite conmnon noun and the head erlds in veak Aa or
im, the firlal a of the vcak syllable is replaced v ith, it' follloved by the article ay, e.g.:
~wPra 'nng" > pewhy aJ rahavivi =ke (ringxe~ DEF sister=3.cm) 'my sister's ring'.
'A>aAa 'chHd' > inaky e' Nina 'child(rcn) of the rlight =childrcn vho are vandcr-
ing about 1n tl1e night .
If the genitive argument is a definitc common noun and the head cnds in veak z>a, the
weak. syllable is repIaccd by
=s>'sry, e.g. A~ivaae 'relative' + ny se
ro 'the boss' ~
Aiva
=a 'ay s~fo 'relative(s) of the boss'.
Finally, if the gemitivc argument is an irldefinitc<common) rloun phrase, them the
genitivc marker is =z as in 'imnfo 'son or daughter in lav'+ aad9iana 'nobleman' )
vindnlol1'aaCh'iama 'a nobicman's son or daughtcr in law', tniP10 'house' + aacl)'iana
'nobleman' ~ Aivo>1 'aaCkias1a 'a noblcman's house' (conventionally writtcn as a single
v ord irl starldard Maiagasv orthography), If the genith:e argurrlent begins v ith a fricative
MALAGASY 4 6 9
or a liquid, this initial col1sonal1t is tumed into a stop accordil1g to the rules stated im. Table
l6.2. Exan1ples: adNQ 'crazy'+ Iahio 'games' > QddiQsi-dafQo 'game-mad (personj',
viziQnIO+ sakaii=a 'frielld' ~ viHQHI'OII-isaMiza 'a friend's son im. Iaw or a friend's daugh-
ter in lav". OI1ce again, sorI1ewhat difTerer1t regularities hold for heads el1di11g in xveak
syllables IIsee Keenan aI1d Polinsky 1998:575f. for details a11d examples).
Adjectives n1ay folloav either the genitive argumel1t or the lhead. In the latter case, the
gemt1ve case n1arker, If any Is dlrectl~ appended to the adject1ve nv 60L> mQIofo e nv
EHp6f%pMvlQ'hQ 'tDEF book dIrty=cEN.DEF tcacher)i ihe tcachel' s dl~' book(s)'. lf i he
adjective folloxvs the genitive argument, this may result i11 hvo diFerc11t constructions
distinguished by contexII a116 intonaiIional coI1tour. One possibility is an unmarked restric-
tive relative clause (cf, section 3.2.2) as in ~II', Mkn'ny mpQwpi&ial'm waloto (DEF
book:GEN.DEF teacher dirty| 'the teacher's book(s) which is~are dirty', the other an
en1pllaiIc subject construction (cf. sectioD 3.l): 8l
7
Aokiii Iif PJpQHIpJIM'QtP6(pausc)
uraMfo 'the teacher's book(s), thcy are dirty'.
3.2.2 Re/ative cI'Qwses
Malagasy relativc clauses follov the 11our1 they modify. They are optio1IIallv introduced
by the relative clause marker Izci>' and optionally fol l owed by a demorlstrative:
DEF+ X+ (i-Qy) + Predicate PI1rase + (DEM) (KeenaI1 l994). Maiagasy cal1 ol1iy relativize
on sabjecis and orI possessors of subjects. ConsequeI1tly, the verb il1 the relative clause
has to appear in the appropriaie voice, as illustrated im. the follomng exan1ples (in all of
which iziy is omissible):
88NM [1zay QH w'Qtlt7 M 'Nl' I 'QsII
7
Ao 47H 81
7
pN Bc D1a
i
REL PsT, AT.wr1te l e t t e r t o GEN,DEF
'Bema [vi ho v rote a letter io his frieI1d]'
RCeiUQ =Nl'
]
frICMll=3.GEN
(2'6) t l ' 1
7
I6U'QI'Qs>' [Iza'y RosoAQ!QII I 88PJQ Ii o' QH PIP' H Q Q =f J V
]
DEF icttcr tREL Ps T:%Tltc:RAss.GEN.IN 8. l o GEN.DEF fll e I 1d= 3.GEN
'the letiel
[that Bcma mote to his friend]'
( 2.7) ay HQma
=ey
[IZiy HQHOInfQH 'i BemQ
DEF fr i el 1d=3.GEN REL P ST.clR:write:GEN.Pv Bema
*lHis friend
[v hom Bema v rote a letter]'
iQmidm'
]
letter
id fPHtH Hf
t-amim, I1y
Ps T-with:Gzw.DEF
(28) itly sni zw' [izay AaHdova'HQ gf 1
7
ny tra11G i. ' m I1- a11-tio-v-m.a ny
DEF House REL FUT- CI RC-do-sF- iCIRC DEF
'Thc house [~vhere the child's circumcision ~vili
By usI11g a I1on-active voice, it is also possible io relativize on ihe possessor in a pos-
sesslve construction. TllUs, from (29) Gne n1ay fofl11 (30):
(2.9) 7'Ii"OkaPNmko kiIQfQ Hy
klfifa ny
broOn1 DEF
IiiQSQQVQH-JQ Qg
Ila-soa-v-ana= zaza
cIR-good-sF-cIR-chlid
be carried out]'
11o-kapoka-ana=ko
psT-knock-IAss= Is.GEN
QfifkPB Bkg
l I'lIIgNI'I'
alika
=n' i l i y
rangihy.
10g =GEN.DET nl al 1
'll hit the man's dog ~vith8. broom.
4I70 'll HE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
Bi)JP P@Hg@AP' [Izay 8 0 4 I POIil847
Aigafa zry a hk a=sry.]
broom DEF dog=3. ce
'That man [v,hose dog ll hit avith a broom]'
Definite objects fireely appear with actke verbs in re1ative clause constructions, folloving
the rigid constmint that om.ly subject arguments (and their possessors) can be relatiamed:
II3 I) Vv fl oPv AlfAvkfQP
i MAvo t ed) JQ
DEF troupe A theatre
DlsT.mvts st ory Dn T. 1Nms
'As for the Amtarmmrivo theatre troupe
if8'JVfiQJQ l QNV
mm. (eEL psT:knock:pAss = I S.GEN
l'HAJYtp" Lz8$' I l - l - $E'ftQEI6'
as. fof REL FUT-ACT-Stage
fv&8$8 Rlf
PST-Wvlth:GEN.DEF
wlich v iII perform those (aforementioned)
storIes...
If the relative clause is not formally marked by i=m, it i s only distinguished by
intonatiom. from. an 'emphatic' subject construction (cf. ll3ez l980: I 1 I fK). Compare the
fQII8%1ng twQ examples:
II32)
i
VV O' J"ofl-dektge En-t-PPM'kQ
DEF adul t s 1 Rs-Ac T-talk
'Thc adults wvho Bre talkl8,g."
( 33) ! OIo z- dehi M ( . . ) m-i-n s aka.
DEF adullts (pansc j PRS-AcT-talk
'The adults, they are talking.'
lt is also possible to form headless relative clauses. Hlere, the relative pronoun i::m
eamnot be ornitted:
lt 34) ASefM'
= V 6' k fLkp' 5- 8 - t ' Po=PM'Mo 08'I 5'.
Sho~v=pAss.tMP Is. DAT ae. Psr- t Ass-do=2p. ~zN v est erday
'Show me svhat you did yesterday.'
( 35) 7m' M' i
=Ao' n:~ Fanv Izav n- a-Ieha = nv al
NEC kn oW= I S.CEN ART F. REL PST-PAss-go=3.iGEN ]NTJ
'll do not knoav where he has gone, Fira.'
Malagasy has a rather elaborate deictic system. It involves the remarkably Iugh num-
ber of seven degrees of distance from the speaker in addition to a visible'non-visible
dlstlnctlon. Apart f rom t hesc semantic di stinctloYls, there i s al so a gr aHlmatlcal
distinction between adverbs and demomstratives. The deictic adverbs are Iisted in
Table 16.5.
TA.BlLK l6.5: DKK.'.TIC ABVKRBW.lLS
Prozimall Med i al
Visible e ty, ell o & , ets y
llamsib]e aty , i to Ao, at sy
13istat
6rvy, erha. erj
hmy, arha. arj
MALAGASY 4 7 1
(36) L4I'vJf JQ O'v
PI'0 V8 J GJJl"'
far cGn1ing.from PRx.vIS q G IsT. INV>s
'lls that (the road, I1ot visible) far from herc (close by. visible)".'
(37) O' J'7 I5$' N- JA' JKIJ' OJJiv 8' JJv QJJJM 5' )' IQJJJ Iftl
ar1d NEc Pa.s-ExIsT cl G11dl DI ST.>ss 1nxEN.mP s k y
' . .
. BIId there are nG clouds there iI1 the sky IIdistal, visible).'
( 38 j kfboja &IP Ja' ~JI y.
stIll DIST.v~vIS 3 D rs T.mvIs
'He"s still (hanging about) therc (distal, irtvisible).'
Like prepositIions, dcictic adverbs are marked for past ter1se vith the prefix f- avhen
occurri1I.g in a past tense context:
(39) J' d/JQ Po JJg8 it
=
80 .4MIJOSJEJlv Jzl'.
as Bm ve PST-MED.INvH Ambos1tra 3
'... Bs he arm ed there in Ambositra.'
Deictic adverbs can also bc verbalized mth the active voice prefix mvJJA-, c.g. XaJJk~w
iho (PsT.Arr-there l ) 'I went there', This also hGlds for the corresponding locative question
'A'ord DJ'" O' whC1'C Bs B1 MQJJk-QJZQ JQJJdo;
(PRS.ACT-%here 25
) 'A'herC are yGlJI. golQg..
The demGI1stratives, which are obviously dcrtivedl from the adverbs, are listed in
Table 16.6. Note that there is a special, thoueh I1ot fuily complete, series Gf plural fmms
fof the vislblc dcmonstfatfvcs. Thc demoI1stfatlvcs can be Uscd bGth as pror1olHlls Bnd Bs
dctcrminers. Examples for prGnGnmnaj 1Isc am iny JJa ha=ko (tlmt Dm.VIS want=ls.cEN}
'That is N4at I waI1t' and:
(40) Aa OJJJafy Ee sa Jsy OJJJaEv e7
so yesterday MED.YH or NEG yesterday INTj
'So is that ( fruit salad) froIT1 yesterday Gr not7'
%he1I. fuI1ctiGning as detemmmcrs. the demoI1stratives regularly occur at the begj1ImiI1g Gf
a noun plmasc, taki11g the place Gf the dcfiI1ite articlc. For emphasis., they may in fact flaI1k
thc I1oun phrases they specify, c.g. IJO amo io Iebiem Jo (fGr 2s.DAT Mm.VIS beer NED.vIs)
'That beer is for you', iIIi tJeJJO (ehiM Jfi
(PRx.ms house big PRx.vIS) 'this big house'.
