Profiles in Courage

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Edited by Parth J Shah
CENTRE FOR CIVIL SOCIETY
B-12, K ai lash Colony
New Delhi -110048
Phone: 646 8282 Fax: 646 2453
E-mai l: ccs@ccsi ndi a.org
Websi te: www.ccsi ndi a.org
CCS Rs. 350
Profiles In Courage
Dissent on Indian Socialism
Edi ted by Parth J Shah
CENTRE FOR CIVIL SOCIETY
Centre for Ci vi l Soci ety, December 2001
All ri ghts reserved.
I SBN: 81-87984-01-5
Publi shed by Dr Parth JShah on behalf of Centre for Ci vi l Soci ety, B-12, K ai lash
Colony, New Delhi - 110 048.
Desi gned and pri nted by macro graphi cs.comm pvt. ltd., New Delhi - 110 019
Table of Contents
I ntroducti on i
Parth J Shah
Mi noo Masani : The Maki ng of a Li beral 1
S V Raju
Rajaji : Man wi th a Mi ssi on 33
G Narayanaswamy
N G Ranga: From Marxi sm to Li berali sm 67
Kilaru Purna Chandra Rao
B R Shenoy: The Lonely Search for Truth 99
Mahesh P Bhatt
Pi loo Mody: Democracy wi th Bread and Freedom 109
R K Amin
K hasa Subba Rau: Pen i n Defence of Freedom 135
P Vaman Rao
A D Shroff: The Li beral and the Man 159
Minoo Shroff
About the Conti butors 179
About the Contributors
R K Amin
Professor R K Ami n was born on June 24, 1923, i n Ahmedabad di stri ct i n
Gujarat. He holds a BA ( Hons) and MA from Bombay Uni versi ty and a BSc and
MSc i n economi cs from the London School of Economi cs and Poli ti cal Sci ence.
Professor Ami n started hi s career as a Professor of Economi cs at the L D
College of Arts i n Gujarat Uni versi ty and then worked as Pri nci pal of a commerce
college affi li ated to Sardar Patel Uni versi ty at Vallabh Vi dyanagar. I n 1958, he was
appoi nted as Professor and Head of the graduate department of Economi cs at the
same Uni versi ty. I n 1966 he resi gned from the post to contest Lok Sabha
electi ons. He served for two terms i n the fourth and si xth Lok Sabha as
a Swatantra Party Member of the Parli ament i n 1967, and as a Janata Party MP
i n 1977.
He remai ned i n poli ti cs from 1966 to 1990, worki ng both i n legi slature as
well as party organi zati ons. He has been closely affi li ated wi th the Swatantra
Party as well as the Janata Party, Lok Dal, and Bharati ya Janata Party. He i s very
well versed wi th the poli ti cal economy of I ndi a and has been a supporter of a
free-market economy wi th a li mi ted government. He was associ ated wi th several
leaders li ke Pi loo Mody and Madhu Mehta. He was also both student and
colleague of Professor B R Shenoy. Professor Ami n has publi shed several books,
textbooks, and arti cles i n economi c dai li es and journals. Hi s Gujarati book
Kisan Bole Chhe (The Farmer Speaks) i s publi shed by the Centre for Ci vi l
Soci ety, New Delhi .
Mahesh P Bhatt
Professor Mahesh P Bhatt completed MA i n Economi cs from Bombay
Uni versi ty and MSc from the London School of Economi cs. He was a Professor
of Economi cs and Di rector of the School of Soci al Sci ences at Gujarat Uni versi ty.
He was associ ated wi th Dr B R Shenoy for more than 14 years. He has been a
vi si ti ng scholar at the Hoover I nsti tute, Stanford Uni versi ty, USA and I nsti tute of
Developi ng Economi es, Tokyo, as well as Vi si ti ng Professor at Gujarat Vi dyapi th,
Ahmedabad. He was presi dent of Gujarat Economi cs Associ ati on. Professor
Bhatt i s a member of the Mont Peleri n Soci ety.
Currently he i s a Managi ng Trusty of Vi shleshan Trustee, whi ch arranges
lectures and semi nars, i ncludi ng an annual B R Shenoy Memori al Lecture. He i s
also Chi ef Edi tor of Vishleshan, a Q uarterly Journal of Research and Readi ngs i n
Economi cs, whi ch di ssemi nates li beral i deas. He has publi shed books and large
numbers of arti cles i n learned journals.
179
G Narayanaswamy
Mr G Narayanaswamy is a Chartered Accountant in practice for nearly 50
years and a partner of S Venkatram & Co., in Chennai. As a practicing Chartered
Accountant, he came into contact with Rajaji and was in close contact with him for
over 12 years from 1960 till his death. He was closely associated with Swatantra
Party and at present is the Founder President of Rajaji Centre of Public Affairs in
Madras, a non-profit organization that has been carrying on weekly programmes in
educating the people on current, economic and political affairs.
Mr Narayanaswamy i s the Regi onal Presi dent of the I ndo-Ameri can
Chamber of Commerce, Madras, Vi ce-Presi dent of the Forum of Free Enterpri ses,
and also Vi ce-Presi dent, Hi ndustan Chamber of Commerce, M adras. He
mai ntai ns a keen i nterest i n publi c affai rs.
S V Raju
Mr S V Raju, who holds an MA degree i n poli ti cal sci ence from the
Bombay Uni versi ty, was a close associ ate of Mr. Mi noo Masani for four decades.
He was Executi ve Secretary of the Swatantra Party at i ts Nati onal Headquarters,
from 1959 to 1973. Thi s posi ti on provi ded hi m wi th the opportuni ty to be i n
close touch wi th outstandi ng li berals li ke C Rajagopalachari , N G Ranga,
N Dandeker and M Ruthnaswamy, among others. I n associ ati on wi th Dr. S P
Ai yar of the Bombay Uni versi ty, he authored a book on the Emergency and
edi ted the volume Fundamental Ri ghts and the Ci ti zen. Currently, Mr Raju i s
edi tor of Freedom First, a Li beral Q uarterly publi shed from Mumbai , and
Presi dent of the I ndi an Li beral Group.
Dr K i laru Purna Chandra Rao was born i nto peasants fami ly on
November 30, 1948 at Mangalapuram vi llage i n K ri shna di stri ct of Andhra
Pradesh. He fi rst studi ed Agri culture and later Economi cs at the Nati onal
Academy of Agri cultural Research Management, an i nsti tuti on under the I ndi an
Counci l of Agri cultural Research ( I CAR) . Besi des contri buti ng a large number of
book chapters and arti cles to Professi onal journals, he i s i nvolved wi th
communi cati ng hi s vi ews to people i n general and farmers i n parti cular through
both pri nt and electroni c medi a.
P Vaman Rao
M r P Vaman Rao, born June 12, 1928, joi ned T he Hi ndu as a
correspondent i n Hyderabad i n July 1947. I n 1963 he became chi ef of news
bureau. He served the newspaper for 22 years duri ng a cruci al peri od duri ng
the Ni zams rule and the consequent di si ntegrati on of Hyderabad State and i ts
rei ntegrati on i nto Andhra Pradesh.
180
Rao has been the only I ndi an Journali st to be appoi nted as the Di rector of
I nformati on, Publi c Relati ons and Fi lms and Touri sm i n Andhra Pradesh, whi ch
he took over i n 1969 at the i nvi tati on of the government for a peri od of 5 years.
As a founder member of the Publi c Relati ons Soci ety of I ndi as Hyderabad
chapter he has been closely associ ated wi th a number of soci al, cultural and
educati onal organi zati ons i ncludi ng the Bharati ya Vi dya Bhavan.
I n 1974 he joi ned the Bi rla I ndustri al house as di rector of Corporate Affai rs
of one of the compani es. He conti nues to be Di rector for a couple of compani es.
He i s also the founder edi tor of the New Swatantra Times, a monthly i n memory
of the late K hasa Subba Rau.
Parth J Shah
Dr Parth J Shah recei ved hi s Bachelor of Pharmacy from Maharaja
Sayaji rao Uni versi ty, Vadodara, I ndi a, and PhD i n economi cs ( wi th a speci al
emphasi s on Austri an Poli ti cal Economy) from Auburn Uni versi ty i n the US. He
taught economi cs at the Uni versi ty of Mi chi gan-Dearborn before returni ng to
I ndi a i n August 1997 to start the Centre for Ci vi l Soci ety, a free-market thi nk tank
i n Delhi . He has publi shed academi c arti cles i n the areas of development
economi cs, welfare economi cs, busi ness cycle theory, free or lai ssez-fai re
banki ng, and currency board systems. He has edi ted several books and has
regularly wri tten for newspapers and magazi nes. He i s a columni st wi th
Economic Times. He enjoys applyi ng economi c pri nci ples to understand human
and non-human behavi our, and i s always doi ng economi cs except when he
plays chess, badmi nton or tenni s.
Minoo Shroff
Mr Mi noo Shroff i s a management Accountant and Busi ness Economi st by
trai ni ng and experi ence. He i s a Fellow of the Chartered I nsti tute of Management
Accountants, London, and Fellow of the I nsti tute of Di rectors, London. He has
had wi de experi ence i n the fi eld of busi ness as Seni or Executi ve i n vari ous
compani es for over 20 years i ncludi ng Raymond I ndi a.
He was a vi si ti ng lecturer at vari ous management i nsti tutes i n I ndi a and
abroad. Mr Shroff i s a strong advocate of the market economy and has effecti vely
espoused i ts cause over the last 40 years i n hi s publi c speeches and wri ti ngs. He
has wri tten several publi cati ons and addressed many groups i n I ndi a and Japan
to promote joi nt economi c co-operati on between the two countri es.
Currently Mr Shroff i s Presi dent of the Forum of Free Enterpri se, seni or
trustee of the Bombay Parsi Panchayat, and Chai rman of the Lesli e Sawhney
Programme of Trai ni ng for Democracy.
181
Introduction
I t i s a tremendous pleasure to offer li fe narrati ve of the seven men of
Swatantra the men who fought agai nst the Bri ti sh for poli ti cal freedom and
then agai nst the I ndi an state for economi c freedom. C Rajgopalachari , Mi noo
Masani , N G Ranga, B R Shenoy, Pi loo Mody, K hasa Subba Rau, and A D Shroff
stood courageously agai nst the soci ali st orthodoxy of post-i ndependence I ndi a.
Not only di d they challenge the state i n thei r own fi eld of work, whether
academi a, journali sm, or busi ness, they launched I ndi as fi rst truly i deologi cal
opposi ti on poli ti cal party, the Swatantra Party. A D Shroff formed the Forum of
Free Enterpri se, I ndi as fi rst free-market thi nk tank. K hasa Subba Rau ran
Swarajya and Swatantra when most of the press was reluctant to take on the
ruli ng party. These men dedi cated thei r li ves to protect the freedom and di gni ty
of the i ndi vi dual.
Students of I ndi an economi cs or poli ti cal sci ence would hardly learn or
even hear about the uni que struggle these men fought that kept I ndi a from
falli ng completely i nto the abyss of collecti vi zati on and communi sm. I t was thei r
courage to stand agai nst the populari ty and chari sma of Pandi t Nehru that, as
K hasa put i t, saved i ndi vi dual li fe from the soul-crushi ng oppressi on of the
Levi athan State di sgui sed i n Soci ali st rai ment. Even i n these heady days of
li berali zati on, these men are at the very fri nge of publi c memory. For any revi val
of li berali sm i n I ndi a, i t i s cri ti cal to bri ng the freedom fi ghters, not of the Bri ti sh
I ndi a, but of post-i ndependence I ndi a i nto publi c di scourse. The volume
establi shes that li beral pri nci ples have deep roots i n the I ndi an soi l. And to stand
up for these i deas agai nst all odds i s also part of the I ndi an tradi ti on.
No poli ti ci an of stature was wi lli ng to oppose Nehrus march towards
soci ali sm; Rajaji at the age of 81 took up the challenge and formed the Swatantra
Party i n 1959. Rajaji coi ned Permi t-Li cense-Q uota-Raj, the ubi qui tous phrase
si nce used to descri be the I ndi an central planni ng. He understood the
uni ntended consequences of economi c restri cti ons. Duri ng 1938-1942, i n the
wake of the War, severe controls were put on the movement of food grai ns, and
the ri ce was rati oned at about 30 grams per person per day. I t was typi cal for
weddi ng i nvi tati ons to carry an i nserti on, "Please bri ng your rati on card wi th
you." These controls were i n place i n 1952, when Rajaji became Chi ef Mi ni ster
of the Madras State. Wi thout any noti ce or di scussi on, he announced at ni ght
over the All I ndi a Radi o that food rati oni ng and restri cti ons were aboli shed wi th
i mmedi ate effect. Di re predi cti ons of scarci ty and starvati on were made, but
Rajaji stood by hi s deci si on. He understood the laws of supply and demand. The
supply of food grai ns actually i ncreased and the pri ces fell! I f the current
mi ni sters were as clever, they would aboli sh all restrai nts on the movement of
agri cultural goods and create a common market i n I ndi a.
i
N G Ranga led anti -zami ndari struggles and establi shed trai ni ng schools
for acti vi sts, but when Nehru proposed cei li ng on land holdi ngs, prohi bi ti on on
the storage of grai ns, and collecti vi sati on of agri culture as a soluti on, he became
the foundi ng presi dent of the Swatantra Party. The di fference was not of the
end to help small farmers, but of the means freedom versus force. Professor
Shenoys 1954 Note of Dissent on the Second Fi ve Year Plan must be seen as the
begi nni ng of the Second Freedom Struggle i n I ndi a. I t provi ded the i ntellectual
foundati on for the struggle that has led to todays poli ci es of li berali sati on.
The selecti on of these glori ous seven was, unfortunately and pai nfully,
not as di ffi cult, as there are a few contenders. I have left out the contenders who
are sti ll fi ghti ng the battle. These seven also help trace the evoluti on of I ndi an
li berali sm as they come from vari ed background, practi ced di fferent professi ons,
and traveled all the way from Marxi sm, to the mi xed economy, to Gandhi sm,
and to li berali sm. The celebrated di versi ty of I ndi a i s well reflected i n the
personali ti es, li ves, and the paths taken i n search for the truth by these seven
profi les i n courage. The authors of the profi les also reflect the same di versi ty
accountant, academi c, poli ti ci an, journali st, entrepreneur. I chose them because
they have ei ther worked very closely or have known the subjects i nti mately,
whi ch would enable them go beyond the standard bi ographi cal or i ntellectual
account, and i nfuse the narrati ve wi th personal observati ons, memori es, and
anecdotes that would bri ng the whole human drama ali ve. T he vari ed
background of the authors has effected di fferent style, tone, and structure for
each chapter. I have mai ntai ned the i ndi vi duali ty of each chapter, despi te a
strong i mpulse for li neari ty.
Each of the seven authors R K Ami n, M ahesh P Bhatt,
G Narayanaswamy, S V Raju, K Purna Chandra Rao, P Vaman Rao, and Mi noo
Shroff have pai nted an engagi ng canvas, by di ggi ng i nto memori es pai nful and
pleasant. T H Chowdary, D V Venkatagi ri , M R Pai , and R K Ami n helped i denti fy
and persuade the authors. Tapan Ghosh worked hard for the necessary li neari ty.
The dedi cated team of Bhuvana Anand, Yazad Jal, Sujatha Muthayya, and Manali
Shah at the Centre made i t possi ble to bri ng out the volume on ti me. Long hours
put i n by Tessy Joseph and her team at Macro Graphi cs cannot be wholly
acknowledged by the money payment. And all the payments were made by the
Si r Ratan Tata Trust. The support and encouragement of H D Malesra, Sudhi r
Rao, and Varti ka Jai ni of the Trust has i ndeed been i nvaluable. Despi te the
ambi ti ous nature of the project and lengtheni ng gestati on, they stood wi th us.
I now i nvi te you to joi n these courageous men the men of Swatantra
to walk the path they have forged, to conti nue the Second Freedom Struggle.
Parth J Shah
December 2001
i i
Minoo Masani:
The Making of a Liberal
S V Raju
The newspapers of June 8, 1959 reported that at a publi c meeti ng i n
Madras
1
held on the previ ous day, C Rajagopalachari announced the formati on
of a new poli ti cal party, the Swatantra Party. O thers who addressed thi s meeti ng
i ncluded Prof N G Ranga, V P Menon and M R Masani . Whi le readi ng thi s report
( I was then 29) , li ttle di d I reali ze that an associ ati on was about to begi n wi th
M.R. Masani that was to last for the next 40 years.
Si x months after that press report, I was worki ng as offi ce secretary of the
Swatantra Party at i ts central offi ce i n Bombay
2
and reporti ng to the Partys General
Secretary, Mi noo Masani . My associ ati on wi th Masani ran through di fferent phases.
Fi rst as offi ce secretary, later executi ve secretary, at the central offi ce of the
Swatantra Party; next as management consultant i n Masani s consultancy fi rm,
Personnel & Producti vi ty Servi ces; and, fi nally, as a fellow-champi on of lost causes
i n the vari ous organi zati ons he founded, and these were qui te a handful!
What sort of a man was Masani ?How does he quali fy to be a part of thi s
volume about courageous men who stood up for what they beli eved even i f i t
meant bucki ng a powerful establi shment and bei ng i n a mi nori ty?The answer to
the fi rst i s the subject matter of thi s essay. The answer to the second, the reader
may deci de after readi ng thi s profi le of a man who, i n my vi ew, could be
descri bed as among those very few, who kept ali ve the spi ri t of li berali sm i n
I ndi a after i ndependence.
2
Profiles in Courage
The Masanis
Mi noo Masani , the fi rst of four chi ldren, was born to Rustom and Mani jeh
Masani . The fami ly was upper mi ddle class at best but by no means ri ch. Hi s
father Si r Rustom P M asani was a self-made man wi th a di sti ngui shed
career spanni ng many facets muni ci pal employee ( Secretary of the Bombay
Muni ci pal Corporati on and later Muni ci pal Commi ssi oner) , wri ter, bi ographer,
crusadi ng journali st, banker, hi stori an and anthropologi st.
3
Mi noo had two
brothers and a si ster, all of them achi evers. K eki was a well-known psychi atri st
and Pesi , a mathemati ci an who taught at the Pi ttsburgh Uni versi ty i n the Uni ted
States. Hi s si ster Mehra entered government servi ce to reti re as Deputy Di rector
General of All I ndi a Radi o, prematurely though as a protest agai nst what she
percei ved as gender di scri mi nati on when she was deni ed promoti on to the
posi ti on of Di rector-General or was the deni al due to the fact that her brother
Mi noo was an outspoken member of the opposi ti on?Such vi ndi cti veness was
not unknown when The Fami ly ruled I ndi a.
Mi noo was the only poli ti ci an i n hi s fami ly and that too a left-leani ng one.
Si r Rustom Masani , though not i n poli ti cs, held vi ews that can only be descri bed
as li beral. He di d not parti ci pate i n the freedom struggle though he was close to
Si r Pherozeshah Mehta who was a member of the I ndi an Nati onal Congress and
i ts Presi dent.
4
A stri ct father and known to have a temper, Si r Rustom Masani was
nevertheless not one to i mpose hi s vi ews on hi s chi ldren. He was not
antagoni sti c to the Bri ti sh and at the same ti me, nei ther overawed nor servi le.
Hi s book on Britain in India takes a balanced vi ew though the then freedom
fi ghters i ncludi ng hi s son Mi noo were not very appreci ati ve of hi s vi ews on the
benefi ts of Bri ti sh rule. Mi noo Masani s brothers were qui te i ndi fferent to poli ti cs
though hi s si ster Mehra, a government servant, took a si sterly i nterest i n hi s
poli ti cal acti vi ti es. I know for a fact that he consulted Mehra for advi ce when he
felt he needed such advi ce.
Choosing a profession
Mi noo Masani s early schooli ng was at the Cathedral Hi gh School and the
New Hi gh School, now the Bharda Hi gh School, both i n Bombay from where he
matri culated i n 1921. He played cri cket and hockey i n school and also took to
the vi oli n taki ng musi c lessons from Count O done Savi ni who had settled i n
Bombay. Mi noo passed the exami nati on conducted by the Tri ni ty College of
Musi c. Another of Savi ni s pupi ls was Mehli Mehta ( Zubi n Mehtas father) who
became one of Bombays most successful musi ci ans. Wrote Mi noo i n hi s
autobi ography: I felt rather happy to recall havi ng actually played i n a quartet
whi ch used to perform chamber musi c i n Savi ni s home wi th Mehli Mehta
playi ng the fi rst vi oli n and I the second.
5
Whi le Mi noo Masani s father wanted hi m to become a doctor and he was
reconci led to i t for lack of anythi ng better to thi nk of he took to law on the
suggesti on of hi s fri end and classmate Yusuf Meherally. Meherally convi nced
Masani that he was better sui ted to be a lawyer. Hi s argument was that wi th law,
Masani could serve the country better i n publi c li fe. I wonder! says Masani i n
hi s autobi ography. About hi s fri endshi p wi th Meherally he wrote: Whi le I was
very fond of Yusuf, I found i t very di ffi cult to reci procate wi th the same i ntensi ty
that he di splayed, and he often called me a cold person. I t was a matter of
di fferent temperaments. Yusuf was a warm, gentle, dedi cated person. Wi th hi m,
patri oti sm became a reli gi on, nati onali sm a creed.
6
A frank admi ssi on and very
true as I found out for myself! Masani was both cold and very pri vate. He
brushed asi de any questi on that he consi dered was personal. For example i f he
absented hi mself from offi ce for a day or two and when I asked hi m what was
the problem, he would reply wi th some brusqueness, I ts nothi ng. Lets not
waste ti me and then would get strai ght down to work.
After school i t was the Elphi nstone College i n Bombay, the London
School of Economi cs ( LSE) and Li ncolns I nn. Returni ng to I ndi a he joi ned the
Bombay Bar but soon gave up practi ce, whi ch, as he hi mself confessed was, not
very successful anyway, to parti ci pate i n the freedom struggle.
The LSE and Laski influence
Masani s entry i nto publi c li fe was vi a the legal professi on, the London
School of Economi cs and the Mi ddle Temple, hi s early trai ni ng grounds for a
career i n poli ti cs albei t a lefti st, pro-Sovi et one. I probably learned more about
commi ttees, electi ons, commi ssi ons and party poli ti cs duri ng my student days
than many I ndi an poli ti ci ans have bothered to learn i n a li feti me, and i n the
speeches and wri ti ngs of our later day soci ali sts I can hardly fai l to hear the
echoes of my juveni le outpouri ngs.
7
A fellow-student at the LSE was V K K ri shna M enon, then an Anni e
Besant follower and a moderate by M asani s standards.
8
After an i ni ti al and
altogether bri ef peri od when M asani was hi s admi rer, the relati onshi p turned
adversari al even before M asani had returned from London after completi ng
hi s educati on. Strangely he drew away from M enon not for hi s communi st
vi ews but for not bei ng enough of a communi st! K ri shna M enon went on to
become a member of the Bri ti sh Labour Party and swi tched to the Bri ti sh
Communi st Party of whi ch he was a card-holdi ng member. M asani tak es the
credi t for i ntroduci ng M enon to Nehru. Nehru and M enon were to become
very close fri ends. After i ndependence M enon was appoi nted I ndi an Hi gh
Commi ssi oner to England, and later I ndi as Defence M i ni ster. I roni cally a
reluctant Nehru had to ask M enon to resi gn both posi ti ons before the end of
hi s tenure. He had to step down as Hi gh Commi ssi oner when he was i nvolved
i n what came to be k nown as the Jeep Scandal
9
and from the Defence
M i ni stershi p when he was held responsi ble for I ndi as humi li ati ng defeat i n
the 1962 war wi th Communi st Chi na.
3
Minoo Masani : The Making of a Liberal
4
Profiles in Courage
I t i s sai d that Harold Laski , Professor of Poli ti cal Sci ence at the London
School of Economi cs, exerci sed consi derable i nfluence on hi s students,
parti cularly I ndi an students. Whi le Masani was no excepti on, for he too came
under hi s spell, he was soon to see the contradi cti ons i n Laski s thi nki ng and
move away. But Laski left a li felong i mpressi on on others li ke Jawaharlal Nehru
and K ri shna Menon. Thi s, perhaps, was one of the reasons for the stati st and
ambi valent poli ci es that free I ndi a pursued duri ng the Nehru regi me i ncludi ng
the pronounced pro-Sovi et ti lt.
10
An admirer of the Soviet Union
I nfluenced by Laski and whi le a student at the LSE, Masani joi ned a group,
whi ch went on a conducted tour of the Sovi et Uni on i n 1927. He was greatly
i mpressed by what he saw there and returned si ngi ng i ts prai ses, convi nced that
thi s was the model for a free I ndi a to emulate.
Masani vi si ted the Sovi et Uni on twi ce; the fi rst ti me i n 1927, when he was
a student at the LSE and the second, ei ght years later i n 1935, when he was
secretary of the Congress Soci ali st Party. The second tri p, Masani records, was
on Jayprakash Narayans i nsi stence. I nteresti ngly, the reason he was gi ven why
he should vi si t the Sovi et Uni on once agai n, was that i t would be better to deal
di rectly wi th the Russi an communi sts than through the Bri ti sh communi sts!
Much li ke Nehru preferri ng to talk to the Sovi et leadershi p rather than wi th the
Communi st Party of I ndi a ( CPI ) , often to complai n about the behavi our of the
CPI i n I ndi a!
When he reached Moscow, Masani found that he had to deal wi th the
representati ves of the Comi ntern, the body representi ng the i nternati onal
communi st movement. And these representati ves were none other than the
Bri ti sh communi sts led by Harry Polli tt and R Palme Dutt! Masani carri ed a
mandate from the CSP to offer to associ ate wi th the Comi ntern! When he
therefore told them that the CSP was prepared to associ ate wi th the Comi ntern
( though not affi li ate to thi s body) provi ded Moscow dropped i ts support to the
CPI , R Palme Dutt on behalf of the Comi ntern decli ned, sayi ng, You see
Comrade Masani , we must have our own Party i n I ndi a.
After thi s tri p Masani publi shed hi s booklet Soviet Sidelightsi n whi ch he
gave vent to hi s unabashed admi rati on for the Sovi et Uni on and i ts
achi evements. Masani admi ts that hi s observati ons were na ve but says I can
only excuse myself on the plea that I was one of thousands of young
i ntellectuals, who i n the 1930s could hear no evi l, and speak no evi l of
the USSR.
Thi s marked the begi nni ng of Masani s soci ali st phase. He went on to
become one of the foundi ng members of the Congress Soci ali st Party ( CSP)
whi ch was not an i ndependent poli ti cal party but a pressure group wi thi n the
I ndi an Nati onal Congress to take the Congress to the Left. I n i ts early years the
Congress, was a party of li berals wi th a li beral ori entati on. The entry of Gandhi ji
i nto the Congress and the death of Gokhale ended the li beral domi nati on of the
party. The li berals left the Congress i n 1918 and formed thei r own party, the
I ndi an Li beral Party.
When Gandhi ji emerged as the unquesti oned leader of the Congress, the
soci ali sts i n the CSP were hi s mai n cri ti cs. Jawaharlal Nehru looked ki ndly on the
CSP, though he was reluctant to openly i denti fy hi mself wi th them. Naturally, as
a foundi ng member and Joi nt Secretary of the CSP, Masani found favour wi th
Jawarhalal Nehru. O n the other hand nei ther Sardar Patel nor Rajaji looked upon
Masani ki ndly. To them he was a soci ali st troublemaker. I f Masani had not
renounced soci ali sm, had not become an uncompromi si ng cri ti c of i nternati onal
communi sm i n general and of the Sovi et Uni on i n parti cular, then perhaps
Masani would have, li ke hi s contemporary V K K ri shna Menon, gone on to hold
publi c offi ce i ncludi ng that of Uni on Mi ni ster. I nstead the farthest he reached
was as a member of the Consti tuent Assembly, Ambassador to Brazi l and
Chai rman of the UN Sub-Commi ssi on for Preventi on of Di scri mi nati on and
Protecti on of Mi nori ti es.
Freedom fighter
O n hi s return to I ndi a, Masani tri ed to combi ne hi s legal practi ce wi th
acti ve parti ci pati on i n the freedom struggle. The two di d not mi x well and as
Masani hi mself confessed he was not much of a lawyer. Hi s law practi ce receded
i nto the background and parti ci pati on i n the freedom movement came to the
fore. I n May 1932, four years after hi s return from England, Masani underwent
hi s fi rst i mpri sonment as a freedom fi ghter. He was i mpri soned for two months
wi thout tri al for parti ci pati ng i n the ci vi l di sobedi ence movement, whi ch was
then gatheri ng momentum. Less than a year later, i n January 1933, he agai n
courted arrest whi le defyi ng a ban on meeti ngs and spent the whole of that year
i n the Central Pri son i n Nasi k.
I t was i n Nasi k jai l that he joi ned wi th the other pri son i nmates, who
i ncluded, among others, Jayaprakash Narayan ( JP) , Achyut Patwardhan and
Yusuf Meherally and Asoka Mehta, to form the Congress Soci ali st Party ( CSP)
and became i ts joi nt secretary. An enduri ng relati onshi p between these four
was forged i n pri son that year, even i f i n later years they took to di fferent
poli ti cal paths.
As a student i n the Uni ted States, JP came under the i nfluence of the
Communi st Party of the Uni ted States and was, as Masani put i t, for all practi cal
purposes, a communi st.
11
Jayprak ash consi dered hi mself a nati onal
communi st a contradi cti on i n terms. And the contradi cti on soon surfaced
leadi ng to JPs rejecti on of Communi sm. He was, reports Masani , horri fi ed when
the Communi st Party of I ndi a ( CPI ) followed Moscows li ne that all nati onali sts
5
6
Profiles in Courage
and democrati c soci ali sts were soci al fasci sts wi th whom no cooperati on was
possi ble and whose i nfluence among the people had to be undermi ned.
12
So
JP, a staunch beli ever i n the di ctatorshi p of the proletari at for whom Marxi sm
was the bedrock of hi s fai th and Masani , a staunch democrat of the Bri ti sh
Labour Party ki nd even i f a starry-eyed admi rer of the O ctober Revoluti on, got
together to form the party because both were keen on projecti ng soci ali sm on
the poli ti cal map of I ndi a and thus developi ng the anti -i mperi ali st struggle.
Masani the socialist
I nteresti ngly, around the same ti me, attempts were bei ng made to revi ve
the Swaraj Party ( also a pressure group wi thi n the I ndi an Nati onal Congress but
advocati ng poli ci es not very di fferent from that of the li berals even i f they were
rather reluctant to descri be themselves as li berals. Perhaps because the li berals
i n the Congress had left the Congress and formed the Li beral Party of I ndi a as
they di d not approve of Gandhi ji s resort to mass struggles, the Swaraji sts di d not
wi sh to be i denti fi ed wi th the I ndi an Li beral Party) . I n hi s autobi ography, Masani
records a speech he deli vered at a conventi on of the Swaraj Party i n Bi har i n
1934, whi ch i n effect amounted to exhorti ng the Swaraji sts to abandon the
legi slatures and come out on the streets to further the freedom struggle! Wri ti ng
about thi s three decades later, Masani observes rather wryly My speech must
have sounded somewhat i mperti nent to the Li beral gentlemen present, each of
whom had a long and fi ne record of publi c servi ce.
13
Thi s was Masani i n the
early thi rti es, a staunch soci ali st who even wrote to Jawaharlal Nehru seeki ng hi s
support for the newly formed Congress Soci ali st Party!
14
I n fact, hi s father whose own beli efs were li beral ( though he was not
i nvolved i n poli ti cs or the freedom struggle) told hi s son that he di d not li ke
propaganda for class war bei ng conducted from hi s home. Masani moved out.
The separati on was fri endly records Masani wi th some reli ef.
15
Li fe was hard
for Masani who, unti l then had a fai rly comfortable home to return to after hi s
agi tati onal acti vi ti es. Many years later as General Secretary of the Swatantra Party
he would often narrate hi s own experi ences as an acti vi st and the many physi cal
hardshi ps he cheerfully accepted as a soci ali st along wi th hi s comrades. He
would recall stori es of travel over long di stances i n unreserved 3rd class
compartments, often forgoi ng breakfast or lunch at stati ons, because he had li ttle
or no money to spend. He would wai t anxi ously to reach hi s desti nati on so that
he could have a square meal at the expense of hi s hosts!
O nce, travelli ng wi th hi m i n hi s car we passed Ceci l Hotel not far from
the famous G owali a Tank maidan now called August K ranti M ai dan. Ceci l
Hotel i s located at the i ntersecti on of the roads leadi ng from Chowpatty and
O pera House. Wi th noti ceable nostalgi a he recalled how he would borrow a
chai r, a plate and a ladle from Ceci l Hotel, place the chai r on the footpath i n
front of the Hotel, cli mb on the chai r, hi t the plate wi th the ladle to attract
passers-by and make an i mpromptu speech denounci ng Bri ti sh rule. T he
moment the poli ce approached he would qui ckly retreat i nto the hotel, have a
cup of tea and qui etly di sappear. Compare thi s, he would tell me, wi th todays
acti vi sts who wi sh to travel comfortably, expect a generous allowance and want
a mi crophone to make thei r speech. He would console hi mself, addi ng, T hen
we wanted freedom from Bri ti sh rule. Today, we are seeki ng freedom from
Congress mi srule. G uess the two are not qui te the same thi ng. T he fact was
that whenever M asani recalled hi s soci ali st days, i t was always wi th
consi derable nostalgi a ti nged wi th regret. He would tell me that man-to-man,
they were so much more dedi cated and true than most other poli ti ci ans i n other
poli ti cal parti es.
Disillusionment with Soviet Communism
Wi th such strong adherence to soci ali st beli efs and loyalti es, what made
hi m gi ve up soci ali sm?But before we come to that i t i s necessary to recount the
ci rcumstances that led to hi s resi gni ng as Joi nt Secretary of the CSP and later the
membershi p of the party i tself. The i mmedi ate reasons were that i t had to do
wi th hi s growi ng di si llusi onment wi th Sovi et Communi sm and the fai lure of hi s
attempts to di ssuade hi s colleagues, JP i ncluded, from havi ng a uni ted front wi th
the CPI . But there was another reason. I t was hi s questi oni ng the assumpti ons of
Marxi sm.
The early thi rti es were the peri od of Stali ns purges of hi s ri vals i n the
Communi st Party of the Sovi et Uni on and the li qui dati on of mi lli ons of farmers
who opposed hi s poli cy of forced collecti vi zati on of farms. Horri fi ed by Stali ns
brutali ty M asani s di senchantment wi th Sovi et Communi sm led to hi s
questi oni ng the credenti als of the I ndi an Communi sts.
He strenuously resi sted communi st attempts led by E M S Namboodi ri pad
and P C Joshi to i nfi ltrate and capture the CSP when the leaders of the CSP were
i n jai l. Unable to convi nce the majori ty of hi s colleagues of communi st desi gns
on the CSP, he resi gned hi s posi ti on but conti nued as i ts member. He resi gned
from the Partys pri mary membershi p i n 1939 when i t gave up i ts resolve not to
support the Bri ti sh war effort.
However, hi s departure from the CSP di d not mean gi vi ng up on
soci ali sm. T hat was to come later. For the moment he deci ded to reti re
from acti ve poli ti cs. He called i t hi s fi rst reti rement. T here were two more to
come, as we shall see presently. But he remai ned an ordi nary member of the
Congress. He reti red from acti ve poli ti cs and went on to do other thi ngs!
T hi s other thi ng was to wri te a book that made hi m a popular fi gure i n hi s
own ri ght. T he book was Our India, whi ch turned out to be a bestseller, and
to seek gai nful employment. M ore about thi s later. I t drew hi m closer to
Nehru because Our India echoed what later used to be referred as
Nehruvi an Soci ali sm.
7
8
Profiles in Courage
Gandhi replaces Marx
Masani had a number of maxi ms up hi s sleeve. I used to be at the
recei vi ng end of many of these. O ne of them was You cannot replace
somethi ng wi th nothi ng. You have to replace somethi ng wi th somethi ng better.
I n hi s case, Marx was bei ng replaced by Gandhi . But the replacement was
gradual, spread over a number of years. And Masani had to thank hi s father for
i ntroduci ng hi m to Gandhi !
As a young soci ali st agi tator out of pri son he was determi ned to oppose
Gandhi s poli ci es. I was determi ned not to be converted, he wrote i n hi s
memoi r. I n fai rness to the old man, i t must be conceded that he never tri ed to
work on us to persuade us to gi ve up our soci ali st pri nci ples. O n the contrary i t
was I as the young crusader, who thought I would bri ng enli ghtenment to the
old man and open hi s eyes to the superi ori ty of our panaceas and the li mi tati ons
of hi s.
16
Gandhi obvi ously treated young Masani wi th pati ence and tolerance.
The bonds grew stronger after Gandhi i nvi ted Masani to accompany hi m on hi s
walki ng tour of O ri ssa dedi cated to the removal of untouchabi li ty. Thi s was i n
May 1934. At the end of the ten-day tour Masani left wi th Gandhi some questi ons
and draft resoluti ons of the Congress Soci ali st Party and i ts programme.
About Gandhi ji s answers Masani wri tes: To me Gandhi ji s comments
now appear to be extremely reasonable and practi cal. I ndeed, my own vi ews
later, came very much i n li ne wi th what he had to say, but at that ti me hi s
answers shocked me.
The subjects ranged from the rule of pri nces, I am not for the aboli ti on of
the rule of the pri nces; but I beli eve i n i ts reformati on and modi fi cati on i n
consonance wi th the true spi ri t of democracy; to nati onali zati on, the
progressi ve nati onali zati on of all the i nstruments of producti on, di stri buti on and
exchange i s too sweepi ng to be admi ssi ble. Rabi ndranath Tagore i s an
i nstrument of marvelous producti on. I do not know that he wi ll submi t to be
nati onali zed; and to state monopoly Should not the state be sati sfi ed wi th all
the power i t wi ll possess? Must i t also exerci se all the powers i n one swoop,
whether such an exerci se i s necessary or not?
17
There were many other occasi ons when Masani would debate argue and
even di sagree wi th Gandhi ji . But, at the end of i t all, i f Masani had a mentor, i t
was Gandhi ji . For unquesti onably i t was Gandhi ji s i nfluence that enabled
Masani to get ri d of hi s soci ali st bli nkers and turn i n the di recti on of li beral
values. Undoubtedly, wrote Masani i n hi s autobi ography, the greatest man
I have known was Mahatma Gandhi .
18
T wo fundamentals I accepted from Gandhi s thought fi rst, that the end
does not justi fy the means, and that no decent soci al order can evolve through
the use of force or fraud; and that i n the second half of the twenti eth century, the
omni vorous state i s i n danger of becomi ng the bi ggest si ngle threat to human
li berty. No school of thought or system of government offends agai nst these two
beli efs as vi olently as totali tari an Communi sm.
19
Despi te thi s tremendous i mpact of Gandhi on Masani , hi s denunci ati on of
communi sm and hi s resi gnati on from the CSP di d not mean that he had gi ven up
on soci ali sm. Thi s was clear from hi s book Our India.
20
As I menti oned earli er,
one of hi s maxi ms was you cannot replace somethi ng wi th nothi ng. You must
replace somethi ng wi th somethi ng better. Thi s somethi ng better would come
some years later. Meanwhi le Our India turned out to be a bestseller wi th a
mi lli on copi es sold by the early fi fti es. I t was also translated i nto a number of
I ndi an languages. Our India was qui ckly followed by two others books: Picture
of a Plan and Our Food. The i ncome from these books also helped Masani li ve
a li ttle more comfortably.
Thi s was i n the early forti es. And, as he wri tes i n hi s autobi ography:
Whi le World War I I and the Q ui t I ndi a campai gn were proceedi ng along thei r
respecti ve paths I was engaged i n an i ntensi ve re-thi nki ng of my own posi ti on
vis--vis the problems of soci ali sm and a free soci ety. Marxi sm and State
Soci ali sm had lost all appeal for me. The questi on was what phi losophy or way
of li fe was to take thei r place.
The two major factors that had contri buted to thi s change i n my thi nki ng
were the fai lure of the Sovi et Revoluti on to deli ver the goods i n any sense of the
word and the i nfluence of Mahatma Gandhi .
21
Socialism reconsidered
The result was Socialism Reconsidered wri tten i n 1944 i n whi ch he
questi oned some assumpti ons of Marxi sm:
There are at least four assumpti ons of Marxi sm there may be more
whi ch, I beli eve, need to be reconsi dered. The fi rst of these i s that the aboli ti on
of pri vate property and i ts nati onali zati on wi ll automati cally bri ng i n economi c
democracy and a classless soci ety. I t has now been shown i n Russi a that i t need
do nothi ng of the sort.
T he second M arxi st assumpti on that needs revi ewi ng i s that the
Di ctatorshi p of the Proletari at i s a possi ble and i ndeed a necessary transi ti on
state to Soci ali sm! The theory was that havi ng served i ts purpose the di ctatorshi p
would evaporate and i ndeed, as Leni n followi ng Engels put i t: The State wi ll
then wi ther away. I n Russi a the Sovi et Government... shows not the sli ghtest
tendency to relax i ts complete stranglehold on i ndi vi dual li berty of every ki nd,
much less to wi ther away.
A thi rd Marxi st assumpti on that appears unable to stand a revi ew of the
past two decades i s that soci ali sm can be achi eved by appeali ng to the collecti ve
selfi shness of the worki ng class and i ts collecti ve hatred for the property-owni ng
9
10
Profiles in Courage
classes Unfortunately the appeal to the collecti ve selfi shness of the workers
leads qui te as often to thei r becomi ng a party to exploi tati on and i njusti ce.
We have already seen how the Bri ti sh worki ng class, bei ng gi ven a mi nor
share i n the profi ts of the Empi re, becomes through the Labour Party a party
to the perpetuati on of i mperi ali sm, whi ch i s the very anti thesi s of a world
soci ali st order.
Yet another beli ef i s that soci ali sm i s the only alternati ve to capi tali sm. I
must confess I held thi s vi ew myself ti ll around 1937 or 1938 But must i t?That
the old type capi tali sm i s played out i s obvi ous. But wi ll soci ali sm i nevi tably
follow or i s there not a thi rd somethi ng that i s li kely to emerge
I n the context of today only he i s a socialist ( i tali cs mi ne) who i nsi sts on
havi ng both li berty and a planned economy. For all such i t has become
necessary to reconsi der the assumpti ons on whi ch orthodox soci ali sm has so far
been based and redefi ne the means by whi ch one may hope to achi eve
the end.
22
The choi ce Masani explai ned was not between capi tali sm and soci ali sm,
but between the democrati c or free way of li fe and the totali tari an way, whether
of the fasci st or communi st ki nd.
23
I n fact, Masani kept repeati ng ti me and agai n
that he was not agai nst the objecti ves of soci ali sm of a free and equal soci ety but
of i ts methods. He appealed to hi s fellow soci ali sts to gi ve up thei r doctri nai re
approach. Even as late as August 26, 1965, i n a speech i n the Lok Sabha, Masani
sai d: We accept the soci ali st ai m of a free and equal soci ety but we are
percepti ve enough to see that the method of Stati sm and controls i s not the
method that leads to a free and equal soci ety.
And so he worked on a new reci pe and called i t a Mi xed Economy. I n
1947 he was i nvi ted by the Bombay Uni versi tys School of Economi cs and
Soci ology to gi ve an address i n the Si lver Jubi lee Lecture seri es. Thi s gave hi m
an opportuni ty to share wi th the students of the Uni versi ty and the publi c the
outcome of hi s reconsi derati on of soci ali sm. He called i t A Plea for a Mixed
Economy. I am unable to assert wi th any degree of certai nty that Masani was the
fi rst i n I ndi a to thi nk of thi s form of economi c organi zati on. But i t would be
factual to say that he was among the fi rst i n promoti ng thi s concept. I t found i ts
way i nto I ndi as Fi ve-Year Plans though, as i t i nvari ably happens when
translati ng concepts i nto acti on, i t got di storted and was hardly recogni zable. As
he once told me, Nehru had turned hi s ( Masani s) concept from a mi xed
economy i nto a mi xed up economy!
Masani s mi xed economy was a mi ddle-of-the-road reci pe, where the
state and the ci ti zen had thei r respecti ve roles to play i n the economy even whi le
ensuri ng that the freedom of the i ndi vi dual and an open soci ety were
safeguarded. The Sovi et experi ment had convi nced hi m that poli ti cal power
combi ned wi th economi c power would result i n the oppressi on of the people.
I n any case i s State ownershi p and management of i ndustri es the answer to our
needs? he asked.
The rejecti on of a poli cy of State ownershi p and management of
i ndustri es need not lead one to be content wi th the status quo... I put i t
forward, not as a poor substi tute, nor as a mere half way house to the real thi ng
but as a better, more sci enti fi c and more modern method of worki ng for the
same ends than the so-called sci enti fi c soci ali sm of the ni neteenth century
There are certai n thi ngs that need to be stressed i n maki ng an approach
to the Mi xed Economy. The fi rst i s that our approach must be free from dogma
of any ki nd The second thi ng to stress i s that I ndi a i s bi g enough for all forms
of producti on to be tri ed out at the same ti me and si nce we are sti ll at the
begi nni ng of our I ndustri al Revoluti on, the mere nati onali zati on of exi sti ng
enterpri ses would, i n any event, touch only the fri nge of the problem that faces
us. The thi rd factor i n our approach i s to make the fullest use of the great
contri buti on that has been made to economi c thought i n our country by
Mahatma Gandhi , namely, the emphasi s on decentrali zati on of i ndustry and of
i ts control. The fourth thi ng to do i s to shi ft the emphasi s from the State to
i ncreasi ng workers control over i ndustri es and to foster the partnershi p of
Labour both i n the admi ni strati on of i ndustry and i ts frui ts Fi fth and last, the
Mi xed Economy wi ll depend less on ownershi p and management and more on
control to see that the i nterests of the communi ty rei gn supreme.
24
Thi s was a halfway house and clearly an attempt to reassure hi s soci ali st
fri ends. But they di d not forgi ve Masani for hi s heresy. Though many remai ned
fri ends, I can personally testi fy that barri ng Jayaprakash Narayan, who dri fted
away from soci ali sm to Sarvodaya and Achyut Patwardhan who turned to the
phi losophy of JK ri shnamurthi , some of the more dogmati c ones treated Masani
wi th a certai n amount of di sdai n.
I n fact as M asani noted rather unhappi ly, an arti cle revi ewi ng hi s
speech on the M i xed Economy i n the Soci ali st Partys organ Janata, was
enti tled T he Fallen Angel of Soci ali sm. O n the other hand Rajaji already
movi ng from the role of an angry cri ti c ( of M asani s vi ews) to that of an
appreci ati ve reader, wrote to hi m Your pretty li ttle book i s as full of truth as
i t i s handsomely got up.
25
Duri ng thi s phase, whi le transi ti ng from soci ali sm to li berali sm and
li terally longi ng for understandi ng i f not approval of hi s comrades i n the
erstwhi le CSP, Masani was uncompromi si ng i n hi s opposi ti on to the communi sts
wi thi n the country and overseas. He made i t hi s mi ssi on to i nterpret, expose and
combat the communi st movement. O nce I made the mi stake of referri ng to a
labour leader, a communi st, who had di ed as a good man. My dear fellow,
repli ed Masani there i s no such thi ng as a good communi st. The only good
communi st i s a dead communi st!
11
12
Profiles in Courage
The anti-communist crusade
I n the concludi ng chapter of hi s book The Communist Party of India - A
Short History, Masani wrote: The Communi st Party of I ndi a i s a dagger poi nted
at the heart of democracy i n the most populous country of the world outsi de the
I ron Curtai n. I ts role i s to di srupt the nati onal economy, create i ntellectual
confusi on, i nfi ltrate i nto key posi ti ons and prepare for the day when, i n the face
of nati onal emergency or i nternati onal cri si s, i t may be i n a posi ti on to paralyze
the wi ll to resi st. O nly purposeful democrati c leadershi p that arouses the country
to the i nternal and external dangers wi th whi ch i t i s faced can i mmuni ze I ndi a
from thi s threat.
26
Those were the cold war years when the Sovi et Uni on sponsored front
organi zati ons to promote i ts i nterests worldwi de and to capture or destroy
democrati c, non-communi st organi zati ons. For i nstance the World Federati on of
Trade Uni ons ( WFTU) was a genui ne federati on of trade uni on organi zati ons
worldwi de. When the Sovi et communi sts managed to capture thi s organi zati on
and to do the bi ddi ng of the Sovi et Uni on, Western nati ons founded the
I nternati onal Confederati on of Trade Uni ons ( I CFTU) . I n I ndi a, the All I ndi a
Trade Uni on Congress was actually an outfi t alli ed to the CSP and the I ndi an
Nati onal Congress. The CPI managed to capture thi s organi zati on and the
Congress Party had to found a new trade uni on organi zati on, the I ndi an Nati onal
Trade Uni on Congress ( I NTUC) . O rgani zati ons of wri ters, arti sts and i ntellectuals
were speci al targets of the communi sts to i nfi ltrate and capture. The Wests
answer was the Congress for Cultural Freedom based i n Pari s. I n I ndi a, Masani ,
along wi th Jayaprakash Narayan, Asoka Mehta and A D Gorwala took the
i ni ti ati ve i n 1950 i n establi shi ng the I ndi an Commi ttee for Cultural Freedom and
affi li ated i t to the Congress i n Pari s.
Duri ng the years before i ndependence, as a soci ali st freedom fi ghter,
Masani had i ncurred Sardar Patels di spleasure more than once. The transi ti on
from a soci ali st to a Gandhi an made Masani more acceptable to the Sardar. Soon
after i ndependence as I ndi as Deputy Pri me M i ni ster and the M i ni ster
responsi ble for the countrys i nternal securi ty, the Sardar made a determi ned
effort to combat communi st acti vi ti es i n the country. I n thi s he found a useful
li eutenant i n Masani .
Some ti me i n 1950, when Sardar Patel complai ned to me i n the course of
a talk that the Pri me Mi ni ster would not allow hi m to take the ki nd of securi ty
measures he would have li ked to, I asked hi m whether i t would be helpful i f a
li ttle research and i nformati on centre were to be establi shed on a non-offi ci al
basi s to combat communi st subversi on among the i ntelli gentsi a. Patel thought i t
was a very good i dea, and was ready to help.
27
And help he di d, by securi ng for Masani offi ce space i n Bombay, a
telephone connecti on and Rs 10, 000. And thus was born the Democrati c
Research Servi ce ( DRS) i n November, 1950. The mai n acti vi ty of the DRS was
pamphleteeri ng and the publi cati on of Freedom First a monthly of 16 pages,
whi ch for the next 35 years, carri ed on a relentless campai gn exposi ng the
i nternati onal communi st movement based i n Moscow and the acti vi ti es of thei r
fi fth column i n I ndi a.
28
But what was even more valuable i n educati ng not only the I ndi an
i ntelli gentsi a but also offi ci al securi ty agenci es was the publi cati on by the
D RS of secret documents of the Communi st Party of I ndi a ( CPI ) wi th help of
a mole who was a member of the Central Commi ttee of the CPI , no less. He
was di si llusi oned wi th the CPI and the Sovi et Uni on and deci ded that rather
than resi gn he would stay i nsi de and help M asani wi th secret documents.
T he D emocrati c Research Servi ce was thus able to scoop everyone,
i ncludi ng the poli ce by publi shi ng thi s materi al and releasi ng i t to the
press. T he Communi st Party di d not dare challenge when the D RS
publi shed the secret documents of the Party s M adurai and Palghat
Conferences.
29
Not surpri si ngly, the DRS was not looked upon ki ndly by Jawaharlal
Nehru. I n November 1956 when Sovi et troops crushed the revolt by the
Hungari an people, and the Nehru government prevari cated on whether or not
to condemn the Sovi et acti on ( and fi nally they di dnt) , the i ssue was debated i n
the Lok Sabha. I n the course of hi s speech Nehru defended hi s governments
response. But he could not resi st attacki ng the movement launched by the DRS
and descri bed i t as a conveni ent handle to run down the government.
Jayaprak ash Narayan defended the DRS and sai d, T he object of thi s
organi zati on i s not to run down the government, as Mr. Nehru says but to
educate the people of thi s country i n democracy.
30
Naturally the communi sts and thei r fellow traveli ng fri ends conducted a
campai gn of calumny agai nst Masani calli ng hi m an agent of Ameri can
i mperi ali sm, a CI A Agent etc. Even well meani ng people accused hi m of
seei ng communi sts under every bed. Such charges di d not deter hi m from
carryi ng on an unrelenti ng crusade agai nst a group he consi dered the enemi es
of freedom.
Whi le publi cly members belongi ng to the ruli ng establi shment sai d
nothi ng, pri vately there were many who would come up to Masani and tell hi m,
that they were glad he was exposi ng the Sovi et Uni ons acti vi ti es i n I ndi a
through thei r fi fth column. O ne of them, I remember Masani telli ng me, was
S K Pati l the then Congress strongman i n Bombay.
31
The flood of i nformati on that has come out of Moscow and other capi tals
of hi therto Sovi et satelli tes after the collapse of the Sovi et Empi re, proved
the authenti ci ty of Mi noo Masani s charges and how justi fi ed he was i n hi s
anti -communi st crusade.
13
14
Profiles in Courage
Someti me i n early 1994, a well-known journali st and an associ ate duri ng
the freedom struggle, ( a card holdi ng member of the CPI , accordi ng to Masani )
was passi ng through Bombay. He called on Masani . Thi s journali st was on hi s
way back from a tour of Russi a and Eastern Europe after the break-up of the
Sovi et Empi re. He compli mented Masani for hi s accurate assessment of the real
nature of Sovi et communi sm and confessed he had been wrong and Masani had
been proved ri ght. Masani was of course deli ghted and asked thi s journali st
fri end of hi s to publi cly recant and confess hi s fai th i n communi sm, just as
Jayaprakash Narayan had publi cly renounced Marxi sm i n an arti cle he wrote for
Freedom First many years earli er.
32
Even though Masani had qui t bei ng a Marxi st he conti nued usi ng words
that have been popular wi th communi sts. T wo such words were recant and
confess. Hi s fri end sai d he couldnt do that and gi ve up hi s fai th at thi s late
stage i n hi s li fe. Then, Masani retorted, you are not cured. However, thi s
fri end as a mark of hi s admi ssi on of error left Rs 500 wi th Masani as li fe
subscri pti on for Freedom First !
Wi th the demi se of i nternati onal communi sm, Masani deci ded that the
DRS no longer had any reason to conti nue. I n consultati on wi th hi s fri ends who
had been supporters of the DRS he had the organi zati on wound up. Freedom
First, however conti nued, changi ng i ts focus from anti -communi sm to a more
posi ti ve Q uarterly of Li beral I deas, and as a publi cati on of the I ndi an
Commi ttee for Cultural Freedom.
As menti oned earli er soon after resi gni ng from the CSP and wri ti ng hi s
bestseller Our India, Masani looked for gai nful employment. Hi s father
i ntroduced hi m to A D Shroff who took hi m to JR D Tata who gave hi m a job at
Bombay House the Headquarters of the Tata Group of Compani es.
Earning a living
For the next 16 years, from 1941 to 1957 he was associ ated wi th the House
of Tatas wi th two breaks. The fi rst i n 1943 for a bri ef spell when he courted
i mpri sonment duri ng the Q ui t I ndi a movement and the second for a year, from
1948 to 1949, when he was I ndi as fi rst Ambassador to Brazi l. Whi le wi th Tatas
he was si multaneously, Mayor of Bombay; a member of the I ndi an Legi slati ve
Assembly, whi ch converted i tself i nto the Consti tuent Assembly to draft the
Consti tuti on
33
and later as a member of the Provi si onal Parli ament;
34
Government of I ndi as representati ve on the UN Sub-Commi ssi on for the
Preventi on of Di scri mi nati on and the Protecti on of Mi nori ti es 1947 to 1952,
35
the
last two years as i ts Chai rman. The fact of the matter was that di fferences wi th
Nehru mai nly on i ssues of forei gn poli cy came out i nto the open i n debates i n
the Provi si onal Parli ament. I n di scussi ons i n the Congress Parli amentary Party,
Masani i nvari ably supported Sardar Patel, whi ch naturally i nfuri ated Nehru. The
Sardar di ed on 15 December, 1950. I n 1952, when the Provi si onal Parli ament
di ssolved he resi gned from membershi p of the Congress Party. He had been i ts
member for 20 years.
Regardi ng hi s sti nt as I ndi as Ambassador to Brazi l, I remember aski ng
Masani why at all di d he agree to leave the Consti tuent Assembly and go to Brazi l
as Ambassador i n the fi rst place.
36
He admi tted that he should have stood fi rm
and not have been persuaded to accept thi s assi gnment. Admi ttedly not a
sati sfactory answer but thats all he would say.
After termi nati ng hi s ambassadori al assi gnment, he returned to the Tatas
i n 1949. Hi s resi gnati on from the Congress Party si gnaled hi s second reti rement
from acti ve poli ti cs. Thi s was to last ti ll 1956, when he stood as an i ndependent
candi date for electi on to the Lok Sabha. I n the i nterveni ng peri od he was a full-
fledged busi ness executi ve, an anti -communi st crusader, wri ter of books
parti cularly for chi ldren, and a much sought-after speaker.
Wri ti ng about Masani s years wi th Tatas and hi s contri buti on to the Tata
organi zati on, JR D Tata wrote:
I n Tatas, M i noo played a vari ety of roles, always wi th
competence and despatch, demonstrati ng a remark able
adaptabi li ty, to i deas, tasks and problems wholly di fferent to
those he previ ously had to deal wi th. Although I was, therefore,
happy to have hi m i n the Tata team, I was deli ghted when the
Pri me Mi ni ster appoi nted hi m I ndi as Ambassador to Brazi l i n
1948, as I hoped, i n the nati onal i nterest, that i t would lead, on
hi s return to more i mportant assi gnments possi bly wi thi n the
Government i tself. But that was not to be, presumably because
hi s strongly i ndependent character and the mi strust hi s radi cal
change of poli ti cal i deology had made hi m unacceptable to the
Congress party. Mi noo would i ndeed have proved a di ffi cult
colleague i n a Government and party so heavi ly i nfi ltrated by
Marxi st fellow-members.
So Mi noo came back to Tatas where, i n charge of the Groups
Publi c Relati ons Department, he fi lled i ncreasi ngly valuable
roles, as an advi ser on management, on human relati ons i n
i ndustry, on personnel and labour problems, for whi ch hi s
earli er experi ence i n the trade uni on fi eld made hi m
parti cularly helpful. I n fact I found hi s vi ews and advi ce to the
fi rm so useful to me that I got hi m to joi n my personal
secretari at as chef decabinet where I could take full advantage
of hi s practi cal and i nsati ably acti ve mi nd, hi s wi de rangi ng
experi ence of men and affai rs, hi s sense of hi story, hi s
authorshi p and hi s mastery of Engli sh. I could not have made a
better choi ce.
15
16
Profiles in Courage
All i n all Mi noo Masani was a remarkable human bei ng
whose talents and character, sadly for I ndi a, fai led to be
recogni zed and used as they could have been i n the countrys
great benefi t.
37
Ni ne years i nto freedom, there were a number of people, who could be
loosely termed leaders of publi c opi ni on who were getti ng restless wi th the
di recti on i n whi ch the Congress was taki ng the country. The Fi rst Fi ve Year Plan
( 1952-57) had been i n the ri ght di recti on wi th i ts emphasi s on agri culture. But
the Second Fi ve Year Plan ( 195762) was based on Moscows Gosplan and
headed towards state capi tali sm. Comrade Professor P C Mahalanobi s wi th hi s
medi ci ne of planni ng by physi cal targets was i n. Prof B R Shenoy who was
totally opposed to the Mahalanobi s model and was a fi rm votary of a free
market; and totally opposed to defi ci t fi nanci ng, and to the State occupyi ng the
commandi ng hei ghts of the economy was out.
38
Professor Shenoy, a member of
the Planni ng Commi ssi on and a Li beral economi st, submi tted a Note of Di ssent
and thi s put pai d to hi s membershi p of the Planni ng Commi ssi on. I n Madras,
Rajaji s columns and arti cles i n Swarajya got sharper by the week. Rajaji too had
not renewed hi s membershi p of the Congress.
39
Si nce the Congress Party has
swung to the Left what i s wanted for the body poli ti c i s not an ultra or outer Left
but a strong and arti culate Ri ght, he wrote i n Swarajya.
40
Towards a new party
About the same ti me Masani was di scussi ng wi th hi s fri ends, si mi lar
concerns. We felt that the ti me had come for a new poli ti cal i ni ti ati ve by whi ch
the monopoly enjoyed by the vari ous soci ali st and communi st parti es could be
broken. I n our vi ew the si tuati on had matured enough for a Li beral Democrati c
Party to be brought i nto exi stence wi th a programme di sti nct from the vari ous
versi ons of the collecti vi st paradi se whi ch has been presented to the I ndi an
people si nce I ndependence.
41
But the second general electi ons were close and
there was not enough ti me to organi ze a new party.
So Masani and hi s fri ends deci ded to do the next best thi ng put up
some i ndependent candi dates for the Lok Sabha i n the 1957 electi ons. Thi s
would be li ke stagi ng a dress rehearsal or testi ng the waters as i t were before the
real thi ng, whi ch was the formati on of a new li beral party. The followi ng
candi dates contested these electi ons as i ndependent candi dates supported by
local parti es. Si r Homi Mody i n Rajasthan, S Goyal i n Uttar Pradesh, R V Murthy
i n Andhra, H R Pardi vala i n O ri ssa, Eri c da Costa i n Jamshedpur, and Masani i n
Ranchi . O f these only Masani got elected to the Lok Sabha. He had been
supported by the Jharkhand Party. Wi th hi s electi on, the li beral voi ce was heard
i n the Lok Sabha for the fi rst ti me after i ndependence.
And so began Masani s thi rd essay i nto party poli ti cs. But hi s electi on cost
Masani hi s job wi th Tatas. JR D Tata approved Masani s deci si on to contest as
bei ng i n the publi c i nterest, but told hi m that i f he was elected to the Lok Sabha
even as an i ndependent si tti ng i n opposi ti on to Nehrus government, he would
have to resi gn from the Tata organi zati on as such a deci si on would be i n the
i nterests of the shareholders of the Tata Group of Compani es.
42
Masani , a strong
beli ever i n the maxi m that you li ve for poli ti cs not off poli ti cs set hi mself up as
a Management Consultant speci ali zi ng i n personnel management, i ndustri al
relati ons, management trai ni ng and development and publi c relati ons. JR D Tata
helped hi m fi nd offi ce premi ses from where he conducted hi s busi ness for the
next 22 years. Hi s consultancy fi rm, Personnel and Producti vi ty Servi ces di d
reasonably well. I n 1979, he sold hi s company to Tata Consultancy Servi ces.
As soon as he found hi mself back i n hi s fami li ar hunti ng ground, parli ament,
he lost no ti me i n looki ng for li ke-mi nded people i n the House and outsi de as the
fi rst step towards the formati on of a Li beral Democrati c Party. I n Parli ament he
formed an I ndependent Parli amentary Group along wi th two other MPs. O utsi de,
he pursued Rajaji and Jayaprakash Narayan among others. O ne group of fri ends he
had not gi ven up on were hi s former colleagues i n the CSP. Soon after
i ndependence, Jayaprakash Narayan had dropped the Congress from the
Congress Soci ali st Party, and offered a major challenge to Nehru and the Congress
i n the 1952 electi ons. The Soci ali st Partys ralli es were well attended and matched
the ralli es held by the Congress. But when the results came i n the Soci ali sts suffered
a crushi ng defeat at the hands of Nehru. Some ti me later the Soci ali st Party spli t
between those loyal to Dr. Ram Manohar Lohi a and those who followed JP the
Samyukta Soci ali st Party ( SSP) of Lohi a and the Praja Soci ali st Party ( PSP) of JP. JP
hi mself gave up party poli ti cs and launched hi mself i nto the Sarvodaya movement.
Most of Masani s erstwhi le colleagues were i n the PSP. He deci ded to wri te
to Ganga Saran Si ngh. Ganga Babu, as he was popularly known, was then
Chai rman of the Praja Soci ali st Party. I n hi s letter Masani sai d that he and hi s fri ends
were thi nki ng i n terms of establi shi ng a new Party of a Li beral colour and explai ned
why thi s development was essenti al. He added that there was a great deal of
common ground between them and the Soci al Democrati c leaders of the PSP i n so
far as thei r basi c approach was concerned. Could we not asked Masani , come
together and form a new Party of a nati onal democrati c character? Masani went on
to suggest that the PSP drop the label Soci ali st and Masani for hi s part would be
prepared to go a long way i n accepti ng soci al justi ce and the objecti ves of soci ali sm
i n the new Party. Ganga Babus reply communi cated verbally to Masani was that
hi s suggesti on was not a practi cable proposi ti on. The rank and fi le of the Party,
were so dedi cated to the soci ali st myth or label that they would defeat such an
effort i f i t was made, he records i n hi s autobi ography.
43
A di sappoi nted Masani
sadly observed that the I ndi an soci ali sts were sti ll way behi nd thei r soci ali st
counterparts i n Great Bri tai n and West Germany. Who knows what could have
happened i f li berals and democrati c soci ali sts i n I ndi a had joi ned hands at that ti me
to form a progressi ve nati onal Democrati c Party. The whole hi story of I ndi a mi ght
17
18
Profiles in Courage
have been di fferent and happi er he speculated and added Certai nly the mi serable
fai lure to produce an alternati ve government for the country i n 1970 mi ght have
been averted. I have always felt that the conservati sm of the Left i s as perni ci ous
as the conservati sm of the Ri ght. The i nabi li ty of good men to turn thei r guns from
old enemi es to new ones has led to many a tragedy, and thi s was one of them.
44
The Swatantra Party emerges
Though Rajaji and Masani shared si mi lar concerns about the future of
I ndi a i f Congress rule went unchallenged, Rajaji asked to be excused on grounds
of i ll health and old age when Masani asked hi m to joi n hi m i n hi s efforts to form
a new Party. Jayaprakash Narayan also asked to be excused as he beli eved i n a
partyless democracy and was engaged i n the Sarvodaya movement. Masani was
clear i n hi s mi nd that wi thout one of them the new Party could not take off. He
was honest enough to accept the fact that he di d not have the quali ti es of a
leader to lead a new Party. He wrote i n hi s memoi rs, I never had any i llusi on
about the fact I personally lacked the poli ti cal appeal of the ki nd that a country
li ke I ndi a needed for the purpose. I had always concei ved my role i n I ndi an
poli ti cs as an effecti ve No.2 man, who could run the machi ne effi ci ently,
provi ded there was a leader who had the necessary chari sma. Such was the role
I was able to play along wi th JP i n the 1930s and wi th Rajaji i n the 1960s.
Masani s defi ni ti on of an acceptable leader i n I ndi a was a home-spun
and earthy personali ty wi th deep roots i n the I ndi an tradi ti on whi ch Masani
admi tted he di d not possess. And how i s thi s reflected?I t i s reflected i n ones way
of li fe, ones dress and a certai n austeri ty and absti nence from allegedly Western
habi ts such as dri nk and ballroom danci ng. He felt that he was too much of a
world ci ti zen of the ki nd Stali n descri bed as a rootless cosmopoli tan to play the
role of Supremo i n an I ndi an Government.
45
Meanwhi le, pendi ng the formati on of a new Party he played the role of a
one-man opposi ti on. Masani was perhaps the fi rst to launch a frontal attack on
the Second Fi ve Year Plan i n the Lok Sabha. The occasi on was the debate on the
Uni on Budget 1957-58. He descri bed the Fi ve Year Plans as the source of evi l and
the Budgets a devi ce to secure the fi nanci al resources, whi ch the Plans would
swallow. He also drew attenti on to the harm done to the countrys i mage by the
provocati ve utterances and postures of K ri shna Menon i n hi s capaci ty as I ndi as
Representati ve i n the Uni ted Nati ons. O n the other hand he supported the
di smi ssal of the Namboodi ri pad government and the i mposi ti on of Presi dents
rule i n K erala. Whi le hi s cri ti ci sm of the Plan and K ri shna Menon i rri tated Nehru,
hi s support to Nehru i n throwi ng out the Communi st government i n K erala, drew
communi st i re. He was layi ng the pattern for the manner i n whi ch the new Party
would functi on as a party i n the opposi ti on. Not opposi ti on for opposi ti ons sake
but constructi ve i ssue-based opposi ti on. Masani was tryi ng to i ntroduce the
concept of Hi s Majestys O pposi ti on i n I ndi as parli ament!
And then came the opportuni ty that M asani was wai ti ng for a
development that would propel the hesi tant to joi n hi s efforts to form a new
Party. The All I ndi a Congress Commi ttee met i n Nagpur i n January 1959 and
adopted what came to be known as the Nagpur Resoluti on on joi nt cooperati ve
farmi ng and a cei li ng on landholdi ngs. I n a speech i n Parli ament, Masani
denounced the AI CC resoluti on and sai d that the farmers of I ndi a would fi ght
what was really a move to collecti vi se I ndi an agri culture. When he sai d i n the
course of hi s speech that he knew for a fact that many members even i n the
Congress benches were opposed to the Nagpur resoluti on but were not
prepared to say so openly for fear of i nvoki ng Nehrus wrath, Professor N G
Ranga jumped up and defi antly proclai med hi s opposi ti on to the Nagpur
resoluti on. He resi gned from the Congress soon thereafter.
The Farmers Federati on of I ndi a rose i n revolt and, i n associ ati on wi th the
Forum of Free Enterpri se whi ch was already protesti ng the regi me of li censes
and permi ts i n i ndustry and commerce, was ready to help i n the formati on of a
party to champi on the cause of peasant propri etorshi p and a free market
economy.
Masani was i nvi ted by M A Sreeni vasan of the Forum of Free Enterpri se i n
Bangalore to address a publi c meeti ng on May 29, 1959 whi ch would be chai red
by Rajaji . At the meeti ng both were at thei r fi ery best. The next day May 30, 1959,
Rajaji told Masani that i t was ti me to form a new Party and sai d he was prepared
to joi n i n the conveni ng of a meeti ng to announce i ts formati on! I n publi c li fe,
ti me takes over the years i ts sweet revenge. I n 1937, i t was Rajaji who had
complai ned agai nst me to Jawaharlal Nehru, who as Congress Presi dent, had
come to my rescue. Now here we were i n 1959, joi ni ng i n formi ng a new Party
i n opposi ti on to Jawaharlal observed Masani i n hi s autobi ography.
46
A week later on June 7,1959 Rajaji convened a meeti ng i n Madras for a
closed-door meeti ng of those who were keen on formi ng the new Party to be
followed by a publi c meeti ng that eveni ng. Masani s plane was delayed and by
the ti me he arri ved i n Madras, the closed-door meeti ng had settled a set of 21
pri nci ples of the Party drafted by Rajaji , and a press statement contai ni ng the 21
pri nci ples and the names of the offi ce bearers of the new Party yet to be named.
Masani was happy wi th the pri nci ples but di sappoi nted wi th the names of offi ce
bearers who he complai ned to Rajaji were ei ther too old or were mostly from the
South. He was also di sappoi nted wi th the choi ce of N G Ranga as Presi dent.
Masani was hopi ng i t would be Rajaji . However on hi s request, Rajaji agreed not
to consi der the Madras meeti ng as the date of the bi rth of the Party but the date
when a formal functi on would be held so that people from other parts of the
country could attend and a more representati ve organi zi ng commi ttee set up. As
for Ranga, Rajaji i nformed Masani that whi le he had no i ntenti on to hold offi ce
but was prepared to be a member of the Nati onal Executi ve, he had offered the
Presi dentshi p of the Party to Jayaprakash Narayan who happened to be i n Madras
19
20
Profiles in Courage
that day. JP, even whi le i n full agreement wi th the 21 pri nci ples, decli ned the offer
on the ground that he had deci ded to refrai n from party poli ti cs. I n the
ci rcumstances Rajaji felt that the best person to hold the offi ce of Presi dent was
Ranga and therefore Rajaji had i nvi ted Ranga to be the new Partys Presi dent.
Masani accepted the deci si on and there the matter rested.
I t was at thi s publi c meeti ng i n Madras on June 7, that Rajaji announced
to the surpri se of everyone present, i ncludi ng Masani that the new Partys name
was the Swatantra Party.
47
The formal functi on i n the form of the Preparatory Conventi on of the
Swatantra Party was held i n Bombay August 1 and 2, at a place not far from
Gowali a Tank where Gandhi ji had launched the Q ui t I ndi a movement also i n
August. I t was the hei ght of the monsoon and rai ni ng heavi ly. Thi s di d not deter
around 2000 people from bravi ng the storm to attend the Conventi on. O f these,
600 came from other parts of I ndi a.
I remember attendi ng thi s Conventi on as a reporter for a K erala weekly.
T he atmosphere was electri c. I t was, as i f, a new freedom movement was bei ng
launched. O n the platform were a galaxy of lumi nari es led by Rajaji and
whi ch i ncluded men li ke N G Ranga, V P M enon, K M M unshi , Homi M ody, Prof
M Ruthnaswamy, Sardar Bahadur Lal Si ngh, K B Ji naraj a Hegde,
JM Lobo Prabhu to name a few. For the fi rst ti me si nce i ndependence speeches
were were heard that were cri ti cal of soci ali sm and Jawaharlal Nehrus
governance from the li beral poi nt of vi ew. M asani as Chai rman of the
O rgani zi ng Commi ttee set the tone wi th a bli steri ng cri ti ci sm of the Delhi
government. Rajaji s was no less emphati c and so were those by the others li ke
Professor Ranga, K M M unshi . M asani descri bed hi s role i n the bi rth of the new
Party as that of a mi dwi fe. T hi s was a fai rly accurate descri pti on. He had
i ndeed, helped to deli ver a healthy baby. T he Preparatory Conventi on recei ved
a great press and most edi tori als welcomed the formati on of a poli ti cal party
that was di fferent from the rest.
The li st of offi ce bearers whi ch had been prepared i n Madras and the
composi ti on of whi ch had upset Masani was revi sed to i nclude many names
from other parts of the country, i llustri ous names that carri ed wei ght. But the
Central O ffi ce was sti ll i n Madras and i ts General Secretary, a gentleman by the
name of S Y K ri shnaswamy, a reti red I CS offi cer. M asani was clearly
uncomfortable that a party he had worked so hard to create was getti ng to be an
all-Madras affai r.
But thi s di d not i nhi bi t hi m from doi ng PR for the Party. A month after
i ts formati on, M asani , whi le on a vi si t abroad found that people abroad
vi ewed the bi rth of the Swatantra Party as a major development? To some
extent thi s i nterest was due to my arti cle i n Life International as also my
i nterest i n the Li beral I nternati onal. M asani was i ntervi ewed on the Austri an
Radi o, had an off-the-record edi tors lunch arranged by Encounter
magazi ne at whi ch members of the edi tori al staff of The Economist,
Spectator, Daily Telegraph, Manchester Guardian, Observer and the
Socialist Commentary were present. All thi s certai nly helped to project the
party abroad.
48
General Secretary
O n hi s return home he recei ved a message from Rajaji through Si r Homi
Mody that he should take over as the Partys General Secretary. Respondi ng to
Rajaji s request, Masani poi nted out that that there was need to be clear about the
organi zati onal set-up i f he was to functi on effecti vely. The other was a personal
one about hi s need to earni ng a li vi ng and that party work would eat i nto the
ti me he could gi ve to hi s consultancy busi ness. Rajaji repli ed: As for the
personal problems that ari se from i t, we must face them somehow as we di d i n
1920.
49
The present cri si s i s as bi g as we had then to face. Your powers and
responsi bi li ti es as General Secretary wi ll cover the enti re fi eld of the Party
admi ni strati on unti l our Consti tuti on i s passed. I t wi ll only be li mi ted by your
own di screti on as to whether you should take others i nto confi dence me and
Ranga of course you wi ll try to keep sati sfi ed. How can we convert the
potenti ali ty of our party i nto fact unless you throw yourself i nto thi s
responsi bi li ty wi th all the courage and tact you can command? Rajaji suggested
that the Central O ffi ce should be located i n Bombay and not Delhi sayi ng, we
should thi nk of Delhi only when we are 10 lakh strong i n membershi p.
50
Rajaji
was, i n fact, gi vi ng Masani a carte blanceto run the Party. Thi s settled the matter
and at a meeti ng of the Partys General Counci l held i n Hyderabad on December
9, 1959, Masani was elected General Secretary of the Swatantra Party.
Wi th A D Shroffs assi stance, the Bombay Uni t of the Party had already
started functi oni ng from the 1st floor of Sassoon Bui ldi ng i n K ala Ghoda and
across the street was M asani s consultancy fi rm. T he Bombay Uni t
accommodated the Central O ffi ce i n i ts premi ses.
I had wri tten to M asani i ndi cati ng my i nterest i n bei ng consi dered for
the posi ti on of secretary of the Central O ffi ce. He called me over for an
i ntervi ew that must have lasted around 30 mi nutes and offered me the job.
I joi ned hi m as O ffi ce Secretary of the Central O ffi ce of the Swatantra Party on
December 16, 1959.
Masani s i dea of a Party offi ce was far removed from the tradi ti onal vi ew
of an offi ce of a poli ti cal party where people are constantly comi ng i n and goi ng
out; whi ch opens late i n the day and closes around mi dni ght; of smoke fi lled
rooms and an unendi ng supply of tea and eats. Hi s fi rst i nstructi ons to me were
clear. He told me, and the words sti ll ri ng i n my ears though he sai d thi s over
40 years ago, Raju, please remember thi s i s the Central O ffi ce of the Swatantra
21
22
Profiles in Courage
Party. I am i n charge and I wi ll not permi t thi s offi ce to be used as a caravansarai
by anyone even i f he clai ms to be an acti ve worker of the party. I t wi ll functi on
li ke any commerci al offi ce and observe regular hours. I f I fi nd that you are
unable to carry out these i nstructi ons then you wi ll have to go. I was so
i nti mi dated that all I could say was yes si r! The Central O ffi ce observed regular
hours vi z. 9 am to 5 pm Monday to Fri day and 9 am to 1 pm on Saturdays.
Sunday was the weekly holi day. And the number of publi c holi days was stri ctly
restri cted. Please do not i magi ne that any day declared a holi day by the
government wi ll automati cally be a holi day for the Central O ffi ce, I was
cauti oned by Masani when once I kept the offi ce closed because i t was a bank
holi day and he could not get i n touch wi th me. Thi s lapse however turned out
to be a blessi ng i n di sgui se. He could not get i n touch wi th me because I di d not
have a resi denti al telephone connecti on. The next day after gi vi ng me a dressi ng
down, he wrote a letter to the General Manager, Bombay Telephones for a
telephone connecti on on a pri ori ty basi s as he found i t di ffi cult to get i n touch
wi th me outsi de offi ce hours. The phone was i nstalled at my resi dence i n
48 hours flat!
51
He was an excellent trai ner. He trai ned me i n offi ce systems. He
also taught me how to speak and wri te good Engli sh.
The Central O ffi ce started off wi th one person me. My request for a peon
was rejected out of hand. Thi s i s a habi t that i s prevalent only i n I ndi a and
nowhere else. I n other countri es and even i n forei gn compani es i n I ndi a, Masani
i nformed me, offi ce staff and executi ves make thei r own tea or do the mi lli on
thi ngs that peons are called upon to do. I di d get one fi nally, but wi th
consi derable reluctance. Next I asked for a stenographer and the response was
equally negati ve. Dont you know typi ng?Why do you want a stenographer?O nly
when Masani found that I was bei ng snowed under by papers and I was unable
to keep pace wi th Masani s output di d I get a stenographer. As long as I can
remember I had to fi ght for every addi ti onal person or equi pment that was
requi red. O ne can understand that funds were never adequate and hence hi s ti ght
rei n over expendi ture. But I suspect that i t was not so much the lack of money,
whi ch of course was a perenni al problem, as much as to fi nd how seri ously
I pursued any demand! I f I persi sted he gave i n. I f I di d not then he could say,
See I knew he could manage wi thout one! He was a hard taskmaster and a
di sci pli nari an as I was to experi ence over the many years I worked wi th hi m.
M asani was that rare combi nati on of party i deologue and organi zati on
man. He knew preci sely what the Swatantra Party was about and set about
organi zi ng the Party to achi eve i t. T hi s meant as he puts i n hi s autobi ography
good housekeepi ng and effi ci ent fi eld organi zati on. For the fi rst twenty years
or more the Congress was i n a majori ty not only i n Delhi but also i n most of the
states barri ng K erala and West Bengal. T hi s i nfluenced M asani to run a hi ghly
centrali zed party. Hi s objecti ve was Delhi and not the States as the centre of
power was i n Delhi , not i n the States, whi ch Rajaji had descri bed as glori fi ed
muni ci pali ti es. Unfortunately, thi s strategy often brought hi m i nto di rect
confli ct wi th the leadershi p i n the states. But thi s di d not deter hi m i n the least.
I was elected G eneral Secretary to be effecti ve, not popular was yet another
of hi s maxi ms.
The Party adopted i ts Statement of Poli cy and Consti tuti on at the Fi rst
Nati onal Conventi on i n Patna i n March 1960. The Statement of Poli cy was
enti tled To Prosperi ty through Freedom an adaptati on of Ludwi g Erhards To
Prosperi ty through Competi ti on. The Consti tuti on was a short and workmanli ke
one uncluttered by any ki nd of rhetori c. The i ni ti al draft of both, were Masani s.
The draft statement of poli cy was ci rculated well i n advance and amendments
i nvi ted. The amendments were placed i n parallel columns to the relevant
paragraph and formed the basi s for di scussi on. I t was all done very
systemati cally. He was absolutely the master when i t came to conducti ng
meeti ngs of Commi ttees and Counci ls.
52
The General Counci l of the Party,
whi ch met i n Patna on the eve of the Conventi on i n March 1960, went through
the amendments and prepared the fi nal draft for the Conventi ons approval. At
the end of i t all what emerged was a mi ddle-of-the road document even whi le
emphasi zi ng the pri macy of the i ndi vi dual.
As General Secretary of the Party from 1959 to 1967, he was very effecti ve
even i f not very much li ked. The Party grew rapi dly and i n less than ten years
emerged as the si ngle largest party i n the opposi ti on, i n the Lok Sabha wi th a
strength of 44 members; leadi ng a pri nci pled coali ti on government i n O ri ssa
( 19671971) ; the offi ci ally recogni zed opposi ti on i n the Rajasthan and Gujarat
legi slati ve assembli es; and wi th si gni fi cant representati on i n the Andhra Pradesh
and Tami l Nadu legi slati ve assembli es.
As the Partys i deologue he was clear that the Swatantra Party should
eschew non-parli amentary forms of protest li ke satyagrahas, morchas, bandhs
and walkouts i n the legi slatures. He was largely i nfluenti al i n ensuri ng that the
party di d not form fronts i n the trade uni on and student movements. Gandhi ji s
di ctum that the end does not justi fy the means was a pri nci ple he i mplemented
ruthlessly even i f i t meant reverses. Another Gandhi an di ctum, whi ch he
adhered to fai thfully, perhaps even fanati cally, was hi s rejecti on of the choi ce of
the lesser evi l. An evi l i s an evi l. There i s no such thi ng as a lesser evi l he would
say. Thi s agai n di d not help hi m become popular. O n the contrary i t someti mes
made thi ngs worse. Perhaps i t was hi s i nsi stence on di sci pli ne and doi ng the
ri ght thi ng that led to the Partys exi t from electoral poli ti cs.
President
I n 1968, he was elected Presi dent of the Swatantra Party. He had forgotten
hi s own assessment of hi mself that he was a good number two man and could
never be number one because he lacked the quali ti es that were requi red i n the
I ndi an mi li eu. Those who succeeded hi m, as General Secretary di d not have the
23
24
Profiles in Courage
quali ti es and competence requi red to manage the Party because that was what
the job of the General Secretary. Even the persons who succeeded hi m, as
Presi dents di d not have hi s vi si on and hi s abi li ti es. I trace the decli ne of the Party
to the deci si on when he deci ded to seek the Presi dentshi p of the Party even i f
the i mmedi ate reason was the Partys di sastrous performance i n the 1971
electi ons to the Lok Sabha.
Retirement from politics
I n 1971, the so-called I ndi ra wave swept all parti es asi de i ncludi ng the
Swatantra Party. He accepted responsi bi li ty for the Partys mi serable
performance ( he hi mself fai led to retai n hi s seat i n the Lok Sabha for a thi rd term
from Rajkot) and resi gned from the presi dentshi p of the Party and from party
poli ti cs altogether; hi s thi rd and fi nal reti rement from acti ve poli ti cs.
But thi s reti rement di d not mean he had taken sanyas. He was the acti ve
ci ti zen i nstead. I n the i ntroductory paragraph I menti oned that he was a
champi on of lost causes. Li ght hearted though thi s may sound, i t brought out
the li beral i n hi m to a greater degree than even hi s poli ti cal acti vi ti es di d. He
could not be i ndi fferent when he felt that thi ngs were not goi ng ri ght and where
the freedom and di gni ty of the i ndi vi dual was at stake. I n an appendi x to thi s the
essay i s a li st of organi zati ons he founded and whi ch are sti ll functi oni ng. There
were many others, whi ch have faded away because the reason for thei r
exi stence i s no longer there.
As we were comi ng out of a meeti ng held on June 10, 1998 to condole
Masani s demi se, hi s son Zareer asked me how I had managed to sustai n such a
long relati onshi p wi th Mi noo Masani . I repli ed that I had managed thi s i n spi te
of hi s father!
Masani was not the easi est of persons to get along wi th. I held on because
I admi red some of the quali ti es he possessed, quali ti es that were very rare i n
those days and are getti ng even rarer now. Masani shared a number of quali ti es
wi th Rajaji
53
even i f they were poles apart on some others. The pri macy of values
i n publi c li fe was one. A cli ni cally logi cal mi nd, shorn of emoti ons, whi ch led to
clari ty of thought, was another. Thi s gave hi m both an uncanny abi li ty to foresee
events Cassandra-li ke and absolute i ntegri ty. The two got along very well.
The problem as I saw i t wi th Masani was hi s i nabi li ty to be flexi ble even
i f such flexi bi li ty would not i n any way affect hi s pri nci ples. He had the unhappy
knack of converti ng even i nconsequenti al matters i nto matters of pri nci ple. Take
hi s feti sh over punctuali ty and i nsi stence that people see hi m only after pri or
appoi ntment. Around 1968 or 1969, when Masani was a Member of Parli ament
representi ng Rajkot Parli amentary Consti tuency, and I was Executi ve Secretary
of the Swatantra Party at i ts nati onal headquarters, a mi ddle-aged farmer from
Dhoraji a segment of the Rajkot Consti tuency, walked i nto my room and sai d to
25
me i n Gujarati that he wanted Mi noobhai s darshan. I phoned Masani , whose
offi ce was across the road, and asked hi m i f he could spare a few mi nutes for
one of hi s consti tuents from Rajkot who had come all the way from Dhoraji to
have hi s darshan. Does he have an appoi ntment? Masani asked me. I sai d, No,
he does not have an appoi ntment. Then I am sorry I wi ll not see hi m, sai d
Masani . I put the phone down, took the farmer across the road and i nto hi s
offi ce. Masani s secretary i nformed me that he was alone; I barged i nto hi s room
wi th the farmer i n tow. The farmer had hi s darshan. Masani was hi s charmi ng
best and made the farmer feel very i mportant. The farmer had come to thank
Masani for havi ng persuaded the rai lways to i nstall a manned level crossi ng on
the rai lway tracks runni ng through hi s vi llage. Thi s had saved the li ves of many
buffaloes whi ch otherwi se strayed on to the tracks and were ki lled by speedi ng
trai ns. The enti re meeti ng took not more than ten mi nutes. As we were leavi ng,
Masani bi d the farmer good bye but asked me to stay behi nd for a mi nute. He
gave me a dressi ng down for conni vi ng at i ndi sci pli ne! I di dnt mi nd the
admoni ti on because the job had been done and the farmers tri p to Bombay was
not i n vai n!
Of Indian minds and Hindu traits
There were some trai ts that he would not take ki ndly to. He could never
understand why an I ndi an would nod hi s head as i f i n agreement wi th
somethi ng even i f he di sagreed. He got a taste of thi s trai t when as secretary of
the CSP he was i n UP and had put forward certai n proposals, whi ch were
recei ved wi th appropri ate nods of the head and ready verbal acceptance. I was
pleased wi th the response, Masani wri tes i n hi s autobi ography. The trouble
was that, after I returned to my headquarters i n Bombay and a consi derable
peri od of ti me had elapsed, I found almost i nvari ably that my proposals had not
been carri ed out At last some fri ends enli ghtened me. They explai ned that i n
North I ndi a, parti cularly among cultured people, one never contradi cted a man
and told hi m that he was wrong. My UP colleagues had never really agreed wi th
my proposals but they had been too poli te to say so. To me, a product of the
London School of Economi cs and the Bri ti sh Labour Party thi s came as a
shock. What was so terri ble about di ssenti ng from my proposals? I t was an
atti tude I si mply could not comprehend. But li ke the rest of us, I , i n the end
learnt to li ve wi th i t.
54
I wonder i f Masani really learnt to li ve wi th i t. Thi s
i nci dent took place i n 1934. Even thi rty years later I was to hear from hi m the
same exasperated comment. He never di d get used to thi s typi cal I ndi an trai t.
Another I ndi an or Hi ndu trai t as he called i t, that never fai led to i ntri gue
hi m was the I ndi ans i nabi li ty to take a clear stand on i ssues. I s the I ndi an mi nd
tradi ti onally more di alecti cal than that of other people around the globe?I s i t a
reflecti on of a phi losophy that nothi ng i s black or whi te but everythi ng i s a
di fferent shade of gray, that there i s somethi ng to be sai d for every si de of the
questi on, that questi ons do not admi t of a yes or no answer and that perhaps
26
Profiles in Courage
may be i s a better answer to most questi ons? As an example Masani ci tes an
i nci dent i nvolvi ng Jawaharlal Nehru. Jawaharlal Nehru once told me soon after
i ndependence that he was dodgi ng an i nvi tati on to vi si t Washi ngton You see,
he sai d, Ameri cans are peculi ar people. They are not subtle. They want a yes or
a no for an answer! As the years passed I began to appreci ate that perhaps the
poli cy of non-ali gnment, mi ght after all, be a rati onali zati on of thi s tradi ti onal
trai t of the I ndi an mi nd.
55
When the CPI was tryi ng to capture the CSP, Masani was si ngled out for
attack by the communi sts. JP asked CPI Secretary P C Joshi , Why do you make
a dead set at Masani whi le spari ng the rest of us from a smear campai gn. Joshi s
answer was short and to the poi nt. He sai d, The rest of you are Hi ndus and we
can take care of you. But Masani i s an Angrez. Mi noo went on to explai n that
what he meant was that, i n the leadershi p of the CSP they felt that I alone had
the organi zati onal competence of the western world. O nce I was destroyed the
take over of the party would be complete.
56
Li ke hi s father Masani had a temper that fri ghtened many. I t di d me,
i ni ti ally, but hi s personal secretary who was hi s match i n effi ci ency and
competence told me not to be fri ghtened but to stand my ground i f I felt that I
was i n the ri ght. I di d exactly that and found that he respected people who
refused to be i nti mi dated. I n fact thi s was one of the reasons for our long
associ ati on, broken only when he passed away i n 1998.
For a li beral who never sti fled contrary vi ews ( i f he chai red a meeti ng or a
di scussi on he ensured that everybody who wanted to speak got the chance) , he
ran hi s offi ce and secretari at wi th an i ron hand and was unwi lli ng to see the other
poi nt of vi ew. Hi s chroni c i nabi li ty to be flexi ble even where pri nci ples were not
i nvolved arose from hi s refusal to see a gray. Ei ther a thi ng was black or whi te.
Hi s reti rements for reasons that are not enti rely convi nci ng i ndi cated an
i nabi li ty to put up a fi ght. He could have stayed i n the CSP and tri ed harder to
get the communi sts thrown out. He di dnt. I nstead he qui t. He di d not leave the
CSP because he di d not beli eve i n soci ali sm. That was to come later. He resi gned
from hi s posi ti on of secretary as a protest agai nst hi s partys conti nui ng a uni ted
front wi th the communi sts. He resi gned from the pri mary membershi p of the
CSP because the Party deci ded to support the Bri ti sh war effort i nfluenced by the
communi sts. O n both occasi ons he di d not stay and fi ght but reti red.
A personal assessment
When the Swatantra Party lost the electi ons i n 1971, he qui t not only hi s
presi dency but also party poli ti cs. I have pai nful memori es of thi s epi sode. Some
of us tri ed our very best to di ssuade hi m from resi gni ng. Rajaji sent me a letter
aski ng me to convey hi s vi ews and also use my persuasi ve powers to request
Masani to stay on at least for two years by whi ch ti me the Party would have
recovered from the trauma of defeat. Masani was adamant. He conducted a futi le
debate wi th Col. H R Pasri cha a member of the General Counci l that the
Swatantra Party had lost the war and not a battle. I t was Col. Pasri chas posi ti on,
whi ch many of us supported, that the 1971 electi ons di d not spell the end of the
Swatantra Party and that we had only lost a battle and that we should regroup
and fi ght. Thi s fatal flaw i s perhaps responsi ble for the fact that he i s not
counted among I ndi as nati onal fi gures despi te hi s outstandi ng record duri ng the
freedom movement and after.
Another of hi s faults was hi s i nabi li ty to tolerate people not as competent
as hi mself. Hi s judgment of people too left much to be desi red. Smooth talk and
outward appearances could easi ly take hi m i n. A well-dressed man wi th a good
accent could take hi m for a ri de!
But these were more than made up by many outstandi ng quali ti es.
I ntellectual i ntegri ty was one, courage of convi cti on another. He was
i ncorrupti ble and honest to the poi nt of bei ng abrasi ve. Above all he was not an
offi ce seeker.
The Janata Party government appoi nted Masani as Chai rman of the
Mi nori ti es Commi ssi on. He readi ly accepted the assi gnment and began work i n
earnest. But he wanted that the Commi ssi on be gi ven statutory recogni ti on and
be answerable to parli ament and not to the government of the day. He also
demanded that the Chai rman of the Commi ssi on be gi ven the status of a Cabi net
Mi ni ster so that he could be effecti ve. I f these were not done, warned Masani ,
the Commi ssi on would be an i mpotent body i ncapable of safeguardi ng the
ri ghts of mi nori ti es. Both suggesti ons were turned down by Morarji Desai who
was then Pri me Mi ni ster.
M asani resi gned and returned to Bombay. Unchari table comments
i ncludi ng some by members of the Commi ssi on appeared i n the press mai nly
that Masani was frustrated that he was not gi ven Cabi net rank and had therefore
resi gned. Masani s fears proved so true. The Mi nori ti es Commi ssi on i s today a
body that nobody takes seri ously.
He had the courage of hi s convi cti on to stand up to Jawaharlal Nehru
though thi s deni ed hi m possi ble hi gh offi ce. He was not prepared for a trade off
between what he beli eved i n and a si tuati on that called for denyi ng beli efs based
on empi ri cal evi dence. That he could have navi gated successfully through
hurdles that came hi s way wi thout compromi si ng hi s pri nci ples i s also hi s
fai lure. But on balance lure of offi ce was not one of hi s faults.
Masani was not a born li beral. He evolved i nto li berali sm. The path was
tortuous and often frustrati ng. The journey from Soci ali sm to Li berali sm was not
an easy one. But he li ved to see some of hi s enemi es crumble. By enemi es I do
not mean people. I refer to i deas, concepts and thei r physi cal mani festati on. The
destructi on of the Sovi et empi re and wi th i t the end of i nternati onal communi sm.
27
28
Profiles in Courage
The collapse of Stati sm and the emergence of the free-market, and even more
i mportant globali zati on, for Masani was an i nternati onali st and an unrelenti ng
opponent of nati onal chauvi ni sm.
I n an i ntervi ew by Fri ts Bolkestei n, an emi nent Dutch li beral and currently
holdi ng hi gh offi ce i n the European Uni on, Masani sai d i n reply to a questi on
regardi ng the Bri ti sh, When they were i n I ndi a, I was very much opposed to
them on nati onali st grounds. I went to Bri ti sh pri sons three ti mes, I supported
Gandhi wi thout any reservati on. I wanted i ndependence, but after i t came I saw
no poi nt i n bei ng a nati onali st anymore because i ts purpose had been served. So
I evolved a world vi ew.
57
Thi s was Masani , constantly evolvi ng and adapti ng hi s thi nki ng to
changi ng si tuati ons. What remai ned constant were hi s value systems.
Thi s essay does not purport to be a curriculum vitaeof Mi noo Masani nor
does i t clai m to recount all that he di d i n hi s long years i n publi c li fe. What I have
tri ed to do i s to trace Masani s journey from Marxi sm and Democrati c Soci ali sm
to Li berali sm. Not surpri si ngly you wi ll fi nd resi dues of both as you may have
di scovered whi le readi ng through thi s narrati on.
I would li ke to end thi s essay wi th a quotati on from Masani hi mself, whi ch
accurately descri bes how he vi ewed hi s li fes mi ssi on:
I beli eve that M an i s not merely raw materi al for soci al experi ments
but an end i n hi mself; and the free enqui ry of the human mi nd i s the basi s of
all progress as I was to learn from H G Wells I do not care i f I am for a
ti me i n a mi nori ty of one agai nst all mank i nd, because i n the long run i f I
have to hi t off the truth, that wi ll wi n, and. I f I fai l to hi t i t off, I shall have
done my best.
58
NO TES AND REFERENCES
1 Madras now renamed Chennai .
2 Bombay now renamed Mumbai .
3 Among the books authored by Si r Rustom Masani The Religion of the Good Life,
Britain in Indiaand hi s authori tati ve bi ography of Dadabhai Naoroji whi ch has been
repri nted by the Publi cati ons Di vi si on of the Government of I ndi a i n thei r seri es
Makers of Modern India, need speci al menti on. For more about Si r Rustom Masani
read B K K aranji as bi ography Rustom Masani Portrait of a Citizen.