(4I)
JM7 JMJ J80 9 JI VJJJ M 'tBVJV'I'Al JJIJ.
aI1'iI1y rehet r a-rchetra i ny.
GEN.DIsT.'vls RDP-Bll DIST.VH
IZy no I1-B! aG
3 Foc psT - AcT-do
'lHe did all of that'! '
( 42) . . . JI a Je fifamM'm= JJ J 0 IIePMg JJ 8'
Ajlemagne
Germany
na i o f-I-tambatra-ana
=n' i
Gr M ED. VIS Jtl R-C[RC-unl fy-Cl RC = GEN. PN evcQ
QPQ/JV
ary
MED.VIS
'even this Gern1ar1 reu11i fication...'
TA.lBLK t6.6: MAILAGASV DEMGNSTlRATIVKS
IAVISIWc
Visible
Visible.P]ural,
lZBIY~ IZ5tO
ity. ilto
Praxiirml! Medial
iz5o, izatvir
to, itsj
irdo, i&tsy
]zRI1)', IzarGR, 1zRpf
Iny. irha, irj
Kklllg', Ker68, IreTV l&to
4L72 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
The visible'nonvisiible distinction permeates the system. This distinction does not only
refer to visibility in a literal sense. llIlstead, the invisible forms are used for referring to
places or entities svhiclh arc only vaguely identified or have unclear boundaries.
Comversely, highly topical rcferents may be encoded v ith a yisible deictic, even if they
are not actually present dunng the speeclh cvent.
(43) N8 fG 8M/ f 60 QAod' RQ sl ' M8'f l 'Do QA'OD Plzl
nefa m- aN-tao a h oana q m-aN-t ao aho ana
but PRS-AcT-do ho~v am l PRS-AcT-do ho%
' . .
.but just how is he (emphatic)'P (referring to someone
speech event but just mentioned for the first tin1cj.'
Jo
l zy l o7
3 MED. Vl S
not present in the
This example a/so shmvs that in emphatic reference the demonstratiyes may occur ~vith
personal pronouns.
Furthermore, visible deictics are employed in narratives to refer to entities svhose
locatlon ls kno'A'n of accesslblc to thc addressec even though thc refcfents are clcarly not
v>sible in the actual speech everit.
'II44) k8 8QRiMPQH'MPQPil' d':l' t-Pn> QR-dQIQRQ.
and esT.AcT:aop.interrogate 3.DAT esT-cnsr.ms on-road
'[Hlis father approached him] and asked him there em. route.'
ln addition to deictic adverbs and dcmonstratives, there are also predicatiye deictics
based on the same roots. Most of these are obsolete iil modern Malagasy speech (but see
l(4 j above for an exarnplc j. Tllc slngular predlcatlve deictlcs are fronl proxinlatc to dlstal:
MIj', ldf'0, Mp', Mdk$', ERPsg, MdPoQ, I'dPv (vl sl bl e); MJQifo, MQO,' l'Pigl<76, MGl", Pnjdj', MQHl',
injYiey (invisible).
5 5 ElR84L 5I GIIRPHGIIL.OG'h
Malagas>' ver'bs forID the class of words that are nlarked for nlood (sectlon 5.4), mode
(scctiom. 5.5) and voice (section 5.1). They can be classified into hvo primary classes,
active and norj-active, depending on vk.ether tbey take an agentjive argumemt im. the
genitive case. Non-actb, e verbs (traditionally called 'passive' verbs) are those that take
a genitive argun1ent eilcliticized to the verb, vhich seryes as an actor, and a subject
argument in a non-actor case role. The Ilon-actiye verbs may be subclassified iilto four
groups based on their morphology: monomorphemic root passiyes, suNxal pa.ssives in
-inQ (avith a stem-conditioncd mriant -eaa), or -ana, prefixed thematic passives in a-,
and circunlstantjial verbs Nhich consist of the active prefix minus the m- and the suffm
-Qs>Q. Malagasy yerbs, like ccrtaiil prepositions, are inflectionalfiy nlarked for tense
(cf. section 5.3 j, and can be derived to reflect causatioil wjcf. section 5.6j. am.d reciprocity
(cf. section 5.7j. This scction also details the specifics of tlhc Malagasy resultatives
formed from the prcfixes fqfQ-, and voa- (cf. section 5.2).
5.I Volce
5.J.J Acfixe vejbs
Active yerbs in Malagasy are those verbs that take one of the follomng active prefixes:
w-, e>i-, nra-, nm'II'-, wiQW-, mNQ-, mana-. mQha-, mank-, or manka-, md form their
MALAGASY 4 73
imperativcs with -a (Sec 5.4). Among the very feHv exceptions to the bimorphemi>ic nature
of active verbs are the verbs fia 'to like', and tl1e folloavimg verbs of motion: 8my 'about
to arrive', Icisa 'to be gome', tonga 'to arrive', amd dHy 'to comc'. The taslt threc verbs can
be used as auxiliarics:
H'QEQVQAMQ'
varavarana
Td 'RG Idsc
Tena lasa
evcn gone psT-Acr-open
'Nlvo has cvcm gGM to opcr1
Tihe verb tia 'to like' rnay also appear as te=before a verb im the future tense, Hvhere it
flj1nctloAs as am aUli1llarv procl l t lc meanlmg to %' ant f 8 IflMnQPNf lQH'1lMfo Qjfo
(v ant=FLIT,Acr-lear11 from.you 1s) 'll Hva11t to learn Aon1 you'.
Furthermore, the verbs h'a, Idsa and l'onga may also occur as root passive verbs. tak-
ing gcmlt1ve agents, c. g. Fi fG=Hd'0' H'e Rf d Mf =nQO (like(PAss)=2p.GEN Q DEF
work=2p cENII 'II3o you l>kc your job
of the four basic active prefixes mi- and wa'll'- are highly productive, whcreas the prc-
f<xes m-, amd em- apply only to a closed class of roots. II'l|e vnll dHscH1ss the four prefrxes
by their order of productivity.
Tihe mi- prefix is con1monly used to form intram.sitive verbs such as mHdsy 'to camp',
Hif 8wp9 to dissolve, 1'Qelt', n1J'E$(nkd IonQ 'to float, J'J'JNdH'QHQ' to bc Nends .
(46) MbNa m6a m-i - i eny 1'e IZd' ffl ' .
still Rqv Pm. s-AcT-speak q D<ST.1Nv>s
'll3oes that still make sense7"
Mi- verbs may also take objccts, wh>ch are usH1ally nom.-spec<fic. umless quahf>ed by
the definitc article or denmnstmtive: Hi-so&e pej /a5i~m ia. (~. AcT-drink (DEF) beer 3)
'IHe v ill drink (the) beer', Very knv om. the tmnsitivity continH1um, mi- caI1not be used to
form djtransitive verbs, unlike the passive affixes and the active prefix a>ah . Mi- is also
used ~vith verbs tltHat are inheremt1y reciprocal, e.g. Ini-anad6hy 'to be siblings' amd
ERl'$8oM'A fhfi-$90lJQ-vGdff(AcT-thaBk-spouse) lto divorce each otlllcr'.
Many muN- verbs, Hvith the 1ess frcquemt variant n>ana-, cam also be shown to be pri-
marily imtransitive, e.g. nfand&y 'boil, bubble', sum>gasiMvy 'to be timid', man~tw ka 'to
give off smcke'. But waN- verbs are usually distinguished from their mi- coumterparts in
that they llavc GM morc argument In thcir senlRntic fralnc, putting tllcn1 rclatlvcly highcr
on the tram.sitivity continuum. Their semantics is therefore cor11parable to their passive
counterparts. Compare the following triplets: eii-simka 'to be separated, divorced' vs.
ummimka (active), swsihiaa (passive) 'to separate somctl1ing, detach'; I f f~m 'to be cir-
cun1ciscd" vs. maeom (active),fmiiimu (passive) 'to circumcise somebody'; n>i-~mpy 'to
be added', mandmpy (active). arnpiana (passive) 'to add, to augment',
Af- verbs are those A1 wh1ch a tense pref1x (n- past, w- prcsent, A- future) d1rectly
appends to the root. Tihere are a fcsv dozc11 such verbs, including mdaana 'to lhave', mino
to bcllcvc', 9$04' to go hon1e', Pnellr' to agrec . n/ePMA'fkl to dcservc, Nl&'EkQ to dxlzzle',
Hfl'sf to exlst', and RfQJ47 to takc .
Ma- verbs compr1se a closed class of verbs, wh1ch are pnlmar1lv stat1ve Ihke tl1c>r
Philippine counterparts. They include mahi~a 'to see'. nmiorp 'to sleep', e>apipH' 'tro be
sick', nwd90 'to be clean'. mahiisy 'to be straight'. eraliny 'to be foul smellling'. nfasika
'to be ripe; well cooked', maI6mka 'to grov rapidly'.
Tihe remainim.g active voice affixes convey more specific meamngs in addition
to active voice: wiaA- indicates directiom (motion tovl ards) or temdency, e.g. ~uian-Na
HllVf J'P$ j Qnf 8 f A'fvo e.
mlh ftsy anj e 1 Nl vo e i
imdeed PTcL pw Aiv o wn gate
the gate! '
4I74 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
(.<cT-forest) 'to go to the forest', eJiaJJ-bdwa 'to go to the markct': JniIJa- expresses the
inchoative, e.g. PJJAG-JDQP' JgQf5674f to 13ccome cold'. For MQJ'JI- sce section 4, and for
MQJjkl- scct10A 5.6.
5. f.2 PiffssJlvJ
Formally spcaking, passive verbs are the most hetcrogeneous kiI1dl of verbs in Malagasv,
as they Hlay bc formed %'ith preflxes. suffixes. of no morphoIogy at 8II. Their cornmon
featurc is that they take a genitive arg1Inmnt as actor, usually in a transitive verb frame. and
do Aot take tl1c Impcratjve sUfFlx -8 assoclatcd wlth actb:c vefbs l3ut -1' or -0 The nom1-
naitive argument of passh,c verbs is non-ageI1tive, ~Aich can bc a mriety of things ~vitll.
respect to thc semantics of the passive verb: a patient. tI1cme, location. or instrument.