4 Si r Pherozeshah M ehta was also, i n a manner of speak i ng, the founder of the
Bombay M uni ci pal Corporati on and Si r Rustom M asani was i ts Secretary and later,
i ts Commi ssi oner. B K K aranji as bi ography deals wi th thi s relati onshi p i n some
detai l.
5 Mi noo Masani , Bliss Was It In That Dawn pp.18 Arnold Hei nemann, AB/9,
Safdarjang Enclave, New Delhi 110016; 1977.
6 I bi d. p. 18.
7 I bi d. p. 24.
8 I bi d.
9 Menon has the dubi ous di sti ncti on of bei ng the fi rst I ndi an mi ni ster to be i nvolved i n
the fi rst scam i n free I ndi a i nvolvi ng Army suppli es. The Jeep Scandal as i t came to
be known i s sti ll one of those unresolved cases though the fi nger of gui lt poi nted to
K ri shna Menon. He was then I ndi as Hi gh Commi ssi oner i n London. I n 1948 the
Government of I ndi a needed more than 2000 jeeps for operati ons i n K ashmi r and
Hyderabad. The I ndi an Hi gh Commi ssi on i n London was asked to procure the jeeps.
Tradi ti onal channels of supply were i gnored and a contract was placed wi th one
E H Potter whose fi rm was gi ven an advance of 172, 000 Pound Sterli ng for
recondi ti oned jeeps wi th adequate spares. I n March 1949, 155 jeeps reached Madras.
None of the jeeps were servi ceable and there were no spares accompanyi ng the
jeeps. The jeeps were rejected and the advance was wri tten off. K ri shna Menon could
not sati sfactori ly explai n thi s transacti on and was asked to resi gn. B G K her was sent
to replace hi m.
10 I n England, Lask i di d not amount to very much, but i n I ndi a and other countri es
under forei gn rule he was i n great vogue i n hi s ti me. I t i s not unfai r to say that a
whole generati on of I ndi ans from Jawaharlal Nehru and K ri shna M enon onwards,
sat metaphori cally at Lask i s feet and swallowed neet the wi sdom that flowed from
hi s fluent li ps and pen. Lask i was arti culate but not profound. He was terri bly
confused about fundamentals, wi th the result that hi s atti tude towards
communi sm and the Sovi et Uni on was ambi valent M i noo M asani , Bliss Was It
In That Dawn pp. 22-23.
11 I bi d. p. 42.
12 I bi d. p. 42.
13 I bi d. p. 47.
14 Masani wrote: My dear Jawharlal: Some of us Congressmen i n Bombay who are
soci ali sts are attempti ng to form a Congress Soci ali st Group or Party. We feel that the
lead you have gi ven to the Congress and to the country by emphasi zi ng the necessi ty
of taki ng up a consci ously soci ali st and anti -i mperi ali st posi ti on should be followed
by the organi sati on of soci ali sts wi thi n the Congress. The Group i t i s proposed to
form would carry out the purpose you have i n vi ew by placi ng before the
Congressmen and the publi c a programme that would be soci ali st i n acti on and
objecti ve. T he G roup would do soci ali st propaganda among rank and fi le
Congressmen wi th a vi ew to converti ng the Congress to an acceptance of soci ali sm.
We would also carry on propaganda among the workers ( and peasants) at the same
ti me parti ci pati ng i n thei r day-to-day economi c struggles. I t would hearten us to
know that i n the formati on of such a Group we shall have your approval and
support. Yours fraternally, M R Masani . I bi d. p. 44.
15 I bi d. p. 48.
16 I bi d. p. 55.
29
30
Profiles in Courage
17 I bi d. p. 56. See also the chapter on Gandhiji and M R Masani - A Dialogue on
Socialismpages 97-100; i n the book Ramblings and Reminiscences of Gandhiji by
Professor N R Malkani , Navji van Publi shi ng House, Ahmedabad.
18 I bi d. p. 55.
19 Mi noo Masani , Why I Oppose Communism, Phoeni x House Background Paper, 1956
page 36.
20 O ur I ndi a appealed to the nati onal pri de of the I ndi an and gave expressi on to hi s
di scontent. I t was easy to blame i t all on Bri ti sh rule and say that once I ndi a was free,
all the ri ght thi ngs, as lai d down i n the book would be done. The book also
populari zed the concept of planni ng. I was later to regret some of the damage done
by thi s parti cular aspect of i t and parti cularly the passage boosti ng collecti ve farmi ng
i n Russi a, the materi al for whi ch was planted on me duri ng my vi si t to the Sovi et
Uni on i n 1935. I bi d 157/158.
21 I bi d. p. 160.
22 Mi noo Masani , Socialism Reconsidered, pp. 45-47 ( repri nted edi ti on) Fi rst publi shed
1944 by Padma Publi cati ons, Mumbai , Laxmi Bui ldi ng, Si r P M Road, Mumbai 400001
and repri nted 1986, by the Project for Economi c Educati on, Mumbai .
23 Mi noo Masani , Bliss Was It In That Dawn p.161.
24 Mi noo Masani , Plea for a Mixed Economy.
25 Mi noo Masani , Against the Tide, Vi kas Publi shi ng House, p. 162.
26 The Communist Party of India A Short History by M.R. Masani , p. 250 Derek
Verschoyle Ltd. London, 1954.
27 Mi noo Masani , Against the Tide, p. 54, Vi kas Publi shi ng House Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi ;
1981.
28 The DRS publi shed over 30 pamphlets i n i ts campai gn. Among them were:
Communist Activity in India by S R Mohandas, How We Took Over Hungary by
M atyas Rak osi , Towards a Fuller Democracy by Jayaprak ash Narayan; The
Communist Peace Appeal by Phi li p Spratt; Why Does a Country Go Communist by
James Burnham; K ashmi r, I ndi a and Paki stan by Shei kh Mohammed Abdullah and
Arthur Lall; and Neutralismby Masani .
29 Mi noo Masani , Against the Tide, p. 55 op ci t.
30 Mi noo Masani , Against the Tide, p. 57 op ci t.
31 S K Pati l was the Congress Partys mai n fund collector and a loyal supporter of Sardar
Patel. He was Uni on Mi ni ster for Rai lways when Masani was a member of the Lok
Sabha. The two got along famously. I t was Pati l who observed i n an allusi on to
Nehrus leadershi p that nothi ng grows under a bunyan tree. He detested the
communi sts to such an extent that he named hi s pet dog T i to!
32 Jayaprakash Narayan, I ncenti ves to Goodness Freedom First, September 1952;
republi shed i n Freedom First, November 1979.
33 I n the Consti tuent Assembly, Masani played hi s role as a member of i ts Fundamental
Ri ghts Sub-Commi ttee and Uni on-Powers Commi ttee.
34 After completi ng i ts work the Consti tuent Assembly converted i tself i nto a
Provi si onal Parli ament pendi ng the fi rst general electi ons scheduled for 1952. T he
I ndi an Legi slati ve Assembly, whi ch was elected i n 1945, conti nued ti ll 1952
converti ng i tself twi ce fi rst as the Consti tuent Assembly and then as I ndi as
Provi si onal Parli ament.
35 Though he was re-elected by the UN Human Ri ghts Commi ssi on to membershi p of
the Sub-Commi ttee i n 1954, Nehru vetoed hi s re-electi on on the ground that Masani
had not been nomi nated by the government of I ndi a, that he had already served
several years and that the Government of I ndi a do not regard Mr. Masani a sui table
representati ve of the Government or the people of I ndi a.
36 Before he accepted thi s assi gnment and anxi ous about retai ni ng hi s seat i n the
Consti tuent Assembly he consulted Sardar Patel who asked hi m to accept the
assi gnment and promi sed Masani that when he returned he ( the Sardar) would
ensure that he got hi s seat back. A promi se that the Sardar kept.
37 JR D Tata, Mi noo Masani as I K now Hi m i n Freedom & Dissent Essays in Honour
of Minoo Masani publi shed i n 1985 by the Democrati c Research Servi ce, pp. 2-3.
38 The note of di ssent set out why Professor Shenoy was unable to subscri be wholly to
the vi ews of hi s colleagues on ( a) the si ze of the Plan, ( 2) Defi ci t Fi nanci ng as a
means of rai si ng real resources for the Plan, and ( 3) certai n Poli cy and I nsti tuti onal
i mpli cati ons of the Plan Frame. Repri nted i n Some Basic Economic Ideas of
B R Shenoy, publi shed by the Economi cs Research Centre, Mumbai .
39 When asked i f he had resi gned from the Congress, Rajaji si mply repli ed that, the
questi on of resi gnati on from the Congress does not ari se. I have not renewed my
membershi p.
40 Rajaji , Swarajya, August 17, 1957.
41 Mi noo Masani , Against the Tide, Vi kas Publi shi ng House, p. 101.
42 I bi d. p. 108.
43 I bi d. p. 118.
44 I bi d. p. 119.
45 I bi d. p. 119.
46 I bi d. p. 140.
47 Rajaji translated Swatantra to mean Freedom i n an arti cle he wrote i n Swarajya,
July 25, 1959.
48 Mi noo Masani , Against the Tide, p. 144.
49 Rajaji gave up a flouri shi ng legal practi ce to plunge i nto the freedom movement and
thi s brought much hardshi p to hi m and hi s fami ly ( footnote mi ne) .
50 I bi d. p. 144.
31
32
Profiles in Courage
51 I n those days even a speci al category phone connecti on took at least three to si x
months and a normal appli cant had to wai t for year or more.
52 Thi s i s not surpri si ng. I n 1959, G H Stanford of Canada and Masani publi shed a book
enti tled The Conduct of Meetings. Thi s was the Canadi an Edi ti on. I n 1969 an abri dged
I ndi an edi ti on of thi s book was publi shed by the O xford Uni versi ty Press and was
repri nted i n 1986 by the Freedom Fi rst Foundati on.
53 Bliss Was It In That Dawn p. 50 op ci t.
54 I bi d. p. 50.
55 I bi d. pp. 131-132.
56 Fri ts Bolkestei n, Modern Liberalism, Elsevi er Publi shers, New York.
57 Mi noo Masani , Why I Oppose Communism, A Background Book publi shed by
Phoeni x House Ltd. London 1956.
SELECTED PUBLI CATI O NS O F MI NO O MASANI
1. I ndi as Consti tuti on at Work ( wi th C Y Chi ntamani ) , 1939
2. Sovi et Si deli ghts, 1939
3. O ur I ndi a, 1939
4. Soci ali sm Reconsi dered, 1944
5. Your Food, 1944
6. Pi cture of a Plan, 1945
7. A Plea for a Mi xed Economy, 1947
8. O ur Growi ng Human Fami ly, 1950
9. Cooperati ve Farmi ng, the Great Debate, 1950
10. Neutrali sm i n I ndi a, 1951
11. The Communi st Party of I ndi a A Short Hi story, 1954
12. Congress Mi srule and Swatantra Alternati ve, 1967
13. Too Much Poli ti cs, Too Li ttle Ci ti zenshi p, 1969
14. Li berali sm ( revi sed and re-pri nted 1985) , 1970
15. The Consti tuti on, T wenty Years Later, 1975
16. I s JP the Answer?, 1975
17. JPs Mi ssi on Partly Accompli shed, 1977
18. Bli ss was i t i n that Dawn, 1977
19. Agai nst the Ti de, 1981
20. We I ndi ans, 1989
Rajaji:
Man with a Mission
G Narayanaswamy
Wri ti ng about C Rajagopalachari , or Rajaji as he was popularly known, i s
as easy as i t i s di ffi cult. Easy because hi s li fe span covered the eventful
20th century poli ti cal hi story of I ndi a, consi sti ng of the fi ght for freedom and as
well as the bui ldi ng up of a new free democracy based on republi can i deals to
whi ch i t was unaccustomed. Throughout thi s peri od, Rajaji acti vely i nvolved
hi mself i n almost all aspects of poli ti cal and soci al li fe, not as a mere observer or
follower of events but one who tri ed and on many occasi ons succeeded i n
shapi ng the course of events. Even when he fai led, he di d not yi eld except when
he was convi nced he was wrong.
I t i s equally di ffi cult because he was an eni gmati c personali ty full of
contradi cti ons not easi ly understood or appreci ated, much less explai ned
wi thout a deep study of hi s penetrati ng mi nd. I n fact, even Acharya K ri palani
who was associ ated wi th hi m for over 40 years found i t di ffi cult to deli neate hi s
character. To quote from hi s arti cle publi shed i n Rajajis 93 Souvenir:
1
I have
always found i t di ffi cult to deli neate the character of i ndi vi duals, even of those
wi th whom I have come i n close contact. Thi s would be more so i n the case of
a complex personali ty li ke Rajaji . I n whatever, therefore, I wri te, I am afrai d
I shall not do justi ce to hi s many-si ded personali ty.
I n the years after i ndependence, Rajaji was i ni ti ally wi th the Congress but
later got di si llusi oned wi th the poli ci es of the Congress under the leadershi p of
Pandi t Nehru on matters li ke land reforms, amendments to the Consti tuti on,
34
Profiles in Courage
i ndustri al poli cy, and the permi t li cense quota raj. He felt that Nehrus
i mpulsi ve approach to i mprove the condi ti ons of the country had made hi m
i mpervi ous to cri ti ci sm. Though no one doubted Nehrus si nceri ty, many
questi oned the correctness of hi s poli cy. Yet no one had the courage to defy hi m
ei ther out of respect for hi s posi ti on or for the fear of becomi ng unpopular and
losi ng posi ti ons of power.
I n fact, Rajaji was asked as to why he was carryi ng on such a voci ferous
campai gn agai nst Nehru and the permi t li cense quota raj when no one was
wi lli ng to li sten to hi m. He sai d, I know they wont li sten to me. But when the
hi story of I ndi a i s wri tten, no future hi stori an should pi ty us that i n a country
where great sai nts have li ved, there was not a si ngle I ndi an to poi nt out the
absurdi ty of the permi t li cense quota raj.
Rajaji was the fi rst person to hoi st the flag of open revolt agai nst Nehrus
poli cy. He di d not merely revolt but led a great movement agai nst Nehru and hi s
poli ci es by launchi ng the Swatantra Party. But mutual respect and affecti on
between them were never lost.
A complex and contradictory personality
Rajaji has been often accused as bei ng i nconsi stent and changi ng hi s
stance frequently. O ne can i llustrate some si tuati ons of cri ti cal i mportance where
contradi cti on seems apparent:
G He was born i nto an orthodox Brahmi n fami ly, had authored several
books on Hi ndu reli gi on, and was called the greatest sai nt among
sai nts by K anchi Paramacharya. But he encouraged soci al reforms that
are not tolerated even today: i nter-caste marri age, wi dow remarri age,
and caste equali ty.
G He i ntroduced Hi ndi as a compulsory subject i n schools when he was
Chi ef Mi ni ster of Madras Presi dency from 1937-1939 despi te strong
opposi ti on and made use of cri mi nal laws to suppress the opposi ti on.
But i n the 1950s he carri ed on a vi rulent campai gn agai nst maki ng Hi ndi
the offi ci al language and i nstead champi oned the cause of Engli sh.
G He was closely associ ated wi th the I ndi an Nati onal Congress and i ts
leaders but campai gned agai nst them i n 1942 on the i ssues of Q ui t
I ndi a Movement and that of parti ti on of I ndi a. The same people later
appoi nted hi m to emi nent posi ti ons li ke membershi p of the worki ng
commi ttee, cabi net mi ni stershi p, and governor generalshi p.
G He qui t the Congress i n l959 and started a new poli ti cal party called
Swatantra Party openly proclai mi ng that hi s i dea was to defeat the
Congress and Nehru, despi te hi s long associ ati on and fond admi rati on
for Nehru.
However, he changed hi s vi ew or approach only after careful thought. He
di d not hesi tate to di ffer even wi th seni or leaders li ke Gandhi and Nehru, but at
the same ti me was also amenable to be convi nced.
Life and mission of Rajaji
Rajaji was born on December 10, 1878 and passed away on December 25,
1972 at the ri pe old age of 94 years. He was a lawyer, statesman, poli ti ci an,
wri ter, phi losopher, preacher, and advi sor.
My own personal experi ence i s a mere confi rmati on of hi s characteri sti c
quali ti es of statesmanshi p, keen i ntelli gence, i ntegri ty, far-si ghtedness and
adherence to the dharmi c way of li fe. He was one of the very few exemplary
human bei ngs who practi ced what he preached and refused to practi ce what, i n
hi s opi ni on, was not dharma. Hi s pri vate li fe mi rrored hi s publi c li fe.
I was associ ated wi th hi m for nearly 12 years from 1960 to 1972, mai nly as a
professi onal chartered accountant. I assi sted hi m i n the fi nali zati on of hi s pendi ng
tax assessments, whi ch di d not i nvolve much of fi nanci al consequence but mostly
matters of publi c and academi c i nterest. Soon after, he requested me to contest the
electi on to the Madras Legi slati ve Counci l from Graduates Consti tuency that was
ori gi nally hi s seat when he was the Chi ef Mi ni ster of Madras Presi dency duri ng
1957-59. Later on hi s i nsi stence, the Hi gh Court of Madras appoi nted me
Admi ni strator of the estate of Lakshmanaswamy Rao Saheb who had commi tted
sui ci de after the government sei zed hi s resi denti al property. My i nteracti ons wi th
hi m over several years i ncluded the ti me spent attendi ng Gi ta classes together as
well as i nnumerable soci al encounters; some of them deli berately created to enable
me to have more of hi s educati ve and enjoyable company.
He would not meet anyone unnecessari ly i f the matter could be settled
through correspondence. Even when I spent ten or fi fteen mi nutes wi th hi m, hi s
queri es were clear and hi s supplementary questi ons searchi ng. Even before one
entered hi s room, he would anti ci pate the purpose of the vi si t, and wi thout
wasti ng a mi nute would strai ght get to the subject matter. To match hi m, one had
to be equi pped to anti ci pate hi s questi ons and supplementari es. I have always
made a mental note of hi s probable questi ons and noted down such questi ons
and answers i n my left-hand palm ( i n i nk) before enteri ng hi s room. The
preparati ons that I had to make for meeti ng hi m were far more than those I made
for any compli cated professi onal engagement.
Rajaji can be seen as playi ng a multi faceted role both wi thi n the
government as well as outsi de i n a poli ti cal career spanni ng almost 60 years. He
was: ( i ) a freedom fi ghter i n the pre-i ndependence days, ( i i ) an admi ni strator
whi le i n government and ( i i i ) an ordi nary advi sor and commentator on poli ti cal
and economi c matters, as a ci ti zen, and ( i v) a bi tter poli ti cal cri ti c when hi s
advi ce was not cared for.
35
Rajaji: Man with a Mission
36
Profiles in Courage
A bri ef sketch of Rajaji s li fe and career:
1) He started hi s career i n the year 1900 at the age of 22, as a cri mi nal
lawyer at Salem, a small town nearly 200 mi les southwest of Madras, and was
extremely successful.
2) He was the Chai rman of the Salem Muni ci pali ty from l9l7 to l9l9
duri ng whi ch peri od he i ntroduced several soci al reforms.
3) He left i t i n the year l9l9 to joi n the freedom movement at the call of
Mahatma Gandhi , never to rejoi n the Bar. He underwent i mpri sonment for the
fi rst ti me i n December 1921.
4) He was a proli fi c wri ter, as the edi tor of Young Indiai n the year 1922,
and a regular contri butor of arti cles to several magazi nes i ncludi ng Kalki and
Swarajya on a vari ety of subjects. He has authored some i nvaluable books,
i ncludi ng the Ramayana and the Mahabharatha, whi ch have si nce been
translated i nto several languages.
5) He removed hi mself from publi c li fe from 1925 to 1930 to devote
hi mself completely to Gandhi ji s constructi ve programme.
6) He was called back to the mai nstream of publi c li fe to lead the Salt
Satyagraha i n 1930.
7) From 1937 to 1939 he was the Chi ef Mi ni ster of Madras Presi dency, a
composi te state consi sti ng of present Tami l Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, K arnataka,
and K erala ( excepti ng the pri ncely states) .
8) He resi gned from the chi ef mi ni stershi p i n the year l939 on a call
from Congress.
9) He resi gned from Congress i n the year l942 on the Q ui t I ndi a i ssue
and started advocati ng the cause of separate Paki stan.
10) He was i nvi ted to rejoi n Congress agai n i n 1946 and was taken i nto
the Congress Worki ng Commi ttee and also i n Pandi t Nehrus i nteri m government
from September 2, 1946 to 1947 at the Centre.
11) He was made Governor of West Bengal on August 15, l947.
12) He became free I ndi as fi rst I ndi an Governor General on June 21,
1947 and went on to hold offi ce ti ll January 26, 1950.
13) I n the later part of the year 1950, he was agai n i nvi ted to joi n the
Central Government as a mi ni ster.
14) I n 1952 he was requested to be Chi ef Mi ni ster of the Madras State.
15) He resi gned the chi ef mi ni stershi p i n 1954.
16) He started a new political party, the Swatantra Party in 1959 at the age of 81.
17) He vi si ted USA i n 1962 ( hi s fi rst tri p abroad) to meet US Presi dent
John F K ennedy to advocate banni ng of nuclear weapons.
18) He passed away on December 25, 1972.
His career as a lawyer (1900 to 1919)
Rajajis decision to be a lawyer was probably taken by his father Chakravarthy
I yengar who wanted his son to be a judge because on his birth an astrologer had
predicted that he would become a viceroy, which at that time looked unrealistic, but
a judgeship was not impossible. He started practicing as a lawyer at Salem, a town
with a population of about 70,000. As a lawyer he was extremely successful and
according to one of his contemporaries he won almost all his cases. Clients generally
felt that if Rajaji handled the case, they would surely succeed.
Hi s fees were fai rly hi gh, about Rs l, 000 per case, whi ch i n todays value
would be approxi mately 2.50 lakhs. He was successful i n hi s professi on i n terms
of recogni ti on, reputati on, and monetary reward.
Yet, he qui t the professi on i n l9l9, never to rejoi n the bar. The questi on i s
why?He was fi nanci ally not well off and a few rupees from the legal professi on
would have kept hi m fi nanci ally comfortable. The obvi ous answer would be that
he wanted to joi n the freedom movement. However, i f that had been the only
reason, he could have gone back to the professi on li ke many had done, or could
have practi ced whenever he was not i n pri son, but the answer lay elsewhere.
As early as i n 1907 ( when he was 28 years old) , he wrote i n the July i ssue
of Patnas Hindustan Review: extremi st forms of lawful agi tati on are necessary
to command the attenti on of the i mmovable statesmen who control the desti ni es
of thi s country.
I n 1913, whi le he was i n practi ce, he got agi tated at the arrest of Gandhi ji
for peacefully opposi ng a raci al tax. Apart from collecti ng some money for
Gandhi ji s movement, he repri nted and di stri buted Gandhi ji s jai l experi ences
wi th hi s own money and wi th hi s i ntroducti on: Shall we si t happy i n our homes,
or shall we gi ve only our tears. I t i s not gi ven to all to exhi bi t the strength of
Mahatma Gandhi . He must be ranked wi th the avatars... Let us gi ve up perhaps
a few luxuri es and support them.
When he was elected i n June, l9l7 as Chai rman of Salem Muni ci pal
Counci l, he di d hi s best, at the cost of hi s acti ve practi ce, spendi ng long hours i n
the muni ci pal offi ce as well as on cases i nvolvi ng matters of publi c i nterest li ke
defendi ng Dr P Varadharaja Nai du i n the famous sedi ti on case.
2
O nce a cli ent who was rescued from the death sentence requested hi m to
arrange the return of hi s kni fe wi th whi ch he had ki lled the person. Rajaji got
37
38
Profiles in Courage
di sgusted and i s reported to have sai d, I can understand and even forgi ve, a
harlot who sells her body for a pri ce, but not a lawyer who prosti tutes hi s
i ntellect. I am looki ng forward to the day when I shall qui t the professi on. And
Gandhi ji s call provi ded the opportuni ty to qui t i n 1919.
Rajaji in the freedom struggle
The Congress proved to be the di vi ne opportuni ty for hi m to get i nvolved
i n the freedom movement. Gandhi ji felt that the vi si t of the Pri nce of Wales on
November 17, 1921 would gi ve the Congress a reason to defy the Bri ti sh and
deci ded to hold a hartal agai nst the vi si t. However to the Bri ti sh Raj, such a hartal
was an act of defi ance and the Madras Government i ssued an order prohi bi ti ng
all meeti ngs. Rajaji took the earli est opportuni ty to show hi s spi ri t of defi ance
and deci ded to address a meeti ng on December 14, 1921. The ban on publi c
meeti ngs and the prohi bi tory order conti nued long after the vi si t of the Pri nce of
Wales. He was arrested and sentenced to three months i mpri sonment.
O n recei vi ng the judgement, Rajaji wrote to Gandhi ji I feel I am reali zi ng the
object of my li fe as I am approachi ng the pri son. After hi s release from pri son, he
travelled throughout the country, i nteracti ng wi th vari ous I ndi an leaders, and thus
acti vely i nvolvi ng hi mself i n the freedom movement at the nati onal level.
To Rajaji , the fi ght for freedom di d not necessari ly mean confi ni ng hi mself
to addressi ng publi c meeti ngs, arousi ng publi c consci ousness on poli ti cal
matters, conducti ng satyagraha and holdi ng di scussi ons wi th rulers. He reali zed
that the soci ety i tself was getti ng more and more di vi ded i nto several reli gi ous
and castei st groups, resulti ng i n growi ng confli cts among Hi ndus themselves
( Brahmi ns and Non-Brahmi ns, caste Hi ndus versus the Hari jans) , and also
between Hi ndus and the M usli ms. There was large-scale unemployment
parti cularly i n rural areas. Toddy and li quor were taki ng a heavy toll on the
meagre i ncome of poorer secti ons of the soci ety. He felt that the Congressmen
should devote thei r attenti on to Gandhi ji s constructi ve programme. Therefore,
he founded the Gandhi Ashram on February 6, 1925 at Ti ruchencode vi llage
near Salem on the li nes of the Sabarmati Ashram founded by Gandhi ji i n
Gujarat. I ts mai n objecti ves were:
G Provi si on of fuller employment opportuni ti es for the landless labour and
backward classes of soci ety through K hadi and other vi llage i ndustri es.
G Soci al emanci pati on of Hari jans and other oppressed classes.
G Total prohi bi ti on or eradi cati on of the soci al evi l that was alcohol.
The Ashram to thi s day has been doi ng yeoman servi ce by way of soci al
work. Many leaders of repute li ke Mahatma Gandhi , Sardar Patel, Pandi t
Jawaharlal Nehru, Dr Rajendra Prasad, Sathyamurthy, and K amaraj have vi si ted
the place. K esavan, great grandson of Rajaji , frequently vi si ts the Ashram.
I t was at about that ti me that the electi ons to the provi nci al assembly were
i n the offi ng. Rajaji thought that the Congressmen could enter the legi slature and
plead for the cause of prohi bi ti on. However, to many i n the Congress, Swaraj
or self-rule was the only core i ssue and the rest was subsi di ary. I n the words of
Sathyamurthy, a promi nent Congress leader of the ti me, he preferred a free
nati on of drunkards to a slave nati on of teetotallers. Rajaji felt that constructi ve
programme was equally i mportant and legi slators themselves should promote
these causes by enteri ng legi slature.
Rajaji thought that by promoti ng the cause of Hari jans and prohi bi ti on, he
was assi sti ng the downtrodden and the non-Brahmi n communi ty. However, on
the contrary, self-styled non-Brahmi n leaders li ke E V Ramaswamy Nai cker and
Varadarajulu Nai du felt that Rajaji was actually furtheri ng Brahmi n i nterest at the
cost of the non-Brahmi n communi ty. Communal colours were attri buted to
Rajaji . T herefore, he deci ded to wi thdraw from acti ve poli ti cal li fe and
exclusi vely devote hi mself to the promoti on of G andhi ji s constructi ve
programme. I n fact, Gandhi ji also approved of thi s i dea and wrote to hi m, your
central work i s to develop the Ashram that has been establi shed and everythi ng
else i s subsi di ary. Thus, he devoted hi mself from the year 1925 to developi ng
the cause of K hadi , prohi bi ti on, removal of untouchabi li ty, etc.
I n 1929, the Bri ti sh had conveyed an i ndi rect commi tment to grant
Domi ni on Status to I ndi a but later went back on i ts assurance. Gandhi ji and
Congress, di sappoi nted and hurt, had to exhi bi t thei r resentment and di ssent.
Thus, the Congress was forced to deci de at the Lahore Congress i n 1929 that i ts
goal was complete i ndependence and that people of I ndi a should take a pledge
on January 26, 1930 that submi ssi on to ali en rule was a cri me agai nst man and
government. January 26 i s celebrated as the Republi c Day to commemorate
that pledge.
Gandhi ji recalled Rajaji from hi s poli ti cal sanyas and wrote i n the Harijan:
Let the reader share the secret wi th me that nobody among
those who regard the Congress acceptance of truth and non-
vi olence as the rule of thei r li ves fi ghts me as strenuously as
C Rajagopalachari does. But he has one essenti al vi rtue of a
soldi er. I became my own General of Satyagraha and my fi rst
recrui t i n 1906. When I announced my generalshi p i n 1919 i n
I ndi a, Rajaji was among those who enli sted themselves at the
very commencement. I t was under hi s roof that the i nspi rati on
of the Hartal of 6th Apri l came to me. From that day to thi s hi s
loyalty to hi s General has been beyond reproach or compare.
I have boundless fai th i n hi s wi sdom, hi s upri ghtness, and hi s
unsurpassed abi li ty as a Parli amentari an among Congressmen
at least. We have i n our ranks no abler fi ghter i n Satyagraha.
39
40
Profiles in Courage
Returni ng from Ti ruchencode, Rajaji campai gned throughout the country
and urged the people to revolt agai nst the Bri ti sh rule. Gandhi ji gave shape to
the revolt i n the form of ci vi l di sobedi ence movement to break the Salt Law
( manufacture of salt wi thout a li cence was an offence) as i t would have a greater
mass appeal. Thi s defi ance of law termed as Satyagraha i s based on the
pri nci ple that i f you deci de to break a government, fi rst breach i ts law.
Accordi ngly, Gandhi ji chose Dandi , a vi llage on the West coast 240 mi les from
hi s Sabarmati Ashram to break the Salt Law and Rajaji chose a place called
Vedaranyam i n T hanjavur Di stri ct. Rajaji was sentenced to si x months
i mpri sonment for thi s defi ance.
I t was at about that ti me T S S Rajan, a close fri end of Rajaji , and a
Congress colleague had maneuvered the defeat of the offi ci al Congress
candi date i n a local electi on i n Tri chy. Rajaji took moral responsi bi li ty for the
i ndi sci pli ne of Rajan and resi gned from all posi ti ons i n Congress namely the
Worki ng Commi ttee, Parli amentary Board and the Tami l Nadu Congress
Commi ttee. He even wanted to resi gn hi s pri mary membershi p but Sardar Patel
persuaded hi m agai nst resorti ng to thi s extreme step.
The provi nci al electi ons were due towards the end of 1936 under the
Government of I ndi a Act, 1935 and the Congress was all set to contest the
electi ons. Havi ng resi gned from Congress commi ttees, Rajaji would not contest
assembly electi ons ei ther. I f the Congress was voted to power, the questi on of
electi ng a leader of the party posed a di ffi cult problem. There were two
candi dates for consi derati on, S Sathyamurthy from Tami l Nadu and T Prakasam
from Andhra. Nei ther of them would accept the leadershi p of the other. Rajaji
was the only candi date acceptable to all. But Rajaji was not wi lli ng to contest
electi ons. However, Sardar Patel successfully persuaded hi m and Rajaji s return
to acti ve publi c li fe was wi dely welcomed.
Rajaji fi led hi s nomi nati on from Madras Graduates consti tuency and hi s
canvassi ng was li mi ted to the i ssue of a si ngle press statement, requesti ng hi s
voters to bless an experi ment i n poor mans electi oneeri ng and pardon hi m for
not sendi ng i ndi vi dual letters, whi ch would cost Rs 1, 000. Rajaji got 5, 326 votes
out of a total of 5, 968 and the Congress had a comfortable majori ty of l59 seats
out of a total of 185.
However, the Congress Presi dent Pandi t Nehru felt that the Congress
should not accept offi ce because powers of the elected government were li mi ted
and also subject to veto by the Bri ti sh Governor, whi ch, accordi ng to Nehru, was
an i nsult to nati onal pri de. But Gandhi ji felt that Congress could accept offi ce i f
the Bri ti sh were to assure them that the veto power would not be used agai nst
the advi ce of mi ni sters. O bvi ously, such a blanket assurance was not possi ble
and confli cted wi th the Government of I ndi a Act, 1935. But Rajaji always
beli eved that dedi cated and competent people i n power could do lot of good to
poorer secti ons. As a pragmati st and a cool negoti ator, he got an assurance from
the Vi ceroy that there was no foundati on for any suggesti on that the Governor
was free, or enti tled, or would have the power to i nterfere wi th the day-to-day
admi ni strati on of a provi nce outsi de the li mi ted range of the responsi bi li ti es.
Thi s i ndi rect assurance sati sfi ed Gandhi ji . I t was deci ded to form the mi ni stry i n
all ei ght States.
Premiership of the Madras Presidency
Rajaji was elected under the Government of I ndi a Act, 1935 as Premi er of
the then Madras Presi dency i n 1937. Hi s premi ershi p was an extremely di ffi cult
and deli cate task requi ri ng a lot of tact, competence, and fi rmness. An i n-depth
study of hi s role as premi er of Madras Presi dency would vi vi dly exhi bi t hi s keen
i ntellect, tact, hard work, si nceri ty to serve the poor, etc. I t also would be a great
lesson i n the art of good admi ni strati on, especi ally for those i n publi c or poli ti cal
li fe today who desi re to be good admi ni strators.
The followi ng extract from the speech of Sardar Patel made on February
22, 1949 would probably sum up what people thought of Rajaji s handli ng of hi s
premi ershi p:
Shri C Rajagopalachari i s an acknowledged leader of our
country and a great and wi se statesman. I t i s our good fortune
that, i n a peri od of cri si s, we have one on whom we can rely for
advi ce and counsel. I t was he who lai d the foundati ons of
I ndi as parli amentary li fe from Madras ( i n 1937-39) . Those were
the days when doubts were expressed about the capaci ty of
our people to carry on the work of admi ni strati on effi ci ently,
when there were others to watch us, not only to watch but to
put us down also, i f need be.
I n order to appreci ate the si gni fi cance of the above passage of Sardar
Patel, one should have an i dea of the li mi tati ons under whi ch Rajaji was
functi oni ng as a Premi er. T he Congress presi dent Pandi t Nehru was not enti rely
i n favour of accepti ng the offi ce and i f any ti me he felt that the di gni ty of
Congress or the nati on was compromi sed, the mi ni stry would have to resi gn.
No formal assurance had been gi ven that the G overnors veto powers would
not be used and therefore no opportuni ty should be gi ven for the exerci se of
thei r ri ght.
M any well-meani ng I ndi an i ntellectuals honestly felt that the
Congressmen were merely agi tators and platform speakers and could not be
reli ed upon to be good admi ni strators. There were others i ncludi ng poli ti cal
parti es who owed thei r loyalty to Engli shmen and Engli sh culture who wi shed
for the fai lure of Rajaji s tenure. Thus the mi ni stry was on the watch li st for
some and on the hi t li st for others.
41
42
Profiles in Courage
Ci vi l servants, many of them Engli shmen, whom Rajaji had to control and
eli ci t cooperati on, had been hi s masters. Now, they had become hi s servants.
Therefore, Rajaji would have to deal wi th them wi th courtesy, tact, and at the
same ti me, fi rmness. The members of the ci vi l servi ce were i ntelli gent many
more i ntelli gent than mi ni sters and they were also consci ous of thi s. Many
mi ni sters, though patri ots were i nexperi enced i n the art of admi ni strati on.
I n fact, I sti ll remember that Dr K aramchand Wade, a professor i n Engli sh,
who was subsequently my pri nci pal at the Government College, K umbakonam,
and later i n Presi dency College, Chennai , had openly remarked i n a publi c
meeti ng that an arch i di ot from Madras has the mi nor i di ots i n the suburbs and
formed an i di oti c mi ni stry. However, unpalatable and harsh i t may appear, thi s
was the general senti ment of eli te I ndi ans on the eve of Rajaji assumi ng
premi ershi p.
Rajaji survi ved all these handi caps. At the end of the two-year peri od,
even hi s poli ti cal opponents li ke T T K ri shnamachari admi red hi m, admi tti ng
that Rajaji s mi ni stry showed gri t and abi li ty to rule and that hi s admi ni strati on
was a model provi nci al government. Even the Engli shmen and Engli sh I ndi ans
who doubted the capaci ty of Rajaji , subsequently acknowledged hi s abi li ty.
Nehru, who was ori gi nally agai nst formi ng mi ni stri es, admi tted later that the
Madras government di d more than any other provi nci al government.
O n the whole Rajaji s admi ni strati ve capaci ty, tact and knowledge were
generally appreci ated as could be seen from the letter of Lord Erski n ( then
Governor) dated December 29, 1937 to K i ng George:
As to the premi er hi mself, I get on qui te well wi th hi m, but he
i s an odd mi xture.... He i s an i deali st and hi s mai n object i n li fe
seems to get I ndi a back to what i t was i n the days of K i ng
Ashoka. He runs the whole show and i f anythi ng were to
happen to hi m we should be all over the place.
I t i s i mportant to analyze Rajaji s speci al quali ti es whi ch made hi m a
successful admi ni strator, i .e. ( i ) hi s keen i ntellect and abi li ty to anti ci pate
problems, ( i i ) hi s abi li ty to avoi d problems, i f possi ble, and i f not, to fi nd
soluti ons qui ckly i n a fai r and fi rm manner wi thout fear or favour, ( i i i ) hi s wi lli ng
and early reali zati on that ci vi l servi ces are the backbone of the admi ni strati on
wi thout whi ch no mi ni stry can functi on effecti vely; thei r morale should always
be kept at the same ti me not allowi ng them to overpower the elected mi ni stry,
( i v) hi s personal i ntegri ty and refusal to i nterfere i n day-to-day admi ni strati ve
functi ons, and ( v) hi s i ntense desi re to be of servi ce to the poor.
Let us see a few i nstances as to how he dealt wi th matters.
( 1) Even at the fi rst meeti ng, he addressed the offi ci als, many of who were
Engli shmen, as my comrades i n the permanent publi c servi ce and requested
them to renounce rancour and prejudi ce agai nst anybody for everythi ng done
or suffered i n the past, I want the enti re servi ce i ncludi ng the poli ce to look upon
me as a fri end.
( 2) JB L Munro, an Engli sh under-secretary, was offended by a scathi ng
attack on I CS O ffi cers by one of Rajaji s i nexperi enced mi ni sters. He requested
the mi ni ster concerned to make a conci li atory approach, whi ch sati sfi ed the
offi cer. He also advi sed the offi cer that he should get reconci led to the
happeni ng of such occasi onal pi npri cks.
( 3) He called Si r Charles Cunni ngham, the then I nspector General of
Poli ce to hi s room. Si r Cunni ngham entered the room well dressed i n a sui t.
Rajaji remarked, I di d not want to meet Si r Charles Cunni ngham but the I G of
Poli ce. He got the message and returned fully dressed i n poli ce uni form.
( 4) He presented a sui t length made of khadi to Charles Brackenbury, the
Chi ef Secretary, representati ve of Ci vi l Servi ce to exhi bi t hi s affecti on, or lack of
prejudi ce, to ci vi l servi ce as also the i mportance he attached to the cause of khadi .
( 5) He di d not hesi tate to appoi nt a European as the Presi dency Magi strate
and as the most sui table person and he di d not di scri mi nate agai nst the offi cer
i n terms of hi s caste or race.
( 6) A sub-i nspector of poli ce from Madras had, whi le chasi ng a cri mi nal,
crossed over the nei ghbori ng Mysore State ( then a pri ncely state) and acci dentally
shot the cri mi nal who di ed. The Mysore State poli ce remanded hi m to custody.
Rajaji requested V L Ethi raj, a hi ghly respected and expensi ve barri ster at that
ti me to personally argue the bai l appli cati on before the Mysore Hi gh Court. He
also added jocularly that the Madras government had enough fi nanci al
resources to pay hi s fees. Ethi raj personally argued the bai l appli cati on and got
the sub-i nspector released on bai l. ( Thi s was a si gnal to the ci vi l servi ce that Chi ef
Mi ni ster would be wi th them i n the di scharge of lawful duti es.)
( 7) A statue of General Nei ll, who quelled the 1857 muti ny, consi dered as
hero by Bri ti sh and heartless by I ndi ans, had been erected i n Mount Road, the
heart of Madras. There had been a long pendi ng emoti onal demand by I ndi ans for
i ts removal and the Bri ti sh would not accept i t. Rajaji had i t removed qui etly at ni ght
and had i t preserved i n the government museum not to offend Bri ti sh senti ments.
( 8) As per rules, Bri ti sh Governors would presi de over cabi net meeti ngs.
Congressmen parti cularly B G K her, Premi er of Bombay, felt i t beneath thei r
di gni ty to be subordi nates i n a meeti ng to be presi ded over by a Bri ti sh
Governor. Rajaji suggested that a formal meeti ng, lasti ng 5 to 10 mi nutes, mi ght
be held under the chai rmanshi p of Bri ti sh Governor and the real cabi net meeti ng
where regular busi ness could be carri ed on can be had ei ther after or before the
formal meeti ng. Thi s was generally accepted and followed by all Congress
premi ers and unnecessary controversy was not allowed to ari se.
43
44
Profiles in Courage
( 9) Rajaji had always felt that the government employees should be free
from poli ti cal affi li ati on and prohi bi ted employees of local authori ti es also from
joi ni ng any poli ti cal party i ncludi ng the Congress. Nehru was di spleased and
objected but Rajaji refused to budge.
( 10) I n another i nci dent, a fi ri ng ordered by Crombi e, the Vi sakhapatnam
Di stri ct Magi strate, i n Chi rala ( Andhra Pradesh) i n connecti on wi th a labour
stri ke caused a sti r among the workers throughout the Madras State. Rajaji
rejected suggesti ons that acti on should be taken agai nst Crombi e. I nstead,
Horwi ll, an Engli sh judge was appoi nted to make an i nqui ry i nto the matter and
he exonerated Crombi e. The orderi ng of an i nqui ry sati sfi ed the publi c and
appoi ntment of an Engli sh judge i nfused confi dence i n Crombi e and other
offi cers regardi ng the i mparti ali ty of the enqui ry. All were sati sfi ed. When hi s
report was objected to by a crowd i n Andhra, Rajaji was fi rm i n hi s reply that the
report had been accepted because i t was ri ght, though unpopular and that
admi ni strati ve deci si ons cannot be di sposed of by a crowd. To hi m, correctness,
rather than populari ty of a deci si on, was i mportant.
( 11) Most of the then secretari es, who were I CS offi cers would generally
leave offi ce by about 3.00 p.m. and thereafter attend to soci al acti vi ti es li ke
vi si ti ng clubs etc. Rajaji made i t a habi t to come out of hi s chamber at about that
ti me. O ne day, he remarked to an offi cer leavi ng at 3.00 p.m. You I CS offi cers
are extremely effi ci ent and competent and are able to complete your work by
3.00 p.m. But I am not that smart and have to stay ti ll 8.00 p.m. Thi s put a stop
to the habi t of thei r leavi ng the offi ce by 3.00 p.m. No one was offended and the
purpose was achi eved.
( 12) M/s Harveys Mi lls, owned by the Bri ti sh i n Madurai , had declared a
lock out and nearly 20, 000 work ers were deni ed employment. T he
managements i ntenti on was to retrench the i nconveni ent trade uni on workers
and employ only loyal workers or recrui t fresh hands. Rajaji deci ded to i ssue an
order under Secti on 144 of the Cri mi nal Procedure Code that the Mi lls should not
open ti ll a settlement was arri ved at. Secti on 144 of the Cri mi nal Procedure Court
authori se the State Government to i ssue an order di recti ng any person to take an
acti on or prevent hi m from taki ng any acti on i n order to mai ntai n publi c
tranqui lli ty or to prevent any di sturbances. I t was an extraordi nary power to be
used i n extraordi nary ci rcumstances. The Governor would not approve the
proposed step. Rajaji was fi rm and threatened to resi gn, i f hi s proposals were not
accepted. The Governor yi elded and for the fi rst ti me Secti on 144 was i mposed
unti l a sati sfactory settlement was arri ved at.
Thi s steadfastness was vi si ble even i n hi s second term as Chi ef Mi ni ster i n
1952-54. I n 1952, V P Raman, one of hi s close fami ly fri ends from hi s Salem
days, a sympathi zer of the Communi st Party, ( whi ch was generally consi dered
to be a party of revoluti onari es and spi es of Sovi et Russi a) appli ed for a passport.
Rajaji refused hi s passport appli cati on and V P Ramans personal i nfluence had
no effect.
Such i llustrati ons can be multi pli ed but no i nstance can ever be poi nted
out where he could have used hi s power for the benefi t of hi mself, hi s fami ly, or
fri ends. That i s why even hi s most bi tter poli ti cal opponents could not, even at
hi s worst ti me, rai se a fi nger at hi s i ntegri ty.
Some of hi s notable achi evements as Chi ef Mi ni ster duri ng hi s second
term of two years can be recollected:
( 1) For the fi rst ti me, he authori zed the entry of Hari jans i nto temples.
Vai dhyanatha I yer, an ardent Congressman and a close fri end of Rajaji led the
temple entry at the Madurai temple, and other temples i n Tami l Nadu followed
si mi larly.
( 2) He i ntroduced a Debt Reli ef Bi ll under whi ch, i f an agri culturi st had
i n total pai d more than twi ce the amount of what he had actually borrowed then
the whole debt would stand di scharged.
( 3) He i ntroduced prohi bi ti on selecti vely i n some of the di stri cts, and
when i t was found to have benefi ted a large number of poor people, i t was
extended to other areas later on. To compensate for the loss of revenue on
account of prohi bi ti on, he i ntroduced the sales tax, whi ch today i s the mai n
source for revenue of all state governments. Thi s levy was i ni ti ated by Rajaji .
( 4) I f no sui table candi dates from Hari jans for a reserved job were
found, he asked for repeati ng the adverti sement ti ll a sui table Hari jan candi date
was found. I n thi s way, many Hari jans who later on went to achi eve hi gh gazette
ranks were i ni ti ally recrui ted.
I t was not as i f these reforms could be pushed through wi thout di ffi culty.
Stalwarts li ke V S S Sastri , T T K ri shnamachari , Panneerselvam, all rai sed
objecti ons li ke offendi ng the reli gi ous senti ments, i mmorali ty i n respect of
wai vi ng of farmers debts, etc. but he convi nced all of them wi th cogent
arguments.
Rajaji was sure that i n i ndependent I ndi a, Hi ndi would be one of the
major i mportant I ndi an languages. He di d not want the South at that ti me to lag
behi nd and i ntroduced Hi ndi as a compulsory subject i n Standards VI to VI I I i n
125 schools on an experi mental basi s. Many young students benefi ted from that,
I bei ng one of them. However, for the opposi ti on, parti cularly the Dravi da
K azhagam and i ts leaders li ke E V Ramaswami Nai cker, thi s had come as a God-
gi ven opportuni ty to create trouble for Rajaji . Emoti onal appeals were made to
Tami l chauvi ni sm and anti -Brahmi ni sm, all of whi ch resulted i n vi olence and
di sturbances. Nearly a thousand people were convi cted for terms rangi ng from
si x months to one year. I n later days, the Dravi da Munnetra K azhagam
Government had recogni sed them as Thi agi s.
45
46
Profiles in Courage
Rajaji had to resort to oppressi ve measures to suppress the agi tators.
Even the Congress leaders li k e Sathyamurthy and educati oni sts li k e
Dr S Radhakri shnan urged Rajaji to make Hi ndi an opti onal subject, but Rajaji felt
satyagraha was bei ng mi sused and di d not li ke to condone such mi suse.
Rajaji was also slowly tryi ng to assert hi s ri ght as the Chi ef Mi ni ster i n that
he should be consulted on i mportant matters and Bri ti sh Raj also became more
asserti ve and consci ous of i ts reserved ri ghts. The honeymoon between Rajaji
and Bri ti sh Raj seemed to be comi ng to an end.
Bri tai n declared war agai nst G ermany on September 3, 1939 and
automati cally the Vi ceroy proclai med I ndi a as a belli gerent state wi thout
consulti ng any of the elected governments.
Rajaji submi tted hi s resi gnati on on O ctober 30, and secti on 93 of the
Government of I ndi a Act, 1935 was i nvoked and Governors rule wi th the help
of advi sers was ushered i n.
Ji nnah celebrated the resi gnati on of the Congress mi ni stri es as
Deli verance Day. The success of the Congress rule i n ei ght states also created a
convi cti on amongst the Bri ti sh that the Congress was thei r i rreconci lable enemy.