AIthough in the majority of tokens of passive verbs, a genitive arg1uncnt is overtly
exprcssed., therc are cases in which no argunlents are overtly expressed, and the subject is
understood to bc a non-agentive argument as4>ic4 must be inferrcd fironl the context.
M69/6 vvQ$QHQ M6 01 6 A7I fsQffQ.
mbola voasana. mbol a ki ky-s-8I18
still pee l : JAss sti lI grate - sF-Pass
'lt's still bcing pecled off. Still being grated.' ttalking about gingcr fruit]
'IIlll'e ~vill Ao~v discuss passives by their morphological form and function. differentiat-
ing the roles of thc root passives, su5ning passives in -ina and -ana aI1d the a- thcmaitic
pass) ves,
Root passives are those verbs that are monomorphcmic and take citI1cr 8I1 actor in the
gemtive case, or a paticnt in the nominative case or botI1.
(48 j Tsv J>-isv
':dvatm J e
@idsy JJy j J-Pafmyd he4' 0 J J dno .
NEG PST-ExlsT thing PAss:lmar except DEF 'NRMfip drop:GvI DEF %atef
'NothiI1g was hcard except the drip drop of the water.'
llhey are rather frequent in Malagasy discoursc, cited in Kcenan (1914) to comprise
thirty percent of the occurrer1ces of passive verbs, second in frequem.cy to tlhe -iJJa pas-
sivcs. lkoot passivcs in Malagasy include experiencer verbs such as i-e 'understood'. Aiia
'scen', m 'heard', paJJ/eim 'known', Mno 'I istened to', fsdpa 'felt',, (siaja 'perceived
from abovc, AJdNfli fcDlenl13ercd', and 8 numbcr of othef verbs sMh as AQJ able to .
JYsv dcfeatedl v8Q 13roken' bQb9 captured v 9 aKl c t ed c t c
The most ~e I 1tly occurring passive verbs in discoursc are those taking the suNxes
-is>a (-ena). or -aea, ~vith concomitaI1t stress shiA one syllable to the right for minimally
bisyllabic roots. Unlike in Philippine Ianguages. >vhere the choice bctwecn the suff)xes
is depcndcnt upon the semantics involved, the su%x choice iI1 Malagasy is Iargcly a fca-
turc of thc root, cxcept in the very fesv IIdozcn or so) czses wI1cre roots can accept both -aJJa
aAd -JPiN %lth I1fFefcnt Hlcanlngs (Rahaj'arIzafv' 1960:I90). IIItIlllc -JJM 1s lDuch Alore
frequeI1t than -aJJa for passive verbs. only -ana is used for circun1stanitial verbs, so the
suffixes most likely carried difFercnt meaI1ings in a paradigm that ~vas productive earlier
on in the lhistory of the languagc.
The passive suFix is appended. to the root fornlative, svhich is, not Aecessarily identi-
cal to the root used with an actfve verb. Thc stem endings -ka, -(m, 8I1d -JJa are red11ced
bcfore the suffixes, and manv roots takc a thematic consonant beforeithe suffm. Some
roots change their final vo~vcI before the addition of the suffix, and non-final diphthoI1gs
MALAGASY 4 75
li'ASlLK I6.7: FORW'lATIION OlF M FlFIXIING PASSllVES
Suftixing stem SllILxed pssslve
SkfRtr3, O'Ate
(a) Reduction of stem endings
tipakn 'break'
N.kM thlk, fnl nd
Ib) Addition of a thematic consonant with or without stem ending rcduction
halfRttR 'rneM3gc', order ltafhr-
tstnjo 'see from afar' tsinjhv-
doka 'flatter' dokhf-
tkratra 'see throtjgh' t1Iaf-
(e) Change of final root vowel svith ar svithottt a thematic consonant mdded
jkry 'look at' ]er<-
vhty 'plent' vok-
mfy fathorn measure refh-
8ty *pass through' tetlkz-
h.ndry 'v zit' nnd<s-
thmdrtna 'pay sttention' tmdrem-
(d'3i Addition of stem farrnant -as-. -a-- or ~-
dtrnby 'reptacement' Bimbi&-
bc 'big' behz-
tidy 'laek for' Gdi jg
r
soCt-
'sk(n-
tapkh-
sof5t8M
sk]11lM
tap&ina
hef8fRM
tSKJAv1115
dokhfana
tarafina
)eMM
volknn
refesina
tet&ziM
endrssslM
tkndRmBI18
dlmblhslHR
behzina
tadiivina
within roots often become monophihongal in stems before the sufnxes, e.g. hii=:a 'a
nursing child' > Iezai)M 'bring up children. (passive)'. The major gyes of passive for-
mations are summarized in Table 16.7.
In additi.on to these regular alterrtatiorts, sufFixing passives sort1etimes also involves
suppletion. Verbsith suppleiive active-passive pairs include: )r)-aka 'take (Acr)'. aQ-)na
take (PAss),' 0rJ'-ifo)id)Q carry (AcT), 88if-)HQ carry (PAss) '; %)-1'QA9$)U sell (Acr), aFPfl'A'
'sell ()Ass)'; aI11 )Ma)iM'a
fj: lI vaofj:) 'peel (Acr)', voisana 'be peeled (PAss)'. It should be
noted that the infix -is>-, the perfective or realis counterpart of the cogI1ates of -i))a~-ana
undergoer voice sufFixes irt a number of svestern Austronesian languages, is not a pro-
ducttve Inorpheme m Malagasy a)Sough It surfaces as an tnfix tn a few passrve verbs
e.g. vaky 'broken', v)nikv 'be broken'.
A number of stative verbs share the ability io derive passive forrt1s, e.g. vNo 'hair'+
-))rn ~ voJ'o-i)M 'hairy' (adj.) but vNO+-D)M ~ voIO-s-a)M 'to be plucked (of fowl)';
))')g djfo clean d)o + J/)a ~ di ovi))a to be' ciea
i
ned (pass )
The prefix a- forms passive verbs that, like the sufFixal passives, are mostt often
ecourtteredath an overt genitive actor. Ho~ever, they difFer from the sufFixal passives
in thai the rtominaiive argument is most likely io be eiiher an insirument, 3 theme or an
argument which is physically or psychologically coI1veyed, a-so)iim 'to mark with
(instrument) vs. so)ii-i)ia (~ so)iim-))>a) 'to mark something, that which is marked
(yatientj'; a-dNa 'to trans/ate, copy (theme)' vs. dika)))a 'to cross (location)'. Common
verbs which specify conveyance include a-I)aiaka 'move a~vay, separate', a~krka 'turn
something aside', a-n)so 'push, put forard'. e-) oejina 'push out of the v ay', a-IB))M
's~vaIlow', a-8/'oim 'present to, give as a giA'. a-toiobe 'fill up ~vith earth'. etc. 3- pas-
sive verbs may also denote themes which are transformed, e.g. a-Na))a 'io thvist'.
The prefix a- carries secondary stress and maintains its syllabic integrity before
vwvel-initial roots; aNaka turrt something aside' syllabifies as a.o.ha.ka. AJthough the
4I76 'll HE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
a- passives are formally quite different from tlle sufTixzl passives. they take the same
tense marking, rediupjication and imperative marking as their suffixal cmnterparts,
nlail1taiDillg the appropriate consoDant iriutations, and stem alternatiol1S (cf.
)5.3).
lt sbould be noted here that all thematic passives with the pref'ix a- have suffixing
passive or circumstantial counterparts.
( 50) JhvMgika
Id'PPJ &Cif Hf ANfg9 t f ' I'.
II5 l ) AAYfiGPA7
HP' FGP'Jg6'8 f Hf A7N&il .
5. 1.3 C(PMARsfQPiAQ( H'eP5$
Circumstantial or relative' verbs in Malagasy are readily identifiable as those verbs,
v hich have both an active prefix Ici-, eA-, a-, 8-) m.d the passive suffix -anu. Table l 6.8
preseDts a fe%' Q'pical examples.
Tlhe naIne 'circumstantiall was coined to reflect the nature of the subject as being a
semailticaily peripheral argumer1t of the verb. Tlhey are usually cited in paradignss vith
active al1d passive exanlples as in (49 5l), givillg the somev hat false inlpressioi1 that
they are fully prod1tctive as ma1n predicate verbs.
l(49) M QHdM' kGPP6' ke i UAG Jf) ' AMgGf i 1' N PG.
m-&i1-rakotM lanlbB nv tongotra = Dy aho
PRs-Arr-cover bl al1ket DaF l eg=3. czN l s
'll cover lhis legs vith a blaDket." (Active')
rakotra-aDa=ko lamba ny tom. gotra=ny.
cover-PAss= l.sc.cEN bl aDket DEF leg= 3. cEN
'll cover lhis legs vith a blaDket." (Patient passive)
a-rakotra =o ny to Dgotra= ny i l y li nl ba .
PASs-covzR= is.GEN DEF l eg=3. cEN DEF clot h
'll cover his legs with a blaDket." (Thematic passive)
aN-rakotra-ana=ko ny t oll got r a=ny ny l i mba.
c1Rc-cover-c1Rc= ls.cei DEF l eg = 3 . cEN DEF bl aDket
'll cover lhis legs vith a blaDket." (Circumstantial)
Examples<50I and (51) are different ii1 that in (50) the subject arguinent is the patient
Nf t6'Ng9H whi l e i D (5l ) 1t ls the instrument Hg I6H1'6Q. S'tr1tctlllraliy,
'AM preflx passive
clause (5l) and the circumstaDtial clause (52) are identical. ODe major dift'erence
between them is that circunlstalltials ordinarily are not used as n1ain predicates il1 natu-
n,l discourse. They Qyically appear as modifiers to nouDs iil relative clause constructions
lcv ith or without the relativizeri.-~y), or aAer the focal particIe >M.
( 52) AMf l 6'I ii G
f
iivk6' Zy i 8' ngaey 1'iy 18mba.
TABlLK I6.8: M.AJI 4GASY VERBS IN THlRKK VOICES
Active Pas~im C llK1l18stant181
sasa '%511
vhno 'kill
*
Rsaka 'converse'
hhiao 'hcar'
kraka 'fol1mv'
sasana
vondma
res&lna
benhina
m&ina
aflasklla
aHlGHkana
rresi4la
ihaindana
aaarkhaaa
manasa
IQMH5llIo
miRsaka
mi&ino
ma&raka
MALAGASY 4 7 7
(53) HQl ' ZQZi PVCAQ' PM'MJNLVkW'Vl"1' Ao VQdV
ho vady
for wi f e
Ilay z azm ax y A-allr i p-1-Bkatra-Ina= Dy
DET young woman psT-cAU-cIRc-1IA up&l Rc = 3.cEN
'that yo1A1g worI1an he married'
4E~Q MPSi M' I ' Pi l O I fiNAIIIf8iItjdl8'I"iI'II'8
aiza i nt sony no h- aha-tadidi-av-ana =ko
whcrc evcr FGc FUT - por-remcmiber-SFwtRc = 1.GEN
'Hmv aln l n er supposed to rcITlembcr that7"
IA non1inal framcs aftcr an article or existential, the circun1siantial verb specifIes the
purpose. reason, or circumstance of an aci. not the actor (Bs expressed by an aciive vcrb
counterpart), or the paiient (as expressed by a passive verb counterpaitj.