Differences with the Congress and Gandhiji
The peri od from 1939 to 1942 was the most confusi ng peri od i n the
hi story of the freedom movement. The Bri ti sh di plomacy had easi ly overtaken
the i mmaturi ty of Congress leaders. They had embarrassed the Congress to such
an extent that the provi si onal mi ni sters had to resi gn. Even after resi gnati on,
moderate elements i n the Congress wanted to support Bri tai n i n thei r efforts
agai nst Nazi sm, and wi th a commi tment from Bri tai n regardi ng I ndi an
i ndependence after the war. There were younger elements i n the Congress who
were parti cular about embarrassi ng the Bri ti sh. The atti tude of the Bri ti sh was
totally i ndi fferent to the Congress and they di d not want to gi ve any such
assurance. For the fi rst ti me, they took the stand that the Congress represented
only a secti on of the I ndi an publi c ( vi z. Hi ndus) and there were others especi ally
Musli ms and the Pri nces to be consi dered.
The followi ng extract of the letter of the Vi ceroy to the K i ng would gi ve
an i ndi cati on of thei r poli cy to di vi de Hi ndus and Musli ms:
As soon as I reali zed that I was to be subjected to heavy and
sustai ned pressure desi gned to force from us major poli ti cal
concessi ons as the pri ce of Congresss cooperati on i n the war
effort, I summoned representati ves of all the more i mportant
i nterests and communi ti es i n I ndi a, i ncludi ng the Chancellor of
the Chamber of Pri nces and Mr Ji nnah... and i ntervi ewed them
one by one... a heavy and tryi ng task but well worth the trouble.
The declarati on does not gi ve to Congress what they are aski ng
for... an undertaki ng by Your Majestys Government that I ndi a
wi ll be gi ven poli ti cal i ndependence at the conclusi on of the war.
The declaration has made plain the fact that we cannot
concede to Congress the validity of that partys claim to speak
for the whole of India ( authors emphasi s) .
Meanwhi le, Muhammad Ali Ji nnah, Presi dent of the Musli m League, had
openly declared that ( i ) Hi ndus and Musli ms were totally di sti nct, ( i i ) they di d
not i nter-marry or i nter-di ne, ( i i i ) thei r customs, li terature, epi cs and heroes were
di fferent, ( i v) very often ones heroes have been the enemi es of the other, and
( v) they consti tuted two di fferent nati ons.
The Musli m League also resolved i n i ts annual conventi on i n Lahore i n 1940
that the creati on of soverei gn Musli m majori ty terri tori es Paki stan would alone
be acceptable to the Musli ms. The questi on whether thi s senti ment was encouraged
by Bri tai n or not would always be debatable, but the letter of the Vi ceroy to K i ng
George referred to earli er would i ndi cate the Bri ti sh di plomati c efforts to create a
wedge between Musli ms and Hi ndus had succeeded. The vast majori ty of Musli ms
i n I ndi a, even i n the far South, supported Ji nnahs call for Paki stan. The Bri ti sh
Government further i ndi rectly i ndi cated that the I ndi an pri nces would also be
counted as an i ntegral part of any negoti ati on regardi ng i ndependence.
The Congress i ncludi ng Gandhi had no opti on but to express thei r
restrai ned di sagreement wi th Bri tai ns war effort wi thout embarrassi ng them.
Therefore, Gandhi ji deci ded that they could make a symboli c protest, non
cooperati on wi th war efforts; and a few selected i ndi vi duals would reci te the
unlawful slogan: I t i s wrong to help the Bri ti sh war effort wi th men or money
and court i mpri sonment. The i ndi vi dual satyagraha, as i t was then called, was
an expressi on of symboli c di ssent by helpless patri oti c I ndi ans. Nearly 15, 000
satyagrahiswere arrested.
I n pursuance of thi s deci si on, Rajaji wrote to about half a dozen people
on the followi ng li nes:
The Bri ti sh Government has ordered I ndi a to be i n the War
wi thout aski ng her legi slature. O ther parts of the Bri ti sh
Commonwealth were allowed the choi ce of remai ni ng
neutral... Taxes rejected by the Legi slati ve Assembly are bei ng
i mposed by the fi at of the Vi ceroy...
I t i s wrong therefore to help the Bri ti sh war effort wi th men or
money. A copy of thi s letter i s bei ng sent to the authori ti es so
that they may proceed agai nst me i f they desi re.
Rajaji was arrested on O ctober 3, 1941 and later released on O ctober 6,
1941. Gandhi ji was awai ti ng the release of Rajaji to have hi s advi ce. Rajaji and
47
48
Profiles in Courage
G andhi ji met at Wardha towards the end of O ctober and had detai led
di scussi ons. Rajaji must have gi ven, duri ng the peri od of hi s i mpri sonment, deep
consi derati on to the poli ti cal si tuati on.
Whi le the Musli m league and others li ke the Communi sts and the Justi ce
Party had already extended parti al support to the Bri ti sh efforts i n the war, there
was already a di fference of opi ni on among Congressmen whether or not to
oppose war efforts, and i f so, to what extent.
Rajaji felt that the best opti on for the Congress was to negoti ate wi th the
Bri ti sh and obtai n some sort of an assurance regardi ng i ndependence. Thi s was
not acceptable to G andhi ji . Rajaji came out openly for the fi rst ti me
agai nst Gandhi ji i n a convocati on address at Lucknow Uni versi ty ( The Hindu,
December 14, 1941) :
I have worked wi th Gandhi ji these 22 years and feel a just pri de
of havi ng helped hi m to develop and put i nto acti on hi s
pri nci ples and methods. Many are the ti es that bi nd me to hi m.
I t i s not a pleasure to di scover a di fference and recogni ze i t as
leadi ng to a parti ng of ways...
We keep our face turned steadi ly i n the di recti on of ahimsa but
cannot make the mi stake of ki lli ng the pri nci ple i tself by
opposi ng i t to common sense or reali ty. The defence of I ndi a i s
a case to be treated as an excepti on.
He also felt that i n case of an attack on I ndi a by Japan, Bri tai n would not be
able to defend I ndi a and he wanted I ndi an people to prepare themselves for war.
I t was at about that ti me that under pressure from Roosevelt and Chi ang K ai shek,
the Bri ti sh government had deputed a cabi net member, Si r Stafford Cri pps, to I ndi a
for persuadi ng the I ndi an leaders to joi n i n war efforts, wi th a proposal that at the
end of the war, ( i ) I ndi a would be gi ven domi ni on status, ( i i ) Consti tuent assembli es
would be formed to deci de on the federal form of a government, ( i i i ) Provi nces not
wi lli ng to joi n the federati on would di rectly enter i nto an agreement wi th Bri ti sh
government, and ( i v) i n the meanti me, all portfoli os other than defence would be
entrusted to I ndi ans subject to the veto power of the Vi ceroy. Accordi ng to Rajaji ,
these proposals could form the basi s for negoti ati ons and could be accepted wi th
modi fi cati on but Gandhi ji and Congress totally rejected the proposals.
Rajaji came to the conclusi on that i ndependence could not be obtai ned
wi thout concedi ng the demand for Paki stan and that a nati onal government
should be formed i mmedi ately to face Japanese aggressi on.
He had resoluti ons passed by Madras Congress Legi slati ve Party that,
( i ) the demand for Paki stan may be conceded, ( i i ) a popular government i n
Madras wi th the support of Musli m league could be formed, and ( i i i ) South I ndi a
be prepared to face any Japanese attack.
T he Congress leaders were totally upset at these unexpected
developments and Rajaji was taken to task and was requested to resi gn from
Congress and all i ts commi ttees. Accordi ngly, he severed connecti ons wi th the
Congress and took the case for a nati onal government and for Paki stan to the
people. The spli t between Congress and Rajaji seemed to be complete. Most of
Rajaji s colleagues had deserted hi m. He lost the support of Congress leaders,
colleagues, and the publi c at large and became totally i solated.
Pushed to the wall, Gandhi ji came up wi th the i dea that Congress should
ask the Bri ti sh to qui t I ndi a. To Rajaji such a si mple soluti on di d not take i nto
account actual reali ti es and he opposed the Q ui t I ndi a Movement. He was
heckled and chappals were thrown at hi m, but by that ti me he was used to i t.
I n pursuance of a deci si on of the Congress worki ng commi ttee to start the
Ci vi l Di sobedi ence Movement aski ng the Bri ti sh to Q ui t I ndi a, the All I ndi a
Congress Commi ttee met on August 8, 1942 and even when the sessi on was i n
progress, all the leaders of Congress were detai ned. What followed thereafter
was utter commoti on i n the whole of I ndi a. A few pockets of I ndi a declared
themselves free. Vi olent demonstrators streamed out of bazaars, factori es,
vi llages, and colleges condemni ng the arrests. There was i ndi scri mi nate fi ri ng to
quell the ri ots. Many were ki lled and even more were i mpri soned. Several
leaders went underground. By the end of August, the brute force of the
government had broken the movement.
Rajaji s efforts to get i n touch wi th the Bri ti sh for a compromi se were
spurned. I n fact, he was not even allowed to meet G andhi ji i n pri son. Later,
Rajaji was allowed to meet G andhi ji as hi s relati ve, and duri ng thei r di scussi ons
i n the pri son, Rajaji was able to convi nce G andhi ji on the i nevi tabi li ty of
Paki stan and the formati on of a provi nci al government consi sti ng of the
Congress and M usli m league.
Partition and Governor Generalship
The post-war electi ons i n Bri tai n brought the Labour Party to power wi th
Clement Atlee as Pri me Mi ni ster. The Labour government deci ded to expedi te
the process of i ndependence for I ndi a, the fi rst honest effort of the Bri ti sh
government to grant i ndependence to I ndi a.
A cabi net mi ssi on compri si ng of three cabi net mi ni sters arri ved i n I ndi a
on March 24, 1946 and had detai led di scussi on wi th the leaders of the Congress,
the Musli m League, and pri nces. I t was agreed that I ndi a would be parti ti oned
and be gi ven i ndependence and pendi ng actual i ndependence, an i nteri m
government consi sti ng of the members of the Musli m League and Congress
would be formed.
Lord Mountbatten was appoi nted Vi ceroy of I ndi a and the modali ti es of
parti ti on were agreed upon. The Musli m majori ty areas called Paki stan would be
49
50
Profiles in Courage
carved out of I ndi a and the pri nces would be free to accede to I ndi a or to
Paki stan or declare themselves i ndependent. Rajaji would persuade Ji nnah to
agree that Punjab and Bengal could be further di vi ded i nto conti guous Musli m
and Hi ndu majori ty areas. Accordi ngly East Punjab and West Bengal came to
I ndi a thanks to the persuasi ve efforts of Rajaji .
The i nteri m government, formally called the Vi ceroy Executi ve Counci l,
whi ch i ncluded Rajaji , took offi ce under the Pri me Mi ni stershi p of Pandi t Nehru.
Though August 14 and 15, 1947 brought joy to mi lli ons, i n the process, mi lli ons
of people were ki lled, and mi lli ons were uprooted as a result of communal ri ots,
both i n Bengal and Punjab.
Rajaji seemed to have been born as a man for the cri si s. Gandhi ji , Nehru,
and Patel unani mously felt, and P C Ghosh, then Chi ef Mi ni ster of Bengal, also
i nsi sted that Rajaji alone was competent to manage any unforeseen conti ngency
i n the communally sensi ti ve state of Bengal. Rajaji accepted the proposal of
becomi ng governor of the state, but was not a welcome guest to the people of
Bengal. Earli er he had opposed C R Das and later the electi on of Subhash
Chandra Bose as the Presi dent of the Congress i n 1939. Sarat Chandra Bose
brother of Subash Chandra Bose who had left Congress had been encouragi ng
the anti -Rajaji senti ments, but Rajaji was least affected.
O n August 15, 1947, I ndi an Nati onal Flag was hoi sted at K hulna,
predomi nantly a Hi ndu majori ty di stri ct and Paki stan Nati onal flag on August 14,
1947 i n the di stri cts of Murshi dabad and Malda, a predomi nantly Musli m majori ty
area. Cyri l Radcli ffe, who had been gi ven the job of demarcati ng the boundari es,
had reversed the posi ti on. The whole regi on was ready to explode and any small
i nci dent would spark off a spate of devastati on unheard previ ously.
Rajaji s suggesti on that a joi nt statement si gned by the chi ef mi ni sters of
East and West Bengal, Paki stan and I ndi a, appeali ng to the people to remai n
calm and that any change i n the Award could only be effected between the two
countri es by mutual agreement averted untoward i nci dents.
As Rajaji had been speci fi cally sent to control the communal ri ots, he had
regular contact wi th the army and the poli ce. He hi mself vi si ted the di sturbed areas
and addressed the poli cemen, soldi ers, and offi cers. He arranged for a common
undertaki ng to be gi ven by the leaders of all communi ti es Hi ndus, Musli ms, and
Si khs that they would restore peace. He tri ed to i nfuse confi dence among
Musli ms. He performed hi s role beyond the strai ns of hi s offi ce.
I t would appear that the astrologers predi cti on at the ti me of Rajaji s bi rth
that the chi ld would become Vi ceroy seemed to be comi ng true. Rajaji offi ci ated
as the acti ng Governor General of I ndi a from November 10, 1947 to November
24, 1947 at New Delhi when Lord Mountbatten had to leave for London for a
short whi le.
Eventually, at the end of hi s 10-month term as G overnor, Rajaji could
wi n the affecti on of Bengal people. Accordi ng to Ananda Bazaar Patrika,
Rajaji s i ni ti ati ve i n the mai ntenance of communal peace wi ll long be
remembered by the people here. Accordi ng to the M usli m owned Morning
News, Rajaji s earnest movi ng appeals fi nally sti rred the consci ence that had
sunk to i ts lowest depths.
Rajaji as Governor Generala prophecy fulfilled
Lord Mountbatten was to reli nqui sh offi ce as Governor General around
June 22, 1948 and a successor had to be appoi nted. Pandi t Nehrus i ni ti al request
to Rajaji that he should accept the offi ce as Governor General had no response
from Rajaji , but hi s second letter that we want you to help us i n many ways and
Sardar Patels letter that you would be of great help to us, after Bapuji s death i t
i s all the more essenti al that the remnant pull thei r wei ght together and the
advi ce of each should be avai lable to all, probably remi nded hi m of hi s duty to
Gandhi ji and he also felt that both the colleagues genui nely needed hi m. He was
sworn i n as Governor General of I ndi a on June 21, 1948.
As the Governor General, he had to have the charm and chari sma i n
recei vi ng the presentati on of the credenti als from many forei gn governments
establi shi ng di plomati c relati ons and exchangi ng di plomati c mi ssi ons and play
host to them. Rajaji had thi s i n plenty. Apart from hi s consti tuti onal obli gati on,
hi s close associ ati on and i nti macy wi th both Nehru and Patel had helped hi m
i ron out the di fferences between them.
Rajajis role in the integration of princely states
Accordi ng to the agreement arri ved at the ti me of i ndependence, the
pri ncely states could ei ther joi n I ndi a or Paki stan or declare themselves
i ndependent. All states except K ashmi r and Hyderabad had been persuaded to
joi n I ndi a or Paki stan.
Hyderabad, the bi ggest of all pri ncely states, had mostly consi sted of Hi ndus.
Apart from thi s, i t was well i n the i nteri or regi on of I ndi a. Therefore, logi cally i t
should have acceded to I ndi a. However, the Musli m Ni zam of Hyderabad, under
the i nfluence of Musli m fundamentali sts called Razakkars, attempted to declare
Hyderabad i ndependent. Rajaji s efforts to solve the problem peacefully di d not
succeed. Both Patel and Nehru, di ffered i n thei r approach to tackle the problem
and what happened thereafter cannot be better expressed than by reproduci ng the
note of V P Menon, Secretary i n the States Mi ni stry at that ti me:
The Government and the nei ghbouri ng provi nces were much
concerned... about the acti vi ti es of the Razakkars and the
refugees who were leavi ng the state... The States Mi ni stry
pressed thei r vi ew that we should occupy Hyderabad and put
a stop to the chaos there.
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Profiles in Courage
The Pri me Mi ni ster was strongly opposed and he was very
cri ti cal of the atti tude of the States Mi ni stry. Sardar left the
meeti ng i n the mi ddle. The same afternoon, the Governor
General, C Rajagopalachari called a meeti ng i n hi s room, of the
Pri me Mi ni ster, Sardar Patel, and hi mself. I t was then deci ded,
We should occupy Hyderabad.
The next morni ng Hyderabad was occupi ed by I ndi an troops and
Hyderabad became a part of I ndi a. The nati on owes largely to Rajaji s
statesmanshi p and wi se counsel for not havi ng had another K ashmi r i n
Hyderabad.
O nce duri ng a vi si t to M adras as the G overnor G eneral, many
di sti ngui shed persons i ncludi ng mi ni sters and old fri ends called on hi m at the
Raj Bhavan. Among them was hi s old fri end M P Si vagnanam, popularly known
as Ma Po Si . Rajaji came out and hugged hi m. Ma Po Si i ndi rectly remi nded hi m
that he was the Governor General and other VI Ps were wai ti ng. At thi s, Rajaji
repli ed that the wai ti ng VI Ps were there to welcome whoever was the Governor
General but Ma Po Si was there only because of Rajaji .
At the birth of the Indian Republic
The Consti tuent Assembly deci ded to declare I ndi a as a Republi c on
January 26, 1950 and elect a Presi dent. The choi ce was between Rajendra Prasad
and Rajaji . Though Nehru preferred Rajaji , i t would appear that the majori ty of
the members of the Consti tuent Assembly were not i n favour of Rajaji because
of hi s non-i nvolvement i n Q ui t I ndi a. I n any case, i t would appear Rajendra
Prasad was not wi lli ng to concede i n favour of Rajaji and no one wanted a
contest. Rajendra Prasad was elected as Presi dent of the I ndi an Uni on. Rajaji
declared bi rth of Republi c of I ndi a on January 26, 1950 and Rajendra Prasad took
over the Presi dentshi p. Rajaji left for Madras the same eveni ng.
Minister without portfolio
Havi ng reti red as Governor General, i t looked as i f Rajaji had come back
to Madras for good and would not to take up any new assi gnment. After Rajaji
left Delhi frequent di fferences of opi ni on arose between Nehru and Patel. Both
of them needed Rajaji back i n New Delhi . I n less than si x months after hi s
leavi ng Delhi , he was sworn on July 15, 1950 as a Mi ni ster wi thout portfoli o. He
conti nued the job as a shock absorber. As the chai rman of the Cabi net Economi c
Affai rs Commi ttee, he encouraged the then fi nance mi ni ster Dr C D Deshmukh,
an emi nent and respected economi st, to conduct the meeti ng. As a member of
the Forei gn Affai rs Commi ttee, he had expressed hi s opposi ti on to the
recogni ti on of Chi nas soverei gnty over Ti bet as could be seen from one of hi s
letters ( December 1, 1950) to Nehru, May God help us from dri fti ng to be just a
satelli te of Chi na! I feel hurt whenever Pani kkar ( I ndi as Ambassador to Peki ng)
tells us wi th extreme sati sfacti on that Chi na i s very fri endly to us and has no
terri tori al ambi ti ons. We do not want any patrons now, do we?
I t would appear that i n one of the meeti ngs of the Forei gn Affai rs
Commi ttee when Nehru seems to have sai d, You see, Rajaji , the majori ty i s wi th
me, Rajaji gri nned and sai d Yes, Jawaharlal, the majori ty i s wi th you but logi c
i s wi th me.
Nehru got i nfuri ated at the electi on of Babu Purushottam Das Tandon as the
presi dent of the Congress agai nst hi s wi shes and threatened to resi gn. Rajaji
poi nted out to hi m i n a publi c statement that the country needed conti nued
gui dance of both Sardar Patel and Pandi t Nehru and added, some of us who have
put together all these 35 years must do so to the end of our acti ve li fe. Thus, he
averted an explosi ve si tuati on; several such si tuati ons were di ffused by hi m.
A disillusioned home minister
O n the demi se of Sardar Patel i n December 1950, Rajaji was the obvi ous
choi ce to be Mi ni ster for Home Affai rs. As Home Mi ni ster he dealt wi th the
agi tati on of the communi sts i n Telengana and West Bengal fi rmly and pi loted the
controversi al Press Bi ll. But he slowly reali zed that he was drafted to Delhi only
to sort out confli cts between Nehru and Patel and that wi th the demi se of Patel,
he di d not have much of a role to play. He and Nehru had been colleagues for
years but he thought Nehru needed followers and not colleagues.
Nehru caused a lot of pi npri cks to the Congress Presi dent Tandon,
practi cally forci ng hi m to resi gn. Though Nehru had always held the vi ew that
no si ngle i ndi vi dual should si multaneously hold both the offi ce of the Pri me
Mi ni ster and that of Congress Presi dent, he assumed the offi ce as Presi dent of
Congress on the resi gnati on of Tandon and also retai ned hi s Pri me Mi ni stershi p.
Several other i nci dents also made Rajaji feel that after the death of Sardar
Patel, Nehru needed only persons to obey and not equals. But he never gave out
hi s di sagreement openly except probably i n one of hi s letters, reproduced below,
to Lord Mountbatten who wanted Rajaji to be the Hi gh Commi ssi oner i n London:
You and Edwi na are so i ntensely i nterested i n Nehru that, may
I say you have no eyes to see or mi nd to thi nk about any other.
Rajaji i s just a matchsti ck to li ght the ci garette... You throw the
matchsti ck i nto the ashtray wi thout a thought after i t has served
the purpose.
I am so ti red and so hungeri ng for rest, you cannot guess i t.
My career i s truly remarkable i n i ts zi gzag Cabi net Mi ni ster,
G overnor wi thout power, G overnor G eneral when the
consti tuti on was to be wound up, Mi ni ster wi thout portfoli o,
Home M i ni ster and Parli amentary work , and now the
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Profiles in Courage
proposi ti on of Acti ng Hi gh Commi ssi oner i n the UK Fi nally I
must one day cheerfully accept a seni or clerk s place
somewhere and rai se that job to i ts proper i mportance.
I n hi s farewell speech whi le leavi ng Delhi , Rajaji sai d, my prayers and
not brai ns wi ll help Nehru and hi s colleagues. He returned to Madras a
di si llusi oned man.
Rajaji as Chief Minister again
Back i n Madras, he deci ded to spend hi s ti me i n wri ti ng arti cles for Kalki
and spendi ng hi s ti me i n li terary associ ati on. Before taki ng to li terary work, he had
taken off for Courtellam, a resort i n the South to take complete rest and recoup hi s
health, i n the company of li terary persons li ke T K C, K alki
3
and others.
At that ti me, Madras was a composi te state and the Congress lost the
absolute majori ty i n the 1952 assembly electi ons though i t came out as the
largest si ngle party. The Communi sts were tryi ng to form a government wi th the
help of i ndependents and smaller parti es. The Communi st Party at that ti me di d
not beli eve ei ther i n democracy or i n orderly form of government and thei r mai n
object was to subvert democracy and the Consti tuti on both from wi thi n and from
outsi de and create confusi on and take over the country by vi olent means. Thei r
loyalty was also suspect, as they had looked upon Sovi et Uni on and Chi na as
thei r role model ( both of them were powerful and together at that ti me) .
K amaraj, the then Presi dent of the Tami l Nadu Congress, who was not poli ti cally
well di sposed towards Rajaji , felt that i f at all formati on of a Congress
government was possi ble, Rajaji alone would achi eve a mi racle. Rajaji had at that
ti me reti red from publi c li fe, and was not wi lli ng to take up the responsi bi li ty.
The persuasi ve efforts of leadi ng personali ti es i n Madras, i ncludi ng
C Subramani am, were i n vai n. Rajaji coolly advi sed them to have Presi dents Rule
or offer prayers to God. Notwi thstandi ng hi s refusal, the Congress legi slature
party elected hi m thei r leader and gave Rajaji no opti on. Pandi t Nehru was
pressuri zed to request Rajaji to lead the party but he had left the opti on to the
local legi slature party. Somehow Rajaji was fi nally persuaded.
Besi des, Rajaji was not a member of ei ther of the house wi thout whi ch
one cannot be a Chi ef Mi ni ster. Rajaji was unwi lli ng to contest an electi on both
because of hi s age and the prohi bi ti ve cost i nvolved. However, Nehru i nsi sted
he should get elected. Thus, the Congress had to ei ther flout Nehrus di recti on
or lose Rajaji and a chance to form a Congress government.
Fi nally, Rajaji was nomi nated to the Upper House by the then governor
T Prakasam as one havi ng speci al knowledge i n such matters as li terature, sci ence,
arts and soci al servi ces. Thi s power whi ch vested wi th the Governor was not
concei ved to enable a non-member and one unwi lli ng to contest an electi on to
become Chi ef Mi ni ster. H V K amath, great parli amentari an observed i n Rajaji 93
Souvenir, i s i t not strange that i n a democrati c set-up li ke ours, a poli ti ci an who
ami d the vi ci ssi tudes of a remarkably long and di sti ngui shed career has adorned
the hi ghest offi ce i n the land, and held wi th di sti ncti on other top posi ti ons such as
those of a Central Cabi net Mi ni ster and the State Chi ef Mi ni ster has never had the
occasi on to face a di rect electi on by enfranchi sed adult people? Legal formali ti es
were compli ed wi th but the spi ri t of the Consti tuti on and democracy was vi olated.
Whether one who had occupi ed such a di sti ngui shed offi ces as those of
Governor General, Governor and Central Mi ni ster, could accept a much lower
posi ti on of a Chi ef Mi ni ster of a State was a subject matter of debate. Rajaji had no
such i nhi bi ti on and felt that all work was equally noble. To use hi s own words,
a broomsti ck has to do i ts duty whether i t be i n a di ni ng hall or i n a toi let. I n
any case, these two were the subject matters of controversy for a long ti me.
The nomi nati on of Rajaji as a member of the counci l and hi s electi on as
leader were hasti ly done to avoi d the possi bi li ty of a rule by the communi sts and
presented to Nehru as a fait accompli. Nehru was not li kely to agree to Rajaji s
terms but would not di sturb a concluded arrangement.
Rajaji was sworn i n as Chi ef Mi ni ster i n the fi rst week of Apri l 1952 and he
i nvi ted the support of all groups excludi ng communi sts. Whi le movi ng a vote of
confi dence i n the assembly when i t met for the fi rst ti me, Rajaji made i t clear that
communi sts were i ndeed thei r mai n enemi es. To repeat Rajaji s electri fyi ng words:
I am here to save my country from the traps and the dangers of
the Communi st Party. That i s my poli cy from A to Z. I am placi ng
my cards on the table. I am your enemy number one, and may I
say you are my enemy number one. Thi s i s my poli cy.
Thi s frontal attack on communi sts had a dramati c effect. All, except
communi sts, ralli ed round hi m and he had a comfortable majori ty. Though hi s
fi rst speech was consi dered undemocrati c and unparli amentary, later he made
good by mak i ng conci li atory speeches towards communi sts and even
communi sts later had a lot of prai se for hi s quali ty of admi ni strati on.
Duri ng that peri od, there was rati oni ng and severe i nter-restri cti on of
movement of food grai ns. Each person would get ei ght ounces of ri ce per day
( poor quali ty) . Weddi ng i nvi tati ons would carry an i nserti on "Please bri ng
your rati on card wi th you." No one brought the rati on card but yet, the regular
weddi ng feasts went on. These restri cti ons ori gi nally i ntroduced i n the war ti me
duri ng the peri od 1938 to 1942 as a temporary measure have become
permanent. Notwi thstandi ng these restri cti ons, better quali ty ri ce was avai lable
at everyone's doorsteps brought secreti vely from the borderi ng di stri cts li ke
Nellore, etc. and all connected persons were looked after. But the system kept
everyone happy. Consumers got what they needed and the "i llegal" vendors had
a roari ng busi ness and the mi ddlemen earned well and rati on shops would make
profi t by short measurement. The only casualty was the debasement of values.
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Profiles in Courage
Rajaji bei ng a shrewd observer, knew that there were enough food stocks
i n the country and that the food controls and offi ci als concerned alone had
created the arti fi ci al scarci ty and that to demoli sh the powerful vested i nterest
bui lt around the corrupt system was not an easy task.
Therefore, he announced wi thout any noti ce whatsoever on a ni ght over
the All I ndi a Radi o that food rati oni ng and all restri cti ons of food grai ns have been
aboli shed wi th i mmedi ate effect, wi thout gi vi ng any opportuni ty for maneuver.
Many economi sts and ci vi li an offi cers predi cted food scarci ty and starvati on deaths.
Rajaji was unaffected and repli ed that he knew hi s country and hi s people much
better. There was nei ther food scarci ty nor starvati on deaths; on the contrary, what
was bei ng stealthi ly done has come up i nto open and the pri ces also started
decli ni ng. Probably, thi s was Rajaji 's fi rst experi ment wi th the aboli ti on of controls
and a tri al run for hi s future campai gn agai nst "Permi t Q uota Li cence Raj."
He had also noti ced the steadi ly i ncreasi ng populari ty of communi sts
parti cularly i n rural areas due to the frequent clashes between landlords and
tenants and unjusti fi able evi cti on of many culti vati ng tenants from thei r lands.
To benefi t the farmers, he had i ntroduced Debt Reli ef Act, whi ch
di scharged a farmers debt, when twi ce the amount of hi s actual pri nci pal borrowed
had been pai d by way of i nterest and pri nci pal. I n addi ti on, he i ntroduced an Act
called Pannayar Act, accordi ng to whi ch, the agri cultural produce from the land
would be di vi ded between landowners and tenants i n the rati o of 60:40, and the
unjusti fi ed evi cti on of culti vati ng tenants would be prevented and the tenancy
would be restored, i f unjusti fi ed evi cti on had taken place. Wages of agri cultural
labourers were also i ncreased. Though thi s had evoked a lot of protests from
landlords, he convi nced them that a lower but assured return and sati sfi ed tenants
and labourers were more i mportant. Thi s measure eli mi nated the di spute among
them and also lowered the populari ty of the Communi st Party. Thi s i s one of the
reasons why even today communi sts have no foothold i n Tami l Nadu.
Thi s ti me also he di d persi st i n keepi ng the corri dors of Secretari at clear
of poli ti ci ans and kept the i denti ty of government and party separate. He
di rected the offi cers to do thei r duty, accordi ng to meri t. I t was conceded by well
meani ng offi cers that the admi ni strati on was toned up to a level not attai ned
before or after i ndependence.
Though Rajaji was generally agai nst the di vi si on of the State on li ngui sti c
li nes, he could not deny the unani mous demand by Andhras for a separate State.
Even when he was chi ef mi ni ster i n 1937, he had wri tten to the then Secretary of
State that: There can be no stable admi ni strati on of the provi nce unless i t i s
di vi ded as desi red by the people of Andhra... I n the i nterests of sound
admi ni strati on, the demand of the people should be granted.
However, Andhras felt that only because of Rajaji , Andhra was not bei ng
separated and Potti Sri ramulu fasted and unexpectedly di ed i n Madras Ci ty for the
cause of a separate Andhra Pradesh. There were ri ots and terri ble commoti on all
round Andhra areas and a separate Andhra State had to be carved out hurri edly
on O ctober 1, 1953. Attempts were made to make Madras a joi nt capi tal of both
the States, li ke Chandi garh, but i t was foi led by hi s stubborn opposi ti on to such
proposal, even as a temporary measure. Andhras have not ti ll now forgi ven Rajaji .
The most bri lli ant i dea of a creati ve mi nd i n Rajaji , i .e., the hi stori c
Educati onal Reform unfortunately happened to be the begi nni ng of the end of
hi s second term as Chi ef Mi ni ster.
He had expressed hi s i dea of Educati onal Reform as early as i n 1907 i n an
arti cle i n Hindustan Reviewand also when he was Governor General on August
8, 1949 i n the followi ng words:
I venture to suggest to crusaders of compulsory pri mary
educati on whether we cannot be content wi th three days i n the
week for schooli ng. O ur schools ... could then take two sets of
chi ldren i n the week. Gi ve the chi ldren a chance duri ng the
other four days to work wi th thei r parents. [I n the vi llages] the
homes are homes as well as trade schools, and the parents are
masters as well to whom the chi ldren [can be] apprenti ced.
He expected a great welcome for thi s scheme launched i n June 1953
wi thout havi ng i t approved by the assembly. Zaki r Hussai n, the great educati oni st,
later Presi dent of I ndi a and the Central Advi sory Board of Educati on appreci ated
and welcomed the scheme. Bi har consi dered adopti ng i t. Acharya K ri palani felt
that thi s was the most sci enti fi c form of educati ng the young. But, the resi stance of
the scheme was strong i n Madras and the poli ti cal opponents li ke EVR and
Annadurai attacked i t as a Brahmi ns ruse to confi ne non-Brahmi ns to thei r fathers
occupati ons. The argument was that the scheme was i ntended to preserve the
domi nance of Brahmi ns and the caste system, had a devastati ng effect on the
publi c mi nd. Senti ments of the opposi ti on were unmi stakable and Rajaji admi tted
that hi s educati on poli cy had cost hi m hi s general poli ti cal populari ty.
Even the Assembly had to save the scheme by the Speak er casti ng a
ti e-break i ng vote and later referred the scheme to a commi ttee for fuller
consi derati on, and thus the reform was buri ed wi thout tri al and wi thout
consi derati on. I t would appear that when the subtleti es and i mpli cati ons
of hi s reform were explai ned to K amaraj about 5 or 6 years later, he seems
to have greatly appreci ated Raj aj i s geni us and felt that i t would have
helped South I ndi a to become a power house of trai ned manpower from
rural and semi -urban areas. He seems to have faulted Raj aj i for not havi ng
explai ned to hi m or to hi s colleagues or members of the assembly the
i mpli cati ons of the scheme. I f he had done that, K amaraj would have
pushed i t through as i f the i dea were hi s own and no communal colour
could have been attri buted.
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Profiles in Courage
C Subramani am, the then Educati on Mi ni ster i n the Rajaji s cabi net, later
observed that Rajaji s scheme was one of the most bri lli antly concei ved
educati onal reforms and i t was unfortunate that i t was not i mplemented.
After the separati on of Andhra, the Congress was i n a majori ty i n Tami l
Nadu and the i nevi tabi li ty of Rajaji had di sappeared. All these compelled K amaraj
as the leader of the Congress to feel that the scheme should be dropped and there
should be a change i n the leadershi p. Though Rajaji felt that K amaraj was stabbi ng
hi m behi nd hi s back, he di d not reali ze that K amaraj was only doi ng hi s duty to
respect the senti ments and strong resentment of the publi c agai nst the scheme.
Events compelled Rajaji to make a statement i n the Assembly on March
25, 1954 that he would resi gn from hi s offi ce on account of hi s i llness and
made no reference to the educati on scheme or to the bi tterness around hi m. He
ulti mately resi gned on Apri l 13, 1954. K amaraj was elected to succeed hi m as the
Chi ef Mi ni ster.
Rajaji was awarded free I ndi as Hi ghest Ci vi li an Award, the Bharat Ratna
on January 26, 1955. I n fact, i t was a personal recogni ti on by Pri me Mi ni ster
Nehru of the i nvaluable contri buti on made by Rajaji . Thi s must have gi ven hi m
great sati sfacti on.
After hi s reti rement, Rajaji led a comparati vely qui et li fe, mai nly devoti ng hi s
attenti on to li terary acti vi ti es li ke completi ng hi s Ramayana and Mahabharata,
and spendi ng ti me wi th hi s old fri ends li ke A V Raman, Sadasi vam, and others.
Forming the Swatantra Party
Even though Rajaji had reti red from acti ve publi c li fe, hi s mi nd was too
alert to keep qui et and hi s consci ence too strong not to revolt agai nst i njusti ce.
He communi cated hi s thoughts through publi c meeti ngs and the pri nt medi a
parti cularly a Tami l journal Kalki
4
and an Engli sh weekly Swarajya on a vari ety of
subjects li ke medi ci ne, poli ti cs, economi cs, nuclear weapons, the i mportance of the
Engli sh language, and the need for havi ng i t as the offi ci al language. Hi s meeti ngs
and wri ti ngs would be eagerly welcomed and wi dely followed.
Hi s frequent i nteracti on wi th hi s vi si tors from di fferent walks of li fe and
news appeari ng i n the press had kept hi m i nformed of poli ti cal developments
both at nati onal and i nternati onal levels. He had also reali zed that the Congress
had become the largest monoli thi c party and Nehru i ts unquesti oned leader.
There was no one i n the Congress to cri ti ci ze hi m. Even i f there was cri ti ci sm,
Nehru resented and si lenced the cri ti cs.
Rajaji had always been emphasi si ng the i mportance and the need of an
effecti ve opposi ti on i n a democracy. To use hi s own phrase, a democracy
wi thout a strong opposi ti on i s a motor car wi thout a break and i s li able to get
i nvolved i n acci dent at any ti me.
Probably the most si gni fi cant contri buti on whi ch he had made and
whi ch none else could have to the I ndi an poli ti cal li fe was the foundi ng of the
Swatantra Party and thus provi ng that an alternati ve to Congress was possi ble. I f
there i s a fai rly stable non-Congress Government functi oni ng i n Centre and
States, i ts seeds were sown by Rajaji i n 1959.
At thi s di stant of ti me, i t wi ll be di ffi cult i f not i mpossi ble to i magi ne
the mere i mpossi bi li ty of formi ng a new poli ti cal party i n the 50s to oppose the
I ndi an Nati onal Congress. The Congress had always been associ ated wi th the
Freedom Movement and i ts leaders li ke Gandhi , hi s poli ti cal successor Pandi t
Nehru, Sardar Patel, Jayaprakash Narayan, Rajaji , etc. and Nehru has been
leadi ng the ruli ng party and the Government si nce i ndependence. Therefore,
Congress and Nehru have been i denti fi ed by people wi th patri oti sm and any one
opposi ng was bei ng consi dered anti -nati onal.
Apart from thi s, Nehru was havi ng a great mass appeal as the champi on of
weaker secti ons and mi nori ti es. He had also i ntroduced several populi st
measures such as ( i ) setti ng up of publi c sector uni ts, ( i i ) i ntroducti on of vari ous
li censi ng and controls, ( i i i ) cei li ng on agri cultural land, ( i v) land cei li ng,
( v) frequent amendments to the Consti tuti on, etc. all of whi ch had gi ven hi m a
pro-poor i mage. He had also endeared hi mself to the educated mi ddle class as
a patri ot and vi si onary. There was no other leader of comparable stature i n terms
of populari ty wi th vi si on. The vari ous restri cti ve soci ali sti c poli ci es li ke
li censi ng, controls, etc. had created a new class of i ndustri ali sts, poli ti ci ans and
educated eli tes who were the benefi ci ari es of the system and dependent upon the
government patronage. They were reluctant to oppose or come out openly
agai nst Nehru or Congress. Any one who would talk agai nst Nehru or Congress
was dubbed even by Nehru as a reacti onary, anti -nati onal, pro-capi tali st, etc.
Apart from thi s, the only party whi ch was ri ght of the Congress was the
Jan Sangh founded by Shyama Prasad Mookerjee espousi ng a mi li tant Hi ndui sm.
I t was fai rly popular i n the North. I t was under thi s near i mpossi ble si tuati on that
Rajaji thought of the i dea of encouragi ng the formati on of an opponent.
Rajaji was convi nced that Nehrus wrong poli ci es had created a new class
of corrupt eli te i n the soci ety whi ch was sappi ng nati ons fi nanci al resources. He
was fi rmly convi nced that ( i ) the frequent amendments to the Consti tuti on,
( i i ) restri cti ve i ndustri al poli cy whi ch he named as permi t-li cence-quota raj
( i i i ) poli ci es of nati onali sati on, co-operati ve farmi ng and other soci ali st poli ci es
had to be opposed.
Notwi thstandi ng all these handi caps, he could i nvolve leaders li ke
N G Ranga, V P Menon, formerly secretary to the Government of I ndi a, under
Sardar Patel, K M M unshi , leadi ng busi nessmen li k e Homi M ody,
A V Rao, etc. all men more of di sti ncti on than of populari ty. But the party had
sown the seeds of an opposi ti on party and helped people to openly debate and
questi on the correctness of permi t-li cence-quota raj.
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Profiles in Courage
I t was at that ti me Mi noo Masani spoke to Rajaji about Nehrus leani ngs
towards pro-Sovi et and Communi st poli ci es i n forei gn and economi c matters. He
requested Rajaji to lead an opposi ti on party to fi ght the lefti st poli ci es of Nehru.
Rajaji expressed hi s i nabi li ty because of hi s age and requested other leaders li ke
Jayaprakash Narayan, C D Deshmukh, C P Ramaswami I yer, and others to lead,
but no one came forward, and ulti mately, Rajaji took upon hi mself the challenge.
He announced the formati on of a new party, the Swatantra Party at Madras on
May 8, 1959. N G Ranga was i ts fi rst presi dent and Mi noo Masani , the general
secretary. Rajaji addressed two to three meeti ngs every month, and on an
average wrote ten to twenty newspaper columns every week.
Hi s wri ti ngs to arouse publi c consci ence and awareness after reti rement
from publi c li fe run i nto nearly 2000 pages. I t i s not possi ble to reproduce even
a small part of them.
To understand or appreci ate hi s li ne of approach, a few of hi s wri ti ngs,
whi ch are i llustrati ve i n nature, are reproduced:
i ) The Consti tuti on protects and guarantees all the ri ghts of the ci ti zen to
li ve, work, and earn. Hi s property can be taken hold of by the State for just reasons
and on payment of just compensati on and not a formal or arbi trari ly fi xed amount.
i i ) We should defend the fundamental ri ghts and the Consti tuti on as
Wi nston Churchi ll defended Bri tai n agai nst Hi tler, and i n the spi ri t of the true
warri or, whi ch i nspi red hi m, not surrenderi ng to fear or the prospect of defeat.
i i i ) The land cei li ng i s a chi ld of sadi sm. Common culti vati on or joi nt
ownershi p and co-operati ve farmi ng, was not an i dea born of experi ence or
thought but one tri ed i n countri es where personal li berty i s absent and forced
labour i s commandeered.
i v) Congress was borrowi ng from the Communi st thei r brush and pai nt.
v) Truth, li ke a preci ous creeper, has now lost support of the tree i n a
storm and i s lyi ng on the ground wi thout restrai nt and loss of both wi ll generate
more and more hunger for power and democracy wi ll be replaced by the
di ctatorshi p of a party, thanks to the unli mi ted, unaccounted bi g fi nanci al
backi ng of the Permi t-Li cence-Raj.
vi ) Soci ali sm as concei ved by all those who make i t thei r slogan i s pure
Stati sm. Accordi ng to them, wi sdom resi des only i n the State, and the ci ti zens
should be dri ven by the State to do what i t consi ders good.
vi i ) O nce upon a ti me, whi ch some of us remember, corrupti on was
li mi ted to the law and order i nvesti gati on offi ci als and the petty magi stracy, and
to the land revenue department. But today corrupti on has sei zed the enti re fi eld
of nati onal i ndustry and a moral anarchy prevai ls at all levels of nati onal li fe.
There i s no evi l today affecti ng the nati on so terri bly as thi s nati onal mi sfortune
of the Permi t-Li cence Raj.
vi i i ) Soci ali st planni ng i s now mostly Parki nsoni an waste and i ncrease of
( a) poli ti cal and commerci al corrupti on, ( b) pri nted money, and ( c) di rect and
i ndi rect taxati on all leadi ng to the i ncrease i n cost of li vi ng. The roots of true
soci ali sm are i n the i ncrease of producti ve pri vate concern. Attempti ng to
achi eve soci ali sm wi thout produci ng wealth i s a hunt for the bewi tchi ng stag
descri bed i n Ramayana.
i x) Soci ali sm has become an empty and decepti ve slogan to catch voters
and the communi sts are happy that thi s confusi on prevai ls.
x) The i roni c si tuati on i n I ndi a i n the year of Gandhi ji s Centenary i s the
tendency towards an almost total dependence on the States power for nati onal
welfare and di sci pli ned conduct.
xi ) Attracti ve Welfare State i deal and huge admi ni strati ve expendi ture to
carry them out exhi bi ti oni st adventures i n the i ndustri al fi eld, and schemes for
di spossessi ng exi sti ng lawful owners and di stri buti on of lands to people, who
have no capi tal to manage and make full use of the posi ti ons thus conferred on
them ( all for getti ng thei r votes) , vast forei gn loans recklessly obtai ned are all
component part of our soci ali sm, a method that di scards all natural i ncenti ves for
producti on. All thi s has ended i n what i s euphemi sti cally called forei gn
exchange stri ngency, whi ch i s really bankruptcy.
xi i ) T he laws of producti on are laws of nature and hence not alterable.
Food producti on, or any other producti on, depends on labour, i ntelli gence
and i nvestment by those who have a strong personal i nterest i n good
management. I f the harmoni ous blendi ng of these elements are wanti ng,
producti on suffers. T he State cannot produce, i t can tax or hi nder or
encourage but not produce. T he effi ci ency and i ntegri ty i n a publi c sector
enterpri se can be expected, when you can have a boi li ng i ce cream or
vegetari an ti ger.
xi i i ) People and governments should reali ze that certai n fi scal and
economi c laws are axi omati c. All subsi di zed advantages must ulti mately be pai d
for i n taxes and duti es. I f urban factory workers get cheap ri ce, the employer i s
saved from payi ng them fai r wages and the farmer i s asked to be content wi th less
than a fai r reward for hi s work and capi tal.
xi v) Unless government spendi ng both Central and States i s very
substanti ally reduced, there can be no i mprovement i n the economi c si tuati on.
We are caught i n a vi ci ous ci rcle where the government spendi ng and the
consequent hi gh taxati on have served to block pri vate i ndustri es. We must break
these vi ci ous ci rcles at some cost. Government servants should be gi ven a
pensi on for ten and less number of years and thi s dole i s worthwhi le, because
otherwi se the vi ci ous ci rcle could not be corrected. The temptati on to solve the
problem by slow gradati on wi ll not work and i t has to be explosi ve and sudden
to produce any results on the economy.
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Profiles in Courage
xv) There has been a gradual collapse of i ndependent thi nki ng i n
Congress and soci ali sm has been adopted only as parrots learn to speak.
xvi ) Some dear people have the ji tters because Rajaji and Nehru are
quarrelli ng... Yes, I have di ffered and have spoken harsh language for the sake
of clari ty. But cant fri ends di ffer and yet conti nue to love one another?
xvi i ) As long as the i mpossi ble expensi veness of electi ons i s kept up, no
publi c purpose i s served by i ncreasi ng the salari es and allowances of MPs and
MLAs. The poor cannot come i n, unless they sell themselves to somebody who
i s ri ch enough.
xvi i i ) There has of late been plenty of admi ssi ons as well as other
evi dence to show that the li cence-permi t-raj has resulted i n the ri ch becomi ng
ri cher and the poor poorer. Equi table di stri buti on of wealth can only arri ve
through work and, therefore, the creati on of scope for useful employment
should be made. Bi g i ndustri al plants i n a few centres may achi eve other thi ngs
but not wi de and well-spread opportuni ty for employment.
xi x) The rural classes should not have to run to the bi g ci ti es to earn a
li vi ng and to dwell i n unsani tary slums and subject themselves to oppressi on of
all sorts and to degradi ng condi ti ons of li fe. They should fi nd work nearer thei r
rural homes and to thi s end, smaller i ndustri es should be i nstalled and evenly
spread out i n the country.
xx) Great shout has been rai sed over bi g favouri ti sm i n the di stri buti on
of li cences and permi ts. The system i s the root poi son and i s bound to lead to
corrupti on. We must di rect our i ntelli gence and energi es to curtai l, i f not put an
end, to thi s perni ci ous system whi ch creates monopoli es and prevents healthy
competi ti on and i nvests the ruli ng party wi th i mmense economi c power whi ch
i t uses for party purposes. Congressmen look so well off. Have they taken new
avocati ons and earned money?Then how have they made money?
xxi ) The desi re of party leaders and thei r colleagues to get governmental
power for thei r respecti ve parti es i s spreadi ng li ke epi demi c. Had governments
been mere law-and-order organi zati ons and i ndustri al development had been
left to the entrepreneurs, thi s di sease would not have sei zed our poli ti cs. The
basi c mi schi ef i s the permi t-li cence-raj.
xxi i ) T he Congress has di sastrously demonstrated that thi s gi ves party-
bosses money power and all the other parti es have caught the contagi on. And
thi s desi re mak es men to act agai nst thei r better judgment to k nowi ngly
commi t wrong.
xxi i i ) State governments have started demandi ng a share i n the Permi t-
Li cence-Raj, a di rect share and not a mere consultati ve one. The basi c error
should be basi cally ended and not augmented by expandi ng the fi eld for
favouri ti sm and reapi ng poli ti cal advantages.
xxi v) Moral regenerati on can be hoped for only i f the government boldly
does away wi th the permi t li cence raj. Trade and i ndustry must be freed from
i ndustri al li cence and permi ts wi thout whi ch we cannot hope for an
i mprovement i n the moral atmosphere.
xxv) There can be no meani ng i n expecti ng a total growth percentage
to be produced on the Secretari at desks. Unless the ruli ng party di vests i tself of
i ts total control over i ndi vi dual producers, obtai ned through the permi t-li cence-
system, and allows the economy to grow under free competi ti on.
xxvi ) Producti on i n I ndi a i s runni ng a three-legged race or a gunny bag
race, the Governments i nterventi ons and clampdowns bei ng the handi caps. No
i ndustry or busi ness can run smoothly when, at every turn i n some essenti al
matter, an offi ci al cannot cooperate through sheer arrogance or somethi ng
worse. I n spi te of thi s, the ` pri vate sector has done the greater part of
producti on as compared wi th the ` publi c sector.
At a publi c meeti ng held i n Mari na Beach, Madras, Nehru accused Rajaji
of speaki ng i n anger and the confusi on of mi nd caused by unaccountable
anger and wanted hi m to say preci sely what Rajaji wanted and pai nt the
pi cture of I ndi a, as he desi red i t to be.
Next morni ng The Hindu carri ed Rajaji s reply:
I want an I ndi a clear of the atmosphere of fear i n whi ch i t i s
now enveloped, where honest men engaged i n the di ffi cult
tasks of producti on or trade can carry on thei r occupati on
wi thout fear of rui n at the hands of offi ci als, mi ni sters, and
party bosses.
I want an I ndi a where talent and energy can fi nd scope for
play wi thout havi ng to cri nge and obtai n speci al i ndi vi dual
permi ssi on from offi ci als and mi ni sters, and where thei r
efforts wi ll be judged by the open mark et i n I ndi a and
abroad.
I want the dense permi t-li cense fog not to si t on us. I want
stati sm to go and government reduced to i ts proper functi ons.
I want the i neffi ci ency of publi c management to go where the
competi ti ve economy of pri vate management can look after
affai rs.
I want the corrupti on of thi s permi t-li cense raj to go.
I want the offi ci als appoi nted to admi ni ster laws and poli ci es to
be free from the pressures of the bosses of the ruli ng party, and
gradually restored back to the standards of fearless honesty,
whi ch they once mai ntai ned.
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Profiles in Courage
Nehru says he has not been approached by any permi t-seeker.
True. But he has an army of 150 mi ni sters under hi m and
numerous professi onal Congressmen busy i n thi s new
occupati on of assi sti ng men to get quotas and permi ts.
I want real equal opportuni ti es for all and no pri vate
monopoli es created by the permi t-li cense raj.
I want an I ndi a where the peasants are not i nti mi dated or
begui led i nto gi vi ng up thei r lands for Nehru to bui ld castles i n
the ai r through cooperati ve farmi ng.
I want securi ty for all owners of property, land or other forms of
acqui si ti ons, wi thout Damocless Sword hangi ng over them
threateni ng expropri ati on wi thout payment of just and full
compensati on as fi xed by judi ci al authori ti es on correct pri nci ples
and not accordi ng to the di ctati on of poli ti cal legi slati on.
I want the fundamental ri ghts to be restored to thei r ori gi nal
shape and kept i ntact.
I want an I ndi a where heavy di rect and i ndi rect taxes do not
prevent the bui ldi ng-up of pri vate capi tal, di scouragi ng
enterpri se and effort.
I want an I ndi a where the budget of the Centre does not cause
i nflati on and soari ng pri ces.
I want an I ndi a where the State does not tax capi tal i nvestment,
maki ng the present generati ons li fe mi serable.
I want the money power of bi g busi ness to be i solated from
poli ti cs. Democracy i s hard to be worked and i t should not be
rui ned by money power and rendered i nto a si mulacrum by
expensi ve electi ons and bi g busi ness supporti ng the ruli ng
party wi th funds i n return for pri vi leges or i n fear of the States
regulatory powers.
I want an I ndi a where dharma once agai n rules the hearts of
men, and not greed.
I want the spi ri t of compassi on and benevolence to have free
play and not sti fled by State schemes of monopoli zi ng all
welfare by over-taxati on and over-centrali zati on.
I want the State to know i ts li mi tati ons and functi on i n humi li ty
and the ci ti zens to reali ze spi ri tuali ty through the tradi ti onal
channels i nheri ted by them i n that regard.
I want a strong party to be i n real opposi ti on to the ruli ng
party whi chever party i t may be so that the wheels of
democracy may run on the strai ght road.
I want I ndi a to regai n her moral stature abroad and I do not want
our people to be bamboozled i nto thi nki ng that we have not lost
what moral authori ty we commanded duri ng Gandhi ji s days
His bitter campaign against Nehru had not in any way diminished mutual
admiration between them. During the course of one of Rajajis visit to Delhi, after the
formation of Swatantra Party, Nehru ( Prime Minister, 70 years) called on Rajaji in the
place where he was staying in Delhi ( second floor) to inquire how young he was.
At the request of Nehru, Rajaji led a delegati on consi sti ng of hi mself,
R R Di vakar and B Shi va Rao, on behalf of Gandhi Peace Foundati on to persuade
the Uni ted States to stop the nuclear explosi on. As the delegati on was wai ti ng i n
the cabi net room of US Government, a young man walked i n, shook hands, and
took them to the presi denti al room nearby. Rajaji looked up at the man nearly a
foot taller and asked hi m; Am I i n the presence of the Presi dent of the Uni ted
States? The young man who had led them was Presi dent K ennedy hi mself.
Rajaji presented the case for nuclear di sarmament wi th a luci di ty of
argument, economy of speech, feli ci ty of language, gentleness of manner, and
command of facts. Rajaji knew that he would not i mmedi ately succeed i n the
venture but he was sure he could leave an i mpressi on on the world communi ty.
The i ntervi ew was scheduled for 20 mi nutes but the Presi dent spent
nearly 75 mi nutes i n di scussi on wi th Rajaji . He was touched by Rajaji s way of
presenti ng the problems of radi ati on i njury to the whole human race.
O n hi s return from the Uni ted States, Rajaji conti nued hi s usual wri ti ng
and speeches. Subsequently on the demi se of Nehru on May 27, 1964, Lal
Bahadur Shastri became the Pri me Mi ni ster and attended an I ndo-Pak Summi t
wi th Ayub K han at Tashkent. Rajaji blessed Lal Bahadur on hi s attempt, May
God bless thi s enterpri se and let us not allow i t to go as one more addi ti on to the
li mbo of mi ght-have-beens.
After the successful conclusi on of Tashkent Summi t, Shastri di ctated a
letter to Rajaji : I am sure you wi ll agree wi th what we have done i n Tashkent
and i t would get your full support. Trust you are keepi ng well. Shastri passed
away suddenly i n Tashkent.
Subsequently, K amaraj got I ndi ra Gandhi elected the Pri me Mi ni ster
because as Nehrus daughter and as a woman, she would have better mass
appeal, and would be pli able because of her poli ti cal i nexperi ence. I t would
appear that Rajaji warned K amaraj later that he had made a seri ous mi stake i n
electi ng I ndi ra Gandhi and that she was a self-wi lled woman and would throw
65
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Profiles in Courage
hi m off once her purpose was achi eved. Rajaji s statement proved propheti c and
later K amaraj faced a seri es of humi li ati ons at the hands of I ndi ra Gandhi .
The end of an era
Probably, i t would be appropri ate to conclude at thi s stage by recalli ng
Rajaji s thoughts on K ashmi r: Shei kh Abdullah and K ashmi r have come i nto the
scene so that a fresh begi nni ng can be made wi thout loss of face or grace. We
should demonstrate to Paki stan unmi stakably, that the people of K ashmi r desi re
to be affi li ated to I ndi a. That alone wi ll stop i ts mouth. To shi rk thi s process,
because i t may turn out that they want to be unattached ei ther to Paki stan or to
I ndi a and remai n non-ali gned but fri endly i s not qui te fai r.
Hi s last message ( 16 days before hi s demi se) makes propheti c readi ng:
My call to all people i s that there should be summi t meeti ng as soon as possi ble...
to take the Si mla accord to i ts true fulfi llment. ( Swarajya, December 9, 1972)
Rajaji passed away on the Chri stmas Day of 1972 and twenty years later
hi s poli ci es were resurrected.
1 To commemorate the completi on of 93 years of Rajaji , Rajaji 93 Souveni r
Commi ttee consi sti ng of T Sadasi vam, H V R I yengar, S Narayanaswamy and
G K Soundaram brought out i n December 1971 a souveni r contai ni ng
arti cles by about 250 di sti ngui shed persons i ncludi ng Jayaprak ash Narai n,
R Venkatraman, Dr Radhakri shnan.
2 P Varadarajulu, a veteran freedom fighter had been arrested by Govt. of Madras on
chargesof sedition in connection with hisaddressto the agitating mill workersin Madras.
He was tried by a Court at Madurai, 300 miles South of Madras. Protesting the arrest,
nearly 3000 people marched towardsthe Court, ignoring military forcesin and around
the Court. I n a sedition case, prosecution can be initiated only with the prior sanction of
the Governor, which in that case came from the Governor by telegram. Rajaji argued that
the telegram did not prove the sanction. He lost the case, but succeeded on appeal in the
High Court where the Bench consisted of three judges, including two British Judges.
3 K alki was the pen name of R K ri shnamurthy, the edi tor of the Journal Kalki.
4 A popular Tami l dai ly contai ni ng arti cles on matters related to poli ti cs, economi cs,
reli gi on, phi losophy, and short stori es, etc.
SELECTED PUBLI CATI O NS O F RAJAJI
( All publi shed by Bharati ya Vi dya Bhawan)
1. Ramayana
2. Mahabharata
3. Thi rrukkural
4. Bhajagovi ndam
5. Dear Reader
6. Jai l Di ary
N G Ranga:
From Marxism to Liberalism
Gogi neni Ranganayakulu, better known as Professor N G Ranga and
Acharya Ranga, li ved a full li fe of 95 years. Hi s li fe i s remembered not only for
hi s record as the longest servi ng parli amentari an, but also for hi s multi -faceted
accompli shments and the hi gh standards he set i n publi c li fe. He was a farmer
at the core of hi s heart, an economi st by trai ni ng, a li terateur by passi on, a
teacher and researcher by professi on, a soci al worker by choi ce, a poli ti ci an by
compulsi on, and a leader revered by many leaders. He was a real acharya
( a reverenti al term for Professor) , a karma yogi, and a personi fi cati on of selfless
servi ce. He epi tomi zed the i deal of si mple li vi ng and hi gh thi nki ng.
Family roots
Professor Ranga was born on November 7, 1900 i n Ni dubrolu vi llage i n
Guntur di stri ct of Andhra Pradesh. Hi s i nterest i n hi story i s mi rrored i n hi s
descri pti on of the hi stori cal and cultural si gni fi cance of hi s nati ve vi llage and the
surroundi ng places such as Bhatti prolu, Chebrolu, and K ondamudi . I n hi s
autobi ography he aptly descri bes the i nfluence of Buddhi st, Vai shnavi te, and
Sai vi te tradi ti ons and the pri nci ple of decentrali zed vi llage admi ni strati on
practi sed by Chola ki ngs, to complete the soci o-poli ti cal-cultural mi li eu of hi s
place of bi rth. Whi le traci ng hi s fami lys ori gi n to K shatri ya and marti al tradi ti ons
of K akati yas and Nayakas, he took pri de i n sayi ng that he belonged to a farmi ng
fami ly. Hi s elaborate descri pti ons of the toi li ng communi ti es of hi s vi llage and
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Profiles in Courage
thei r multi -reli gi ous and folklore tradi ti ons, revealed hi s keen observati on and
analyti cal abi li ty, whi ch i s necessary to develop a holi sti c percepti on of li fe.
He was born i nto a mi ddle class farmers fami ly. Whi le di scussi ng hi s
fi nanci al assets, he asserts that he i nheri ted the tradi ti ons of chari ty and publi c
servi ce along wi th them. He passi onately narrates how hi s parents struggled for
si x years, duri ng a peri od of fi nanci al hardshi p, denyi ng themselves all comforts
ti ll they emerged from the debts. He lost hi s mother at the tender age of ei ght,
whi ch threw hi s father i nto depressi on and si ckness. He and hi s two younger
brothers were looked after by hi s maternal uncle, after whose death they
i nheri ted hi s ri ches as well. He vi vi dly descri bes how hi s father fought agai nst
i njusti ce and for ri ght to property when government offi ci als sought to acqui re
thei r land and thei r nei ghbours tri ed to encroach upon part of i t. Those i nci dents
strengthened hi s fathers resolve to gi ve hi s sons a good educati on. Seei ng
Rangas steady progress i n studi es, whi le also shari ng several fami ly
responsi bi li ti es, hi s father was determi ned to send hi m to England for further
studi es, wi th the hope that he would make i t to the I ndi an Ci vi l Servi ce.
School life
Professor Ranga faced some i ni ti al hi ccups i n hi s formal educati on
particularly with the difficult script of Telugu language. The routine methods of
teaching which emphasized rote learning and stiff punishments by teachers repelled
him. While he was slow in showing progress in formal studies, his learning about
farming and society through informal methods proceeded rapidly under the tutelage
of his maternal aunt and foster mother, Mangamma. His creativity and imagination
was fired by a railway employee in his village, who excelled in story telling. Not only
did Professor Ranga become an enthusiastic listener of mythologies and puranas,
but soon also emerged as a storyteller to many illiterate farm hands. The arrival of an
old Harijan teacher, who recounted many stories of angels rebelling against the
traditional Gods in the tradition of Sakti cult further fuelled his imagination. The
establishment of a library in their village further encouraged the literary interest
aroused in him by the storytellers. He started reading book after book and magazine
after magazine. The guidance provided by Jampani Anjaneyulu, a village teacher,
helped him in choosing the reading materials. By this time, he also recognized the
need for spreading literacy among the farmers and harijans. During weekends, he
started teaching the youth who were interested in studying. At the tender age of 15,
he started arranging community meals for the youth to promote harmony and unity
among them. He was inspired by the works of K andukuri Veeresalingam, a well-
known social reformer, and started believing and preaching equality among people.
Whi le Rangas progress i n studi es and li terature was remarkable, hi s well
wi shers felt that hi s educati on would not be complete wi thout the knowledge of
the engli sh language and mathemati cs. But, meanwhi le, the death of hi s maternal
uncle caused a break i n hi s studi es, as he had to concentrate on farmi ng. But, he
conti nued to run the local li brary and to educate rural youth even whi le
managi ng the farm. Mangamma, hi s foster-mother whom he consi dered to be hi s
fi rst guru, fi nally bowed to hi s desi re to joi n the Engli sh school at Ponnuru i n
1914. Very soon, he earned the recogni ti on of a fi rst di vi si on student.
The demands for total i ndependence of the country and for the formati on
of a li ngui sti c state for Andhras further sharpened Rangas poli ti cal
consci ousness. Defyi ng the ban of Governor Pi nblend on students from
parti ci pati ng i n poli ti cs, he attended the Andhra Mahasabha meeti ngs at Nellore
i n 1917. He also organi zed and led a demonstrati on agai nst the exi le of Dr Anni e
Besant. He was attracted to Mahatma Gandhi who had returned from South
Afri ca after a successful agi tati on, and Bal Gangadhar Ti lak, who was released
from a Burmese jai l after i mpri sonment for si x years.
When the Di stri ct Cooperati ve Soci ety meeti ngs were held at hi s school i n
1920, he was elected as a leader of volunteers. That meeti ng i nsti lled a beli ef i n
hi m that cooperati ve movement alone could li berate i ndebted farmers from the
clutches of traders and moneylenders.
He took acti ve part i n conducti ng a K amma Jana Mahasabha i n Madras
State. I n those days of i gnorance and i lli teracy, even caste-based meeti ngs were
i denti fi ed as progressi ve acti vi ti es. T he Sabha called for opposi ti on to
untouchabi li ty, dowry system, and purdah system and for promoti ng uni versal
access to vedasand upanishads, removal of i lli teracy, and establi shment of rural
li brari es. He was responsi ble for reflecti ng the peasants vi ew poi nts i n the
resoluti ons. The Mahasabha deci ded to run a telugu weekly wi th the capti on
Rythu ( farmer) . Despi te i nvolvement wi th the above Mahasabha, he di d not
become a party to the anti -Brahmi n meeti ng held at Vi jayawada i n 1917, as he
di d not consi der i t conduci ve to the freedom struggle. As a result of the crusade
of Tri puraneni Chowdhary and Swami Saraswati agai nst the Brahmi ns and thei r
castei st acti vi ti es, there developed a confrontati on between Brahmi ns and non-
Brahmi ns wi thi n the Mahasabha. As a di sci ple of Veeresali ngam, who preached
soci al equali ty despi te bei ng a Brahmi n, Professor Ranga found thi s debate and
confrontati on unfortunate. He tri ed to steer a mi ddle and conci li atory path i n the
matter. Even though he di stanced hi mself from caste-based confli cts, Ranga was
accused of castei sm ti me and agai n duri ng hi s li feti me by the well-orchestrated
campai gn of some Brahmi n leaders. But these allegati ons di d not sti ck wi th hi m
as he was above these narrow, castei st tendenci es.
Professor Ranga was also attracted to the teachi ngs of Vi vekananda and
Swami Ramati rtha. I n 1920, he translated 200 pages of Ramati rthas lectures,
whi ch were publi shed i n Samadarsini and Swarajya. He also wrote the li fe
sketch of Rudrama Devi ( the ruler queen of K akati ya K i ngdom, capi tal Warangal,
around 12th century) i n 1919. Thus, the fi rst two decades of Professor Rangas
li fe were packed wi th studi es, practi cal farmi ng, soci al servi ce, li terary pursui ts,
phi losophi cal debates, and parti ci pati on i n freedom struggle.
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N G Ranga: From Marxism to Liberalism
70
Profiles in Courage
He consci ously attempted to ali gn hi s acti ons wi th hi s beli efs. He admi red
the i denti ty of mi nd, speech, and acti on achi eved by ri shi s and phi losophers.
I nspi red by Veerasali ngam agai nst castei sm and untouchabi li ty, he started li vi ng
very closely wi th the youth of all communi ti es. After he was convi nced by the
arguments of Swami Dayananda Saraswati agai nst i dolatry and ani mal sacri fi ces,
he started opposi ng them. After readi ng about Abraham Li ncolns efforts to
li berate Ameri can Negroes, he dreamt of achi evi ng the same wi th the people
belongi ng to the fi fth caste ( scheduled castes, now called Dali ts) i n I ndi a.
Oxford days
When he set out for England i n 1920, he had no i dea about the subject
that he would study there. At O xford, he speci ali zed i n three subjects,
Economi cs, Poli ti cal Sci ence, and Soci ology. He was allotted three tutors as an
excepti onal case. I n 1926, he obtai ned hi s research degree, B Li tt i n Economi cs.
He also took two di plomas wi th di sti ncti on i n Poli ti cal Sci ence and Soci ology.
Professor Ranga underwent a great transformati on i n England. The li beral
tradi ti on and creati ve li terature of England strongly appealed to hi m. He was
i nfluenced by the works of H G Wells, Norman Angels, Sydney Webb, Bertrand
Russell, J S Mi ll and others. He regularly attended the meeti ngs of the Asi ati c
Club, Lotus Club, O xford Students Sangam, and Bharati ya Majli s, where students
di scussed many controversi al and i mportant i ssues.
He was attracted to the Gui ld Soci ali sts and gradually to Marxi st i deas.
I nspi red by the stori es of progress i n the USSR, he dreamt of a si mi lar progress of
farmers and workers of I ndi a i n a free democracy. He toured Europe to understand
the soci o-economi c condi ti ons of the people. Hi s basi c moti ve was to compare and
contrast the li vi ng condi ti ons of I ndi an peasants wi th those i n Europe.
Whi le he was sti ll a student at O xford, Rangas marri age was solemni zed
i n 1924 wi th Velugu Bharati Devi , daughter of a promi nent farmer from
Machavaram vi llage. He took hi s wi fe to England to provi de her wi th a good
educati on and to mould her to become a perfect ally i n hi s soci o-poli ti cal
acti vi ti es. Both of them deci ded not to have chi ldren, because they felt that they
would not be able to render selfless servi ce i f they had chi ldren. Professor Ranga
openly acknowledged hi s adorati on of hi s wi fes ki ndheartedness, i ntellect, and
good quali ti es. Bharati Devi , on her part, was a very si mple, unassumi ng, and
graceful lady wi th total devoti on to her husband.
Academic career
Upon hi s return from England, he joi ned Pachai yappas college of Madras
as a Professor of Economi cs i n 1927. Duri ng the short span ( 1927 to 1930) of hi s
academi c assi gnment, he trai ned many students and moti vated them to study the
practi cal problems faced by people i n the countrysi de. The Late C N Anna Durai ,
the i llustri ous leader of DMK and former Chi ef Mi ni ster of Madras, was one of
hi s students who assi sted hi m i n conducti ng economi c surveys. He served as an
Academi c Advi sor to the Madras Government. He was also appoi nted Secretary
of a Commi ttee to reassess land revenues by the Madras Government. He toured
many vi llages and met thousands of farmers. He fi nally recommended that the
land revenues should be reduced. O nce on a vi si t to Udakamandalam, he
observed the appalli ng li vi ng condi ti ons of the tri bals there. Thi s led hi m to
submi t a research report on Tri bes of Ni lgi ri s to the Madras Government,
whi ch responded by taki ng i mmedi ate reli ef measures.
Professor Rangas passi on for rural development and soci al work di d not
permi t hi m to conti nue wi th hi s academi c career for long. He responded to the
call of Gandhi gi ven to educated youth to joi n the freedom movement and left
hi s lucrati ve and comfortable job. Hi s very fi rst task after qui tti ng academi c
career was to bui ld K i san organi zati ons.
He returned to Ni dubrolu after resi gni ng hi s professorshi p i n 1930 and
establi shed resi dence i n the cattle shed, whi ch came as hi s share i n the di vi si on
of properti es between the brothers. He named i t as Gobhumi . Bharati Devi put
her trai ni ng and experti se i n pai nti ng acqui red i n England to remodel i t as thei r
home. Professor Ranga conti nued to li ve there ti ll hi s death.
Early meetings with Mahatma Gandhi
Professor Ranga contri buted arti cles on the problems of farmers to an
Engli sh weekly, Comrade, whi le at O xford. Mahatma Gandhi read hi s arti cles
wi th great i nterest. Professor Ranga too developed an i ntense admi rati on for
Gandhi over the years. When he returned from England, he met Mahatma
Gandhi at Delhi wi th a letter of i ntroducti on from the edi tor of the Comrade.
Gandhi ji was i mpressed by Professor Rangas vi ews and he gave hi m hi s fi rst
assi gnment of talki ng to several nati onal leaders and getti ng thei r endorsement
for uni versal franchi se. Professor Ranga was happy to argue i n favour of adult
franchi se, whi ch would arm farmers, agri cultural labourers, and arti sans wi th the
weapon of voti ng.
Upon vi si ti ng Rangas nati ve vi llage i n 1929, Gandhi ji told hi s foster-
mother, Mangamma You should be proud of Professor Ranga. Wi ll you gi ve hi m
to me to be my associ ate?Dont be angry wi th me for taki ng away your son!
These words of Gandhi ji proved propheti c.
Anti-Zamindari struggles
Professor Rangas meeti ng wi th Venkat Rama Nai du of Nellore, who
recounted to hi m the mi seri es of farmers at the hands of the zami ndar of
Venkatagi ri , provi ded hi m the fi rst opportuni ty to plunge i nto mass acti on. Ranga
agreed to address the farmers gatheri ng organi zed by Nai du at Venkatagi ri . The
success of that meeti ng sparked a powerful movement agai nst the atroci ti es of
the zami ndar of Venkatagi ri . Nai du started a poli ti cal weekly Zameen Rythu i n
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Profiles in Courage
1930. Very soon, the anti -zami ndari agi tati on spread to several places i n Andhra
Pradesh li ke Mandasa, Munagala, Challapalli . Despi te the objecti ons rai sed by
several i ndi vi duals i nsi de the Congress that the anti -zami ndari agi tati ons were
taki ng place wi thout the approval of the Party, Ranga had the support of
Mahatma Gandhi as long as the agi tati ons were peaceful.
Professor Ranga presi ded over the Andhra Farmers Protecti on Conference
organi zed at Tenali i n June 1931. Si mi lar conferences followed vi rtually i n all
talukas and di stri cts. I n the same year, Nellore di stri ct farmers conference was
organi zed at Alluru. Thi s conference consti tuted an enqui ry commi ttee to look
at the condi ti ons i n zami ndari s wi th Ranga as the presi dent. When Mahatma
Gandhi came to Venkatagi ri i n 1934, he studi ed the condi ti ons i n the regi on and
the objecti ves of the farmers movement. He prai sed Ranga and blessed thei r
struggle.
Early parliamentary career
The year 1930 also marked the begi nni ng of Rangas foray i nto the
mai nstream of I ndi an poli ti cs, as he entered the Central Assembly. He was
unani mously selected by the Congress to fi ll the vacancy caused by the
resi gnati on of T Prakasam. I n hi s mai den speech i n the Central Assembly, he
opposed the parti ci pati on i n the Round Table Conference wi thout the presence
of Mahatma Gandhi i n the delegati on. I n hi s second speech a week later, he
opposed the Si mon Commi ssi on Report. He was re-elected to the Central
Assembly i n 1934 and conti nued i n i t ti ll 1945. He went to England duri ng the
Fi rst Round Table Conference. He took the vi ew that those meeti ngs were
useless and that complete i ndependence was the only lasti ng soluti on.
Ranga was elected a member of the All I ndi a Congress Commi ttee wi th a
large majori ty at the Congress conference held at Vi sakhapatnam. But si nce the
delegates from the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bengal, Bi har, Madhya Pradesh, and
Rajasthan largely compri sed of Zami ndars, they di d not approve the anti -
zami ndari agi tati on of Professor Ranga. Pandi t Nehru also di d not take
cogni zance of Professor Rangas agi tati on. Gandhi ji sympathi zed wi th Professor
Rangas agi tati on and advi sed hi m to be pati ent for some more ti me. He advi sed
hi m to develop fri endshi p wi th leaders li ke Pandi t Nehru and evolve an
understandi ng wi th all the i mportant leaders.
Political schools
Whi le Professor Ranga was i n England, the Labour Party establi shed a
poli ti cal school to trai n i ts workers. He was a parti ci pant i n i t i n one year and was
a faculty to i t i n the very next year. He was i mpressed by the organi zati on, the
curri culum, and the teachi ng methods followed there. As soon as he gai ned
access to a few bui ldi ngs donated by elders, he deci ded to establi sh a poli ti cal
school for acti vi sts i n the ki san movement. When Gandhi ji came to Guntur
di stri ct on hi s anti -untouchabi li ty campai gn, he i naugurated Rami needu School
and Ranga Li brary at a mammoth publi c meeti ng on December 23, 1933.
Professor Ranga started Andhra Farmers School on Apri l 12, 1934 i n the same
bui ldi ngs. The fi rst batch, compri si ng of 30 students drawn from si x di stri cts,
underwent trai ni ng for a month. The strength of the school doubled i n a short
whi le and therefore another school was organi zed at Gi ddalur i n K urnool di stri ct
wi th a batch of 60 students for 20 days. O n account of the i nconveni ence to
students comi ng from di stant places, schools were organi zed at Madanapalle i n
Chi ttoor di stri ct ( 1938) , Tuni ki padu i n K ri shna di stri ct ( 1939) , I dupulapadu i n
Guntur di stri ct ( 1940) , Chennur i n Cuddapah di stri ct ( 1941) , at Ni dubrolu i n
Guntur di stri ct ( 1945) , Avani gadda i n K ri shna di stri ct ( 1946) , Di guvamagham i n
Chi ttoor di stri ct ( 1947) , Vi jayawada i n K ri shna di stri ct ( 1948 and 1949) , Ti ruthani
i n Chi ttoor di stri ct ( 1953) , and other places. O ver ti me, the number of students
per batch swelled from 30 to about 200-225. Many of the ki san acti vi sts who
recei ved trai ni ng i n these schools played promi nent roles i n di fferent poli ti cal
parti es i n subsequent decades.
Professor Ranga reali zed the need for havi ng a newspaper for farmers.
Although ei ghty percent of the subscri bers to newspapers were farmers, they di d
not have a newspaper that reflected thei r concerns and promoted thei r cause.
Whi le he was sti ll a student i n school, he launched a weekly wi th the ti tle Rythu.
He encouraged Venkatrama Nai du to start a weekly Zameen Rythu to report
about anti -zami ndari agi tati ons i n the state. Later he started other magazi nes
such as Vauhini, Kranti, Gobhumi. Vauhini propagated hi s i deology and acti on
programmes regularly.
Professor Ranga researched and wrote several books and arti cles. He also
served as a reporter to Bombay Chronicle and Andhra Patrika. Duri ng hi s
academi c career, he brought out a two-volume book on the Economic
Organization of Indian Villages. I t was followed by contri buti ons such as Labour
in South India ( 1928-30) , Economic Conditions of Zamindari Ryots ( 1931-32) ,
Economics of the Handloom( 1933) , Tribes of Nilgiris( 1928-30) , Modern Indian
Peasant ( 1935-36) , Kisan Movements( 1937-38) , Kisan Speaks( 1937) , Kisans and
Congress( 1938-39) , Kisans Hand Book( 1938) etc. All these books were products
of hi s research and experi ences. They reflected hi s concern for farmers, handloom
weavers, and other rural workers. Thus, hi s poli ti cal agi tati ons were outcomes of
hi s profound understandi ng through research i nto the li ves of rural people.
Ranga founded the All I ndia K isan Mahasabha in 1935. He was elected
President of the organization at Faizpur in 1936. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who
presided over the Congress, inaugurated it. During the Great Depression of 1929-34,
prices of agricultural commodities fell drastically. Professor Ranga pleaded for a
moratorium on land revenue collection. He backed up his demand with a powerful
movement and got i t approved by the Fai zpur Congress. The Congress
Chief Ministers enacted and implemented a debt relief act during the period from
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Profiles in Courage
1936 to 1939, thereby benefiting a large number of farmers. But there was an
unfortunate exchange of words and disagreement between them on the dais itself.
Many Congress leaders argued that there was no need for a separate organization of
farmers. But Ranga persuaded the Haripura Congress in 1938 to resolve that farmers
could establish separate organizations.
After Independence
Professor Ranga became a member of the All I ndi a Congress Commi ttee
i n 1930 and he retai ned that posi ti on ti ll 1951 when he left the Congress Party.
He became the Presi dent of Andhra Congress i n 1946 and was elected to the All
I ndi a Executi ve of the Congress Party i n 1947.
He was a Member of the Provi si onal Parli ament between 1947 and 1951.
He was democrati cally elected as the Presi dent of Handloom Weavers
Cooperati ve Federati on of Madras Provi nce i n 1940. He establi shed the All I ndi a
Rural Peoples Federati on i n 1947. I n 1956, the Central Government allotted 2500
sq. yds of land i n I ndra Prastha estate to construct a bui ldi ng to house thi s
Federati on. Bharati Devi lai d the foundati on stone for i t but he faced a terri ble
shortage of funds i n constructi ng i t. He di d not want to rai se donati ons because
of the controversi es doggi ng them. Ranga refused when Rafi Ahmed K i dwai , the
then Uni on Mi ni ster, offered to arrange Rs 3 lakhs for i t. Fi nally he surrendered
the land back to the Central Government, as he could not arrange funds for
constructi on.
He struck a good rapport wi th G andhi ji and mai ntai ned i t ti ll the latters
death. But he had temperamental and i deologi cal di fferences wi th Pandi t
Jawaharlal Nehru ri ght from the begi nni ng. He had mi xed relati ons wi th Sardar
Patel and Rajendra Prasad. Both of them held the i nterests of farmers and rural
poor dear to them. Si nce Professor Ranga was a champi on of farmers and
agri cultural labourers, they li k ed hi m. But they were unhappy that he was
k eepi ng company wi th I ndulal Yagni k , a crusader for K i san causes, who was
expelled from the Sabarmati Ashram for hi s alleged mi sbehavi our. Both of
them complai ned to G andhi ji about Ranga. At the suggesti on of G andhi ji ,
Ranga met Sardar Patel and Rajendra Prasad and explai ned to them that he was
unaware of the i nci dent for whi ch di sci pli nary acti on was tak en agai nst
Yagni k . T hey warmed upto hi m later and even Yagni k was forgi ven after he
made amends for hi s behavi our and was rehabi li tated i n the organi zati on.
Ranga proved hi mself a mi sfi t i n power poli ti cs. He was strai ghtforward and
refused to be part of the power game. O n account of thi s, he faced many
setback s and di d not occupy posi ti ons, whi ch were commensurate wi th the
i nfluence and the support he had.
Vi jayaraj K umar, a freedom fi ghter and follower of Netaji Subhash
Chandra Bose, wrote a book on Netaji wi th the ti tle Revolutionary President ( of
Congress) to whi ch Professor Ranga wrote a lengthy i ntroducti on. He prai sed
the patri oti sm and braveness of Netaji . Ranga knew Subhash Chandra Bose i n
England and was i n constant touch wi th hi m i n I ndi a also. He held di scussi ons
wi th hi m on a vari ety of soci o-poli ti cal i ssues when they were attendi ng the
K arachi Congress i n 1931. When Netaji establi shed the Forward Bloc after the
AI CC meeti ngs held at Tri pura i n Apri l 1940, Ranga followed hi m. When he
returned to Madras, he was asked by the Government to leave Madras wi thi n 24
hours. As he defi ed these orders, he was arrested and i mpri soned. Professor
Ranga di d not li ke the i dea of Netaji taki ng the support of Nazi forces to fi ght the
Bri ti sh. He remai ned loyal to the non-vi olent path of Gandhi ji .
Literary works
Professor Ranga was i nspi red by the novel Malapalli ( vi llage of Malas
belongi ng to an untouchable caste) wri tten by Unnava Lakshmi narayana, a well-
known patri ot and wri ter of Andhra. He wrote four arti cles i n Andhra Patrika
extolli ng the greatness and soci al relevance of the novel. Perhaps, Malapalli
provi ded the moti vati on to Ranga to wri te a novel wi th the ti tle Harijan
Nayakudu. He reflected the aspi rati ons of the people belongi ng to the soci ally
suppressed communi ty.
Professor Ranga compi led an anthology of i nspi rati onal songs wi th the
ti tle Rythu Bhajanavali. T he fi rst versi on of thi s compi lati on consi sted of 30
pages when i t appeared i n 1934. I t was later expanded to 125 pages over the
12 edi ti ons publi shed i n next 15 years. T he fi rst versi on of thi s compi lati on
appeared ten days after another gri ppi ng and i nspi ri ng work of Sri rangam
Sri ni vasa Rao ti tled Maha Prastanam( T he G reat M arch) . Both these work s
i nspi red and sti rred the Andhra youth for decades. I n the footsteps of Rythu
Bhajanavali, si mi lar compi lati ons were publi shed wi th the ti tles Karmika
Bhajanavali ( devoti onal songs of work ers) , Cheneta Bhajanavali
( devoti onal songs of handloom work ers) . O f these, Karmika Bhajanavali
was banned by the government as i t felt that i t contai ned anti -government
songs.
Differences with Pandit Nehru
The Congress Party appoi nted a commi ttee headed by K umarappa to
make recommendati ons about land reforms. Professor Ranga and O manduri
Ramaswami Reddi ar were also members i n i t. Both of them opposed the
proposals to i mpose cei li ngs on land holdi ngs, although the majori ty members
endorsed those poli ci es, whi ch were i n li ne wi th the thi nki ng of Pandi t
Jawaharlal Nehru. That was the starti ng poi nt for the di fferences between
Professor Ranga and Pandi t Nehru. Ranga also opposed the setti ng up of
Planni ng Commi ssi on and Fi ve Year Plans whi ch were pushed through by
Pandi t Nehru wi th a lot of zeal. He di d not joi n the mi ni stry when Pandi t Nehru
offered hi m a berth.
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Profiles in Courage
Professor Ranga, who served as the Presi dent of the Andhra Congress
Commi ttee between 1947 and 1951, di d not get re-elected to that posi ti on i n
1951. He lost to Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy,
1
( who became the Presi dent of I ndi a
i n 1977) by the narrowest of margi ns due to castei st and class mani pulati on. He
joi ned hands wi th Tanguturi Prakasam and Acharya K ri plani to found a new
party K i san Mazdoor Praja Party. But very soon because of di fferences wi th
Prakasam, he founded a new party K ri shi kar Lok Party. Hi s party won only 13
seats i n the 1952 electi ons to the Madras legi slature. Communi sts under
i nstructi ons from Stali n and the Comi ntern waged armed struggles i n several
states i n the country to overthrow the Nehru government, whi ch they
characteri zed as the runni ng dog of Anglo-Ameri can i mperi ali sm. Armed
communi st gangs murdered many landlords. Many of the communi st cadre were
shot dead i n armed encounters wi th the poli ce i n Andhra. The ban on the
Communi st Party was li fted to enable them to parti ci pate i n the electi ons. I n the
1952 electi ons, the fi rst i n i ndependent I ndi a, the Congress Party was reduced to
a mi nori ty i n the Madras Presi dency. Professor Ranga joi ned hands wi th
Congress and Praja Party to prevent the Communi sts from comi ng to power. He
helped Rajagopalachari to become the Chi ef Mi ni ster of Madras but decli ned hi s
offer to become hi s Deputy. After Andhra State was formed i n 1954, he helped
Prakasam to become the fi rst Chi ef Mi ni ster but di d not joi n hi s mi ni stry. The
Government of Prakasam collapsed wi thi n one year after whi ch Governors rule
was i mposed. When a deci si on was taken to conduct electi ons i n Andhra, Pandi t
Jawaharlal Nehru persuaded Professor Ranga and Prakasam to merge thei r
parti es wi th Congress to form Uni ted Congress. Thi s formi dable combi nati on
defeated the Communi st Party i n 1957.
Launching of Swatantra Party
Pandi t Jawaharlal Nehru beli eved i n cooperati ve farmi ng and always
wanted to i ntroduce i t i n I ndi a. T he Sarvodaya M ovement started by
Acharya Vi nobha Bhave and Jaya Prak ash Narayan provi ded Pandi t Nehru
an opportuni ty to revi ve the proposal of cooperati ve farmi ng. All these three
stalwarts addressed a meeti ng at Elwal i n K arnatak a i n whi ch they exhorted
that no one should own land and that i t should belong to the soci ety.
Professor Ranga deci ded to organi ze the farmers agai nst thi s thi nk i ng. He
organi zed the Conference of K ri shna D i stri ct K i san Sabha at M achi li patnam
on O ctober 9, 1957 that was attended by lak hs of farmers. He gave a clari on
call to oppose cooperati ve farmi ng, whi ch di vests ownershi p of land from
farmers. When the Congress Party passed a resoluti on endorsi ng
cooperati ve farmi ng i n 1959, opposed i t. He also opposed the deci si on to
1 N Sanjeeva Reddy who was offi ci al candi date of Congress Party for the Presi dent of
I ndi a i n 1969 was defeated and that event led to a spli t i n the Congress Party. He was
later elected as the Presi dent of I ndi a after Janata Party came to power i n 1977.
prohi bi t storage of grai ns by farmers. As he di ffered wi th Pandi t Nehru s
poli ci es, he j oi ned hands wi th Raj aj i and M asani to start a new poli ti cal
party, Swatantra Party, i n 1959. He was elected as the founder Presi dent of
the Swatantra Party.
Defeat of the 17th Amendment Bill
He was defeated i n the Parli ament electi ons of 1962 and 1967 at Tenali
and Chi ttoor respecti vely. But hi s followers di d not rest ti ll he was elected to
the Lok Sabha i n by-electi ons from Chi ttoor i n 1962 and from Sri k ak ulam i n
1967. Pandi t Nehru wanted to i ntroduce the 17th Amendment Bi ll whi ch
would empower state governments to acqui re lands of ordi nary farmers
wi thout payi ng any compensati on. T he farmers would not even be permi tted
to challenge land acqui si ti on i n Hi gh Courts or i n the Supreme Court.
Professor Ranga opposed the proposal vehemently and some M embers of
Parli ament suggested that i t should be referred to a Select Commi ttee. Ranga
di d not agree to joi n the Select Commi ttee, as he was opposed to the basi c
content of the bi ll.
Whi le the Select Commi ttee deli berated on i t, Professor Ranga and
G owthu Latchanna spearheaded a mass agi tati on agai nst i t. After the Select
Commi ttee endorsed i t, the bi ll was i ntroduced i n the Parli ament. Ranga
made a hi stori c speech opposi ng the amendment. M any Congress members
who were convi nced by Ranga s arguments sli pped out of the Parli ament at
the ti me of voti ng. T he bi ll was defeated when i t was put up for voti ng. T he
defeat of the bi ll i n the House where Congress party had a two-thi rds
maj ori ty i nfuri ated Nehru. Soon after that, Pandi t Nehru suffered a brai n
hemorrhage and breathed hi s last on M ay 27, 1964. Lal Bahadur Shastri , who
succeeded Pandi t Nehru, also di d not li k e the amendment. But i n order to
pay homage to Pandi t Nehru, the bi ll was rei ntroduced i n the Parli ament as
the 19th Amendment Bi ll wi th some exempti ons and concessi ons and was
fi nally adopted. But Shastri di d not tak e any i ni ti ati ve to promulgate. I ndi ra
G andhi , who succeeded Shastri , gave a si lent and decent buri al to the 19th
Amendment Bi ll by not usi ng i t even ami dst her soci ali st rhetori c.
Return to the Congress
But the grand alli ance, i n whi ch the Swatantra Party was a partner, was
comprehensi vely defeated by I ndi ra Gandhi i n 1971. Perhaps, the fi ghti ng spi ri t
of Professor Ranga was shattered by that deci si ve poll. He joi ned the Congress
Party on August 16, 1972 shortly before the death of Bharati Devi . Although he
conti nued to work for the welfare of farmers, agri cultural labourers, handloom
weavers, and other rural people, he lost the fi re and courage to oppose the
Emergency whi ch I ndi ra Gandhi declared to save her Pri me-Mi ni stershi p when
the Allahabad Hi gh Court set asi de her electi on on grounds of corrupt practi ces.
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Profiles in Courage
He was elected to the Rajya Sabha i n 1977 and was later elected to the Lok Sabha
from Guntur i n 1980, 1984, and 1989. He was defeated i n 1991 electi ons from
Guntur Consti tuency. Yet, he was acti ve ti ll he suffered a fracture i n the leg i n
1993. He breathed hi s last on June 8, 1995.
Large band of followers
Professor Ranga served as a Member of Parli ament between 1930 and
1991, wi th a break between 1971 and 1977. He was Secretary of the Congress
Parli amentary Party i n the 1950s and was Deputy Leader of Congress
Parli amentary Party i n the 1980s. He served i n Fi nance Commi ssi on, Esti mates
Commi ttee, and as chai rman of the Publi c Accounts Commi ttee. He represented
the country as member of several delegati ons to i nternati onal conferences. He
took part i n nati onal and i nternati onal fora of farmers, workers, handloom
weavers, and several other worker and i ntellectual groups. He decli ned
posi ti ons such as Uni on Mi ni ster, Deputy Chi ef Mi ni ster, Governor, and Vi ce-
Presi dent of I ndi a, when they were offered to hi m at di fferent ti mes of hi s
poli ti cal career.
Perhaps Professor Ranga i s ri valed only by Prakasam i n touri ng all the
nooks and corners of the State. He was obvi ously the leader i n Andhra poli ti cs
wi th the largest band of followers. Sardar Gowthu Latchanna was hi s chi ef
organi zer for a long ti me. P Rajagopala Nai du was hi s trusted follower all
through hi s li fe. Daruvuri Veerai ah documented many an event i n hi s li fe. Dr
Bandlamudi Subba Rao establi shed a foundati on i n hi s name to propagate hi s
i deals. The I ndi an Peasants I nsti tute, whi ch was founded by Professor Ranga at
Ni dubrolu, i s sti ll acti ve i n spreadi ng hi s message and poli ci es. The agri cultural
uni versi ty of the state i s aptly named after hi m.
Rangas political and economic philosophy
Professor Ranga was a rare poli ti ci an wi th strong convi cti ons and a
mi ssi onary zeal to serve rural I ndi a. As Leni n once sai d Poli ti cs are the most
concentrated expressi ons of economi c i nterests; behi nd Professor Rangas
poli ti cal phi losophy li es a clear economi c thought. He beli eved that property
owni ng, self employed, and i ndependent people are the best bet for I ndi an soci ety
to prosper. Professor Ranga di sagreed wi th both Capi tali sm and Communi sm, as
both of them were opposed to freedom and prosperi ty of peasants. Hi s economi c
thought i s fully set out i n hi s book Credo of World Peasantry.
Village commonwealths
Professor Ranga beli eved i n decentrali zed, cooperati ve, democrati c
soci ety. He descri bed hi s book Credo of World Peasantryas hi s contri buti on to
the twenti eth century concepti on of progressi ve and soci ali sti c co-operati ve
commonwealth. He was fasci nated by the evi dence obtai ned from i nscri pti ons
and archaeologi cal fi ndi ngs on the anci ent forms of vi llage commonwealths and
panchayats. He found a parallel between them and hi s own concepti on of K i san
M azdoor Praja Raj and G andhi ji s concepti on of self-suffi ci ent vi llage
communi ti es. He gathered every possi ble pi ece of evi dence and descri bed the
anci ent vi llage commonwealths as follows:
All the adult males ( possi bly only males) had votes. The
panchayats were elected by the free votes of the people. The
Executi ve O ffi cers were chosen from among the Panchayatdars
by lot to avoi d fri cti on between ri val candi dates and thei r
parti sans. There were sub-commi ttees to manage tanks and
i rri gati on faci li ti es, roads, publi c safety, vi llage i ndustri es ( arts
and crafts) , publi c asylums, and shelter for the poor and also to
protect the local forests and vi llage commons. And poli ci ng was
provi ded by the whole panchayat. All the unoccupi ed and
common lands of the vi llage were vested i n i t, though the arable
and culti vated area was generally di vi ded up among the peasant
fami li es ( most of them were then joi nt fami li es) wi th heri table
ri ghts. And someti mes, land sales were permi tted and when
such had happened, the permi ssi on of the Panchayat was
obtai ned and the new holder agreed to perform hi s duti es
towards the Vi llage Commonwealth. T he Vi llage
Commonwealth was the bank for all the people had i ts speci al
sub-commi ttee to manage i ts banki ng and would gi ve loans,
recei ve deposi ts and when any debtor fai led to repay, the lands
lapsed to i t and i t was empowered to grant that land to another.
I t alone was responsi ble to pay the land tax to the K i ng or the
Emperor of that Provi nce or Country and also to settle any new
peasants or any part of the unoccupi ed land of the vi llage. A
Vi llage Commonwealth was a uni t i n a seri es of bi gger
commonwealth emergi ng i n a concentri c ci rcular fashi on, wi th
i tself as the common centre. There were the hundred ( century)
vi llages commonwealth. O n each of them, that i s, the hundred
vi llages commonwealth and the thousand ( di stri ct) and the
Nadu ( Seema-Provi nce) commonwealths, the vi llage
commonwealth was represented ei ther di rectly or i ndi rectly.
Where any matter could not be settled by these
commonwealths, K i ng can settle i t as the fi nal judge.
Professor Ranga admi red the anci ent vi llage commonwealths of I ndi a,
Chi na, and Slavoni c Europe si nce the peasants and arti sans there could attai n a
posi ti on based on soci al justi ce. I t was an egali tari an soci ety and i ts democrati c
leadershi p was not beyond the control of the people. I t was i ndeed a plurali sti c
soci ety where poli ti cal and economi c power was decentrali zed to the greatest
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Profiles in Courage
extent and soci al li fe was conducted accordi ng to certai n well understood soci al
maxi ms ( known as dharmas) that respected peoples mutual obli gati ons and
i ndi vi dual ri ghts. Accordi ng to the avai lable evi dence, that soci ety achi eved full
employment, soci al securi ty, and cultural ameni ti es for all to the hi ghest li mi t by
uti li zi ng the benefi ts of surplus labour that soci ety was able to put forth. I t di d
not gi ve any scope to exploi tati on of man by man. The leaders of the vi llage
commonwealth made arrangements to i nsure themselves from external
aggressi on and to mai ntai n i nternal peace and ami ty. When some vi llage
commonwealths found thei r resources to be i nadequate to cope wi th any fami ne
or other emergency, i t would to borrow the requi red quanti ty of grai n from i ts
nei ghbouri ng commonwealths and even from K i ngs agents. The tax collecti ons
were suspended and remi tted duri ng all such cri ses. The many Ashokan rock
i nscri pti ons, di spersed i n all parts of I ndi a, show that despi te the maxi mum
amount of decentrali zati on of poli ti cal and economi c power, there was a strong
stream of uni ty and central government had a pervasi ve i nfluence whi ch
i nspi red and i ntegrati ng the whole of the country and i ts people.
Professor Ranga noted from hi story that hefty, fi erce people who, li ke
wi ld ani mals, developed the pack-spi ri t of parasi ti sm and who, therefore,
pounced upon more doci le and hard worki ng and ki nd people peri odi cally
rai ded thei r vi llages, robbed thei r grai n and cattle. At di fferent stages, by vari ous
acci dents such rai ders i n the troops of Gengi s K han, Atti la, T i mur the Lame, and
Cortez, di scovered that they could settle down i n thei r conquered areas and li ve
parasi ti cally upon the labour of thei r conquered people. T here were
i nnumerable struggles between the rai ders and the defenders of thei r homes and
homelands. After the advent of Mohammedan Raj, the commonwealth began to
lose i ts resi li ence and owi ng to the demorali zati on of most of the upper castes
li ke Brahmi ns, K shatri yas and Vai syas i nto drones and parasi tes and owi ng to the
ri se of the local agents of government to new power, vi llage commonwealths
began to di si ntegrate. The hi story of every part of I ndi a recorded i nstances of
self-sacri fi ci ng resi stance offered by vi llage commonwealths agai nst oppressi on
and aggressi on.