(55l Xsy m- i sv niot ualuvr 'ay OIOPf8 Hl ' l l / t slP.
Tsv IH- l sy n-I-oln aDB-ana= n ny o lona n11 hltsp'.
NEG PRs-Ex1sT I sT-prepare-ciRc=GEN.DEF person a l i t t l e
'Thcre was no time at all for ihc people to prcpam.' (lit, there ~vas Do ~vay,'means
ai alI in which the people could get ready)
Q8 iLi a'8
f 7
BA 1ZBAy~
CEN.DIST.INVIS
Circ11lrlstantial verbs may also be employed to modify nouns in lexicalized compound
constrI1ctions: viihan-diesaka niaviha =aV (intcrview accompany:aac=3.cEN) his joint
Intev,1ev"
Circ1m1stantial verbs may also bc formed with the sccondary prefixes -anra-, -anlp-.
%'Ith ihc reclprocal prcfix -Jf- and %'ith redlulpllcatcd stclns Thclr lrnpcl'ailves Gre fofAled
in the same xvay as passive ilTIpcraiives, taking eiilher -y, or- -o, as detern1ined by the
vocalic nat11rc of ihe root (Sec 5.4).
52 Vos- and Tafa- reslIIlitstk'es
The resultative prefixes v'oa- aDd kig6- are coDsidcred together here because they sham a
few lnorphosmtactic similarities. They do not inflect for imperative mode or past
ieDse, e.g. vM-/ oliAM'IIv AvifdbtvfPQ flv APIIQ=PP~(REs-fall:GEN.DEF iablc DEF hcad=3.cEN)
'The tabl.e fell QA ltis hcRd'.
Contrary to maDy gramnmtlcal analyses of Malagasy, svc do not catcgorlze thcse rcsujta-
tives v ith passivcs. The behavior of voa- and iafiv- resultatives is sirikn1gly di5ercnt firom
a-. -ina and -aria passives, as the agent. Qyically coded in the genitive case, is usually abscnt.
Tihc diffcrences behvecn voa- aDd iafe- resultaiives are as follows: voa-. historiczlly
apparently relaied to the root voa 'fruit, seed'. encodes complctive statcs svith experi-
encers (non-ageDts) in s11bject function. Examples of voa- resultatives include: ~oa-
nMitm 'preserved' ~'Oa-f!A 'el ected' voa-iAv 'f orced' ~'Oa-Mja respected . and
voa fihiiw 'demarcatcd'. They may participate in compo1Inding io form nc~v lexical
items: Nam-boagi'dy Iojona-voa-fldy( (~rson-REs-elcct) 'elected ofticial'.
Although the agent of voa- predicatcs is usually uncxpressed, it may bc expressed
immediately aAer the 1ea- resuliative, prmided it is noi in initial prcdicaie positioD.
(56) F0 4PAfiQNJ EfQAQ 80 VOQ- 4 75l'kV A V M NO.
fokontany four Foc REs-Bffcct:GEN DEF %atcr
'FourIokimiaiiy (comrnunitics) were afkcted by the v ater' (iD a flood).
Rfi- rcsultativcs oflten encode a coincidental or unexpectcd state of affairs. Tlhe sub-
ject of Pq)h- rcsuliatives excrcises more coDtrol to bring about th.e resultant date thBD the
s1Ibject of a voa- formative.
4I78 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
( 57) Rf Q- veJ'JMt 1' Mito A J JJ' QRQ'JilQPJ1'G JJ'V FJ-IGAQ Z QY1
aEs-return PST-PRx.vts Amtananarivo DEF Na-head Za f v
'President Zafy happel1ed to return to AntanaI1arivo.'
Kee1lan al1d Polinsky (I998:599) notes that voa- nmv be used with reduplicated roots.
while iafa- may mot, e.g. voaI'a'aQ;a 'said a bit': PafaveJ J J>a 'returned', bl1t 1lot ~tagaveJ
J JJJ6E'PJM .
5.3 Temse and sspeelt
Most Malagasy verbs take inflectior1al tense marking im accordance ~vith the follomm.g
pattenls. Active verbs v ith the prefix JJJ- change the initial prefix w- to IJ- to indicate pasi
tense, and IJ- for the future terlse, e,g. JJranbmIJG 'serve', NaJJGnpo 'sened', kaJJOJJ>po 'will
serve'; 0 i-d JnI a aJJ1J JJ'i JJenyL>'(xn-.acT-accompany with:GEN.m n1other 3) 'Hle'll go v ith
Mother'. Like active verbs, stative verbs and the rnajority of adjectives beginning vrith the
pfesel1t actlve prefllx JJJ- takc JJ- for tlM past tcnse and A'- for the fLltufe tcnsc, c.g. JJM'-IJGJJJA f
'successful" > ee-IJGmby *was successfl1ll' > Ae-IJGe>k 'mll be success&I'.
Ali circumstantial verbs. md passive verbs that begim. ~vith a vowel or take the prefix
a-, also take the prefix JJ- for their past forn1, and A- for their future forlll, e.g. wdIJaJJa
'be kissed', JJGJ6AaJJe 'was kissed'. IJGJOAaJJa 'will be kissed'. Suffixal passives thai
begim. mtll a comsonant take the prefix JJO- for tl1e past tense and AG- for the future tem.se
(formerly written as separate ~vords), e.g, l'eMJJJina 'is brouglht to ii fe,'started
(engime,'fire)' nol'eEGJJJiJIJa 'was brought to life', Aave)GJJJJJJa 'wiII be brought to life'.
The particle Ao is used to fornl the f'uture of certain verb gyes that do mot imflect for
pasIt tense: mo1lomorphemic root verbs., or resultatives which take the prefixes Pafa- or
vGQ'-: Ho fOJJgQ=kG Rl' 0%3'
(FUT bklng(PAss)= Is.cEK DEF sweef,.potatoes) 'I'll bring the
s%cet potatoes', Efi9 Ao 1858 J f (dolle FUT depart 3) 'He 1s abolJlt to leave'. lt nm) also be
enlployed to express tlle Rture of non'linal and deictllc predlcates 00 JJlp/Lvd&6' RQ590 (FUT
doctor R.) ' Rasoa wl l l be a doctor . H6 8' JJf QJJJJJJ'1' J'cBJd'JJQ' J KGPG(FL
iT DlsT.P>vH
in:cE>.DEF village IN Koto) 'Koto will be in the village'.
Mosi verbs in Malagasy carrv only one inflectiol1al tense marker, bl1t there are a few
derived verbal compou1ldls that can carry hvo, sl1ch as JJJiYim-e>a JJ NIJa (Pp.s:vrith-PRs:go)
'go with' vs. AiYiJn-IJaJJ deIM "will. go vrith'
(Ranaivoson unpublished).
Inflectional past tense is not or1iy reserved for verbs and adjectives begmling with JJ>-
As already noted above. demenstratives, prepositions andl ille locative interrogative ai=a
where' n1ay also inflect for past tense. however. with a differel1t prefix (J'-). ilm. auxiliary
and colr1plerne1lt constructions, both the auxiliary,'nlatrix verb and the complement verb
are marked for temse (59).
( 58) A- J' -PPAQ4f JJ-QJJ-gvM ( MG
J I' J'GQ'
IQ'Al'...
PsT-AcT-slt PST-AcT-slience PST-there 3 two bov.
IQ
P$1' JJJA' ofGPM JJA8IJJJge'IJMk.
fa t s y n- >sy olona n-l-aDP-hehna.
but xac PsT-e IsT per son PsT-AcT-aDP-pass by
'The tNo boys sat there silently, but nobody passed by.'
( 59) TQJZQ JQJMG JJG JI JQ/JQ'i!'JQ
T-alZa 1XIlao Do 1Il - I l-anatra
psT-%4,ere 2s Foc psT-AcT-icarn
'%here did vou leam to read7'
fial 7
teny~
v ord
HQJJJQkj
n-&f-viky
psT-Aic'T-read
MALAGASY 4 79
Malagasy verbs and adjectives may also encode aspectual distimctioms tluough redu-
plication, e.g. eli-is& >gana 'to rise, stand' > mi-IIsanganII tsal~rgava 'to promenade, stroll',
u>iAA iIa 'to look back' > miAeiiAA ika.'to keep looking around; to l!ook behind one
fcpeatedly'.
Z a aIGa t &
izaho alia di a
1I s f lrst PART
zQNl' Il M' J' s f sl "
pwpaoz/pQG >'
fa
Hl-i-paozl-paozy fa
pks-AcT-RDp-Bppcararlce but
isy m- i - kiti-kitika
Ex[sT PRS-AcT-RI3P-touch
nayself eivcry day but I mcam nobody touches me here amd
h
%IN'/Rliflka
lM'8 QPIdif'0
lsan amdro
eeryda>
I.mcam. NEG
'll a1%ays slrlartem up
thefc.
Some verbs vrith ari inherent durativc or iterative mature always appear in reduplicated
fofllA, e.g. Ml-vPzt-'ve~>' to wandcr, roarn, fHI-kfff-kiiAka tickle, toilch IQ passlng, Jvl-
d're4m-dvacAe 'cry aloud', wiMsidm-a9id>e 'squeal', e>I-safo-sdfG 'caress', mi-dIodG-
dGda 'move v ith quick and moisy steps',
Finally it may be noted that Malagasy uses repetition to express iritcnsification, In such
instances., the adjcctive or verb is repeated and the focus particle die, filmctioning hcre as
a limker, is usually inserted im. betveen hvo elements, c.g. gaga dia gDga ahG Icsurprised
LK surprised 1s| ' I vas vcry surprised i ndeed', lnianatm dia l)wYiaatm iaIIa>vG
(PRs.AcT:Iearn LK PRS.Acr:leam 2p) 'You are learnirig a lot indeed'.
5A Impef8tlpv8 fol matlom
Imperatives of adjectives amd active verbs are usually formed by su5'ixing -a after the stem
(somctimes vith ilssertiom of a final comsomant to the root if the latter ends in a vowel).