Professor Ranga called for a resurrecti on of the vi llage commonwealth
system that was destroyed by the i nvaders and feudals. He beli eved that the
Panchayat Raj system would lead to the resurgence of the vi llage
commonwealths.
Surplus value
Professor Ranga di sagreed wi th and objected to Marxi sts for concentrati ng
only on the study of surplus value created by workers. Marxi sts had deli neated
a theory and techni que of revoluti onary endeavour to be made by the proletari at
to tri umph over the capi tali sts and to achi eve a classless soci ety. Professor Ranga
argued that peasants and arti sans also produce surplus value and that too to a
much greater extent and that i t was bei ng swallowed up not only by the feudal
lords, but also by the capi tali sts and soci ali sts. The i ndustri ali sts extract the
surplus value from the proletari at and share i t wi th other secti ons of capi tali sts.
The commerci al classes perform that functi on i n capi tali st countri es wi th regard
to peasants and arti sans and share i t parti ally wi th general consumers. I n fact, the
condi ti on of peasants i s much worse than that of i ndustri al workers. Whi le
peasants are allowed to deri ve only an i nfi ni tesi mal porti on, i f at all, of the
surplus extracted by i ndustri ali sts from the worker i n the shape of lower pri ces
of manufactured goods, the latter are able to obtai n a good share of the surplus
value extracted from peasants by both the commerci al and i ndustri al classes,
passed on to them i n the shape of hi gher wages and lower pri ces of wage goods.
The i ndustri al workers, though consti tuti ng hardly one-tenth of the total
populati on of world peasantry, are able to attai n a better standard of li vi ng and
better and fuller soci al servi ces and pri vi leges due to thei r better organi zati onal,
poli ti cal and economi c posi ti on, and consci ousness.
T he whole M arxi st posi ti on regardi ng the relati ons of peasants to
mark ets for agri cultural produce and to pri ces pai d i n these mark ets i s
governed by the general assumpti on that, on the whole, exchange tak es place
at or around the real values of commodi ti es, and i n the long run, agri cultural
or other produce i s pai d such pri ces as ei ther fully cover or fluctuate around
the axi s of thei r value. M arx wrote, commodi ti es may be sold at pri ces whi ch
devi ate from thei r values but thi s devi ati on i s an i nfri ngement of the law of
exchange of commodi ti es. Leni n also wrote, T he T heory of Value must
assume equal supply and demand but does not assert that such an equali ty i s
always to be observed or can be observed i n capi tali sti c soci ety. T he Sovi et
economi st, Leonti ev wrote, the pri ce i s someti mes hi gher, someti mes lower
than the value of the commodi ty. T he value, however, always remai ns the
center of axi s around whi ch the pri ce osci llates. Professor Ranga noted that all
these M arxi st scholars stopped short of studyi ng the process of extracti on of
surplus value by traders from peasants. M arx merely observed, T he merchant,
who parasi ti cally thrusts hi mself i n between the buyi ng producer of
commodi ti es and selli ng producer of commodi ti es, manages to over-reach
both ( Capital, Vol.2 1, p. 150) , but he di d not follow i t up. Nei ther M arx, nor
Leni n, nor Leonti ev cared to study whether capi tali sm was extracti ng undue
profi ts or squeezi ng out all the cumulati ve surplus accumulated from
agri cultural produce, not to speak of i ts equally effecti ve control over the
purchases made by peasants?
M arxi sts had not reali zed that there i s a world of di fference between
capi tali st ( i ndustri al) entrepreneurs and peasants and that, whi le the former
are obli ged to gi ve only a part of thei r surplus value or profi ts to merchants as
a remunerati on for thei r servi ces, the latter ( peasants) are forced to part wi th
not only all the surplus value produced by both the peasants fami ly and
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Profiles in Courage
work ers, but also a porti on of thei r legi ti mate remunerati on, that i s, the
soci ally necessary mai ntenance. T he i ndustri al entrepreneur engages other
work ers and consi derable amount of capi tal i n producti on and has the
capaci ty to manage the merchants and mani pulate the mark ets. He needs to
pay i nterest at a rate much lower than hi s own profi ts. T he peasant engages
hi mself and hi s fami ly members and a few occasi onal wage earners along
wi th a relati vely smaller amount of capi tal. He has to pay usuri ous rates of
i nterest to the moneylenders. Whi le the i ndustri al entrepreneurs are
organi zed and have gai ned control over the economi c and poli ti cal
i nsti tuti ons of modern soci ety, the peasants are helpless, unorgani zed, and
powerless. Ranga was di senchanted wi th the M arxi sts for thei r fai lure of a
proper assessment of peasants. He, hi mself, developed a few pri nci ples to
explai n the pli ght of peasants.
Production under duress
Professor Ranga argued that agri culture i s subject not only to the Law of
Di mi ni shi ng Returns but also to the Law of Producti on under Duress. He
enqui red i nto the fami ly and agri cultural budgets of thousands of peasants for
twenty-fi ve years and found that they showed defi ci ts i n most of the cases. When
he wondered how they could get on whi le losi ng every year on thei r farmi ng,
peasants poi nted to thei r half starved and half-clad chi ldren and i ll-fed cattle.
Professor Ranga hi ghli ghted the di fference i n producti on condi ti ons under
vi llage commonwealths and subsequent exploi tati ve regi mes.
As long as self-suffi ci ency was prevai li ng i n the vi llage commonwealth,
peasants were obli ged to work for so long, on such crops and lands, as to yi eld
as much of crop as was needed for the mai ntenance of the local people both
duri ng the months of work and lei sure and also duri ng the festi ve seasons. They
were also accumulati ng thei r surpluses, vouchsafed to them by fai r weather
condi ti ons, and the culture of i mproved crops under better system of
producti on, as a matter of fami ne resi stance. O n the whole, there was no greater
compulsi on on them than what was i mpli ed i n the need for producti on and the
needed momentum for worki ng hard. Such culti vati on can be treated as free
producti on or producti on wi thout arti fi ci al compulsi on.
I n contrast, i n the feudal regi mes of the past and the Sovi et regi mes of the
present, peasants would be obli ged to work hard especi ally on lands belongi ng
both to themselves and the feudal lords or on collecti ve farms or state farms, for
so many hours a day or so many days i n a season or an year, on pai n of
i mpri sonment or loss of thei r holdi ngs or orchards, i n order to make i t easy for
the feudal lords and thei r dependents of the past and the Sovi et masters,
proletari at and ci ty people of the present, to li ve well on thei r toi l and
producti on. Such producti on i s to be classi fi ed as producti on under duress
because peasants would not care to work thus; over and above whatever work
they perform on thei r own holdi ngs for thei r own benefi t. The world peasantry
has been obli ged duri ng the four centuri es of capi tali st hegemony of the world,
i n greater or lesser measure i n ever growi ng areas of the world, to produce
under duress the agri cultural commodi ti es, fell forests and catch fi shes and rear
li ve-stock, although for all outward purposes, there seemed to have been i n
practi ce no such compulsi on upon peasants, as i t i s obvi ously the case i n the
feudal or Sovi et order of soci ety. The so called free enterpri se world bli thely
pretends to beli eve that peasants are produci ng thei r vari ous crops, and reari ng
li vestock just because i t must be payi ng for them to do so. But the fact i s that
peasants are all worki ng on land and produci ng di fferent crops, i rrespecti ve of
the degree of demand for thei r products because they had no other go and they
had no other employment. The si gni fi cance of the exi stence of thi s law of
producti on under duress i s that i t explai ns how and why the peasants have had
to accept for all these ages, pri ces whi ch have left them such li ttle margi n over
and above the subsi stence allowances and pri ces, that have condemned the
peasants, thei r fami li es, cattle and even soi ls to over-exploi tati on, over-
exhausti on, and malnutri ti on.
Law of key services
Professor Ranga also i denti fi ed several k ey servi ces whi ch are
exploi ti ng the peasants after establi shi ng that the peasants are produci ng
agri cultural commodi ti es under duress. Peasants have come to be at the mercy
of these k ey servi ces, whi ch exploi t them through all possi ble i nvi si ble ways.
T he most i mportant of these k ey servi ces are the processi ng i ndustri es and
thei r acti vi ti es through mi ddlemen. Next come the i nsti tuti ons whi ch provi de
fi nance to the agri culturi sts such as moneylenders, commerci al bank s and
cooperati ve bank s. T hen comes the class of retai l traders. Even
communi cati ons go agai nst peasantry; rai lways and lorri es domi nate the
transport world and thei r servi ces have become so i ndi spensable as to form a
k ey servi ce to agri culture through the poli cy of di scri mi nati ng frei ghts. Wi th
the erecti on of tari ff walls and thei r protecti on, back ed by the work ers
demand for cheap food, i ndustry also turned i tself i nto a k ey servi ce, whi ch
extracts, for i ts servi ces, too hi gh a pri ce from the agri culturi sts. T he provi si on
of currency i s another k ey servi ce that levi es i ts own toll, bei ng the handmai d
of bank s. Here, dealers i n forei gn exchange have thei r own share. T hi s
exploi tati on assumes a perni ci ous form when i t i s carri ed on by the forei gners.
Landlordi sm and offi ci ali sm are two powerful k ey i nterests, whi ch levy a heavy
toll on peasantry.
Peasants have been accepted by all as the pri mary producers, and yet they
are accorded the lowest place i n the modern soci o-economi c di spensati on. I f
they look back i nto the hi story of thei r class, they fi nd that through all the
mi llenni a, they had been the very axi s around whi ch the rest of soci ety revolved
and depended for i ts soci o-economi c status and pri vi leges.
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Ranga clearly explai ned why peasants stagnated whi le all other secti ons
of the soci ety marched over them. I n the self-suffi ci ent rural economy, there
were di rect deali ngs between peasants and consumers. But once the towns
began to grow i n numbers, populati ons and i n poli ti cal i mportance, di vi si on of
labour, di versi fi cati on of producti on i n agri culture, and speci ali zati on i n di fferent
aspects of agri cultural producti on began to grow i n i mportance. Si mi larly, the
di stances i n soci al, economi c as well as physi cal spheres between the producers
and consumers also began to grow. Gradually, marketi ng took i ts modern shape,
as the mai n medi um through whi ch the producers could reach the consumers.
As commerce took i n i ts embrace di fferent parts of each country and di fferent
countri es across conti nents; and assumed i ts modern world si gni fi cance, the
vari ous means of transport, wi th all the compli cated and hi ghly mechani zed
equi pment, have assumed a new power. Si nce world commerce and
communi cati ons could deal i n huge quanti ti es of the vari ous agri cultural
products of many countri es, all expensi ve paraphernali a li ke harbours, ports,
rai lways, ware-houses, elevators, refri gerators and cold storage, dryi ng plants,
and processi ng factori es, gradi ng and packi ng, accounti ng, stock-exchange and
markets have consequently grown i n i mportance. All these can be constructed
and mai ntai ned only at great cost, and colossal capi tal i nvestments have become
necessary. The powers of fi nance and capi tali st organi zati on have come to
di splace the peasantry as the centre of the modern soci o-economi c li fe. Thus,
the vari ous servi ces that modern fi nance and capi tali st organi zati on have come
to provi de for modern economy, have assumed a key posi ti on, and i t i s only
through thei r mi ni strati ons that the pri mary producers ( peasants) and the
ulti mate consumers ( ci ti zens) can try to come i nto touch wi th and serve each
other. The emergence of thi s new phenomenon has caused the downfall of the
peasantry from i ts former leadi ng posi ti on. I t i s thi s new force whi ch has gi ven
the key and commandi ng strength to the modern state, whether i t be capi tali sti c,
soci ali sti c or communi sti c, through i ts control over the new soci o-economi c
i nsti tuti ons or acti vi ti es of modern soci ety, to conti nue to degrade the peasants,
the pri mary producers, who form the majori ty of the world populati on. These
economi c acti vi ti es and i nsti tuti ons have not only become the i nseparable
concomi tants of modern soci ety, but also the i ndi spensable equi pment or
envi ronment, wi th whi ch or through whi ch alone modern peasantry can carry
on thei r dai ly acti vi ty, and swi m or si nk i n the swelli ng stream of contemporary
soci al li fe. These are, therefore, the key forces wi th whi ch they have to deal i n
thei r efforts to reach the consumers wi th thei r pri mary products. I t i s thei r key
servi ce that the peasants have to propi ti ate; i f they are to eke out thei r li veli hood
i n thi s i ncreasi ngly compli cated soci ety.
Professor Ranga descri bed the pli ght of modern day peasants as follows:
Looked at from a great di stance, our peasants appear to be the owners of thei r
lands, the masters of thei r dai ly or seasonal programmes of crop producti on and
personal labour, and the possessors of the produce of thei r crops. But from a
close-up look, we can see that they are not such free agents. They may seem to
be free agents i n thei r deali ngs wi th the moneylenders or banks, but they are not
actually so because they have no stayi ng power i f credi t i s not advanced to them.
They may decei ve themselves wi th the feeli ng that they are free to draw water
from i rri gati on sources, canals and tanks, but they must propi ti ate wi th bri bes
the offi cers-i n-charge of such water suppli es. They may cart thei r produce from
thei r homes to the markets but the merchants therei n have already gai ned as
thei r i nvi si ble alli es: the tax-gatherers, moneylenders and store-keepers, to put
pressure, all so qui etly, upon them to deci de upon the acceptance of whatever
pri ces are offered by them. For all outward purposes, the regulated markets, the
newspaper reports on market condi ti ons and other matters may appear to be
i ntelli gi ble and avai lable to all people, but actually the modern commerci al
mechani sm i s so compli cated and marketi ng has become so hi ghly speci ali zed
that most of the peasants cannot understand i ts secrets. The controllers or
owners of processi ng factori es have achi eved so much key-power that the
peasants of most countri es have been obli ged to do thei r bi ddi ng, not only i n
gi vi ng thei r produce at di ctated pri ces, but also i n poli ti cal voti ng. Therefore, i t
i s true to say that the modern peasants have come to be very much at the mercy
of these key servi ces. Thus, whoever controls these key servi ces can and does
manage to control the economi c li fe of peasants.
Professor Ranga di sti ngui shed the capi tali sti c mode of exploi tati on
through key servi ces from a di rect and naked form of exploi tati on adopted by
the feudals. I t i s through thei r control over one or more or all of these key
servi ces that modern capi tali sts have been extracti ng the cream out of the
peasants toi l. To exploi t the peasants i n a di rect manner as the feudal lords,
reli gi ous pri ests or autocrati c rulers previ ously proved to be not so profi table or
useful. I t had even caused the downfall of these poli ti cal masters and thei r
agents who i ndulged i n that di rect exploi tati on. To exploi t them i n thi s i ndi rect
manner through key servi ces has proved to be so profi table, lasti ng and
conveni ent, that even the authori ti es of the Sovi et would have adopted i t as thei r
pri mary i nstrument of exploi tati on of thei r collecti vi zed peasants. Marx espi ed
the truth of the exploi tati on of workers by employers, through the extracti on of
thei r surplus labour. The present day communi sts are taki ng advantage of the
capi tali st di scovery of exploi ti ng the peasants through the operati ons of the key
servi ces.
Professor Ranga descri bed the si tuati on 44 years ago whi ch sounds so
true and reveali ng even today: T hus, the paradoxi cal posi ti on ari ses, namely,
whi le the producers complai n of low pri ces recei ved, the consumers groan
under hi gh pri ces, and whi le the producers are unable to meet thei r costs, the
consumers are obli ged to pay too hi gh pri ces. I n such cross currents i n
busi ness, the whole battali on of mi ddlemen, from the vi llage merchant to the
ci ty speculator, from the retai ler to the wholesaler, and even the corrupt offi ci als
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reap the fullest benefi t possi ble. Large secti ons of peasantry must go on
produci ng, i f for nothi ng else, at least for keepi ng themselves, thei r workers
and cattle employed, and gai ni ng the barest possi ble fare, si nce there i s no
other avenue for employment and si nce the state has not yet undertaken the
responsi bi li ty of provi di ng unemployment i nsurance for both the landed and
landless peasants.
Government support to capitalism
Professor Ranga poi nted out several i nstances of how di fferent
governments i n the world were helpi ng the development and entrenchment of
capi tali sm to the detri ment of peasants. Vari ous governments burden peasants
wi th thei r unjust and unbearable levi es of taxati on di rect and i ndi rect, whose
i nci dence i s much bi gger on them than on the ri cher classes, especi ally the
commerci al and i ndustri al secti ons. I ndi an peasants have also had to pay
heavy taxes to government and even heavi er rents to landlords and that too,
just duri ng those months when the harvests are just comi ng i n and pri ces are
bound to be too low. T he i nsi stence of Afri can governments that peasants
should pay thei r taxes only i n cash had di re consequences for them. M arx
observed i n hi s Capital ( Vol. I I , p 123) that the desperate poverty of the French
peasantry under Loui s XI V was due to the gross amount of taxes i n money,
i nstead of i n k i nd. Payment i n k i nd i s one of the secrets of the preservati on of
the O ttoman Empi re. I f the forei gn trade whi ch the western powers have
forced upon Japan should lead to the payment of land rent there i n money,
i nstead of i n k i nd, i t wi ll be all up wi th the model agri cultural system of that
country. T he need to pay taxes and rents i n cash has i nvari ably dri ven
peasants i nto the arms of moneylenders most of whom have thei r fi nger i n the
pi e of mark eti ng. T he rates of i nterest have vari ed from 24 to 50% per annum
and 30 to 50% for the season. When peasants were unable to repay thei r debts,
the credi tors naturally depri ved them of thei r lands and converted them i nto
the mere tenants at wi ll, thereafter i n eternal i ndebtedness, si nce such rack -
rents could never be fully pai d.
Coloni al governments helped capi tali sm by encouragi ng producti on of
cash crops under capi tali st-ownershi p through such devi ces as i ndentured
labour. By thei r publi c expendi ture too, governments have been followi ng the
commerci al and i ndustri al classes. Ranga quoted the example of allocati ons to
housi ng i n the second fi ve-year plan. I t was proposed to spend only Rs 200
crores on rural housi ng where mi lli ons of houses were needed for the rural poor,
whi le Rs 160 crores were allocated to urban housi ng, where only 15% of I ndi as
populati on li ved. Especi ally i n coloni al countri es, so li ttle of publi c expendi ture
fi nds i ts way back to peasants and workers who really contri bute most of thei r
tax revenues but so much of i t i s spent for the benefi t of the whi te settlers who
pay so li ttle. Governments are almost everywhere actually transferri ng wealth
from the poor to the ri ch, from peasants and workers, to commerci al, i ndustri al
and professi onal classes and from rural to urban masses. Thi s means of grabbi ng
the surplus value produced by the peasants and workers, adopted by the
capi tali st classes and extracted through the medi um of the state, whi ch they
control, i s i n addi ti on to the di rect profi ts, deri ved by them from thei r
exploi tati on of peasants and workers i n agri cultural, i ndustri al and commerci al
spheres of li fe.
Tryst with Marxism
Professor Ranga was i nfluenced by the i deals of Gui ld Soci ali sm and
Marxi sm duri ng hi s student li fe at O xford. Hi s methods of organi zati on and mass
acti on were si mi lar to those of the Marxi sts. He establi shed many associ ati ons to
agi tate for the ri ghts of farmers, agri cultural labourers, handloom weavers, and
arti sans. Many of these associ ati ons carri ed red flags wi th the symbols of
hammer and si ckle. He worked together wi th many communi sts i n the struggle
agai nst zami ndars, jagi rdars, and i namdars. But he nei ther joi ned the communi st
movement, nor was he a cardholder.
The Bolshevi c Revoluti on Day i n Russi a was celebrated on November 7,
whi ch was also Rangas bi rthday. As he was leadi ng movements i n the company
of communi sts, the coi nci dence of hi s bi rthday wi th the Russi an revoluti on gave
hi m i mmense pleasure. Hi s followers celebrated the day wi th a lot of
enthusi asm.
Professor Ranga was under the i deologi cal i nfluence of Marx, Engels and
Leni n for about a decade and a half. He descri bed Marx as an i ntellectual gi ant and
lamented that there were no records avai lable concerni ng vi llage commonwealth
when Marx was busy researchi ng. I mpli ed i n thi s statement was the hope that
Marx would have recogni zed the meri t of vi llage commonwealth, had the
i nformati ve records about I ndi an vi llage democrati c system come to li ght earli er.
Marx beli eved that a system based on common ownershi p of land prevai led i n
I ndi a. He wrote these small and extremely anci ent I ndi an communi ti es, some of
whi ch have conti nued down to thi s day, are based on common possessi on of land,
on the blendi ng of agri culture and handi crafts, and on an unalterable di vi si on of
labour, whi ch serves, whenever a new communi ty i s stated, as a plan and a
scheme ready cut and dri ed ( Capital Vol.1, pp 390-391) . O bvi ously, Marx had no
i nkli ng of vi llage commonwealth system, whi ch was functi oni ng on democrati c
li nes wi th the land-owni ng peasants and arti sans playi ng the central role i n i t.
M arx had confi dently declared that peasant agri culture whi ch he
classi fi ed, as petty i ndustry would effect i ts own destructi on. Marx was aware
of only medi um to large-si zed farms, whi ch were run wi th hi red labour. He di d
not know of the small-si zed, fami ly-operated farms of I ndi a or Chi na. That may
be why Marx bracketed peasants wi th i ndustri ali sts rather than wi th the
proletari at. Ranga, who was otherwi se i mpressed wi th the bri lli ance of Marx,
could not di gest hi s characteri zati on of agri culture as petty i ndustry.
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Leni n, who had seen farms of smaller si ze i n Russi a than what Marx saw
i n Western Europe, characteri zed peasants as the last of the capi tali st classes.
He also declared that peasants must be won over by the proletari at to thei r si de
to be thei r alli es i n the revoluti on. Leni ns atti tude rai sed hopes i n Ranga that the
peasants could progress along wi th the worki ng class i n the new soci o-poli ti cal
order. That was the reason why Ranga worked closely wi th the communi sts i n
I ndi a. Hi s own anti -zami ndari agi tati ons and other peasant struggles were
carri ed out under the banner of red flag.
Ranga fi rmly beli eved that the farmers of Russi a would have a ri ghtful
place i n the Bolshevi k State. But reports of the Stali ni st repressi on of peasants,
forced collecti vi zati on and the extermi nati on of the freedom lovi ng and property
owni ng farmers as the enemi es of people angered hi m. Ti ll that ti me, he
beli eved that Marxi an analysi s could be enlarged to explai n the exploi tati on of
the I ndi an peasants at the hands of Bri ti sh coloni ali sts. He learnt that farmers i n
Russi a were branded as K ulakas, counter-revoluti onari es and were depri ved of
thei r lands to establi sh collecti ve and state farms. By mi d-thi rti es, hi s i deas about
Russi an Bolshevi sm were shattered. He started di stanci ng hi mself from the
communi sts and the red flag. He strove to set up i ndependent and democrati c
farmers associ ati ons after breaki ng li nks wi th the communi sts.
Ranga had many basi c di fferences wi th the communi sts that came to the fore
as the years passed by. He was a votary of self-employment, i ndi vi dual freedom,
li berty, and i ndependent thought. I n contrast, the communi sts had i mmense fai th
i n government and publi c sectors. He had strong fai th i n democracy. The
communi sts beli eve i n a di fferent ki nd of democracy known as peoples
democracy, whi ch i s also called the Di ctatorshi p of the Proletari at! These
grandi loquent words were facades for the di ctatorshi p of the party leader and hi s
underli ngs. I nternal party democracy was talked about but rarely practi ced.
Communi sts were naturally i nfuri ated and dubbed hi m as an agent of the
landlords. That marked the begi nni ng of an i ntense, determi ned, bi tter and
uncompromi si ng poli ti cal struggle between Rangas followers and communi sts
over the next few decades. Among the leaders of the nati onal movement, Ranga
was the fi rst to get di si llusi oned about what was happeni ng behi nd the i ron
curtai n. He saw the need for developi ng an alternate theory, whi ch took bi rth
duri ng hi s jai l li fe i n the early forti es, and thi s theory came i n the form of the
K i san Majdoor Praja Raj.
Gandhian Influence
I n developi ng hi s alternate path Ranga was greatly i nfluenced by
Gandhi s i deas of self-suffi ci ent vi llages. Mahatma Gandhi also preached
egali tari ani sm, whi ch he sought to achi eve through non-vi olent means. Even
duri ng hi s O xford days, Ranga took up the di ffi cult task of convi nci ng hi s thesi s
supervi sors about Gandhi an i deology.
I n Harijan ( August 29, 1936) , Gandhi wrote: The revi val of the vi llage i s
possi ble only when i t i s no more exploi ted. I ndustri ali zati on on mass scale wi ll
necessari ly lead to passi ve or acti ve exploi tati on of the vi llagers as the problems
of competi ti on, and marketi ng come i n. Therefore, we have to concentrate on the
vi llage as a self-contai ned manufacturi ng uni t mai nly for use. Provi ded thi s
character of the vi llage i ndustri es i s mai ntai ned, there would be no objecti on to
vi llagers usi ng even modern machi nes and tools that they can make and can
afford to use. O nly they should not be used as a means of exploi tati on of others.
As Rangas di si llusi onment wi th M arxi sm started growi ng, he was
drawn more and more towards G andhi an i deology and modes of struggle.
Ranga tri ed to gi ve a defi ni te content to G andhi an i deals i n the form of K i san
M azdoor Praja Raj. After I ndependence, he di ffered wi th Vi nobha Bhave on
how to operati onali ze the G andhi an i deals of self-reli ant vi llages. He opposed
the trusteeshi p concept and common ownershi p of land. Professor Ranga
beli eved i n the revi val of vi llage commonwealths, whi ch exi sted before
feudali sm, capi tali sm and communi sm came i n to margi nali ze the peasants
and arti sans.
Unity of agricultural labourers and farmers
Professor Ranga i denti fi ed hi mself wi th agri cultural labourers as much
as he i denti fi ed wi th farmers. He wrote a book : Labour in South India ( 1928-
30) and argued that the term labour should also i nclude agri cultural labour.
Although thi s book was mai nly based on the li vi ng condi ti ons of urban, slum
and pavement dwellers, i t had references to the condi ti ons of agri cultural
labour as well. I n those days, voti ng ri ghts were restri cted to the properti ed
and educated people. Because of thi s reason, no one bothered about
labourers and thei r problems remai ned unaddressed. M any nati onal leaders
were opposed to the grant of voti ng ri ghts to agri cultural labourers. But
Professor Ranga convi nced them of the need for granti ng voti ng ri ghts to
agri cultural labourers. Professor Ranga argued i n the Central Assembly for the
extensi on of all the Acts meant for i ndustri al labour to agri cultural labour as
well. He also pleaded and agi tated for assi gni ng governments wastelands and
cei li ng surplus lands to agri cultural labour. He argued for the fi xati on and
i mplementati on of mi ni mum wages to agri cultural labour. He proposed a
moratori um on the loans advanced to farmers and agri cultural labourers i n the
aftermath of the G reat Depressi on and agi tated on the i ssue. Legi slati on to
that effect was fi nally passed i n 1935. Ranga wanted that the agri cultural
labourers should be freed from bonded labour and that they should be
provi ded wi th housi ng i n a phased manner.
Professor Ranga desi red the uni ty of farmers and agri cultural labourers. He
i ncluded the demands of agri cultural labourers i n the agi tati onal programmes of
the farmers associ ati ons. Communi sts and some Congress leaders harped on the
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class contradi cti ons between farmers and agri cultural labourers. They argued that
farmers are exploi ters and started organi zi ng agri cultural labourers agai nst them.
These separate organi zati ons of agri cultural labourers came i n the way of hi s
efforts to bui ld powerful associ ati ons of farmers and agri cultural labourers. Ranga
founded the South I ndi a Peasants and Agri cultural Labourers Federati on i n 1935.
I n hi s book Kisan Speaks, he says: those who ai m at cordi ali ty and uni ty of
farmers and agri cultural labourers should see that the farmers behave i n such a
way that i t i s not harmful to agri cultural labourers. He wanted the government
to fi x mi ni mum wages for agri cultural labourers and mi ni mum support pri ces to
farmers i n order to mai ntai n cordi al relati onshi p between them.
Alternate path
Professor Ranga propounded an alternate phi losophy of K i san Mazoor
Praja Raj wi th freedom, li berty, property ownershi p, and democracy as i ts mai n
pi llars. He argued that enforced equali ty, whi ch constrai ns freedom and
i ndependence, could ki ll an i ndi vi duals development and creati vi ty. He
beli eved that creati vi ty and i ni ti ati ve of an i ndi vi dual would vani sh when ei ther
the government or planners take hi s place. I n a totali tari an regi me, lack of
competi ti on leads to stagnati on and gradual deteri orati on of the means of
producti on and fi nally to a decli ne i n producti on and the collapse of the
economy. The role of government i s only to suppress anti -soci al elements,
protect the weak, and mai ntai n law and order by reduci ng confli cts. But i t
should not try to substi tute a farmer, a factory owner, a busi nessman, a
contractor, and the li ke. Although Rangas i deologi cal posi ti on di d not get
elevated to an i sm, i t provi ded the necessary ammuni ti on to hi s followers to
wage an i deologi cal battle.
Professor Ranga k ept on wri ti ng book s, contri buti ng arti cles and
mani festos i n support of hi s poli ti cal phi losophy. Some notable ones are: Kisan
and Communists ( 1946) , Revolutionary Peasantry ( 1947) , Peasants and Co-
operative Farming wi th P.R. Paruchuri ( 1957) . But hi s most si gni fi cant
contri buti on has been the Credo of World Peasantry publi shed i n 1957. I t
provi ded the theoreti cal base and rati onale for hi s cheri shed ambi ti on of K i san
Mazdoor Praja Raj. The Farmers Protecti on March, started by hi m on
November 7, 1945 at I chapuram i n the north-eastern corner of Andhra Pradesh
conti nued for two months traversi ng a di stance of 2500 kms and i nvolved twenty
thousand volunteers, congregati ng i nto hundreds of publi c meeti ngs on the
way. Thi s was the most memorable mass agi tati on of hi s li fe. The volunteers
obtai ned the si gnatures of mi lli ons of farmers on the way demandi ng the
aboli ti on of zami ndari s and proclamati on of a moratori um on agri cultural debts.
Professor Ranga earned the ti tles of Rythu ( Peasant) Ranga and Cooli e
( Labour) Ranga because of hi s dedi cati on to and struggle for thei r welfare. He
was wedded to the i deals of ( small) property ownershi p and freedom of
professi on. He opposed Pandi t Nehru, who had ri sen to the hei ghts of
Hi malayas after i ndependence. Ranga sai d None of the Nati onal Leaders were
courageous enough to face Pandi t Nehru and joi n i ssue wi th hi m. Why di d I
oppose such a Pandi t Nehru? I t was for the freedom of the peasants and i n
defense of dharma. I have vi suali zed the resulti ng i mpli cati ons of hi s anti -farmer
poli ci es. K nowi ng fully well that opposi ng Pandi t Nehru can be poli ti cally
dangerous to me, I performed my duty i n defense of my convi cti ons. No
wonder Pandi t Nehru compli mented Ranga by sayi ng, As long as Rangaji i s i n
Parli ament, the I ndi an peasants can sleep wi thout any worry. Such was hi s
i denti fi cati on wi th the peasants, agri cultural labour, handloom weavers, arti sans
and all other toi li ng masses of rural I ndi a.
Professor Ranga studi ed hi story and declared that the peasants have been
the tradi ti onal votari es of freedom and i ndependence of the producers and
ci ti zens. He wrote: When freedom was bani shed by empi res and emperors, i t
took refuge i n peasant homes. When i ndependence was destroyed i n i ndustri es,
crafts and nati onal li fe, i t took shelter i n peasant way of li fe. When nati ons lost
thei r freedom and i ndependence, thei r soul found i ts i nvi olable habi tati on i n
peasant hearths. When peoples nati onal language, culture, nati ve i di om and
geni us were bei ng ri di culed, and put out of the courts and uni versi ti es of the
conquerors and rulers, they found thei r natural hermi tage i n peasants language,
song, laughter and dance.
Professor Ranga had i mmense fai th i n the peasantry of the world. He
called them an eternal class as they have ri sen agai n and agai n, i n every country
agai nst thei r oppressors and regai ned thei r ri ghts i n part or i n full over thei r
holdi ngs whi ch are the sine qua non of thei r i ndependence. I nstead of bei ng
li qui dated, as was so confi dently anti ci pated by Marx and Engels, they have
gone on wi nni ng successi ve vi ctori es over landlords i n country after country.
Thei r last and latest struggle was i n Sovi et Russi a and Chi na. Even there, they are
regai ni ng thei r ri ghts, though slowly and after terri ble sacri fi ces. He was
convi nced that the peasants, as a class, are growi ng i n numbers and i n
producti ve power and i n economi c si gni fi cance i n modern soci ety. Throughout
the world, peasants are stri vi ng for advancement of just and equal evaluati on of
servi ces of all classes of people. The I nternati onal Federati on of Agri cultural
Producers i s champi oni ng thi s cause. He gave a clari on call to the peasants of
the world to uni te. He offered to carry the proletari at ( i ndustri al worki ng class)
and the arti sts along wi th the peasants on equal terms i nto the new cooperati ve
soci al commonwealths whi ch would be achi eved through the bui ldi ng of
powerful cooperati ves as were already bui lt by the farmers of Scandi navi an
countri es. Bei ng the largest si ngle class i n the world, he was hopeful that the
peasants of the world would uni te and overthrow thei r oppressors both i n the
capi tali sti c and communi sti c soci al orders. I n short Professor Ranga gave the
same hope to the world peasantry as Adam Smi th and K arl Marx respecti vely
gave to i ndustri al entrepreneurs and the worki ng class.
91
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Profiles in Courage
Relevance of Rangas economic thought today
The exploi tati on of peasantry by the capi tali st economi c orders i s goi ng on
unabated. The collapse of the communi st soci al orders duri ng the late ei ghti es of
the last century has gi ven capi tali sm an i deologi cal supremacy i n the world. The
leadi ng capi tali st countri es have succeeded i n fully mechani zi ng thei r farms,
thereby reduci ng the number of farmers and i ncreasi ng the si zes of crops and
li vestock farms. They are able to extract profi ts and surplus values generated all
over the world on the strength of thei r technologi cal i nnovati ons and enormous
economi c and mi li tary power. They are able to recycle a part of these profi ts to
benefi t the small and dwi ndli ng number of farmers and keep them happy to
some extent. O n the contrary, the ranks of the peasants are growi ng i n the
developi ng countri es. Along wi th thei r numbers, thei r i mpoveri shment i s also
taki ng place at a rapi d pace. Enamoured by the flouri shi ng of capi tali st
economi es i n the i ndustri ali zed West and attracted by the percei ved opportuni ti es
i n the global markets, the rulers of developi ng countri es are api ng them i n
i ntroduci ng capi tal i ntensi ve technologi es i n order to produce quali ty products
requi red by the domesti c and export markets. As the employment elasti ci ty of
new i nvestments i s falli ng rapi dly, the story of i ndustri ali zati on i s becomi ng a
matter of growth wi thout employment. The thi rst for more and more capi tal i s
leadi ng to more and more borrowi ng from abroad and to more and more brutal
exploi tati on of the peasants and the agri cultural sector.
The bi ggest fai lure of developi ng countri es has been thei r i nabi li ty to
develop labour i ntensi ve producti on technologi es as an alternati ve to the
capi tal i ntensi ve methods of the West. As a consequence, these countri es have
fai led to move labour from agri culture to i ndustry although enormous transfer of
capi tal and wealth has taken place from vi llages to the towns and ci ti es. The
agri cultural sectors of the developi ng countri es are faci ng a structural
retrogressi on. Whi le the share of agri culture i n the Gross Domesti c Product has
fallen from 55 per cent to 24 per cent over the fi ve decades of planned
development, the proporti on of the labour force dependent on i t remai ns as hi gh
as 62 per cent, recordi ng only a margi nal fall over a peri od of fi fty years. The
relati ve i mpoveri shment of the agri cultural sector has proceeded at a
phenomenal pace. Ranga computed that, i n 1955-56, the per capi ta i ncome i n
agri cultural sector was at Rs 195 and that of non-agri cultural sectors was at Rs 485.
These fi gures showed that a person dependent on non-agri cultural sectors was,
on an average, havi ng an i ncome that was approxi mately 2.5 ti mes that of a
person dependent on agri cultural sectors. Today, a person dependent on non-
agri cultural sectors has a per capi ta annual average i ncome of Rs 35,526, whi ch i s
about fi ve ti mes the annual average per capi ta i ncome of Rs 7,258 recei ved by a
person dependi ng on the agri cultural sector. Devoi d of employment
opportuni ti es i n the i ndustri al sector and wi th a slow growth of employment i n
the servi ce sector, there i s an overcrowdi ng of labour force i n the agri cultural
sector. I t i s leadi ng to more and more di sgui sed unemployment and i ncreasi ng
dependency rati os i n the peasant fami li es. Peasants are forced to turn to hi gh-ri sk
crops and enterpri ses, borrowi ng capi tal at hi gh rates of i nterest. Producti on and
pri ce shortfalls have dri ven them to desti tuti on and desperati on, whi ch are
mi rrored i n the i ncreasi ng number of sui ci des, sale of chi ldren and ever growi ng
i ndebtedness. The green, whi te and blue revoluti ons ushered i n by the efforts of
peasants, sci enti sts, poli cy makers and extensi on workers have fi nally benefi ted
only the consumers. The relati ve pri ces of agri cultural commodi ti es are falli ng
both i n the domesti c and i nternati onal markets. The ri ch countri es are subsi di zi ng
thei r agri cultural sectors heavi ly, contri buti ng to the depressi on i n the
i nternati onal pri ces of agri cultural commodi ti es. Agri cultural commodi ti es are
enteri ng the markets of countri es li ke I ndi a not so much on the strength of thei r
competi ti veness as i t i s on the strength of arti fi ci al support leant by thei r
respecti ve governments.
T he agri cultural sectors of the developi ng countri es were
systemati cally exploi ted by the commerci al and i ndustri al classes, thri vi ng on
the support extended by the state. I n I ndi a, an i mport substi tuti on model was
followed for four decades ( 1951-1991) wi th the stated objecti ves of attai ni ng
self-suffi ci ency and a soci ali sti c pattern of soci ety. T he overvalued exchange
rates admi ni stered by the G overnment benefi ted the i ndustri ali sts and
bureaucrats at the cost of peasants. T he enterpri si ng peasant classes were
subjected to cei li ngs on land holdi ngs, whi le no cei li ngs are i mposed on the
wealth or the i ncomes of the i ndustri ali sts, busi nessmen and other secti ons
of the urban ri ch. T he land cei li ngs, whi ch were born out of a soci ali sti c
rhetori c, were a clever ploy to ai d the process of transfer of wealth, capi tal
and i ncomes from the agri cultural and other rural sectors to the non-
agri cultural, urban sectors. T he protecti on of hi gh tari ff walls gi ven i n the
name of i nfant i ndustry has fattened the parasi ti c classes wi thout any
necessi ty to be effi ci ent or quali ty consci ous. T he i ndustri al and busi ness
classes looted the wealth of the country wi thout mak i ng any i nvestments for
technologi cal i nnovati ons or developi ng labour-i ntensi ve producti on
methods. T he peasants were subj ected to severe restri cti ons on the
movement and processi ng of agri cultural commodi ti es. T he corrupt and
powerful cli que of poli ti ci ans and bureaucrats looted the publi c sector by
throwi ng a few crumbs to the organi sed labour. T he vast amounts of
i nvestments extracted from the surplus values of peasants and other toi li ng
masses were rendered i nfructuous. T he si ck and outmoded publi c sector i s
on the verge of closure or i s up for grabs at nomi nal pri ces to the pri vate
sector, whi le an equally i neffi ci ent pri vate sector prospered on the strength
of state support extended by corrupt poli ti ci ans and bureaucrats. I t i s evi dent
from the negati ve Total Factor Producti vi ty ( T FP) growth shown by the
I ndi an manufacturi ng sector duri ng the peri od from 1965 to 1985
( I J Ahluwali a, O xford Publi shi ng House) .
93
94
Profiles in Courage
I n contrast to thi s poor performance of i ndustri ali sts wi th hi -fi
li festyles, the half-starved and half-nak ed I ndi an peasants achi eved a posi ti ve
growth i n T FP i n the agri cultural sector duri ng the post-i ndependence
peri od, encashi ng the opportuni ti es thrown open by sci ence and technology
( Evenson, K ali raj an, and Shand etc. ) . T hen why di d the i neffi ci ent
i ndustri ali sts and commerci al classes amass wealth, whi le the effi ci ent
peasants were i mpoveri shed? Professor Ranga explai ned the process of
exploi tati on of peasants vi vi dly i n hi s Credo of World Peasantry ( 1957) and
other book s. T he same process of exploi tati on was further i ntensi fi ed duri ng
the li fe and after the death of Professor Ranga. T he state has made enough
i nvestments i n the agri cultural sector to ensure that suffi ci ent agri cultural
commodi ti es are produced i n the country. After the green revoluti on became
a fact, the state wi thdrew i nvestments from the agri cultural sector. Hardly ten
per cent of the capi tal formati on i s tak i ng place i n the agri cultural sector now
and, that too, from the peasants and not much from the state.
T he di agnosi s of Professor Ranga was qui te thorough and i s vali d even
today. But one cannot say the same about hi s prescri pti on. Cooperati ve
movements i n Scandi navi an countri es have achi eved li mi ted success and no
wonder, they have the most egali tari an soci eti es among the capi tali st world.
T he experi ence of the vi llage panchayats and co-operati ve soci eti es i n I ndi a has
not been good. O f course, there never was a decentrali zati on of power and
fi nanci al resources. T here i s a greater and greater centrali zati on of power and
fi nanci al resources, wi th the local self-governments reduced to the status of
beggars. Democracy has taken roots only i n form but not i n spi ri t and content.
T he i deal of Ranga, K i san M azdoor Praja Raj remai ned a slogan, just as the
i deals of self-suffi ci ent vi llages and trusteeshi p of ri ch voi ced by the Father
of the Nati on di d.
Acharya Rangas message to Indian liberals
Ranga stood for the li beral i deals of democracy and equali ty. Egali tari an
values appealed more to hi m when he was i n the pri me of hi s youth at O xford.
But as soon as he learnt that there was no democracy i n the Sovi et Uni on, he
opposed the system, upholdi ng the pri macy of democracy over soci ali sm.
Professor Ranga campai gned for uni versal suffrage and adult franchi se. He
eulogi zed the anci ent vi llage commonwealths where democracy flouri shed and
where the rulers exerci sed thei r powers solely to faci li tate the welfare of the
peasants and arti sans. He followed G andhi ji who embraced the li beral i deals of
sarva dharma samabhava, multi culturali sm and concern for the welfare of the
poorest of the poor. Professor Ranga struggled for the emanci pati on and
empowerment of peasants, arti sans and agri cultural labourers. He dreamt of
K i san M azdoor Praja Raj i n whi ch a large majori ty of work force wi ll have a
voi ce rather than a small mi nori ty of organi zed i ndustri al labour calli ng the
shots i n the name of di ctatorshi p of the proletari at. Professor Ranga opposed
controls and rati oni ng whi ch the Bri ti sh i mposed. Pandi t Nehrus penchant for
soci ali sm and publi c sector led to the supremacy of bureaucracy and erosi on of
i ndi vi dual ci ti zens role. Although Professor Ranga was closely associ ated wi th
Pandi t Nehru i n poli ti cs, he opposed conti nuati on of rati oni ng, controls and
permi t systems. He opposed collecti vi zati on of farms, whi ch the Communi sts
and Soci ali sts wanted to pursue to achi eve hi gher effi ci ency and equali ty. He
argued that the loss of personal li berty of farmers would dampen thei r i ni ti ati ve
and urge to produce more. Hi s opposi ti on to the 17th Amendment Bi ll, whi ch
provi ded for compulsory land acqui si ti on from peasants at low rates of
compensati on, was born out of hi s love for the li beral values of personal li berty
and i ndependence of small landholders. T he defeat of the 17th Amendment Bi ll
on the floor of the Parli ament, despi te a huge majori ty of the treasury benches,
symboli zed the vi ctory of li beral values over the forces of poli ti cal bureaucracy
and state power leani ng towards totali tari ani sm.
He upheld the values of G andhi ji i n publi c li fe. Just as G andhi ji was
evi nci ng concern for the poorest of the poor i n soci ety, so also di d
Professor Ranga champi on the cause of rural masses, peasants, agri cultural
labourers, handloom weavers, arti sans and arti sts. H e admi red the
smallholders model of producti on, whi ch was not exploi tati ve of others. T he
way of peasants enterpri se i s partnershi ps wi th thei r collaborators li k e
agri cultural labourers and arti sans, and i s not to be confused wi th the feudal
or capi tali sti c models of exploi tati on. He strove for the welfare of rural
masses so that they could pursue thei r occupati ons wi th di gni ty of labour
and self respect.
Professor Ranga was more loyal and commi tted to the pursui t of the
pri nci ples he formulated rather than to the parti es and i ndi vi duals. Hi s
opposi ti on to the phi losophy of totali tari an di ctatorshi p of the proletari at of
the communi sts and to thei r armed struggles was total and uncompromi si ng.
Hi s poli ti cs were not populi st. He di d not speak the conveni ent or
fashi onable i deas. For example, when under the i nstructi on of Joseph Stali n,
the I ndi an communi sts waged armed struggles agai nst the G overnment of
the newly i ndependent I ndi a i n the late 1940s, he called upon the
government to use the power of the state to ruthlessly suppress them. He
was the only poli ti ci an who di d not hesi tate to characteri ze the communi sts
as trai tors to I ndi a, for thei r armed struggle agai nst the Nehru government.
Professor Ranga walk ed out of the Congress bravi ng the wrath and
vengeance of the hi gh and the mi ghty li k e Jawaharlal Nehru, when he was
convi nced that thei r poli ci es were rui nous to the self-employed, farmers,
arti sans and weavers. He was undaunted by the mi ght of the Congress. He left
Congress to form parti es li k e the K ri shi k ar Lok Party to oppose Congresss
anti -farmer poli ci es and di ssolved them to rejoi n the Congress when he
thought that the menace of communi sm was more i mportant to fi ght than the
95
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Profiles in Courage
Congress i tself. When the Congress under Nehrus leadershi p wanted to force
the I ndi an farmers i nto cooperati ve farmi ng, j ust a step short of
collecti vi zati on of I ndi an agri culture, he boldly founded the Swatantra
( Freedom) Party, i n associ ati on wi th stalwarts li k e C Rajagopalachari and K M
M unshi . All these leaders were old and yet age di d not deter them from tak i ng
on Nehru and hi s rui nous poli ci es of soci ali sm head on. Professor Ranga
traveled throughout the length and breadth of I ndi a, exposi ng the peri ls that
I ndi a would face i f we went soci ali st. He gave a luci d exposi ti on of the
pri nci ples of freedom, democracy and the non-exploi tati ve entrepreneurshi p
of self-employed people and farmers. T he i ntellectual as well as poli ti cal
campai gns agai nst rui nous permi t-li cense-quota-raj, agai nst burgeoni ng
bureaucracy and thei r total power over the ci ti zens of I ndi a, and hi s appeal to
the i nnate love of the people of I ndi a attracted consi derable followi ng for the
Swatantra Party. At one stage i t emerged as the largest opposi ti on i n the
Parli ament of I ndi a. I n the States of O ri ssa, G ujarat and Rajasthan, i t was the
number one party.
T he fact that a good cause taken up by leaders wi th convi cti on and
si nceri ty would not fai l to enthuse I ndi ans was what the Swatantra movement
of Professor Ranga proved. T he populi sm of I ndi ra G andhi and her crushi ng
vi ctory i n 1971 broke the heart of Professor Ranga. T hat was the begi nni ng of
decli ne and demi se of the Swatantra Party, the only party that stood for a
poli ti cal phi losophy di fferent from the populi sm and soci ali sm of the Congress
and other parti es born from i t.
O ne of the greatest di sti ncti ons of Professor Ranga was that he establi shed
a school to trai n poli ti cal work ers to equi p them wi th the i ntellectual
ammuni ti on that i s necessary for them to become good leaders and
communi cators. Hi s school i n Ni dubrolu ( Guntur di stri ct, Andhra Pradesh)
trai ned and produced a large number of self-confi dent and self-respecti ng
leaders mostly from the self-employed people. They were trai ned i n economi cs,
hi story and poli ti cal phi losophi es as well as i n the organi zati on of parti es and i n
the conduct of peoples movements.