Hovever, if the stem tcnmnates in stressed e, no suffix is addcd. AAer stems that end in
suffix -a and the final vowcl merge while attracting stress: erila=-a+-a =mifaza
Tell.'. Thc addressee is not overtly expressed in the imperatv e. e.g. lfa-;GiG-a tAcr-dili-
gent-IMP) 'He diligent!'. IInsperatives of preflximg or suffixing passives are forlmedl by
addimg tlhe silNx -v to the fuH stcm of the verb if the last syllable of the stem comtains the
vovrel G, othervise -o is suffixed. The su%x -1 may also be applied if the pemultimatc syl-
lable of the stem contaims the vovel G, arid the last syllable does not contaim B high vovcl
i or e as illlustrated with IGN>-y im Table l6.9, vhich exemplifies the regularities just stated.
Prohibitives are formed vith aza "dom't' amd the verb in its present indicative foria, amd
the particle 0>ba is used for polite. less forceful suggestions.
(6I ) Mba aiG691' Allfalila
mba 8- toro-y Ialana
Rgv PAss-polmt oUl'II-PAss.[MP vay
'Please shov rme the vmy! '
Less forccful suggestioms lrlay also Ibe uttered usimg the indicative form of the verb
instead of thc imperatlvc' .M-l'-a88hQ PI-i-Islisl' (PRs-AcT-Iearlx PRs-AcT-save) Lcarn to
save momey'. Futllre tense is yct amother option for suggcstivcs:
(62 j M>-fiAa---a aPIPP'it LZ91', HdaG I l- f - M' ka fO' e.~
PRS Acr-'wAKE-sF-tMP t hem PRFv FUT- kcT-meal I NTJ
'Gct up them.! ILct's have breakfast! '
aAG Q. QJladp'.
B1M azafady
1 .sc pleasc
486 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
TABIL E 16.9: IMPKRATD"E FORMATI ON
ActIvc IrllpeTallYcs
Reef
th11ga 'arrive'
hevitTa 'think'
fy 8ClllCi61JS'
OI115 'gIVC'
shkalra 'opelI'
PRMIvc' IllIpcTalIYcs
.4cfle
I6nga
ITllh&YIITa
rnankafj
lnarIGIllk
lllarIhkatia
Stew
to11gav-
1zver-
fiz-
IIIat1olncza
IIMIIokMa
JBIPellQIfAv
tonpava
KlhevtTa
h4a11kafiza
11MIIOIIICZ-
sekaf-
Passfve
Iaphhi11a
hvtina
Rfhy
karkhina
]oihaIla
5or8taIIK
RO8f
OT11& gIVC
thpaka 'brcak'
h 'Tefom, dct1y'
f+' glVC LIP
karoka lt1vcstlpatc
Maka 'bore a hole'
s6ratra 'v ritc'
Roof vcrbs do I1ot take special impcrative marking: Ias' =mvro PdIa (go=2p threcj
'The three of yo1I goI' Because the undcrgoer of'arl impcrative is usIIIally idcnfifiable,
passivc impcrafives arc pfcfcrrcd to acfivcs ln tlle casc of transifivc verbs: AMd'0 (ottM'0)
veity kdh' a 'Aoe? (givc:vlp rice little ls qUoT} 'Please will you give me some rice".'
Sfew
OI110-
tapah-
hv-
afoiz-
karo11-
loQ.-
Serkt-
OAI<~O
JJpeFRff%V
taPhhO
rO
afoizo
karyh)
r
le&y
soraty. sorhto
M POt t l l itliVC m6d8
PoteI1tivc verbs are those that are rnorphologically marked to express states, or actiolls that
are abllifativc. rton-volitional or accidetttfal. They are forlrted with the prefix me(Aa)-.
It 63 j Za) ' J%4MaH'8 p oslp9 N' zao No f8Mf fafM' -voa.
KVho Plts.Ac T-have ri ckshaav nmv Foc r cal ly PoT-hif.thc.rtsark
'Those who own rickshaavs are really InakiI1g profits now.'
f sv I sy mall a-azo m- I - asa
NEG exlst PGT-gef Pks-AcT-%Ylfk
'Nobodv Is allowed to work"'
Like the prefix zimka- im, Philippine 1anguages (see amma, II oKo), tiMAa- also forms
verbs that express non-volitional caIIIsafim.. Non-volifional and especially iI1arlimafc
causcrs frcqucntly fake N' aIIQ- vcrbs lll thi s capacity: HKtAatslMvltia to shock .
maAajinapttw
'to please (by beiI1g bcaufiful)', mahagaga 'to stlrprisc, astorlish'.
mahal'dfotra 'to support, keep alive (nourishmcI1t)', ni ahamdtta/m 'fo shame'.
maAasanAa 'to attract (Rs a rnagrtct)', mahasaQnm 'to Irtake healthy'.
lI64) Tsi sV %cdi' Q'. 0
%$aM'7
MaAOfif8W'JVIlV JA71' Pl f gl ' el'p' 8?
Ql.-aha-finarltra 1l ay n 1- i -glMvy e
FREs-PGT-lllappy DET PRs-AcT-sfrlke I NTj
'lt's fL1n to go on strike, isn'f if7"
[Sljbjcct is migpevy 'goiI1g orl strikc'
]
POT-iI1tcrest l s. D~T DEF pl ants
'Tlhe plartts iI1teresf rlze' (I arn irtteresfed in fhe platlfsj.
( 66) M aAQ-J9cBIQ GA1~ 8 V za v6 ! 'PJ'QJi'tPl'.
MALAGASY 4 8 1
Verl3s of cognition such as %'Qhdfd flAll'JQ '1QI1ow and MQAQIQIQ 'kno%;, icaril also takc
the waAQ- affix. Peculiar to the maha- afYix is its BbHity to forn1 verbs froirI locative deie-
t1es: rraha-i-efo (psT.por-PsT-herc) 'brought lhere'.
5.6 C8$M6v8s
There arc tllfce causatllve prefixes: fNJ)QNp-,, I"%)Q'Hk@-. and f%)QAQ-. Thc prcfix MQMJ9-
is the most prototypieal one. as it may e1lcodc a volitionaI agent and is the most produe-
tive of the causativc affixes. It is used in both active and passive voices. Example clauses
are 6>onQ m zcivQim e>-Qmp-Q-iQAO/m Qmio(what Foc thirIg PRs-cAv-AcT-afraid 2s.DAT
)
"5'hat thii1gs scare you"p', a11d:
(67) Zf j Q PtQPJQPQM'PffeHQ N I'0
fQ
Il@8doQ.
efa n-amp-an-antena aho fa h-BN-loa
alfcady PST-cAU-Acr-promlse 1 s tl1at FL, T-Acr-pay
'I already promised (made a promise) to pay,'
tvAO' Q'7Q fD dv.
aho azafady
1 s pl ease
~4 PHPI5QPJ60Pl'
I'0'iQ
amp-i-simbotra-y vi la
CAU-sF-borro%'-pAss.IMp n1oiley
Please loan 1Tle sonlc nloi1ey.'
Tihe prefixes emhQ- and uIQIIka- greatly di5cr from eme>p- ii1 their fhnetion. As noted in
section 5.5, the prefn. mQha- may form causative verbs that denote achons iI1 whieh tlle eaIII-
sation is non-vohtional, e.g. zuva-e>aha-dom(iaa (thlng-cAU-stupefy) 'narcotlc, someth1ng
that eauses a stupefied state'. The prefix emvCa-. orI thc other hand, eombines primarily mth
stative roots to form verbs which nwy express either eausation or appreeiatiom. of a state:
mQ~kaIavIy 'to cal1se illness', eIQnkasi<~rcka 'coI1sider plcasing. apprceiate. cnjoy'.
(69) TSi 51" KQff4N'dJ'V VCFVOH>"
tsy isy nl-aI 1k-ariry vavony
ncg exist PRS-cAv-sick st omaeh
'That doesn't spoil the stomaeh...'
zdHf
izany
Di ST. IlbI S
5;7 ReeipIrwals
The reciprocal prefix if- is a secondaiy prefix; it succeeds the tense markirIg prefixes. ai1d
may either preeede or follwv thc causative prefixes as shovm in Table 16.10. The recipro-
eal prefix is not fully produetive as it does not co-occur vith all active marking prefixes.
I O'Il06!LQ
vahoaka
pcoplc
ankles' {at a fair),
MIfiCSIII(SQ-A7fW l'
nl-if-BN-hitsaka-kitro ny
PRS-RCP-AcT-trampllc-BDkle DEF
'People trample on each other's
A%pEj@dAH &PYf50
'I'OIJ 8%$8' 8f l@Hl ' QM N' klPdj
amp-if-BNZimbi-as-o ny vol y Bmi n' ny tan y BI I ankiray
cAu-REciP-Acr-replace-sF-]MP DEF pl ants on x ' , EN.DEF landl one
'Alteri1ate the {planting of thej plants on a sii1gle pIot of land' (for a better hmvcst).
[Causatlve of a reclprocal aetion: QHJpifQ'fIChr&iYhiHQ P'lv voA' 'to sUccesslvely
excharIge the pla1lts,]
482 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
Rc'C1pt'ocal
TABLE l6.10: CAKISAVIVK APit9 RECIPRGCAL MORlFHGLQGY
Silllp]8 CalLsztivc Caiisative-
Rcciproca)
Reciprocal-
fm-
iTiiha
rnaha-
flla-
rnaN-
rnana-
manka-
m-ifw-
m-if-aN-
m-if-ana-
rn-if-aaka-
iH-aAlp-I-
m-amp-iha-
m-amp-aha-
fH-aEp-a-
m-amp-aN-
Hl-aAlp-aM-
m-amp-aiikz-
C4Usatlve
El-If81Tlp-I-
rw famp->lha-
El-If81Tlp-aha-
iiri-ifsmp-a-
nwfaITip-&1-
n)-ifamp-aiia-
III-3 faiIlp-Zlka-
MI Ti p-]f-aN-
lAl-arAp-]f-aHa-
ITi-KTip-3f-aHka-
(72 j 7sy t t - i f-atty-a-ioky L ;V' APQ-kHJ'I'.