Professor Ranga stood for equali ty of opportuni ty to all secti ons of the
people, whi ch i s another li beral value. He opposed the concentrati on of
economi c power, whether i n the hands of feudal lords, holders of fi nance
capi tal, or the state. He emphasi zed decentrali zati on of both poli ti cal and
economi c power so that i ndi vi dual i ni ti ati ve and entrepreneuri al spi ri t get
the appropri ate encouragement and moti vati on. As M ahatma G andhi sai d:
M y li fe i s my message, the values for whi ch Professor Ranga stood and
fought for all through hi s li fe are hi s message to I ndi an li berals. T hey are
freedom of expressi on, democracy, equali ty of opportuni ty, self-
employment, decentrali zati on of power, ri ght to property and compassi on
for the have-nots.
REFERENCES
K ali rajan, K P and Shand, R T ( 1997) , Sources of O utput Growth i n I ndi an Agri culture,
Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol:52, No:4, O ct-Dec,
pp. 693-706.
K annai ahnai du, L ( 1991) , Peasant EconomySome Contributions of N G Ranga,
K ri shnadevaraya Educati onal and Cultural Associ ati on, Ti rupati , Andhra
Pradesh.
Ranga, N G ( 1937) , Kisan Speaks, All I ndi a K i san Publi cati ons, Madras.
- ( 1938) , Kisans and Congress, All I ndi a K i san Publi cati ons, Madras.
- ( 1957) , Revolutionary Peasantry, Amri t Book Company, New Delhi .
- ( 1957) , Credo of World Peasantry, The I ndi an Peasants I nsti tute, Ni dubrolu, Andhra
Pradesh.
- ( 1958) , Panchayat Landlordism versus Peasant Economy, The I ndi an Peasants
I nsti tute, Ni dubrolu, Andhra Pradesh.
- ( 1961) , Freedom in Peril, The I ndi an Peasants I nsti tute, Ni dubrolu, Andhra Pradesh.
- ( 1968) , Fight for Freedom, S. Chand & Co., New Delhi .
- ( 1982) , Protect Self-employed Peasants and Tribal People, The I ndi an Peasants
I nsti tute, Ni dubrolu, Andhra Pradesh.
Ranga, N G and Shajanand Saraswati ( 1939) , History of Kisan Movement, All I ndi a K i san
Publi cati ons, Madras.
Veerai ah, D ( Ed) , ( 1997) , Rythu Bandhava Acharya Ranga, Professor N G Ranga
Memori al Conference Commi ttee, Sri kakulam, Andhra Pradesh.
Veerai ah, D ( Ed) , ( 1998) , Acharya Rangas 99th Birth anniversary Souvenir, Guntur,
Andhra Pradesh.
97
SELECTED PUBLI CATI O NS O F N G RANGA
1. Economi c O rgani sati on of I ndi an Vi llages, Vol. 1, 1926
2. Economi c O rgani sati on of I ndi an Vi llages, Vol. 2, 1928
3. Tri bes of Ni lgi ri s - Survey made duri ng 1928-29, 1929-30
4. Modern I ndi an Peasant, 1935-36
5. K i san Speaks, 1937
6. a) Setti palli b) K i san songs, 1938
7. Syllabus of K i san, Mazdoor Praja Raj, 1938-49
8. Role of Students and Youth i n Nati onal Revoluti on, 1944
9. Coloni al and Coloured People Freedom, 1944-45
10. K i sans and Communi sts, 1946
11. Freedom i n Peri l, 1959
12. Peasants and Cooperati ve Farmi ng i n Cooperati on wi th Mr P R Paruchuri , 1957
13. Credo of World Peasantry, I ndi an Peasants I nsti tute, 1957
98
Profiles in Courage
14. Democrati c I ndi a My Experi ences ( 1969-70)
15. Panchayat Land lordi sm Vs Free peasantry, 1957
16. Plan and the Peasant, 1957
17. K ri shi kars i n South I ndi an Democracy, 1952
18. K i san Bandu, 1975
B R Shenoy:
The Lonely Search for Truth
Mahesh P Bhatt
The late Professor B R Shenoy was a world-renowned economi st. I n the
words of Nobel Laureate Mi lton Fri edman, "Professor B R Shenoy was a great
man who had the economi c understandi ng to recogni ze the defects of central
planni ng i n I ndi a and what was even rarer, the courage to state hi s vi ews openly
and wi thout equi vocati on. Rarely does such a man bless our soci ety."
I was fortunate to be associ ated wi th hi m as hi s colleague i n the
Department of Economi cs, School of Soci al Sci ences, Gujarat Uni versi ty. I n what
follows, I recount hi s economi c thought as also a bi ographi cal account of hi s li fe,
wi th the hope that i t would bri ng to li fe the i deas as well as the person that was
Professor Shenoy.
For almost two and a half decades, Professor Shenoy domi nated the
di scussi on on I ndi an Economi c Poli cy and Planni ng. Through the vast number
of arti cles he contri buted to professi onal and popular journals, he gai ned world
wi de recogni ti on as a powerful di ssenter to what Professor Bauer has called "the
spuri ous consensus of development economi cs."
He was an economi st of the li beral tradi ti on both by trai ni ng as well as
convi cti on and therefore found hi mself i n major di sagreement wi th the
"mai nstream" vi ew of development planni ng qui te naturally. Hi s i deas were
strongly i nfluenced by Hayeki an li berali sm and throughout hi s li fe as an
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Profiles in Courage
economi st a soci al phi losopher and a cri ti c, he remai ned a fi ercely
uncompromi si ng li beral. He was seri ously apprehensi ve of the development
strategy adopted i n the Second Plan. Accordi ng to hi m the strategy, i n i ts heavy
reli ance on defi ci t fi nanci ng for meeti ng the resource requi rements of the
ambi ti ous i nvestment plans was permanently commi tti ng the country to a regi me
of i nflati on and controls. I n hi s vi ew, a genui ne and long-term commi tment to the
poli cy of mai ntai ni ng monetary and pri ce stabi li ty was an essenti al part of a truly
growth-ori ented strategy. Furthermore, I ndi an planni ng i n emphasi zi ng on the
development of hi ghly capi tal-i ntensi ve goods i ndustri es was i mposi ng a
programme of large-scale transfer of resources from agri culture and other sectors
to low-return publi c sector i ndustri es. I n fact thi s was a low-employment strategy,
whi ch i n hi s vi ew, a poor country li ke I ndi a could i ll-afford.
At a more general level, Professor Shenoy di d not share the
methodologi cal predi lecti ons of most of the development economi sts of that
ti me, formulati ng and analyzi ng the development i ssues i n terms of mechani sti c
growth models, devoi d of pri ce-theoreti c contents. He consi dered the process of
development as a complex phenomenon and beli eved that i t could be attai ned
only as a by-product of the economi c acti vi ti es of i ndi vi duals i n the envi ronment
of free markets and decentrali zed choi ce. I n hi s vi ew, the attempt at supplanti ng
the "mark et-determi ned" pri ori ti es by the "planned" pri ori ti es through
admi ni strati ve fi ats, however well i ntenti oned, rested on an extremely weak
understandi ng and appreci ati on of the strength and di recti on of market
responses to such attempts and the ulti mate allocati onal and di stri buti onal
effects of these responses. Generally these attempts produced results qui te
opposi te from what they i ntended. O bvi ously, hi s di sagreement wi th the
prevalent vi ew pertai ned to i ssues that were fundamental i n nature and hi s
opposi ti on to them was total.
Before 1955, hi s i nterests were more or less equally di vi ded between
theoreti cal and appli ed economi cs. He publi shed hi s fi rst paper, "An Equati on
for the pri ce level of New I nvestment Goods" i n Quarterly Journal of Economics
( 1931) . The paper arose out of hi s di ssati sfacti on of K eynes's treatment of the
pri ce level of new i nvestment goods i n the "Fundamental Equati ons" i n Treatise
of Money. I n Professor Shenoy's vi ew K eynes's di scussi on merely showed under
what condi ti ons the banki ng system may prevent a fall i n the pri ce-level of
i nvestment goods, and di d not tackle the more fundamental i ssue of how the
pri ce-level of new i nvestment goods i tself gets determi ned. Adheri ng to the
termi nologi cal and defi ni ti onal frame of the Treatise, Professor Shenoy
supplemented the system of Fundamental Equati ons by an addi ti onal equati on
and attempted to show how the system can yi eld a determi nate soluti on for the
pri ce-level of new i nvestment goods. Subsequently, he publi shed another paper
"I nterdependence of Pri ce Levels, " agai n i n the Quarterly Journal of Economics
( 1933) , wherei n he presented further i mportant results pertai ni ng to thi s i ssue.
These two papers were recei ved as i mportant contri buti ons to the fi eld
and establi shed hi m as a promi si ng young monetary economi st wi thi n the
professi on. He was perhaps the fi rst I ndi an economi st, whose theoreti cal papers
were publi shed i n a world-class journal.
However, i n the changed i ntellectual cli mate from 1955 onwards, he
concentrated on I ndi an economi c poli cy and planni ng. Hi s contri buti ons to the
fi eld of I ndi an economi c poli cy are di sti ngui shed by thei r underlyi ng uni ty of
approach, a uni que understandi ng of the market pri nci ple and appreci ati on of
the role of the pri ce-mechani sm i n the allocati on of resources. They bear an
i rrefutable testi mony to thei r author's geni us for creati ve appli cati on of thi s
pri nci ple and correct sense of judgement, relevance, and perspecti ve. Above all
they poi nt to a soci al sci enti st who had utmost regard for hi s di sci pli ne, made no
compromi ses i n reachi ng the conclusi ons, and once reasoned upheld them
courageously. For Professor Shenoy was anythi ng but a "Commi ttee" man. He
was an economi st who preferred to be ri ght i n a mi nori ty of one. Every
i mportant contri buti on he made to the subject spark ed off long-drawn
controversi es and memorable debates amongst the I ndi an economi sts. I t would
not be an exaggerati on to assert that hi s contri buti ons went a long way i n
demonstrati ng the substanti ve i mportance of the theory of markets, i n the
analysi s of development i ssues, and thereby changi ng the character and quali ty
of the professi onal di scussi on on I ndi an economi c problems.
At the ti me of the preparati ons for the Second Plan, the government of
I ndi a formed a panel of economi sts and Professor Shenoy was i nvi ted to be i ts
member. As a member of the panel, he wrote hi s famous Note of Di ssent agai nst
the massi ve programme of defi ci t fi nanci ng that was proposed by the majori ty of
the panel members i n thei r memorandum on the Second Plan. He presented an
extended and fuller treatment of the i ssues he had dealt wi th i n hi s Note of
Di ssent i n hi s Si r Wi lli am Meyers Lectures ( 1955-56) whi ch he deli vered at the
Uni versi ty of Madras. The lectures were subsequently publi shed by Madras
Uni versi ty as a book, Problems of Indian Economic Development.
I n the I ndi an context, the book has been recogni zed as the fi rst major
contri buti on to the analysi s of monetary aspects of development planni ng, i n the
tradi ti on of neo-classi cal monetary theory. I t contai ns a defi ni ti ve di scussi on on
the relati onshi p between defi ci t fi nanci ng, i nflati on, and economi c
development. At a techni cal level, i t provi des an excellent analysi s of the factors
i nfluenci ng money supply i n the I ndi an economy wi th a sharp focus on the
relati onshi p between money supply and government budgetary operati ons and
contrary to the establi shed consensus, i t ardently advocated a substanti al
pruni ng of the Second Plan and mai ntai ni ng the rate of planned expendi ture to
a level consi stent wi th the avai lable quantum of real voluntary savi ngs. Professor
Shenoy pursued thi s theme further i n hi s two papers, "The I ndi an Economi c
Sense" and "Professor G adgi l: Rephrasi ng the Second Plan" whi ch were
101
B R Shenoy: The Lonely Search for Truth
102
Profiles in Courage
publi shed respecti vely i n the Apri l and July i ssues of the Indian Economic
Journal ( 1958) .
Just after the commencement of the Second Plan, i nflati onary pressures
started gatheri ng momentum, the balance-of-payments si tuati on became
i ncreasi ngly fragi le, and the government resorted to stri ngent i mport and
exchange controls. I n 1957, Professor Shenoy was elected as the Presi dent of the
forti eth annual conference of the I ndi an Economi c Associ ati on and i n hi s
presi denti al address, he put forth a vi gorous plea for floati ng the I ndi an Rupee
as a soluti on to the prevai li ng balance-of-payments si tuati on. Hi s presi denti al
address evoked a good deal of di scussi ons on the effi cacy of devaluati on i n
correcti ng the prevai li ng balance-of-payments cri si s amongst several promi nent
I ndi an economi sts, and i mportant papers pertai ni ng to thi s i ssue subsequently
appeared i n pri nt.
Professor Shenoy's analysi s of the balance-of-payments cri si s and hi s
advocacy of devaluati on had a di sti nct flavour of ori gi nali ty. Whi le most of the
contri butors of the debate based thei r analysi s on the conventi onal elasti ci ty
approach, he consi dered the approach as largely i rrelevant i n the I ndi an context.
By adumbrati ng i mpressi ve evi dence, he showed that the balance-of-payments
cri si s was caused by domesti c i nflati on and was reflected i n the observed wi de
margi ns between the i nternati onal and domesti c pri ces of traded goods at the
prevai li ng offi ci al exchange rate. He also poi nted out that the devaluati on was
to take place i n the context of i mports and exchange controls and i n analyzi ng
the effects of devaluati on, thi s parti cular fact needed to be properly recogni zed.
I n hi s vi ew, for all practi cal purposes, I ndi an traders had li ttle i nfluence on the
i nternati onal pri ces of traded goods. Consequently, devaluati on di d not i mply
change i n the terms of trade for I ndi a. Devaluati on i n the I ndi an condi ti ons
essenti ally amounted to eli mi nati on of i mpli ci t tax on exportables and subsi dy
to the i mporters. He contended that i t would i nvolve an i ncrease i n the rupee
pri ces recei ved by the exporters and a shi ft back of exportable goods from
domesti c consumpti on to sale i n the i nternati onal markets. He recogni zed the
i mportance of the domesti c supply elasti ci ti es of exportables i n thi s context.
However, he consi dered the i mpact of devaluati on on domesti c pri ces of i mports
as ni l; the i mpact bei ng fully borne by the abnormal profi ts earned by the
i mporters due to di fferences i n the landed rupee costs and domesti c market
pri ces of i mports.
For several subsequent years, hi s plea for monetary and pri ce stabi li ty and
reli ance on autonomous exchange rate adjustments rather than on trade and
exchange controls remai ned unheeded by the government. As a result, duri ng
these years he undertook a further i nqui ry i n thi s di recti on and devoted hi mself
to the analysi s of the functi oni ng of overvalued exchange-rate system i n I ndi a.
He wrote a large number of papers on almost all major mani festati ons of thi s
system: over and under i nvoi ci ng of i mports and exports, traffi cki ng i n i mport
li censes, clandesti ne exports of capi tal from I ndi a, fi nanci ng of the smuggli ng
trade, and the mi sallocati on of forei gn ai d.
1
O bvi ously, i t i s not feasi ble here to go i nto a detai led presentati on of hi s
contri buti ons related to these subjects. However, i t may be noted that i n those
days he was perhaps the only I ndi an economi st who was putti ng i n a good deal
of techni cal research effort i n i nvesti gati on of these i ssues. Hi s studi es on the
vari ous aspects of the worki ng of exchange and trade controls i n I ndi a vi vi dly
brought out the pronounced anti -egali tari an and perverse allocati onal effects.
Moreover, they hi ghli ghted the large-scale wastage of forei gn ai d recei ved by
I ndi a i n the form of overcapi tali zati on of publi c sector projects, and fi nanci ng of
the smuggli ng trade. Hi s vi ews on forei gn ai d made hi m qui te unpopular wi th
the ruli ng ci rcles of the country. However, he remai ned undeterred i n wi dely
publi shi ng hi s vi ews on thi s i ssue i n a forthri ght and categori cal manner.
Reali zi ng the government's i deologi cal opposi ti on to accept a nati onal
exchange-rate poli cy, he pressed for a poli cy of aucti oni ng of i mport li censes i n
a number of papers. Such a poli cy would have reduced the anti -egali tari an
i ncome shi fts and allocati onal di storti ons that were largely generated by the
government's adherence to the poli cy of trade and exchange controls.
Besi des hi s contri buti ons to the monetary aspects of I ndi an planni ng and
exchange rate system, Professor Shenoy also made contri buti ons on two other
i mportant topi cs: the effects of PL 480 food i mports on the I ndi an economy and
the i ncreasi ng transfer of resources from agri culture to the protected urban
i ndustri es. I n 1960, he was drawn to the study of the effects of PL 480 i mports on
the I ndi an economy. After a careful study of thi s i ssue, he concluded that the
budgetary operati ons related wi th PL 480 had a net expansi onary effect on money
supply and consequently were responsi ble for aggravati ng i nflati onary pressures
on the I ndi an economy. O n the other hand, he reasoned that i n an overall
i nflati onary si tuati on, the food i mports were li kely to lead the economy to a state
of substanti al and longrun dependency on food i mports, by arti fi ci ally depressi ng
the food pri ces and i nduci ng a resource shi ft from food producti on to other
commodi ti es. Hi s analysi s of the monetary i mpact of PL 480 entai led a long-
drawn debate and controversy, i n whi ch besi des a number of non-government
economi sts, economi sts from the fi nance mi ni stry, from the US embassy, as well
as from the RBI parti ci pated. For several years, Professor Shenoy pursued thi s
theme i n a large number of papers and i t was because of hi s persi stent wri ti ng on
the subject that the government of I ndi a was ulti mately obli ged to appoi nt a
commi ssi on to look i nto the monetary i mpact of PL 480 i n 1966.
2
We have earli er remarked on hi s opposi ti on to the planni ng strategy
adopted by the government of I ndi a si nce 1956. I n hi s vi ew, the strategy
i nvolved a programme of large-scale transfer of resources from agri culture to
publi c sector i ndustri es and other sectors that had easy access to organi zed
capi tal markets and government and semi -government fi nanci al i nsti tuti ons.
103
104
Profiles in Courage
By carefully di sti lli ng the relevant data, he hi ghli ghted the deplorable state of
laggi ng food producti on and stagnant level of per capi ta avai labi li ty of food,
prevalent i n that peri od. He further demonstrated the emergence and
development of a compli cated and di scri mi natory system of di fferenti al i nterest
rates and thei r i ni mi cal effects on resource allocati on i n general and on
agri cultural development i n parti cular. Hi s comprehensi ve analysi s of the effects
of the poli cy of repressed i nterest rates i n organi zed capi tal markets i n an overall
i nflati onary si tuati on wi th i ts usual accompani ment of the poli cy of selecti ve
credi t controls has generated a multi tude of research projects i n thi s fi eld.
Unli ke other economi sts, Professor Shenoy's emphasi s on agri culture
rested on a subtle and di sti nct reasoni ng. Several economi sts of those days
advocated greater pri ori ty for agri culture, whi ch meant a relati vely greater
proporti on of government outlays be spent on agri culture. Professor Shenoy
however di ffered i n hi s opi ni on. Accordi ng to hi s reasoni ng, there should be
suffi ci ent curtai lment i n the total volume of i nvesti ble resources appropri ated by
the government, whi ch should be left to flow i n the producti ve sectors,
agri culture bei ng one of these i mportant sectors i n accordance wi th the market
forces. Hi s i dea of the appropri ate pattern of resource allocati on, therefore, was
based upon the twi n pri nci ples of comparati ve costs and margi nal producti vi ty
and was mi les away from the usual si mpli sti c pri ori ty di scussi ons.
I n a pervasi ve cli mate of i ntellectual opposi ti on and apathy to market
pri nci ples and market-determi ned soluti ons, hi s wri ti ngs evoked consi derable
opposi ti on and strong cri ti ci sm from hi s colleagues and over a peri od of ti me he
came to experi ence a wi de communi cati on gap wi th them. He became an
"outsi der wi thi n the professi on" as one commentator of Hindu remarked. Wi th
stoi ci sm and forti tude, he accepted hi s professi onal ali enati on and i n the tradi ti on
of hi s great predecessors li ke Lord K eynes, he tri ed to reach out and i nfluence the
enli ghtened publi c opi ni on by wri ti ng profusely i n promi nent I ndi an and forei gn
newspapers and journals li ke Swarajya, Hindu, Times of India, Statesman,
Economist, Fortune, Wall-Street Journal, Far Eastern Economic Review, etc. As a
publi ci st, he remai ns unequalled amongst the I ndi an economi sts for hi s
tremendous exposi ti onal and di alecti cal prowess and for hi s unreserved and
unti ri ng wi lli ngness to expound and to espouse "unpopular i deas" of the ti me.
The quali ty of an economi st i s generally measured not by the conclusi ons
he pronounces on parti cular matters of hi s i nqui ry though that i s i mportant
but by the quali ty of hi s logi c, the techni cal competence he demonstrates i n hi s
analysi s, the empi ri cal vali di ty of the model he has accepted for operati onal
analysi s, and above all, by the extent to whi ch hi s contri buti ons come to reflect
and pre-date the analyti cal i nterests and contri buti ons of the subsequent
generati ons of scholars i n hi s fi eld. O n the basi s of these cri teri a, Professor
Shenoy would be recogni zed as one of the most outstandi ng and i mportant
economi sts by the future hi stori ans of I ndi an economi c thought.
A perfunctory perusal of li terature related wi th development economi cs
that i s recently comi ng out i n professi onal journals would convi nce anyone wi th
an open mi nd that the problems whi ch Professor Shenoy i denti fi ed as i mportant
have largely come to command si gni fi cant amount of research i nterests from the
new generati on of development economi sts. More i mportantly, many of hi s
fi ndi ngs li ke the effects of PL 480 on the I ndi an economy, di stri buti onal and
allocati onal effects of exchange control, resource transfer from agri culture etc.
have been more or less collaborated.
3
However, i t i s i ndeed sad to note that
duri ng hi s li feti me, hi s professi onal colleagues largely i gnored hi s contri buti ons
or relegated them to the background. Almost all the academi c wri ti ngs and
surveys deali ng wi th I ndi an economi c poli cy publi shed duri ng the si xti es and
seventi es seem to be conspi cuous i n thei r uni versal si lence on hi s contri buti ons
and vi ews.
4
He stayed wi th the G ujarat Uni versi ty from 1954 to 1968, a peri od of
almost 15 years. Duri ng hi s di rectorshi p he establi shed a strong tradi ti on of
economi c li berali sm at the Economi cs Department and exposed generati ons
of young students to li beral economi c i deas and doctri nes. For a number of
years, he taught courses i n monetary and i nternati onal economi cs. Hi s
lectures used to be uni formly luci d, extremely well organi zed and hi ghly
sti mulati ng. I n those days of an almost axi omati c acceptance of anti -mark et
i deology and the left radi cali sm, students probably for the fi rst ti me i n thei r
li ves encountered someone who relentlessly challenged the basi s of every
"sacred cow" of the i nterventi oni st i deology and programmes, and presented
wi th an i mpeccable logi c, the desi rabi li ty of mai ntai ni ng monetary stabi li ty,
the soci ally useful functi oni ng of forward mark ets and the vi rtues of flexi ble
exchange-rate system, thus compelli ng them i n turn to reconsi der thei r vi ews
on many i mportant i ssues of theory and practi ce and to study and appreci ate
the logi c of free mark et economy and the theory of mark ets. He di sli k ed the
wi dely observed propensi ty of I ndi an students and scholars to perorate the
arguments of famous economi sts uncri ti cally, emphasi zi ng i nstead on the
i mportance of understandi ng the underlyi ng logi c of these arguments and
evaluati ng them cri ti cally.
Hi s weekly semi nars, where he di scussed the problems of hi s ongoi ng
research were a sort of star attracti on for the students and were frequently
attended by the other faculty members and scholars from outsi de the
department. I t i s di ffi cult to convey the atmosphere of i ntense i ntellectual
confrontati on and argumentati on that prevai led i n those semi nars. All hi s
students felt that they learnt most of thei r economi cs i n those semi nars.
Duri ng hi s days at the Uni versi ty, Professor Shenoy attai ned the zeni th of
professi onal recogni ti on. I n 1957, he was elected as the Presi dent of the I ndi an
Economi c Associ ati on. I n 1962, he was honoured to deli ver the presti gi ous
Walchand Hi rachand M emori al Lectures, and i n 1966, he deli vered
105
106
Profiles in Courage
Si r Ramaswami Mudalli ar Lectures at the Uni versi ty of K erala at Tri vandrum. Hi s
wri ti ngs won hi m i nternati onal recogni ti on as well. He was i nvi ted to be a
member of the Mont Peleri n Soci ety. Subsequently, he was the reci pi ent of the
presti gi ous Reli m Foundati on Grant and went to USA as a Reli m Foundati on
Vi si ti ng Scholar and deli vered a seri es of lectures on I ndi an planni ng at several
Ameri can uni versi ti es, and i n 1966, he went to the London School of Economi cs
as a Vi si ti ng Professor.
I n 1968, hi s li fe took an unexpected turn. He resi gned from hi s
posi ti on i n the G ujarat Uni versi ty due to a di fference of opi ni on over the
appoi ntment of a Reader i n the Labour Welfare Department of the School. He
felt that i n the appoi ntment, the Uni versi ty admi ni strati on had not pai d due
wei ghtage to the opi ni on of the faculty. He was deeply commi tted to the
i deals of academi c freedom, and he found i t i mpossi ble to reconci le wi th the
deci si on of the admi ni strati on. M any leadi ng i ntellectuals and educati oni sts,
i rrespecti ve of thei r poli ti cal i deologi es, were unani mous i n censuri ng the
Uni versi ty and i n supporti ng hi s stand, whi ch was i n many ways a tri bute to
hi s i ntellectual i ntegri ty, and an i ndi cati on of the esteem i n whi ch he was
held by the enli ghtened publi c i n the country. He was deeply sad i n leavi ng
the Economi cs Department and the School, whi ch wi th hi s hard work and
planni ng he had tri ed to develop accordi ng to hi s i deals. He spent a major
part of hi s li fe i n Ahmedabad, the ci ty he had come to love almost as hi s
nati ve place. He had made plans for establi shi ng a research centre at the
Department along the li nes of the I nsti tute of Economi c Affai rs i n England to
attract and support young research scholars and to bui ld up a li vely research
tradi ti on at the Uni versi ty. T here i s no doubt that hi s resi gnati on was an
i rreparable loss to the Uni versi ty and the Economi cs Department. Professor
Shenoy shi fted to New Delhi and establi shed an i ndependent Economi c
Research Centre. Wi th an undyi ng sense of dedi cati on and zeal surpri si ng
i n vi ew of hi s approachi ng old age he conti nued to work at the Centre,
bri ngi ng out a number of research papers and wri ti ng regularly i n vari ous
newspapers and journals. He had already developed some heart ai lments,
but refused to tak e rest and relentlessly work ed unti l hi s sad demi se on
February 8, 1978.
Professor Shenoy was a deeply reli gi ous man and spent most of hi s spare
ti me studyi ng the scri ptures of di fferent reli gi ons. He was especi ally i mpressed
by the theosophi cal wri ti ngs of Madame Blavetsky. He consi dered the reli gi ous
experi ence to be of paramount i mportance to i ndi vi duals and there was a
wholesome uni ty between hi s reli gi ous beli efs and practi ce. He respected all
outlooks and reli gi ons ali ke. All those who knew hi m would testi fy that he was
truly above di vi si ve reli gi ous prejudi ces.
Wi th deep humi li ty and unbounded devoti on, he tri ed to fulfi ll the calli ng
of hi s dharma, hi s duty. He was a pi ous man...
1. Although he had publi shed qui te a volumi nous li terature on these i ssues, the
followi ng papers may serve as a representati ve sample on thi s subject:
a. "O vervaluati on of the I ndi an Rupee" ( The Banker 1969) .
b. "Currency O vervaluati on i n Some Underdeveloped Countri es" ( II Politico,
Uni versi ty of Pavi a, I taly, 1968) .
c. "Freedom and O rder i n UDC and the Problem of Forei gn Ai d. ( Ibid. 1965) .
d. "Errors and O mi ssi ons i n Balance of Payments statements and No.I I Money"
( The Account 1971) .
e. "Errors and O mi ssi ons i n I ndi a's Balance of Payments ( IL Politico 1972) .
2. All hi s major wri ti ngs on the subject can be found i n hi s subsequently publi shed
book, PL 480 and India's Food Problem( 1974) .
3. For a sample of corroborati ve examples i n thi s regard see Mellor, New Strategy of
Growth.
J Bhagawati & A K reuger American Economic Review 1978. J Bhagawati and
P Desai Industrialisation.
4. An i llustrati ve example of thi s tendency i s JBhagawati & S Chakravarti 's survey paper
on I ndi an economi c poli cy. The paper, commi ssi oned by the Ameri can Economi c
Associ ati on and beari ng the usual mark of authenti ci ty of that august body, i s
meti culous i n menti oni ng even the least i mportant papers on PL 480 aucti oni ng of
i mport li cences etc. but largely keeps away from referri ng to Professor Shenoy's
contri buti ons, whi ch as everybody knows were fi rst contri buti ons on these i ssues
and whi ch have been i nstrumental i n i ni ti ati ng wi dely parti ci pated controversi es and
debates around these very i ssues. Si mi lar tendency i s also observed i n case of
Professor Bhavatosh Datta's otherwi se excellent work on hi story of I ndi an economi c
thought.
Professor P T Bauer i n hi s Dissent on Development has also recogni sed thi s
unfortunate omi ssi on i n case of Gunnar Myrdal's wi dely famous work Asian Drama.
107
SELECTED PUBLI CATI O NS O F B R SHENO Y
1. Ceylon Currency and Banki ng, Longman Greens & co Madras, 1941.
2. Bombay Plan - A Revi ew , K arnatak Publi shi ng House, Bombay, 1944
3. Post War Depressi on and the Way out K i tabsi tan Allahanad, 1949
4. Sterli ng Assets of the RBI I ndi an Counmci l O f Worl Affai rs New Delhi , 1946
5. Forei gn Exchange Si tuati on, Forum O f Free Enterpri se, Bombay, 1957
6. Prune the Plan, Forum O f Free Enterpri se, 1957
7. Problems of I ndi an Economi c Development Madras Uni versi ty, 1958
8. Stabi li ty of the I ndi an Rupee - A Revi ew of the Forei gn Exchange Si tuati on, Harold
Laski I nsti tute of Poli ti cal Sci ence, Ahmedabad, 1959
9. Nati onal Savi ngs and I ndustri al Fi nance: I ndi an Experi ence, I ndi an i nsti tute of
Sci ence Bangalore, 1969
108
Profiles in Courage
10. I ndi an Planni ng and Economi c Development Asi a Publi shi ng House Bombay, 1963
11. I ndi an Economi c Poli cy Popular Prakasam Bombay, 1968
12. P L 480 and I ndi as Food Problem, Affli ated East West Press, New Delhi , 1974
Piloo Mody:
Democracy with Bread and Freedom
R K Amin
I ndi a can clai m to be the largest democrati c country i n the world. Thi s
clai m i f seen wi th adult franchi se of i lli terate masses appears to be a supreme
achi evement. Wi th such a bri lli ant record, i t i s di ffi cult to explai n one poli ti cal
aberrati on i n the post-i ndependence peri od, the Emergency from June 26, 1975
to March 21, 1977. However, thi s epi sode came as no surpri se to Pi loo Mody,
who ceaselessly conti nued to warn the publi c about the emergence of fasci st
tendenci es i n I ndi a. Hi s warni ngs were expressed loudly duri ng hi s speeches i n
the Parli ament from 1967 onwards. He was convi nced of the fact that soci ali st
poli ci es followed by I ndi a were really the root-cause of fasci st tendenci es and he
sensed an attempt to tamper wi th fundamental ri ghts enshri ned i n the I ndi an
Consti tuti on. I t was therefore, natural that Pi loo descri bed I ndi ra Gandhi as
Pri me Mi ni ster of I ndi a ti ll June 12, 1975, i mpostor Pri me Mi ni ster ti ll June 26,
1975, and di ctator of I ndi a ti ll she reli nqui shed offi ce on March 21, 1977.
The birth of Piloos political career
When I ndi a began to adopt co-operati ve farmi ng on the Chi nese pattern
and i ntroduced state tradi ng i n food grai ns, some promi nent thi nkers and
poli ti cal acti vi sts li ke C Rajagopachari , N G Ranga, and Mi noo Masani thought i t
necessary to counter these monstrous forces by starti ng a new poli ti cal party.
The Swatantra Party, based on a li beral i deology and poli ci es, was founded i n
Apri l 1959. Pi loo, along wi th hi s father Si r Homi Mody, joi ned the new party as
founder members. Was i t then not unusual for Pi loo to have plunged i nto a
110
Profiles in Courage
tumultuous poli ti cal li fe from the opposi ti on when the Congress Party had an
absolute sway over the country?Was i t not then puzzli ng when Pi loo, the son of
a wealthy father, born and brought up i n western tradi ti ons preferred to face the
rough and tumble of poli ti cal li fe at the young age of 33, especi ally when he had
already achi eved a name and a place i n hi s professi onal fi eld?
I t i s true that one would not have normally expected Pi loo to enter
poli ti cs. Hi s professi onal career had bri ght prospects. He was born on November
14, 1926 i n Bombay to a wealthy Parsi fami ly that was i n the forefront i n many
walks of li fe. He took hi s Masters degree i n archi tecture from the Uni versi ty of
Cali forni a at Berkeley i n 1951, and was soon associ ated wi th the world-
renowned archi tect Le Corbusi er i n the Chandi garh project. By 1958, Pi loo was
already one of the leadi ng archi tects i n I ndi a and was fai rly well known i n the
i nternati onal sphere of hi s professi on. I n spi te of havi ng such a bri lli ant
professi onal career, after a short span of seven years, Pi loo deci ded to joi n the
Swatantra Party where he had to face an uphi ll task to make hi s way. A casual
observer wi ll surely wonder why?
But i t was no puzzle to those who knew Pi loo and hi s fami ly closely. Hi s
father, Si r Homi Mody, was a leadi ng fi gure i n I ndi an poli ti cs. He had
parti ci pated i n many of i mportant poli ti cal events si nce 1910. Duri ng the Second
World War, he worked as a member of the Vi ceroys Executi ve Counci l, whi ch
was then equi valent to I ndi as cabi net. After i ndependence, he served as
governor of Uttar Pradesh, the largest state i n the I ndi an Uni on. He was also an
acti ve parti ci pant i n frami ng I ndi as Consti tuti on duri ng 1947-49. Pi loos elder
brother, Russi Mody, was for many years, I ndi as foremost busi ness manager i n
hi s capaci ty as the chai rman of Tata Steel, for many years the largest company i n
post-i ndependent I ndi a. Thus Pi loo was born i n a fami ly, well culti vated i n the
li beral tradi ti on of the Vi ctori an era, and was greatly i nfluenced by persons li ke.
Dadabhai Naoroji , and Pherozeshah Mehta.
How could Pi loo remai n i n the narrow fi eld of archi tecture when I ndi a
was movi ng on the di sastrous road of soci ali sm?No wonder the governments
move towards cooperati ve farmi ng on the Chi nese pattern and i ntroducti on of
state tradi ng i n food grai ns i mpelled Pi loo to joi n publi c li fe where he had to
fi ght agai nst a two-faced monster: soci ali st poli ci es and the growth of fasci sm.
Pi loos publi c li fe can be exami ned i n thought as well as i n acti on, and i n
both, he remai ned steadfast. We fi nd hi m steadfast i n thought when we read hi s
book Democracy Means Bread and Freedom. And we fi nd hi m fi rm i n acti on
when we read another book, Critique, contai ni ng hi s i mportant speeches i n
Parli ament. He also wrote i n peri odi cals li ke March of the Nation and
Encounter. Both hi s thought and acti on was best seen duri ng hi s work i n
Godhara, hi s parli amentary consti tuency i n the Panch Mahal di stri ct of Gujarat.
A si gni fi cant porti on of hi s voters were scheduled tri bes or advasi s who li ved
below the poverty li ne and worked as dai ly labourers ei ther i n bui ldi ng or road
constructi on. Hi s consti tuency was a place where communal harmony was
di srupted from ti me to ti me. However, just as sugar mi xes wi th mi lk, Pi loo was
at one wi th hi s voters. Hi s plea to have democracy wi th bread may well have
been the result of hi s i nti mate connecti on wi th adivasi voters.
I n hi s publi c li fe, he fought tooth and nai l agai nst all soci ali st measures of
the I ndi an government and warned people about the i nevi table growth of fasci st
tendenci es as a consequence of soci ali sm. He was probably the only person
who conti nued to oppose I ndi ra Gandhi duri ng her second rei gn ( 1980-84) ,
when all others who opposed her duri ng the Emergency ei ther preferred to
remai n si lent, or joi ned her party.
Pi loo was even more di sgusted wi th hi s own Janata Party duri ng hi s last
days. Hi s close fri end and colleague, the late Madhu Mehta, wrote:
O n 24 January, 1983 ( fi ve days before hi s death) , I met hi m for
the last ti me at hi s home i n Delhi . Hi s last words to me were:
I ndi a has survi ved many tyrants i n the past. I ndi a wi ll also
survi ve I ndi ra Gandhi and the present motley crowd i n the
O pposi ti on. We must not despai r, we must conti nue to work.
1
Piloo and Swatantra
Pi loo joi ned the Swatantra Party on August 1, 1959 at the ti me of i ts fi rst
conventi on held i n Bombay, i naugurated by Rajaji . He remai ned wi th the Party
unti l i t merged wi th Bharti ya K ranti Dal, to be a new party known as Bharti ya
Lok Dal i n 1974. At the ti me of the merger he was the nati onal Presi dent of the
Swatantra Party and was mai nly responsi ble for i ts merger. Pi loo wanted to
create a nati onal alternati ve to the Congress Party by mergi ng as many
opposi ti on parti es as possi ble, except for the communi st parti es. Pi loos poli ti cal
li fe was therefore i nti mately connected wi th the ups and downs of the Swatantra
Party as well as the Bharti ya Lok Dal and the Janata Party created i n 1977.
Soon after i ndependence, the I ndi an Nati onal Congress Party gave up the
Gandhi an path. The efforts to take the Party on the soci ali st pattern were vi si ble
after the death of Sardar Patel i n 1950 and especi ally at the Avadhi Congress i n
1953-54, where the Party accepted the objecti ve of a soci ali st pattern of soci ety
for I ndi a where the state would occupy the commandi ng hei ghts of the
economy. These soci ali st expressi ons were actually put i n acti on on a si gni fi cant
scale when the framework for the second fi ve-year plan was prepared and the
poli cy was i mplemented soon thereafter. By 1958, i t was clear that Pandi t Nehru
wanted to lead the country on the Russi an model of planni ng whi ch contai ned
most of the elements of communi sm. Pandi t Nehrus efforts to bri ng the Chi nese
type of cooperati ve farmi ng and i ntroducti on of state tradi ng i n foodgrai ns were
li ke the last straw on the camels back.Thi s convi nced many people who
111
Piloo Mody: Democracy with Bread and Freedom
112
Profiles in Courage
beli eved that the days of li berali sm were numbered i f the same poli cy conti nued
any longer. Hence they felt a need of a new party as a li beral alternati ve to the
Congress Party. These senti ments were fi rst voi ced duri ng the publi c meeti ngs
held i n the I ndi an Merchants Chamber i n Bombay i n 1959. Three leaders great
sons of I ndi a: Rajaji , Jayprakash Narayan, and Mi noo Masani , declared thei r
i ntenti on to start a new party to serve as a li beral alternati ve to the Congress
Party. The response to thei r call was very enthusi asti c especi ally from
merchants and enli ghtened farmers, whi ch ulti mately led the ri ch people,
especi ally i ndustri ali sts and I ndi an Pri nces, to joi n the new party. Rajaji
expressed i n that hi stori c meeti ng that the Congress Party was no longer a
Gandhi an party. I t had left the path of dharma, whi ch Gandhi ji wanted to bri ng
i n poli ti cs and he warned that the country would be rui ned i f we di d not return
to the Gandhi an path. JP pleaded wi th the audi ence to li sten and follow Rajaji ,
as he was the consci ence-keeper of Gandhi ji , and Masani was hi ghly cri ti cal of
planni ng and the economi c poli cy whi ch the Congress had adopted by that ti me.
Soon after the meeti ng vari ous people expressed thei r desi re to joi n the
new party; among them Si r Homi Mody, A D Shroff, and K M Munshi from
Bombay; Prof N G Ranga the well-known farmer leader from Andhra Pradesh;
and Bhai lal bhai Bhai kaka Patel from Gujarat. Very soon vari ous pri nces, the
Maharaja of Bari a from Gujarat, P K Deo and R N Si ngh Deo from O ri ssa,
Maharani Gayatri Devi from Jai pur, and the Maharaval of Dungarpur from
Rajasthan too joi ned the new party. Farmer leaders from Punjab and Bi har also
wanted to joi n. The response was very encouragi ng though there were some
voi ces from mi nori ty communi ti es prayi ng to work wi th the Congress and
i mprovi ng i t from wi thi n rather than attacki ng i t by formi ng a new party. But
Rajaji , Professor Ranga and Masani , who were i n favour of li berali sm were so
di sturbed wi th the Russi an type of planni ng that very soon they deci ded to hold
the fi rst provi si onal conventi on i n Bombay on August 1, 1959 when Rajaji
performed the bi rth ceremony of the Swatantra Party. Pi loo, as a founder
member, was entrusted wi th looki ng after the organi zati on of the conventi on.
I t i s i nteresti ng to note how Pi loo looked li ke at that ti me. Hi s i nti mate
fri end i n poli ti cal li fe, Madhu Mehta, descri bes hi m when he met hi m for the fi rst
ti me, a few days before the i naugurati on of the fi rst conventi on. He sai d, Pi loo
was very fat, dressed i n one of those colourful, sporty-looki ng half-sleeved bush
shi rts, weari ng a large anti que ri ng and wi th a ci gar i n hi s hand I found hi m to
be very pleasant and jovi al.
The Bombay fiasco
I n the i ni ti al peri od after joi ni ng the Swatantra Party, i t was di ffi cult for
Pi loo to express hi s thoughts i n Gujarati , Marathi or Hi ndi the languages of the
common man i n Bombay. O ne could speak i n Engli sh only to a select audi ence.
I t became almost li ke hell for Pi loo to address publi c meeti ngs. All hi s colleagues
i n Bombay had the same problem they di d not know Gujarati , Marathi , or
Hi ndi well enough. Thi s lack of fluency i n the local languages led to an
i mportant Swatantra Party meeti ng organi zed by Pi loo endi ng i n a fi asco.
I n 1960, i n Bombay, a hi gh powered commi ttee was formed of whi ch
Masani was Presi dent, Navi n Mopura, general secretary, and B K Mi stry, joi nt
secretary. Madhu Mehta worked as a pai d executi ve secretary. Both the general
secretary and the joi nt secretary were new to poli ti cs and di d not have any i dea
as to how a poli ti cal party was organi zed. Navi n Mopura was a busi nessman and
Mi stry was a mi ddle-class, old-fashi oned Parsi , havi ng no i dea of poli ti cal, soci al
or economi c problems of the country. Both of them were well meani ng
i ndi vi duals but were not cut out to work amongst the masses.
Pi loo along wi th Mopura, Mi stry and Mehta deci ded to organi ze a meeti ng
at Mohammed Ali Road ( a largely Musli m populated area) i n Bombay. I n order to
fi nali ze the venue, ti me, and other detai ls, Pi loo and Madhu Mehta went to
Mohammed Ali Road one eveni ng i n Pi loos Cadi llac. I t was the month of Ramzaan
and the area was well decorated by li ghts wi th vari ous food stalls dotti ng the road.
They parked thei r car i n a si de lane and came out to the mai n road. I t was qui te a
si ght. People had seen Pi loo getti ng out of hi s Cadi llac. He was weari ng a red and
blue bush shi rt and was smoki ng a ci garette. Chi ldren trai led hi m thi nki ng he was
some ri ch fellow come to eat speci al Ramzaan food. I t was qui te a processi on
Madhu Mehta i n the front, followed by Pi loo Mody, i n turn followed by chi ldren
pesteri ng hi m to gi ve some money. Pi loo spoke to them i n hi s Parsi -Gujarati -cum-
Hi ndi whi le the chi ldren repli ed i n Urdu wi th nei ther understandi ng the other.
Ulti mately some people i n the area agreed to organi ze a meeti ng i f a sum of
Rs 5,000 was pai d, wi th an advance of Rs 1,500. Pi loo i mmedi ately pai d the
advance. The ti me of the meeti ng was fi xed a week later at 9:15 p.m, after
Namaaz, and the Maulana of the area was to presi de over the meeti ng. The
speakers from the party were Pi loo Mody, Navi n Mopura and B K Mi stry. Madhu
Mehta, the only one who could have spoken i n a language whi ch publi c would
have understood, was deli berately excluded, as he was a paid secretary.
Pi loo arri ved for the meeti ng i n hi s usual atti re of a fancy bush shi rt,
accompani ed by Mopura and Mi stry. Mi stry was weari ng a whi te cotton sui t, a
parrot green cotton shi rt and a red ti e wi th a Sola topee i n hi s hand. Pi loo told
Madhu Mehta that he had just come to see the fun; he was not goi ng to speak
and make a fool of hi mself. Meanwhi le, B K Mi stry started i nspecti ng everythi ng.
I t was 9.00 p.m. and there was no si gn of ei ther the Maulana or other Musli m
speakers. There was a di rty looki ng jute carpet i n front of the stage. Street
chi ldren had occupi ed i t and some of them were playi ng on the stage as well,
jumpi ng on the ei ght chai rs that were kept there. B K Mi stry admoni shed Mehta
about the arrangements, aski ng hi m, Where i s your great Maulana and where i s
the audi ence? Madhu Mehta told hi m that the Namaaz was sti ll goi ng on and
that the Maulana would come only after i t was over. But Mi stry would not
113
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Profiles in Courage
beli eve that. O ne of Mehtas Bohri workers, a small shopkeeper, got sli ghtly
angry and told Mi stry, Bawaji tum jara chup raho. Sab kuch theek ho jayega.
( Bawaji ,
2
everythi ng wi ll turn out well. You just keep qui et) . Mi stry went red i n
the face and sai d i n Engli sh, We must really be more di sci pli ned. I n the
meanwhi le, the Maulana came accompani ed by about 20 to 30 i mmaculately
dressed people and sat on the stage. They escorted B K Mi stry, Pi loo Mody and
Navi n Mopura onto the stage and i ntroduced them as the leaders of the new
party started by great men li ke Rajaji and Mi noo Masani .
The meeti ng began wi th the Maulanas two assi stants reci ti ng verses from
the Holy K oran. I n the begi nni ng there was then an audi ence of about 50 to 60.
As soon as the fi rst speaker started to speak, more people came out from where
they were si tti ng i n some shops. By the ti me the Maulana began to speak, there
was a respectable audi ence of about 150 to 200 people. The Maulanas speech
lasted for over forty mi nutes by whi ch ti me there were 300 people gathered
there. Before the Maulana ended, Mopura called Mehta di screetly and told hi m
that he would not speak; he would rather let B K speak and Pi loo i f he wanted
to. He further sai d that Mehta must also speak. Somehow B K overheard what
Mopura was sayi ng and remarked i mmedi ately that a pai d secretary should not
be made to speak. Whi le Mopura and Mi stry were argui ng, the Maulana ended
hi s speech and called on B K Mi stry to speak.
Mi stry got up, carefully kept hi s Sola topee on hi s chai r, and started
ti ghteni ng the knot of hi s ti e. What he sai d was somethi ng li ke thi s: Dekho, hum
Hindi me baat bolega. Aisa bolega ke tum bilkul samaj jayega. ( Look, I wi ll
speak i n Hi ndi and I wi ll speak i n such a way that you wi ll understand i t very
well) . He sai d, Hum ekdum point par aa jayenge aur tum sablok ko
samajayanga ke Swatantra Party kya hai. Wo kyon banaya aur wo kya
karega. ( I wi ll come to the poi nt at once. I wi ll make you understand what the
Swatantra Party i s, why i t was formed, and what i t wi ll do) . Abhi tum hamara
baat suno ( Now you hear me) . At that ti me, some people were shouti ng:
Bawaji, Bawaji, ab tum bola; abhi yeh mota Piloo saab ko bolne do( we have
heard you enough, now let us hear fat Pi loo Mody) . At that ti me the chi ldren i n
the front started shouti ng Bawaji Bawaji, Piloo ko bulao, Piloo ko bulao
( Bawaji , call Pi loo to speak) . B K got angry. He went red i n the face and
conti nued, Dekho, ek minute me sab kuch bol denga. Tum jara discipline
rakho baba, yeh bache log ko chup rakhne ko bolni. Ab hum bhi tumare jaisa
kadka hai. Dekho, humara yeh coat ne bhi thingra hai. Hum paisawala aadmi
nahi hai. ( See, i n one mi nute I wi ll speak everythi ng; you should keep some
di sci pli ne, ask these chi ldren to keep qui et. We are also li ke you pennyless,
and poor; see my coat i s full of rags and sti tches; we are not ri ch people) . Ab
Swatantra kya hai yeh suno. Chup karo aur burobar suno. Samjo ke ek bada
tekri hai. Tekri par ek bada gadi hai. Wo gadi me sab Indian public bethela hai.