NEC Fsr-RcP-cAU-AcT-trust 3 t%'G- mal c
'The tee of them ( they) did Ilot trust each other.' peciprocal Gf a causative actioll
]
6 50%)INAlLIXATlIONS
Malag3sy has qulte a, fe'Itv productlve deflvatlonal Aornlnallzatlon patterns. Typlcal cases
Gf derlvatiG11al Alofpholog>' involve afTlxes %'hich foAll AoQllnals ffom ad)ectives, verbs,
as ~vell as 11ouns. In every case, Aor11lnallzlng a5'lxatlon mvolves regular alternatl.ons m.
consonants, vowel fusion, arld stress-sl1iA (cf. section 2).
6.1 Agemt Iloxmhials >vlth PmAx NiP-
Malagasy agentive 11omil1alizatiol1s are formed predominantly vith the prefix e>p-
(prollouIlced [p]j based or> active verbs. The derived form designates an individual
v~hose regular activity is denoted bv the root: mpisoII'm /mp-i-sotro) (m-AcT-drinkj
'drinker, drunkard', mp-aN-dthy (NR-wcr-dance) 'dancer, a person wlhose habit is to
dance', tvpandt6nv /mp-aN->envr' (NR-Ac-spittle) 'a person who has the habit of spittillg'.
It also forms a large number of occupational AGuns: mpat>d'rafHm .'lltlp-aN-rafitra~(NR-
AcT&afpcrltf I|') carpcrlter', pQ/fgQAG ~'mp-aN-zakajt ItNR-Ac-govcfAlng) kl f l g', MpMttQtJQ
t'mp-i-R11atra,~
(NR-AcT-Mlvice) student, pupll . NtpMe 0" fmp-a Y-hety/ (vR-wc-scissorsII
'barber'. etc.
An aeent nominal can be formed from a predicate phrase, e.g. from the action verb
miiet>dty 'to perform on a musical instnment' and its object 1ahha 'a Malagasy t.ute
made of bamboo' is formed the agerlt nonlIInal tnpikndn wHtAa 'GIM ~vho plays the
variha'. from miis04r mo;:ika 'to blmv a musical instrurnent' is formed rnpi/sbAa mo'iIa
'one who bloN s a mll.sical instrumerlt'. Ill this tw~ of agentive fomlation active verbs like
mando 'to do, to make' can be con1pounded svith a specific field tG designate profession.
Thus, tI'tQt)do + tt J ff 'tceth yi elds tPfpQl/66' tttfl 'dentls't,' tttwldo + kiNh'0 'shoes' "41elds
NpQN80 ILipdp9 slloemaker .
Causative vcrl3s (cf. section 5.6) Bnd reclprocal verbs, illcllllding thc complcx recipro-
cals (causative reciprocal fomls and reciprocal causative fornls, cf. section 5.,), aIso
foml agent Ilomillals in the san1e way: mpampihornB>y /tty-atty-i-kottr~.A>v'(i R-c.<I;-wm-
laughj 'sonleolle whG nlakes people laugh', mpifampatbky rmp-tI-ae>p-a-MAyZ(RrP-cAU-
~cT-trustj 'people vho trLlst each Gther'.
Besides derivatiorlal pattems. agent rIGminals may be Gbtained from syntactic
nominalizations (cf. section 6.3).
MALAGASY 4 83
62 Pl vAxg-: actIQH/F85llLt, Qbj&ft, HlstFQICllt, Hlsllll81 sllcUol' llocstloII
A productive morphollogical process for creating action or rcsuIt AOAlinals is based on
active verbs where the Aomizlaiiser prefix f- repllaccs the presellt teIlse marker e>-: m-i-ova
'to changc' > f- I -o1'a 'changc(s~. thc way of chaIlging', m-an-Ovraay 'to Bsk' >
f GB'-wftdIil' 'qucstioll . IA A1ally instanccs, thc dcrivatlvc call llavc arl lnstfun1cntal IAtcl-
prcltation, a facVoccurreIlcc interprctation aIld a maIlncr intcrpretation, e.g. m-a-IAy 'to
sleep' Ia-Iory 'the v ay of sleeping, the fact of sleeping', m-i-Aogo 'to comb (intransi-
five)' ~ f i-hogo 'instrumeIlt for combing/a comb, the vay of combing OIle's lhair, the fact
of combillg one's hair', a>-I-sekobe 'to cover' >f i-mkoiw 'a covcring, thc v ay of cover-
iIlg, the fact of covcriIlg'. Tihc traIlsitive verb e>andrdko/m,'nl-aN-rakotra" (PRs-Acr-covcr }
'cover' has tllc nomiIlal dcrivativc fasidpdkofrn '~vhich is usually used to cover'.
A fcw passive verbs formed 1vith thc prefix a- A1ay take thc nominalizcrf- to form B
nomillal dcsigllating something, avhich usually undergoes the action deIloted by lthc pas-
sive ver5:f-a-kfa (NR-w ss-send) 'something vhich is usually scnt or shipped', f a-IdAa
(wR-PAss-go) 'something xvhich is usually golle along (a road or a path)', f-a-seAO (m-
PAss-dIsplay) thlngs %'hlch arc usually dlspla/cd'.
The prefix I- may also bc applied to circunsstantial verbs (cf. section 5.1.3).
For instance, m-i-von' (PRs-wcT-meet) 'to mect' has a cirellmstaIltial fornl i-18si-Dna
(clRc-rIlect-aRc), from v hicb is derived the nominal I:i-vori-daa (m-aRc-meet-cIRc) B
mecting'. Tihe derimtives thus formed may have an actioll 11omIlllal interprctatiom., an
instrun1cnt intcrprctatioD (f Q-IlQ'PildP9-QHQ' soAlcthlAg used for tlM purposc of cooking' ).
B Iocation intcrprctation (ff-p8'fPQ7l-QPilQ, placc of slttiQg) Bnd a nlanncf intcrprctation
(g-
'i-AwumIO-s-aIIu 'v ay of swin1IrIing'
). In thc follov ing scnteIlccs, fiIapiina II'i=:0 ('thc
cutting of trees') allmvs all four of these interpretatioIls depending OI1 coIltext:
(73) Fi f kit7pd kO AG O' EA~.
f-i-kipa-aIla=ko hazo l t y
M.clRc:cutxl Rc= l s.GEN t r ces PRx.vIs
'Tlhis is the irnplemcIlt mth avhich I cut trees.' (illstnment)
IZBO 80 fEkYfgd NB Ai=a
Tltlis is thc way of cutting trccs. (nlanncr)
MED.IYVIS FGC NR. CIRC:GutXIRC t r ees
(75) FfkQpQRQ AP' 6 80'.
Tlecs ale CUt there. (locatioI1)
NR.C]RL:CUtX]RC t r CCS MED. VI S
(76) Fi k ayeaa AQZQ' 80 6'l' JfoN-PI I'eI0%Q =HP',
f-i-kipa-aIla Mzo 11o iI ltony-f-i-vclona-ma=ny
NR.c] RL'cutx] Rc t r ces FQc re ason-NR-c]Rc-iiving-clRc'= 3.c Ew
'Cutting trees is lhis mcans of subsistence.' (action momimal)
Tihc 11omillals derived from circlu11stantiaI verbs n1ay be Used likc adjectives iI1 attribu-
tive functions or as Bn UIln1arked rclativc clausc coIlstruction as in (77):
QH-hvcNO
aB-tfano
ID-houSC
in tlhe house.'
EN'AVkYJ' f@HfltkI'f'QkkP' dfo
Iketaka f -aI1-iraka-iraka=ay ato
Iketaka AR-AcT-RDP-scnd = Ipe.GEN PRx.twvls
'Ikctaka avho uscd to bc our messenger girl here
Dcrlvatlvcs wvlthI- Alay appear wlth redupllcated stems: )QVM'PIEH&PJFJPG PfQ Zf@5-
v~Iina-I'evina-asIaZ c~R-c>Rc-RDP-rcpcat-c>Rc) 'the Bct of r epeating maIly times',
484 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
fQflQvQkdvNlMQ Zf-QA -QlQ47-dvQkQ-QHd'i (NR-clRC-RDP-discrinlimatc-clRc) di &crlnlima-
tion'. And as with the agent momimals discussed im. section 6.1., f- nolninals can also be
formed fronl a predicate phrase. C.g.: JJJiieadJy vaiiAQ 'to play the vnliha' yiekls the
actIon nomlnalIIlIeJIdmaQ vaIJAQ 'the act of plavmlg the vQAIJa.
A related fom1ation on the basis of adjectives consists in circumfixing faAa-... -aaQ to
the base. the derived forn1 then denotimg abstract qualities: fQIJQvokisQJ>a Jfaha-voky-s-
anai' (NR-satiated-SP-NR) 'satiatIon, tlhe fact of beimg satiatedl', fadqpanr/siava r'faha-ratsy-
anaj IIm-wicked-NR) wickediness, the fact ofbeimg wicked', fQAQdisoQz>a."faha-diso-anat
i
IINR-mistake-NR) 'nlistake, guilt'. Note that the BNxes Aa- and AQ-...-QJJa also form
abstract noIminais RoITI adjectival roots: AQ- expresses an imtrinsic quality (Dcz 1980),
whereas IJQ-... MtlQ descrII3cs a quallty wlllch Is mot Inherent to aA ol3)cct or B pcrsom l3ut
which resuits from a process of action practised on or by lhe subject. Compare fsdw
'mice, beautifull. kind' ~ Aa-JsQm 'imtrinsic kindness. Aatural beauty' vs, Aaf'sQJdna
4a-tsira-arm' 'kindness or beauty acquircdl through a transformatiom'.
63 SyrItaetie IIomlnaLLIItioa
Besides derivatiomal fornlations. momimalizatiom can also be realized by introducimg a
verbal phrase with the articles JJJ (78) or iIQy (79), or by flanking the predicate phrase
with demonstratives as in (80):
( 78) i Y)
l
IHff$8ffglKfSIDtgsHQI eH'p 8'NJI M JNp'
Ny A1 - I -tsangana-tsamgama eil y aml n Av
DEF PRS- AcT-RDP-stand DIST,VI S tO: GEN.DEF
g@M' 5'0 J' en Q %QAQ- ' 1'QPJQJIQ' (gk@Q.
station Foc r caHy mr - absorb one's attemtion i ndeed
'Gaing fo> a mrN al' fAe (>uilwey) s(QiimJ is very absorbimg indeed.
SQJ'0/J6' e) 5 ' JI h~l
l
Ill8OIQA'lP J$J $8 kis
fo )
8'JN'AJikR8
sirotra e6 ili y n-BN- tolotra ny sakafo f - aN-haja-ama
SJ1l JQH JII'@fSPEB-IJH'IiMH J
sy f- a N- ray-s-Bna-vahlmy
and NRMIRc-recclve-sFM]Rc-gIjcsts
6+8PP Ng Q N'MJ JH OA&l' ifo A080P QHd 14'e(coIJIe,tIJ8' gQ8'$$$ %"cH really dIfTlcult.'
difficult real lv DET PsT-Acr-offer DzF meal NR~ >Rc-honor-cec
II 80) Ireo I'ee-Ai'Q mIbbey i J 40 QIy
>IEI3.vrs.PL Phss-mlention above MED. vI S.PL and
ILQAQJ'f fQJJQ'0 Q%'il'I JrI' YQJ'KJev8'JMQ.
kabirv f- aN-tao ami I l'my f - BN-Ievima-ama(
spcech NR-AcTMo at.'GEN.DEF NR-c]Rc-burywjRc
.4PMI" PAeSe QfoM'JJI8'HIJM'ed (OJ'QfoJ'JeS) afc samlplcs of
at burial ceremoIIies.'
Agemt nonlinals nlay also be obtained from a predicate phrase prernodified by a defi-
mIte article (81) or a demomstratIve (82):
JJO SQNf JOAQ=H J'J1'
FOC sa111pie = GEN.DEF
the oratories usually Inade
MJI'
JJMfEXEP' A'0 I'QJENl.
soa I mdray Ao talt r 8
good agaim. Foc shocked
someone was afterwards (the one to
BQP' HJIMVfl M Ao HQ'EJIBO HP'
llav A-I-hcvltra ho Il-a N- tao 11 y
DET PST-AcT-t~1llnk PTcL Ps T-AcT-do DEF
'That one who thought to have done good to
be) shockcd."
MALAGASY 4 35
(82) Nody IM 0 I I-Mf M N M C
ws T.AcT:go.home wED.vIS.I I. esT-Acr-mork mi ght
'Thosc %'ho lvorked at nIght wvelllt honIC.
ACKN0% LKDGKW'IIEM 5
The authors would like to thm.k Matthev Pearson, Edl Keenan, Andoveloniaina Rasolofo,
Ileama Paul, '5'aruno Mahdi and the editors of this voturne for their helpful coInmcnts on
preAOQs versIons of thIS chapter.
RKFElRKWi'CE5
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Stark, E.L. (1969) MQIit2git2'sv 8'262ow'I' HMQJL$'; 8 f2P$I coHJ'$8 M itIM' MQklgQsv ifQP'2gNQgefoP
EI2gJ"itSA-spMklHg skfd8I2fs, TaMnanvc: Trano PnI1+' Lotcfana.
Vcrin, P., Kottack, C.P. aI1d Gorlin, P, (1969II 'The glottochronology of Malagasy speech
camn1unities', Oceaaie L2aguistic.s 8:26 83.
%ebber, R.P. (II.853) Dicfior2naim malgache-fiengais, Ile Bourbon: EtablissemeI1t
Malgache de Nohe-Da1I1e de la ressource.
ABBRKVI ATI ONS
AfFix boundarics arc indicatcd by a hyphcn (-). clltic boundaries by an cq11ah sign II
=' ).
Im.fixcs iI1 verI1acular words arc betwecn ang/ed brackets (<... >),
If nlorphcnle bouAdafics arc llot indicated ID the vcr11acllIar llnc, a. coloI1 1s uMd 1A
betwcm. granllr1atlcal category label and base meaning iI1 thc gloss (e.g. Av:get). If one
formative represents tve or nlore morphosyntactic categories, a period is used to sepa-
rate the categorics iI1 the gloss (e.g. RLs,vc). Similarly, multiword glosses for single
lcxlcBl bascs Brc scparated by perlods (c.g. fatllcl;lll.la
i
w ).
Glosscs for pronollns BIId pronominal clitics and afFixcs are as follows:
1 s 1st persoD singular
2s 2nd pcrson Singular
3s 3r d person sineular
l p l st person plural
l pi l st perso11 plural iI1clusive
I pe 1st person plural exclusive
2p 2nd pcrson plural
3p 3rd person plural
Thc letters d and P are uscd in arlalogous fashion to indicatc respectively dual BIId trial
(c.g. Ide = first person dual exclusivc).
Tihe proI1onlinal glosses I11ay be cambim.cd avith the abbreviations for gramnlatical
functions listcd bclosv, for example, 3s.sll>, lpi.NGM, 3d.Acc, lpe.poss, ctc.
ABS
ACC
ACL
ACT
a
i
bsolutlvc
a
i
ccusatlg'e
ccjdcnta
actor (pronoun), active
i
(vcrba
i
l prcflx)
a
i
d)cctIQ'e Inarker
advcfb(1al)
adversative passive
agent. Bgentive
alleYlablc
aliatlve
anlnl a
i
tc
anaphoric
i
(afof cnlcntIoned)
ANI3 andative (directioI1al partlclc
or affix for mixovcment
to~vards spcakert
3lltlpasslve
appllcatlvc
articlc
associative plural
attitudc(attitudillal (dclictic)
auxiliary
actor voice
bcnefactivc
bcncfactlvc voice
causat1vc
c1rcumsta
i
ntlal
APASS
APP
ART
ASSPL
ATD
AUX
AX
8EN
8%'
CAU
CIRC
xx ABBREVIATIDNS
CLF
CMPR
CNJ
CNTP
COMP
CONT
COP
CORE
CPL
C%
ll3,A II3%'
ll3.PTCIL
ll3AT
ll3EF
ll3EM
ll3ET
ll3IR
ll3IST
ll3G
ContllluatIVC
ll3TR
II3U
ll3UR
ll3V
II3 rW
EMPIH
ERG
ESS
EVI3
EVIT
EX'EXCL
EXIST
EXP
IFAM
IFOC
IFRM
IFUT
GEN
GER
GV
IHAB
IHAVE
CSSIVC
convevance volcc
classiflcr
cGnlparat lvc
con]Unctl Qn
contcmplated
complen1entlzcl'
copUla
corc' argUDMAt
completI vc
deictic adverblal
dilscolse particle
datllve
deflnlte
demonstratlvc
determiMl'
dlrcctl onal
d)sta
i
l
dylm.mic verb stem former
('do X'j
d,etrallsltlvlzcr
Kfiual
dufatIVC
dative.'directlonal voice
d)' rlalTllc
cmphatlc
CfgatlVC
cv ldelltlal
CV ltatl iii e
cxc llIlslve
cxlstentla
i
l
cxpericntial (aspect)
familiar (tcrm of addrcss)
fOCUS
formal (politellcss clitics)
R.tt!lfe
genitive
gerUIld
goal voice
habitllal
stativizing prefix oll I>OIlns
(mcalllng 'have N')
llesl.tatlon
l lonorl fl c
hoftativc
hUIYIRA
lllldcxer (scc Le'A)
IQlmedlatc (Past)
NGILID
NGMI
NG%
NP
R
NSBj
08j
OBL
OLD
OPT
OV
PART
PASS
PIFV
PIL
PM
PN
IMP
IN
INAL
INAN
INCPL
INI3
INDEF
INS
INT3
INTR
INTSF
INVIS
INVOL
IPIF
IRR
ITER
IV
JNT
ILIM
ILK
ILOC
LV
MED
MIN
MOD
MUT
NEG
NE% SIT
NFIN
NMIN
Intfansltlve
imperativc
IDCIUsIvc
inalienable
illanimate
incompletive
Indlcatlve
indefinite
instrllmelltal
lnterjection
intensifler
in~isible
involuntary
Imperfectlve
llrrcalI s
iterative
instrllmelltal voice
joint action
limitative
lillker, ligatUre
Iocatrvc
Iocat<vc volce
D'ledla
i
i
mlnimal (nulzber of
Pl Onolllll
)
mood marker
muitatcd (see Xias)
MgatlOA
nc|v sltuation
Don-f lAlte
non-mnimal tnUrnbcf of
pronoull)
QOA-Gld infofmatioll
Qon1lnatlve
new (deictic)
Doun phrasc
Domna
i
llzcf
Don-sUbject
object
obllqUC
old inform.ation
optative
objectlve volcc
participle
passlve
PcffectlvC
plufal
predicate markcf
proper or personal name
IHES
lHGN
IHGIRT
lHlLM
lll3X
IIMM
AB8lREW"IATIONS xxi
PGSS
PGT
pp
PRI3
possessive
potentive {Potelltial)
pf epos lllonal phrase
precllcatlve (pf GDoUA,
delctlc
II
perfect{ive)
pf GgIesslvc
prohibitivc
pf Gposltlve
pfesellt tellse
proxlrDa
i
l
past tense
partiele
patl cnt vol.ce
qUestlon (paf tlc Ie)
*qUalify as, becomc'
c see BlQkjI
quotative
rec,Ip f oca
i
l
I'ccent { delctlc)
fcduplica
i
tion
rccognit onal (deictic)
relative (particle.'affixII
ren1ote (deictic)
rcsultatlve
fcAexive
fcalls
fcpoftatlve
rcqQcstlvc
rcasoll, cause I
cp
fcposltlon
)
subject
SteIAl foHBlng foml atl ve
SIIlgUla
i
f
softcniBg particle
specific (article)
subordillator
ST
SUBJ
TOP
TR
UG
UV
VEN
VIIS
VOC
SG
SGIF
SPEC
SR
QUOT
RCP
R13P
RECOG
REIL
REM
RES
RFL
RII S
RPRT
RQV
RSN
SBJ
CM
CMP
EMP
IIM
Mkl
Mkn
NJ
OJ
OM
PAn
PC
PDMI
PM
PMP
P%'III'lP
SEA'NG
vcrlltlvc
LAAJGUAIGK, S11BGRolLtP AN9
PROTOLAWIGUAGE
ABBRK'AATI IONS
CEMP
statlve
subj Uxlctlvc
topic
transitive, traAsitisizer
UIAdefg Gef
UIAdefgoef Voice
v1slblc
vocatlvc
Central-East-Malayo-
Polwwesiarl
Classlcal Malay
Ccntral-tMaIIayo-Pollynesian
East-III lalayo-Polynesian
Ilndoncsiarl Malav
Moklen
Mokell
Yew, javanese
Old Javallcse
Old Mlalav
Proto-AUstronesian
Proto-ChaI111c
Pidgirl-Dexived Malay
Proto-Malayic
Proto-Malayo-Polyacsiall
Pfoto-%est-Malavo-
Polwwesiarl
SoUth lHalmahera-%est
>le%' GlliI1e8.
'IjllI'est-Malayo-Polm.csialI.
MI P
O F A S I A
A ND M A D A G A S C A R
Edited by Alexander Adelaar and
Nikolaus P. Himmelmann
Routledge
Tayhr L Francis Croup
lONOON AND NEW YORK
f t]st puhl<hcd I )(!5
hy Routlcdge
Pat'k Si]uarc..'v[tltun Park.:Xhtnudon. C)mon OX [4 ARN
Sirnultaneously puhlihed in thc US:'>>. and Canada
hy Routlcdu>e
R>>!8(>'i'((j~'!5 al ) fl l t pt ' i'8( r>f (Ai' Taui'! >J' O' Au! n! s ( i ! i >: I )>
2(!05 Sclectton and cditorial nzattcr. Alcxandcr:Xdelaar and
Nikolau P. f[hnmelmann; individual chapters. thc contributors
( artography hi: ( handra Jayasuriya. Thc Unixcrsity of v[clhourne
T>'pect ul Tlnlc Nc%' Rornan hv
Ncvvu>cn [nlaLinj'. Systenls I P) Ltd. Chennai. [ndia
Printed and hound in (.>rcat 13ritain hy
MP(> f3ook Ltd. 130dmtn
.Xll rights rcscn cd. No part ot this book may b reprinted or rcproduced
or utilied in am: torrn or hy any elcetronic. nlechanical. or othcr rncans,
noiv kno>vn or hcrcaftcr invented. includin > photocopx:in > and rccording.
or in any intorrnationtorap>c or retricval sytem. i>, ithout pcrnsission in
vvrlting [rc>rn thc publlher.
f9>((i.'h I.>hru~", (.' a>'>IA>~a>>p!!; >!! A>h>'ii (,'! in I?akr
.X cataloguc record tor thi hook is available trorn thc 13ritish Libran:
I.'> PUl'1' i!> C >>tigl'I'55 6 C>"(I >'>g'/!" 'l ! A( 4 '( ' i JA>>ti I?Cl>d
.'X catalc>g rccold fc>l th!s boc>k lta hccn rcquetcd
. E> 'v[adton b' e. Nc>v 3'ork. M [ ( ! 01(i
[ Sf35 0 , ( ! 0, ] 2 w{ 0
Z,lsf a
f
38ftsf)%'Aot)$
E,isl' af eaniktcfan
PAp
f
Q'ce
Lisf af ubbrniatians
Tbe AmsfroneslaII langItages of Aslla aM Madagasesr:
8 hL%torlCk1 pel'SpeCtlVe A Jexander Ark(aaj
hltroductl on
2 lmportant reference %'orks concertullg Austronesllall
comparative historical l inguistics
3 AVriting
4 PAn amd PMP linguistic history: some basic information
5 The intemal classification of Austronesian languages
6 The Austronesian homeland and Austronesian migrations
7 Language contact
2 LaI IgIIage sblft and emdaIIgermeat Mergam ( F(mev
3
,8
29
l ntrodl l ctl on
2 Factors in assessing language endangermmt
3 Ethaolinguistic vitality of Aushenesian languages
4 Revi ev ing research priorities
3
IC.'o)omIam Ristery amd IamgtIsge polltey ln IlIIsII(ar
SOutheaSt ASLS Blld M3dlagMeSI' Rei w SJ'eiejiawer
lntroducflon
2 )n Jonesla
Malays ja
4 Br unei Darussalam
5 East Tl lmor
6 The Philippines
7 M8 44l gsscsf
8 Language policy in other Southeast Asian countries
9 Concluding remarks
4 $8tual Iangmages, speclal regIsters amd speeeh decoFItm
lm AustroIteskan 4Itguages Ja~ves J Fax
65
66
69
72
73
75
78
80
84
lntl oductlon
2 Ri t ual languages among the Austronesians
3 Rl tuall languages as prmest, pl lestess aHB splHt regIsters
CONTENTS
91
94
95
96
98
99
IM
l02
4 Rl ltUSI languagcs as praycr, oratlon poctry and Song
5 Forms of parallel composition
6 Topogeny
7 %6r d taboolng
8 SpeciaI pu.rpose registers for hunting. fishing, and other activitics
9 PmLesu: A special register among the youth of Jakarta
I 0 Spcechllcvels and honorific registcrs
I I Concllusioms
Tlhl Au$tromeS)all 13llguRg8S Of ASIa RIRd MStlaN,8$Caf:
Pyologlea) eharaeterh0es Nkoku~s P. Hie~meie~ann
I Somc prehminary divisions and definitions
2 Phonology and morphonollo gy
3 Basllc morphosyntax
4 Maj or vcrbal BLltcrnations
Clav.se linkage patterns and anaphora
6 A f maI llook at @yologieal diversity vrithin ~vstem '
AUstroncslaQ Ianguagcs
Old Malay I Vams>a MaAd'i
I l l ntroduetion
2 Spe)ling amd. phonology
3 Basi c morphosyntax
4 Maj or verbal alternations
5 NGQMna11zatloTls and, nomlnall mofplhology
Strtteturall dh'ersRy Im the Mslayle subgroup .CIexmd'er Ad'eIaar
I Mal ayic varieties: an introduction
2 PhonolOg1c@ chaf actcnstlcs
3 Mo r phosyntactic features of Pidgin-l3crivcd Malay varietics
4 Morphosyntactic features of Salako
5 Ker i nci: nesv morphos>mtax throIjgh sound. change
Colloqslal Iludotleslao Mjchae j C Ewe>g
I l l ntro8Ijction
2 Phonology and orthography
3 Ba si c morpho~mtax
4 Pr onouns and demonstratives
5 On the use of verba) morphology
6 l 9l scoufsc p~cl cs
Ilo
II 5
l26
I 65
l7l
173
132
I84
l89
l96
198
+
i QIQ
2M
2I2
2I7
TSolll EJI f: obp.JA Zc'-spovpl
I l l ntroduetion
2 Phonology and orthography
3 Basic morpho~mtax
4 Maj or verbal alternations
259
260
CONTENKS vl l
29lI SeerIllq Naami Tsw Aiia
lIrtrodrlctl&n
Phomo)ogy
3 Basic morphosyntax
4 Maj or verbal morphologv
5 Norninahzations and nominall rnorphology
Hake Cah' Rcrbivo
)mtroductiorr
2 Phorro)ogy
3 Basic morphosyntax
Major verbal alterrrahons
6 Nornirmlizations and n.ominall rnarphology
gR[Og ASA' 6IO'LfS P J%PiiHPMPVF
JIlltrodllctlorr
Phomo)ogy arrd orthographv
3 Basic morphosyntax
4 Ma j or verbal altcrrrations
5 Nomirelizations arrd n.ominaI rnorphology
SSI8 (BRj8lII) AkaruAre Aw
4 Dc l ct r Gs
326
326
327
329
335
336
345
377
lIrtrodrrctiorr
2 Phorro'logy md orthography
3 Basic morphosyntax
4 Ma j or verbal alterrrations
5 Tcxt cxarnplc
397
397
397
405
415
llltrodllctlon
2 Phorrology arrd orthography
3 Basic morphosyntax
4 Ver bal aA)xation
SelmN Ad'rian Cf>mes
1 lt r trodrIctlon
Phorro/ogy
3 Basic morphosyntax
4 Verbal rnorpho/ogy
5 Language Ioss
M'8)8gR%$ JQW8 RQSOA7SGti 88'd CCP'J RtCblfW
IQtrodlletlorr
2 Phorro'loly
3 Basic morphosyntax
456
459
462
CONTENTS
4 l 3eixis
Verbal IIIorphollogy
6 No r ai nalizatioms
PhsE R8$g Cbaxll Gnr l larrr TIrrrrgead
I l l l l tro8Uetion
2 Phonology
3 Basi c morphos)mtax
4 Comp)ex predieates an8 sentcrlces
Mokeo SEld MekleB Mi drcre/ D. L.arish
I l l atre8Uetion
2 Mokcn atrd Moklea phorro)ogy
3 Baslc mofpho5)'ntax
4 Morphology
Text
Kate Balrak Geog f/Sallams
I l l atrotUetion
2 Phonology
3 Ba si c morpho~mtax
4 Maj or verbal alternatiorls
Normnal AMrphology
I l l l l troRUetion
2 Phonology aAdl orthographp'
3 Basic morphos)mtax
4 l l3envational verbal n1orpho)ogy
Nonmnalizatiorls and rlolninall ITlorphology
Javsma&p 3(exarrder F. OgiokIia
I l l ntro8Uetion
2 Phonology, orth ography and morphophonemics
3 Basie morphosyntax
4 Ma j of verbal derivatlotls
Nominalizatioll
6 No t es oII OM Javanese and structural ehanges in the history of Savarrese
BII.ol & i k Zoke)
I l l ntrolUetion
Phonology
3 Basie morphosyntax
4 l 3eicties an.d kreet>orlals
Maj or ver'bal BLllternatlons
6 NoI I I knal derlvatlons
90
92
98
6IO
6I4
6I
62
62
629
637
638
647
(X
4 De l x l s
%18RRSSRI .NN/AOPll.' JN/ieS
1 1I l trodllctl&n
Phonology
3 Basic rnorphosyntax
4 De l ct l cs Snd dlrectN)nals
5 Maj or verbal alternations
Mml Buvtth David Mead
1 l ntrodection
Phonology
3 Basic rnorphosyntax
Ma~or verbal alterrmhons
6 NofDIQalkzatlons and nMAinall Alorpllology
KSmbera Mar i aj KIawer
1 hl t rodUctlon
2 Phonology and orthography
3 Basic rnorphosyntax
4 Dei ctics and direetionals
5 Maj or verbal alterrmtions
Tettjto Imtd Letll Aone vm Eege/enkavew and' Caiharkia <FiAiaeu-van
1 I ntrodvction
2 Phonology
3 Basic rnorphosyntax
4 Nominal morphology
TSllR JOI M BI 9l i'de8
1 I Ht rodUctlon
2 Phonology
3 Basic rnorphosyntax
4 Dei ctics and direetionals
Major verbal altcrrmhons
6 Nominahzations and nominall morphology
SISR He M SI eM(JNMe)'
1 1Dtr odllctlon
2 Phonology
3 Basic rnorphosyntax
4 De monstratives andl directionals
Ma~or verbal dcnmhons
6 Compol16kng
AViakea
769
769
712
726
727
735
73'7
745
765
'769
776
773
788
789
791
793
794
797
814
818
821
L,aPfgM'Qge fndeX
Slfkjec'f Mder
LI." C L> B'"' ALEXANDER ADELAAR AND
NIKOLAUB P. HIMMELMANN
I AN 5'L)AC> F FAMlI Y 5e'I le! 5 I OUltlR Clg &