Driver ka naam hai Pandit Nehru. Fir gadi dhire, dhire lapasna chalu karta
hai aur fir thodi der ke bad bahut speed pakadta hai aur bethela public khoob
jorse bum padta haiHai, bachao, bachao, hum mar jayega. Oos wahkat
Rajaji peeche se aata hai aur jor se break marta hai aur gadi ahista ahista stop
hota hai, gadi ko dhakka lagta hai, magar gadi bandh ho gaya aur public
bach gaya. Samja tum lok? Yeh Congress Party ka gadi ko break kaun laga
saktakhali Swatantra ka Rajaji. Bolo Rajaji ( no response) . Bolo Rajaji
zindabad. ( Now hear me, I tell you what Swatantra Party i s. K eep qui et and
hear attenti vely. Now i magi ne there i s a bi g hi ll, on the hi ll there i s a bi g bus. I n
thi s bus all I ndi an people are si tti ng. The name of the dri ver i s Pandi t Nehru.
He makes the bus move slowly but after some ti me the bus begi ns to move very
fast sli di ng down the hi ll people si tti ng i n the bus shouti ng loudly save us,
save us, or else we would di e. At that ti me Rajaji comes from behi nd and
suddenly he stops the bus although there were several jerks, the bus stops and
all the I ndi ans are saved. Do you understand?Thi s Congerss Party can only be
stopped by Rajaji of the Swatantra Party therefore shout Rajaji Shout Long
Li ve Rajaji ) .
Whi le B K was speaki ng, Pi loo kept whi speri ng i n Mehtas ears, What the
hell i s he sayi ng? I s he maki ng a fool of hi mself? Pi loo and all others were
stunned by the manner i n whi ch B K explai ned the Swatantra Party. I t was very
di ffi cult to keep a seri ous face when the enti re audi ence was laughi ng, whi stli ng
and clappi ng. B K , of course, was very much i mpressed wi th hi s performance.
The meeti ng was fi ni shed and Mopura came where Pi loo was standi ng and told
Pi loo, Why do we have to send fools li ke hi m to speak? He made an ass of
hi mself. I n the meanwhi le, B K came closer and wi th a tri umphant look, told all,
Well, thi s i s a good begi nni ng. See how easy i t i s to explai n our party to these
people. We must have confi dence. Next ti me, we wi ll have a larger audi ence.
To thi s, Pi loo turned around and sai d, Yes, larger audi ence i ndeed, but wi thout
you. B K was left speechless.
Piloo fights and loses an election in Bombay
When the 1962 General Electi ons were announced, the Swatantra Partys
Bombay uni t executi ve commi ttee met to di scuss whether they should put up
any candi dates for the State Assembly from Bombay. The party had just begun
worki ng i n the ci ty and there were very few consti tuenci es i n Bombay where
they had the mi ni mum number of acti ve workers requi red to help the candi date
wi n the electi on. Even i n consti tuenci es where they had enrolled over four to
fi ve hundred members, only twenty or thi rty could be depended upon to work
full ti me at least for one or two weeks before the electi on date. The Commi ttee
was keen that a begi nni ng be made by putti ng up a candi date known i n the area,
who could be depended upon a large number of people to canvass for hi m
regularly at the ti me of electi ons. All of them unani mously agreed that the
Malabar Hi ll consti tuency was the i deal consti tuency for them and the best
candi date would be Pi loo Mody who had a large number of fri ends i n the
115
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Profiles in Courage
consti tuency wi th thei r own contacts. They esti mated that i n the Malabar Hi ll
area, Pi loo would be unbeatable and they had to make sure that he would lead
i n the area wi th a large margi n as to offset the lack of support i n the weaker sub-
areas such as O pera House, K hetwadi , and Sandhurst Road where a major
chunk of voters were concentrated.
Piloo called a meeting of some of his close friends and party colleagues in his
office. A twenty-member committee was formed. They went to work methodically
printing posters, making banners to be put at right locations, badges for workers,
party flags, finishing touches to Piloos own manifesto, etc. and a small committee
was also appointed to collect campaign funds. They divided the constituency into
different areas and put each area under an Area-in-Charge who, in turn, appointed
people living in the area. Each one would be in charge of one election booth, and
his responsibility would be to recruit at least 10 to 20 workers in that area to canvass
to a thousand odd voters. Everything went smoothly. The main bottleneck came
when they had to select a person to look after the weakest and trickiest area in the
constituency the K hetwadi area, with its red light district. They did not have
anybody in mind who could be trusted to look after this area. Various names were
suggested and rejected, as most of them were either untrustworthy or unreliable.
Ultimately, two weeks before the election date, the campaign committee members
and Piloo himself decided to ask Madhu Mehta to take charge. Mehta told them that
he would not be of much help because he had never organized an election in this
kind of area and his contacts were limited to some members of his own community
of K apol Banias who lived in the chawls of K hetwadi.
After a week of contacti ng people i n the area, i t was possi ble to get at least
si x reli able college-goi ng young men wi th poli ti cal convi cti ons and admi rati on for
the Swatantra Party. They confessed thei r i nabi li ty to deli ver votes i n any large
number but they were able to meet the ri ght ki nd of people. As the D-day was
approachi ng, reports about the support gi ven to Pi loo began to appear among the
poli ti cal supporters of Congress. The Congress candi date was Mani ben Desai , the
wi dow of a former Congress corporator. That was her only quali fi cati on. She could
not make any i mpact as she could not speak coherently, and before Pi loo, she was
just dumbstruck. S.K Pati l, the powerful all-I ndi a treasurer of the Congress, had
gi ven her enough money to fi ght the electi on as her Assembly consti tuency came
wi thi n hi s own Lok Sabha consti tuency of South Bombay. Suddenly the Congress
campai gn became very aggressi ve. Thousands of posters and hundreds of banners
were put up everywhere. There were qawwali programmes i n every other by-lane
of K hetwadi . Prosti tutes i n the red-li ght areas were sporti ng Congress badges.
Under these ci rcumstances, Pi loo was advi sed to take out a processi on and pass
through the red-li ght areas. That turned out to be a real di saster. There was a lot
of exci tement when Pi loo took out hi s processi on i n the red-li ght areas i n hi s open
Cadi llac. But sni de remarks and obscene gestures greeted Pi loos processi on all
the way. I t was a ni ghtmari sh experi ence.
After all thi s a young doctor from the red-li ght area approached Pi loo and
offered to help. All the madams and pi mps were hi s pati ents. He arranged a
meeti ng for Pi loo wi th some ladi es whom he descri bed as the leadi ng madams
of the area. I t was i n a courtyard behi nd a restaurant. T here were about 10 to
12 tough looki ng women weari ng gari sh dresses and sarees, wi th about four to
fi ve dalals ( pi mps) , gathered to li sten to Pi loo about the Swatantra Party. After
fi ve to ten mi nutes one of the madams had a nasty bout of coughi ng. She sent
for a bottle of soda and gargled very loudly and whi le she was doi ng that she
used her hands to si gnal to all the others to si t down. She came to the poi nt
i mmedi ately and sai d, Yeh sab kuch thik hai. Abhi bolo kya denge aap log.
Sauda ka baat karo, dusara baat mat karo. ( All thi s i s okay Now just tell
me how much you people are really wi lli ng to gi ve. Let us have a deal. All other
talk i s unnecessary) . Pi loo turned to hi s doctor fri end who got up and smi led at
them and told them that he would settle everythi ng. He took Pi loo asi de and
sai d, I wi ll talk to them and let you know. T he doctor fri end then was
remi nded that not a si ngle pai sa should be spent i n bri bi ng goondas and
crooks. He sai d not to worry.
Next morni ng thi s doctor fri end sai d that he has settled everythi ng for
Rs 6000. I t would be requi red for the expenses duri ng the last few days tables,
chai rs, tea, snacks, lunches, di nners, and other mi scellaneous expendi ture.
Payment was made. However, on the day of the electi on there was no si gn of
the doctor or hi s fri ends. The chai rs and tables were set up but they were
occupi ed by Congress workers ( the same dalals) and the Swatantra Party was
taken for a ri de.
Pi loo took a lead of over 12, 000 votes from the Malabar Hi ll area, but was
trounced i n K hetwadi area where the Congress candi date led by over 20, 000
votes. Pi loo lost ulti mately by a margi n of about 14, 000 votes.
Whi le the counti ng of votes was goi ng on, Bachubhai K hadi wala, a
veteran Congress worker of K hetwadi came up to Madhu Mehta and sai d
poli tely, Madhubhai , you are all very good and i ntelli gent people from good
fami li es. But you should not be i n poli ti cs. Thi s i s not your cup of tea or else how
can thi s dumb woman defeat a person li ke Pi loo Mody?I ts because there are
people li ke me wi th her. We know all the tri cks of the trade. Pi loo then asked
hi m whether he knew thei r doctor fri end. He sai d, Shall I tell you the truth?Thi s
doctor was our man. I had asked hi m to go to you. Now, do not get angry wi th
hi m. He needed money very badly and I helped hi m. I know i ts all wrong but
then thi s i s poli ti cs. You have to learn a lot. The days of Mahatma Gandhi have
gone. O ur leader i s now Pati l Sahi b.
When Pi loo was contacted thereafter at hi s home, he was fed-up.
Enough of Bombay. Gujarat wi ll provi de me wi th the ri ght ki nd of consti tuency.
Please thi nk of i t. He proved to be ri ght i n the years to come.
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Success in Gujarat
The Swatantra Party had mixed fortunes at the outset. I t was well received in
Gujarat, Rajasthan, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, and O rissa. I t could not do much in the
cities or metropolitan areas like Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta, and Ahmedabad. How
could the so-called leaders of Swatantra Party in Bombay even address any public
meeti ng? Thi s fact came out strongly duri ng the Bombay epi sode. People
enthusiastic about the new party did not know Gujarati, Marathi or Hindi, languages
understood by the man in the street, and were of no help in spreading the message
of liberalism. Also, in Bombay, some people who joined the new party as workers
were not interested in training camps or in the ideology of the party; they were just
interested in taking advantage of the party. Though they were capable enough to
work as polling agents or distributors of publicity material they could even dabble
in booth capturing and stamping of bogus votes and would ask for money to do
such work. Some of those who joined the party for grabbing money began to quit
the moment they found that some of its leaders were value-based politicians.
The experience elsewhere in Gujarat and Bihar was more encouraging.
Enlightened farmer leaders joined the party and were in charge of its organization.
Those who were in the Congress and were really tired of its policy and method of
working, left it and joined the Swatantra Party. I n Gujarat it had a good start, as both
the leaders, Bhaikaka and the Maharaja of Baria, were also leaders of their
community. Bhaikaka was a retired civil servant. During the British era he was an
executive engineer and had worked on the Shakar Barrage in Sindh as well as the
conception of what is today the Sardar Sarovar Dam. He commanded the confidence
of Patidar community who were mainly farmers or merchants. The Maharaja of Baria
was influential with the K hatriyas which had mainly princes and agriculturists. Both
the communities, if put together, would constitute a majority in Gujarat. At the same
time, Gujarat had no extreme leftist elements, in a way the Congress represented the
leftist side of public opinion, and hence Swatantra Party could flourish immediately
as an alternative. Bhaikaka commanded the confidence of rural masses and the
Swatantra Party won 26 seats out of 168 in the Gujarat Assembly at its first election
attempt in 1962. This impressed Piloo and he thought it right to shift to Gujarat after
his disastrous Bombay experience. He chose the Godhara Lok Sabha constituency
to contest in 1967. He also decided to change his lifestyle to match the election ethos.
He changed his dress to a pure white khadi kurta pyajama stitched in such a way
that his corpulence could be concealed. Piloo was no longer a colourful young man
from the West, he was now like an ordinary I ndian. He also began to polish his
fluency in Gujarati. By the time he came to Godhara to contest the election, he was
a changed man. Although he could not completely hide his old moorings, he had
made a commendable beginning in his metamorphosis.
At Godhara hi s mai n support was Jai deep Si ngh, the Maharaja of Bari a,
who was a pri nce wi th a di fference. He had good contact wi th the people. He
was very shrewd and poli ti cally i nsi ghtful and at the same ti me he was well
educated he was a geni us at state level poli ti cs. He was mai nly i nterested i n
Gujarat poli ti cs and wi elded a great deal of i nfluence i n Panch Mahal di stri ct
where Godhara i s si tuated. He could command respect i n K hatri yas and
Scheduled tri bes who consti tuted the mai n populati on of Panch Mahal di stri ct.
He could easi ly wi n a Lok Sabha seat from Godhara, but as he was i nterested i n
state poli ti cs, he supported Pi loo i nstead. Thus Pi loo had an excellent start i n hi s
quest to enter Parli ament from Gujarat.
I n the 1967 general electi ons, the Congress was consi derably weak.
Jawaharlal Nehru had di ed i n 1964 and hi s successor Lal Bahadur Shastri i n 1966.
Nehrus daughter I ndi ra Gandhi had not yet acqui red her chari smati c style. The
Congress leader i n Gujarat, Morarji Desai ( who became Pri me Mi ni ster of I ndi a
from 1977-79) was losi ng hi s populari ty among the people due to hi s poli ci es of
prohi bi ti on and gold control. T he pressure due to i ncreasi ng defense
expendi ture after two wars wi th Chi na and Paki stan, along wi th wasteful
expendi ture on publi c sector, had put a burden on the I ndi an economy. The
masses were greatly di ssati sfi ed and were looki ng for an alternati ve to Congress.
I t was an i nvi ti ng cli mate for the Swatantra Party i n Gujarat. Wi th the li festyle
change and the soli d support of the Maharaja of Bari a, Pi loo had an excellent
start i n Godhara consti tuency i n 1967. I remember havi ng addressed a huge
publi c meeti ng i n Godhara duri ng hi s electi on campai gn. An audi ence of about
25, 000 heard me wi th rapt attenti on and I found a good deal of enthusi asm
among people to elect Pi loo. He won the electi on hands down and entered the
fourth Lok Sabha wi th all the fanfare of a tri umphant hero.
The Swatantra Party was at i ts zeni th i n 1967. I t won 44 seats i n the Lok
Sabha. There was a Swatantra Government i n O ri ssa; i t was the mai n opposi ti on
i n Gujarat and Rajasthan and a si zeable number of members i n the assembli es of
Andhra Pradesh and Tami l Nadu. I t gai ned a foothold i n Uttar Pradesh. O ne could
noti ce that the Swatantra Party had support i n the rural areas from small
merchants and progressi ve farmers. Moreover, i n the begi nni ng i ts leaders were
also from the same groups, although most of the people who were elected were
ei ther bi g i ndustri ali sts or pri nces of the erstwhi le states or reti red ci vi l servants.
Soon after 1968, the Swatantra Party tri ed to remove the facade of keepi ng
common men i n the front and the leadershi p was changed. Prof N G Ranga was
replaced by Mi noo Masani as Presi dent of Central Party. I n Gujarat, Bhai kaka was
replaced by H M Patel, a leadi ng I CS offi cer duri ng Bri ti sh ti mes who had played
a part i n the asset di vi si on between I ndi a and Paki stan duri ng parti ti on. The Party
could no longer command the confi dence of the rural masses and bi ckeri ng
started everywhere, i n the central organi zati on as well as i n the state uni ts.
By 1970, the Gujarat uni t was totally broken. Bhai kaka had di ed; the
Maharaja of Bari a was expelled and i n turn joi ned the Congress ( O ) . Most of
legi slators left the Party and joi ned one of the uni ts of the spli t-up Congress, the
Congress ( O ) or Congress ( I ) . I n 1971, when electi ons were announced, the
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Swatantra Party was not i n a posi ti on to face the electi on alone. I t had to forge a
Grand Alli ance wi th the Congress ( O ) , the Jan Sangh and soci ali st parti es, endi ng
up as part of a hotchpotch of vari ous parti es wi th di fferences i n outlook and
i deologi es. At fi rst the Grand Alli ance had three major opposi ti on parti es, the
Congress ( O ) , Swatantra Party, and the Jan Sangh. The Swatantra Party di sagreed
wi th the Congress ( O ) on matters of economi c poli cy whi le i t di sagreed wi th the
Jan Sangh i n areas of seculari sm or i n regard to i ts general poli ti cal stance. I t was
really a tough task to forge that alli ance. O n top of that, at the last moment the
Soci ali st Party was admi tted i n the alli ance, whi ch made the posi ti on of the
Swatantra Party even worse. Si nce the Party was on a decli ne and Congress ( I )
of I ndi ra Gandhi was i n full swi ng, there was no other alternati ve for the party
but to remai n i n the khichdi of the Grand Alli ance. The result was i n the 1971
Lok Sabha electi on, i ts tally i n the Lok Sabha came down from 44 seats to 8.
Masani , i ts nati onal presi dent, was badly defeated from Rajkot.
Despi te such adverse ci rcumstances, Pi loos posi ti on was relati vely
favourable. Although the Maharaja of Bari a was no longer i n the Swatantra Party,
hi s Congress ( O ) Party was i n power i n Gujarat was also a consti tuent party of the
Grand Alli ance. Hence Pi loo enjoyed the support of the Maharaja of Bari a. Si nce
the party i n power i n Gujarat was i n Pi loos favour, there was no di ffi culty from
the state organi zati on. Pi loo had by now earned a name i n Parli ament and also
had culti vated a very i nti mate relati onshi p wi th hi s voters. Pi loos appeal to
adi vasi voters, to keep hi m as they keep thei r hansadi ( necklace) close to thei r
heart, used to go down very well i n wi nni ng thei r confi dence. He was also very
popular among the Musli ms. Although they never supported hi m wi th thei r votes,
they never acted agai nst hi m wi th venom and ani mosi ty. Pi loo won easi ly i n 1971
whi le elsewhere opposi ti on parti es were brutally defeated by I ndi ra Gandhi s
Congress ( I ) and her slogan of Garibi hatao ( Remove poverty) . Almost all the
have-nots, schedule castes, schedule tri bes, Musli m and other backward caste
people along wi th lower mi ddle-classes were on Congress ( I ) s si de. Pi loos
favourable posi ti on agai nst all odds probably was to some extent because the
1971 electi ons were not a joi nt electi on of Parli ament and assembli es.
After the di saster of 1971, the Swatantra Party was entrusted to Pi loo who
became i ts nati onal presi dent i n 1972. Pi loo tri ed hi s best to save the Party, but
fai led. The Party had a very poor performance i n the 1972 assembly electi ons. I n
Gujarat not a si ngle seat was won. I n Parli ament, out of the 8 members
3 members shi fted to I ndi ras Congress ( I ) as a result of her spectacular vi ctory
i n 1972. Agai n when assembly electi ons were conducted i n Uttar Pradesh i n
1973, Pi loo put 112 candi dates but almost all lost thei r deposi ts. I n Uttar Pradesh,
the Congress could form a government by polli ng only 32% of votes whi le all the
opposi ti on parti es wi th 68% of votes could not obtai n a majori ty of seats.
Ulti mately Pi loo deci ded to merge the Swatantra Party wi th Charan Si nghs
Bharti ya K ranti Dal to make i t the Bharati ya Lok Dal ( BLD) of whi ch he was
chosen as General Secretary i n 1974. Later on i n 1977, the BLD merged wi th the
Janata Party i n whi ch Pi loo remai ned ti ll he di ed i n 1983, i ncessantly fi ghti ng
agai nst the facti onali sm, whi ch flouri shed i n the Janata Party.
Pi loo faced an awkward si tuati on i n the 1977 electi on. He was by thi s ti me
a great leader; he had a chari smati c i mage; hi s publi c meeti ngs used to be huge
and li vely. He was i n demand everywhere i n Gujarat, but unfortunately thi s ti me
the Maharaja of Bari a was not wi th hi m; i n fact he was agai nst hi m and hence i t
was di ffi cult for Pi loo to obtai n a good support from K hatri yas and adi vasi
voters. Pati dar voters were di vi ded between the Congress and Janata Party and
Musli ms who were well i ncli ned to Pi loo could not support hi m i n the electi on
si nce the Jan Sangh was a consti tuent of the Janata Party. As Pi loo was asked to
help all over Gujarat he could not spend suffi ci ent ti me for hi s own consti tuency.
Moreover, Congress had put up Hi tendra Desai , a popular ex-Chi ef Mi ni ster
agai nst hi m. All these factors resulted i n defeat for Pi loo by a narrow margi n of
1, 200 votes. Although the Janata Party came to power i n Delhi , Pi loo was no
longer a Member of Parli ament.
As soon as the Janata Party came to power, i t i mmedi ately plunged i nto
i nternal feuds. Pi loos candi dature for any bye-electi ons was caught up i n the
i nternal squabbles of the Janata Party. Duri ng 1977, two i mportant bye-electi ons
for the Lok Sabha came up i n Gujarat and Haryana. For both hi s name was
suggested but could not be accepted by the Central Parli amentary Board due to
the i ntense facti onali sm caused by the i ncomplete merger of the di fferent groups
or consti tuent parti es i nto one poli ti cal party. Ulti mately, Pi loo was elected to the
Rajya Sabha from Gujarat i n 1978. And hence he agai n became the Member of
Parli ament from 1978 for a term of si x years.
Pi loo was a Member of Parli ament from 1967 ti ll hi s death i n 1983 wi th a
short break of a year i n 1977-78. He was so frustrated by the Janata Party that he
was almost ready to start a new party for whi ch he conti nued to work ti ll hi s
death. I f he had not di ed i n 1983, he would probably have started hi s new party
i n 1984 and started afresh i n I ndi an poli ti cs.
Liberalism and the Swatantra Party
I t i s i nteresti ng to note why the Swatantra Party rose so qui ck ly and also
fell down so suddenly as i f i t had never been i n exi stence at all. I n fact, i t
flouri shed because people who were thoughtful and of good character were
i n agreement wi th i ts poli cy especi ally i ts li beral i deology. I t was also a ti me
i n I ndi an poli ti cs when people were i n search of an alternati ve to the
Congress. T here was a voi d of any alternati ve non-soci ali st party. Even
though some parti es grew up here and there, they were confi ned to a state
level i nfluence based on soci ali st i deology. Such a voi d gave an opportuni ty
to the Swatantra Party to come up suddenly as an alternati ve to non-li beral
parti es, bi g or small.
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Profiles in Courage
The Swatantra Party vani shed suddenly for several reasons. By i ts nature i t
was i nflexi ble, i t would not make compromi ses wi th i ts i deology. I t stood for no
parti cular i nterest and therefore would not beli eve i n so called tacti cs, di plomacy,
strategi es, compromi ses, etc. whi ch may be necessary on short-term
consi derati ons for speci al i nterests. I ts leaders would not gi ve false promi ses for
short-term advantages and especi ally not adopt the tacti cs of bogus voti ng or
bri bi ng voters. They would not adopt any narrower vi ew even for a forei gn poli cy.
They would not have caste, colour, regi onal, or reli gi ous consi derati ons. Si nce
thei r i deology was uni versal, they would not appeal to any narrow vi ewpoi nt,
whi ch may have been necessary to bui ld alli ances wi th vari ous opposi ti on parti es.
Moreover, from the very begi nni ng i t was shaped by Mi noo Masani who was
i n several ways i nflexi ble, to the extent of bei ng obsti nate. I n the i ni ti al peri od, the
Party was mai nly supported by rural areas but i t could not work for rural i nterests
as requi red. Although i t was meant for an alternati ve i deology li berali sm or
capi tali sm i ts leaders here and there stood for mi xed economy; thus i nstead of
maki ng compromi ses i n tacti cs or strategi es they made compromi ses i n i deology
for short-term gai ns. They also di d not know that people are not thoughtful enough
to understand the full i mpli cati ons and nature of capi tali sti c pattern of soci ety.
Probably they di d not concentrate on educati ng the masses i n thei r i deology.
Probably the lack of short-term strategi es or i nflexi ble atti tude or value
based poli ti cs were not harmful to soci al progress. But, the eagerness to wi n
seats i n legi slatures and i n Parli ament wi thout educati ng masses i n li beral i deas
was mai nly responsi ble for i ts sudden downfall. Pi loo understood thi s and later
wanted to start a new party wi th a di fference. He was keen to educate the
masses. He wanted to recrui t people for the organi zati on of the new party who
could teach li beral educati on. He wanted hi s poli ti cal workers to be both
thoughtful and concerned of hi gh character, but wi th hi s sudden death i n 1983
all these i deas could not be fulfi lled.
I t i s worthwhi le to note that the Swatantra Party i n I ndi a faced a uni que
si tuati on. All other poli ti cal parti es were representi ng some ki nd of speci al i nterest,
or i nterests; no one stood for all, or for the whole. They were the protectors of
some ki nd of caste, class, reli gi ous, regi onal or ethni c i nterests. The Swatantra
Party di dnt stand for any one i nterest, hence all other parti es were hosti le to i t. The
Swatantra Party beli eved i n harmony of i nterests. Unless i t created a powerful
group of enli ghtened ci ti zens, i t was di ffi cult for i t to stand agai nst the combi ned
onslaught of all other non-li beral parti es. I n fact a man li ke Rajaji i n hi s young age
could have provi ded the necessary leadershi p to create such an enli ghtened group
of ci ti zens. But alas, Rajaji started the Swatantra Party at the fag end of hi s li fe and
Masani was not meant to provi de the leadershi p, whi ch was necessary agai nst
such anti -li beral forces. The Swatantra Party therefore just di sappeared. I t now
awai ts the emergence of a young Rajaji i n I ndi a, because the general poli ti cal and
economi c cli mate i s encouragi ng for a renai ssance i n li berali sm.
Can we then just descri be Pi loo as a li beral who fought agai nst soci ali st
poli ci es and growth of di ctatorshi p i n I ndi a?No, Pi loo was a li beral of a di fferent
hue; for example, there are li beral thi nkers who stand for i ndi vi dual freedom
and at the same ti me would li ke to use the i nstrument of state to i ntroduce soci al
and economi c changes the so-called democrati c soci ali sts or Ameri can li berals.
Pi loo was agai nst thi s type of li berali sm. He was also not i n tune wi th those
li berals who mai nly beli eved i n certai n posi ti ve ri ghts or enti tlements. I n fact
Pi loo would not go beyond the Consti tuti on. Even for poverty allevi ati on he di d
not depend on the state. Hi s i dea of democracy wi th bread di dnt go beyond
protecti ve ri ghts for human bei ngs.
Pi loo was an i ndi vi duali st fi rst and last; for hi m i ndi vi duali sm was a
begi nni ng as well as an end. We fi nd many li berals who mai ntai n neutrali ty
between soci ety and i ndi vi dual, but Pi loo di d not vaci llate i n thi s regard. For
hi m an i ndi vi dual had pri ori ty over soci ety, si nce soci ety or state i s no
superman, nor can i t domi nate over an i ndi vi dual. I n fact soci ety i s one of the
soci al i nsti tuti ons, whi ch i s meant to serve the needs of an i ndi vi dual just as
li ght, ai r, water, and food serve human needs. T hus soci ety or state i s an
i nstrument, surely a very i mportant i nstrument, but i t cannot domi nate an
i ndi vi dual. T hi s i s i ndeed the key to understandi ng Pi loos li berali sm. Very few
people i n I ndi a barri ng a person li ke Rajaji understood the real essence of
Pi loos i ndi vi duali sm.
What then was the nature and content of Pi loos li berali sm?How di d he
see the relati onshi p of the i ndi vi dual wi th soci ety? I n what way are di fferent
ki nds of freedom related to each other?Pi loos i ndi vi duali sm was more or less
li ke that of Edmund Burke or Herbert Spencer, or recently Fri edri ch Hayek,
accepti ng an evoluti onary process of growth along wi th vi si on and morali ty to
keep one on the ri ght track. For hi m the i ndi vi dual i s the begi nni ng because man
i s uni que among all speci es i n the world. Man i s endowed wi th reason and
capaci ty to express and communi cate and therefore a superi or speci e i ndeed
the crowni ng glory of the uni verse. Whatever he sees around hi m i s ei ther
created by nature or by hi m but certai nly not by an i nsti tuti on howsoever bi g i t
may be. Surely soci ety or state cannot create anythi ng by i tself.
Because man i s a superi or speci e, he i s endowed wi th certai n human
ri ghts for whi ch Pi loo depended heavi ly on the Ameri can Declarati on of
I ndependence whi ch stated: We hold these truths to be self evi dent, that all men
are created equal and that they are endowed by thei r creator wi th certai n
i nali enable ri ghts among whi ch are li fe, li berty and the pursui t of happi ness.
These ri ghts are i nvi olable, because they are born wi th hi m; they are i nali enable
because he cannot part wi th them. He cannot gi ve them away to anyone else.
Pi loo would not mi nd consi deri ng them as sacred, God gi ven, di vi ne, natural or
i nherent. Just as ears, throat and nose are part and parcel of human body, these
ri ghts are also attached to human bei ngs.
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Accordi ng to Pi loo, man i s a bundle of i mpulses, governed by contradi ctory
plurali st tendenci es. He i s ki nd as well as aggressi ve. He i s both a follower as well
as a leader. He i s nothi ng i f he does not possess a terri tory. He li kes the fulfi llment
of hi s i nner desi res say for di scovery, or to roam around, or to i ni ti ate new thi ngs,
and has acqui si ti ve i nsti ncts. He wants to domi nate. He wi shes to be prai sed and
admi red; at the same ti me, he wi shes to associ ate wi th hi s fellow men. I n a way he
i s soci al and loves hi s fami ly. He also wants to co-operate, compete and envy.
Thus we need a soci al organi zati on whi ch enables us to suppress the harmful and
keep the benefi ci al trai ts of human bei ngs. Thi s could be done by preservi ng
fundamental human ri ghts, by whi ch we try to encourage vi rtues and suppress
vi ces. When the i nherent and i nvi olable ri ghts of li fe, li berty and pursui t of
happi ness are gi ven, i t i s the suggested way to be safe, secure and prosperous
out of the quagmi re of human i mpulses. Accordi ng to Pi loo, we nei ther want
human bei ngs to be slaves ( as they were i n the past) nor to be robots ( as some
expect humans to become i n future) . Si nce robots do not li ve and remai n sane, we
want a democracy whi ch gi ves both freedom as well as bread.
Because of hi s rugged i ndi vi duali sm, Pi loo was clear about the
relati onshi p between the i ndi vi dual and soci ety. Accordi ng to hi m, every
human soci ety emerges out of mans needs, just as every soci ety of bees sati sfi es
the bees needs. I t i s man who creates soci ety. I t i s man who deci ded hi s
relati onshi p to hi s fellows and i t i s man who wi ll effect change, should hi s needs
demand such a change. To the argument that man cannot survi ve wi thout the
help of soci ety, Pi loos reply was that, i f soci ety i s a necessary adjunct, so are
li ght, food, water and shelter. I f we accept the suggesti on that soci ety consi sts
of a multi tude of i ndi vi duals and hence i t has a li fe of i ts own, soci ety i n that
ci rcumstance, lacks uni formi ty and so i t has to act on the basi s of consensus or
majori ty for whi ch i t has to recei ve human di recti ons. I t i s here accordi ng to
Pi loo, that Henry Davi d Thoreaus state comes to recogni ze the i ndi vi dual as a
hi gher and i ndependent power from whi ch all i ts own power and authori ty are
deri ved and treats hi m accordi ngly.
There i s one more concludi ng argument gi ven by Pi loo i n favour of hi s
i ndi vi duali sm: evi dence suggests that soci eti es can survi ve i f they conti nue to
grow, those whi ch fai led to ensure growth were overcome and peri shed. Thi s
growth i s possi ble when i ndi vi dual i s free to i nnovate, i nvent, di scover, create,
experi ment and constantly i ncrease hi s stock of knowledge. Accordi ng to Pi loo,
all thi s suggests consi derable scope for free thi nki ng and acti on, li mi ti ng the
role of soci ety.
Pi loo knew very well that man i s surrounded by nature. He tri ed to fi nd
out about hi s surroundi ngs. I n thi s search he tri ed to fi nd out truth and truth i s
what i s known to us, whi ch i s sci enti fi cally veri fi ed and i s not hearsay. To fi nd
out the truth to exploi t i t for ones own defense or progress, human bei ngs
make efforts eternally, constantly and unfettered. I t i s for thi s reason, the
i ndi vi dual submi ts to soci ety by pre-arrangement i .e. by certai n rules agreed
upon by hi m earli er and i s also i nfluenced by the soci ety of hi s own creati on.
Pi loo was aware of the contradi cti on presented by the nature of man the
superi or speci e of nature. For hi s fullest development he requi res maxi mum
freedom, at the same ti me, he cannot functi on alone; he functi ons best i n a soci al
envi ronment. T hus human acti ons are i nterrelated. For Pi loo therefore
i ndi vi duali sm i s to be exami ned i n the context of exi stence of other i ndi vi duals.
Thi s fact i s to be consi dered i n two ways: when an i ndi vi dual talks of hi s freedom,
he i s requi red to thi nk of equal freedom of other i ndi vi duals. So when one talks
of freedom, one also has to accept the restri cti ons on ones own freedom.
The fact of the exi stence of other i ndi vi duals has another i mportant
i mpli cati on. Si nce a human bei ng i s dependent on other human bei ngs, he i s i n
a way a soci al ani mal. He seeks a relati onshi p wi th others; thi s relati onshi p
depends on hi s nature, whi ch i s a bundle of i mpulses and i s full of contradi cti ons.
He li kes to love as well as to hate; he li kes to be fri endly at the same ti me i s
aggressi ve. He i s selfi sh at the same ti me li kes to be altrui sti c to others. The ri ghts
of li fe, li berty and pursui t of happi ness should take thi s fact of human
i nterdependence i nto account. Thi s i nterdependence i s especi ally i mportant i n
ci vi l li fe where he i s requi red to enter i nto market relati onshi ps for hi s li vi ng and
soci al relati onshi ps for fami ly, fri endshi p and cultural development.
Pi loo summari zes hi s vi ew on the relati onshi p between i ndi vi dual and
soci ety by sayi ng, A soci ety i s the product of i ndi vi dual acti ons whi ch take
place i n a fi eld whi ch turns i nto a common ground, where the source of all
acti on i s the i ndi vi dual, and soci ety the fi eld of such acti on.
Concei ved i n thi s manner, the i dea of equali ty becomes i nevi table i n the
relati onshi p between the i ndi vi dual and soci ety. Unless equal treatment i s
assured, i ndi vi dual cannot functi on i n a soci al envi ronment. Pi loo wri tes: When
i t i s sai d that men are created equal, i t i s not refutati on of bi ology or rejecti on of
anthropologys process of natural selecti on. I t does not presume equali ty of
mi nd but i t does assert that all men should enjoy the same ri ghts and li berti es.
I n fact rule of law should prevai l.
Pi loo was therefore i n full agreement, both i n word as well as i n spi ri t,
when I ndi as Consti tuti on was framed i n 1950. As the Preamble says: We, the
people of I ndi a, havi ng solemnly resolved to consti tute I ndi a i nto a soverei gn
democrati c republi c and to secure to all i ts ci ti zens:
Justi ce, soci al, economi c and poli ti cal
Li berty of thought, expressi on, beli ef, fai th and worshi p.
Equali ty of status and of opportuni ty and to promote among them all
fraterni ty assuri ng the di gni ty of the i ndi vi dual and the uni ty of nati on.
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Pi loo wanted human soci ety to provi de maxi mum economi c freedom to
all so that they could pursue the work they li ke. Thi s economi c li berty i ncludes
the terri tori al ri ght whi ch tri bal soci eti es used to enjoy. Thi s ri ght i s attached to
the ri ght to the pursui t of happi ness. Man never feels happy unless he gets
maxi mum freedom of choi ce to act, to move, to thi nk, to experi ment, etc. Thi s
i s bei ng gi ven to hi m by the ri ght to pri vate property. That i s why John Locke
allows man to enjoy the frui ts of hi s labour labour that emanates from hi s
body whi ch belongs to no one except hi mself. I t i s thi s li berty whi ch can easi ly
be the engi ne of hi s growth.
Accordi ng to Pi loo, those who want to attack fundamental ri ghts begi n
wi th the ri ght to property because i t i s easi er to show i t as exploi tati ve,
luxuri ous, maki ng man lazy, capable of accumulati on and creati ng rural
i ndebtedness. But they forget, as Pi loo beli eves, that property has been
consi dered as an extensi on of man hi mself the Engli shmans house i s hi s
castle where he can have a feeli ng of comfort, safety and securi ty whi ch were
avai lable to hi m when he was i n the womb. I n fact property i s the basi s of all
other human ri ghts. For example, we have the ri ght to freedom of expressi on,
but wi thout the ri ght to own a pri nti ng press or a TV stati on, that ri ght to freedom
of expressi on i s just on paper. I n 1978, the 44th amendment of the I ndi an
Consti tuti on removed the Ri ght to Property as a Fundamental Ri ght.
About freedom therefore, Pi loo was clear i n that i t cannot be di vi ded i nto
poli ti cal, ci vi l, and economi c, nor can i t be parti ally gi ven. I ndeed there are
li berals who mai ntai n that poli ti cal and ci vi c freedoms should be gi ven fully to
all but not economi c freedom, whi ch can be curtai led here and there. Pi loo
opposed thi s vi ew. O n the contrary, he beli eved that economi c li berty and
especi ally the ri ght of property i s the basi s for all other freedoms. He would not
therefore separate ri ght of property from all other fundamental ri ghts.
Therefore, Pi loo says that the i ndi vi dual i s not only a means to an end, but
an end i n hi mself, a reference to K ants phi losophy. All other soci al i nsti tuti ons
are the means to serve human bei ngs. Who the i ndi vi dual has to serve has not
been menti oned except i n reli gi on where man i s supposed to serve God or other
human bei ngs but certai nly not any soci al i nsti tuti on as such.
About equali ty also Pi loo had a great deal of clari ty. He was aware of
human i nequali ti es and di fferences. He was also aware of the changi ng pattern
of these di fferences. That i s why he depended heavi ly on obtai ni ng knowledge,
creati vi ty, i nnovati on, i nventi on, ambi ti on and aspi rati ons to meet these
i nequali ti es and di fferences i n a dynami c world. For thi s he wanted equali ty
among i ndi vi duals to provi de equal freedom to all, to follow the rules meant for
all, to keep the good of others always before ones heart. He was also sure of the
fact that i f the wealth of the ri ch i s di stri buted among the poor i n order to bri ng
equali ty, poverty cannot be eli mi nated, i t may probably i ncrease.
Nor can poverty be aboli shed by gi vi ng so-called posi ti ve ri ghts: the ri ght
to health and the ri ght to sati sfy ones own needs. I t i s futi le also to poi nt out a
hungry belly to prove a posi ti ve ri ght because we cannot create any wealth by
provi di ng any such posi ti ve ri ghts. But he would certai nly ask other well-to-do
people to di ssemi nate i nformati on among unfortunate people to i mprove ones
own health or i ncreasi ng ones own knowledge about vari ous opportuni ti es
avai lable for obtai ni ng happi ness i n li fe. He would therefore, keep educati on at
the very centre of soci al acti vi ti es so that i ts rays play a pi votal role. Soci eti es
must provi de opportuni ti es for human development and i nspi re others to take
advantage of them. But the poor must ri se by hi s own bootstraps. He must work
hi mself to take advantage of these opportuni ti es. He should know that he has a
duty to work i f he wants bread.
O f course the poor should not be prevented by any law from getti ng hi s
work. There should not be anythi ng li ke a law guaranteei ng mi ni mum wages.
Pi loo would probably support the state to provi de schemes li ke food for work
or employment guarantee scheme or even provi di ng work places where work i s
bei ng gi ven at the level of subsi stence whi ch may be lower than the prevai li ng
wages i n the mark et. He was therefore, agai nst any doles, chari ty or
governmental programmes of poverty allevi ati on or government managed soci al
securi ty schemes. He wanted human soci ety fi rst to provi de maxi mum economi c
li berty so that he can pursue the work he li kes. I t i s thi s li berty whi ch can easi ly
be hi s engi ne of growth. At the same ti me, he wanted all other human bei ngs to
show hi m all sorts of encouragement: hope, expectati on, i nspi rati on, aspi rati on.
I n thi s connecti on, Pi loo was fond of gi vi ng an example of Charles De Gaulle of
France, who brought about a French mi racle after the Second World War. He di d
i t by rousi ng French pri de and aspi rati ons. T hat i s why for Pi loo the
development of i ndi vi dual and i ncrease i n knowledge, abi li ty, ski ll, health,
awareness, pri de i n freedom are i mportant. I ndeed development does not rest
on doles, chari ty or subsi dy of the government.
Many a ti me i t so happens that di fferent people have the same starti ng
poi nt, but they come to di fferent conclusi ons. For Hobbes man i s essenti ally bad,
whi le for Rousseau, he i s good. For Hegel, the state i s almost li ke God, whi le for
Marx i t should wi ther away. Mahatma Gandhi would vi ew the state as a symbol
of coerci on and may therefore want to reduce i t to a non-enti ty. Pi loo also
presented hi s thi nki ng about the need of a state and i ts nature, whi ch we may
gi ve here i n hi s own words. The enti re i dea of havi ng a state, that i s an authori ty
whi ch can di spense justi ce, arbi trate i n i ndi vi dual quarrels, or arrest confli cts
among people, mai ntai n law and order and protect the ri ghts of i ndi vi duals, ari ses
out of mans need to li ve i n harmony wi th hi s fellow men. That alone i s why i t i s
necessary. There i s no other need for a state i t i s the employee of the people.
3
For Pi loo, the state seems to be a necessary evi l. Although, someti mes he
tri es to show the state as a posi ti ve good, but essenti ally he supports the i dea of a
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state, both as a li mi ted and a mi ni mal enti ty. I t should be mai nly a protecti ve state,
but concerned for the happi ness of human soci ety. However, for tackli ng the
problem of poverty he reluctantly suggests that the state may take some other
functi ons besi des i ts protecti ve work. For example, the provi si on of pure dri nki ng
water or eradi cati on of malari a or removal of malnutri ti on may be taken up by the
state. Moreover, i t may throw li ght on several soci al problems by the di ssemi nati on
of knowledge. But all thi s he allowed the state to do just as a pi lot project or as a
temporary i ni ti ati ve. The state should get away from such functi ons as early as
possi ble. I n fact, Pi loo would prefer welfare functi ons to be organi zed by voluntary
i nsti tuti ons i n a ci vi l soci ety. Basi cally Pi loo wanted to mi ni mi ze the use of force: i n
fact, the state may help soci ety to organi ze such functi ons on a voluntary basi s.
Pi loo di d not want the state to i nterfere i n economi c matters. Thi s i s so
because he beli eved that the state i s necessary because people want to li ve i n
harmony. Therefore, the state should enact laws requi red to secure the
fundamental ri ghts of man. The state should not enact legi slati on based on
i deologi es. Economi c i nterference i s possi ble only on an i deologi cal ground and
hence the state should keep off economi c functi ons.
I t should however, be remembered that Pi loo was a vi si onary but not a
utopi an. He beli eved i n the evoluti onary process. He depended very much on
custom and tradi ti on but di d not want to remai n stagnant. He always wanted to
be on the move. Hi s morali ty, ethi cs of reli gi on, dedi cati on to the good of all
humani ty provi ded hi m the vi si on. Hi s vi si on helped to show hi m the di recti on
i n whi ch he should move. I t i s for thi s reason that he favoured democracy as a
form of governance. For hi m democracy i s not utopi a, i t i s a process a method
of vi ewi ng thi ngs from the human poi nt of vi ew. I mmanuel K ants
words Human i ndi vi duals are ends, do not use them as mere means to your
ends
4
would express Pi loos vi ews appropri ately.
What then i s the vi si on of democracy, whi ch provi ded hi m the di recti on ?
For Pi loo the descri pti on of Atheni an democracy gi ven by Peri cles about 2, 400
years ago was hi s vi si on. I n the words of Peri cles:
O ur form of government does not enter i nto ri valry wi th the i nsti tuti ons of
others. We do not copy our nei ghbours, but we are an example to them. I t i s true
that we are called a democracy, for the admi ni strati on i s i n the hands of many and
not of the few. But whi le the laws secure equal justi ce to all ali ke i n thei r pri vate
di sputes, the clai ms of excellence are also recogni zed; and when the ci ti zen i s i n
any way di sti ngui shed, he i s referred to the publi c servi ce, not as a matter of
pri vi lege, but as a reward of meri t. Nei ther i s poverty a bar, for a man may benefi t
hi s country what ever be the obscuri ty of hi s condi ti on. There i s no exclusi veness
i n our publi c li fe and i n our pri vate i ntercourse, we are not suspi ci ous of one
another, nor angry wi th our nei ghbour, i f he does what he li kes; we do not put
our sour looks at hi m, whi ch though harmless, are not pleasant. Whi le we are
thus unconstrai ned i n our pri vate i ntercourse, a spi ri t of reverence pervades our
publi c acts; we are prevented from doi ng wrong by respect for authori ty and for
the laws, havi ng an especi al regard to those who are ordai ned for the protecti on
of the i njured, as well as those unwri tten laws whi ch bri ng upon the transgressor
of them the reprobati on of the general senti ment. Remember that the prosperi ty
can be only for the free, and that freedom i s the sure possessi on of those alone
who have the courage to defend i t.
5
Nei ther Thomas Jefferson, nor foundi ng fathers of the I ndi an Consti tuti on,
nor wri ters of the Magna Carta or the Bi ll of Ri ghts, nor even thi nkers of the
French and Ameri can revoluti ons, can i mprove upon the vi si on gi ven by
Peri cles. Pi loo had that vi si on before hi m, whi ch used to gui de hi m i n hi s
poli ti cal acti vi ti es.
Accordi ng to Pi loo, human experi ence so far has suggested that
democracy, among all other forms of governance, i s the best. But i t i s not
necessari ly the best governance. The process of evoluti on of democracy i s long
and arduous. I t i s the result of so many forces: the revolt agai nst tyranny, the
desi re to share power, the safety i mpli ed by the doctri ne of advi se and consent,
the need to delegate authori ty and faci li tate admi ni strati on through
representati on. The necessi ty to stabi li ze i nsti tuti ons whi ch grew out of thi s
yearni ng, for securi ty of li fe and property i nherent i n a soci ety based on rule of
law rather than on the whi ms of i ndi vi duals, and a desi re to sati sfy the urge for
human di gni ty and well-bei ng.
But we should remember that i n democracy, we have one di lemma,
whi ch should be solved i f democracy has to work. Democracy works through
parti ci pati on of people hence i t has to go to as many people as possi ble i n
short, i t works from below. But the government works from above. That i s, the
power acts by centrali zati on. I t i s wi elded by a few and i t always moves up
towards apex. I n a democrati c government one force leads downwards whi le
the other leads upwards. Thi s di lemma i s solved by gi vi ng fundamental ri ghts to
i ndi vi duals and li mi ti ng power to the state.
The real problem attached to all democraci es i s therefore how to protect
those fundamental human ri ghts. O ne can answer thi s questi on by sayi ng that
democracy should be kept awake and vi brant. Pi loo suggests that one can do so
consti tuti onally. We can menti on these ri ghts as our basi c ri ghts that are
justi fi able, whi ch cannot be changed, altered, tampered by Parli ament or even
by amendi ng the Consti tuti on. Secondly, we can li mi t the functi ons of
government as done i n the concept of li mi ted government, or mi ni mal state.
Thi rdly, we can make the poverty sector, producti ve, so that the worki ng of
democracy can be smooth. Besi des we can put our educati onal system i n the
centre of all soci al acti vi ti es so that we can make the democracy enli ghtened.
Pi loo would provi de for a two party system, culti vate basi c morali ty and atti tude
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of people, and i ntroduce a system of checks and balances between vari ous
wi ngs of the state.
To make a success of democracy, accordi ng to Pi loo mans heart has to be
i n i ts ri ght place, i .e. there should be a certai n morali ty establi shed i n soci ety,
whi ch bri ngs out certai n quali ti es, ei ther through educati on or through the
fami ly. These quali ti es are: a feeli ng for beauty, an affi ni ty wi th an envi ronment,
a love of the soi l, basi c morali ty, ethi cs of reli gi on, i ni ti ati ve, i ntegri ty, character,
and fai r-mi ndedness. All these wi ll enhance the value of democracy.
For Pi loo, democracy i s based on an ori gi nal beli ef that the people are
soverei gn and the ori gi n of power li es wi th the people. Thi s i s the only moral
justi fi cati on of any free soci ety. I t i s because of thi s morali ty, Pi loo beli eved that
the fundamental ri ghts we enjoy are subject to none, not even to the elected
representati ves. That i s why I ndi as parli ament or any countrys parli ament i s
not soverei gn, because the parli ament i s created by the people and people can
not delegate thei r soverei gnty to anybody else. Thus by keepi ng soverei gnty,
whi ch i s the ori gi n of power, people mai ntai n thei r i nvi olable and i nali enable
fundamental ri ghts.
Here Pi loo seems to be absolutely ri ght. I f anybody else, except the
people, i s allowed to take away these fundamental ri ghts, what prevents
anybody else to usurp those ri ghts and be a di ctator?I t i s for thi s reason that he
opposed Nath Pai s bi ll amendi ng Consti tuti on of I ndi a wi th a vi ew to gi ve
supremacy to Parli ament. Moreover, Pi loo could see the seeds of di ctatorshi p
when I ndi ra Gandhi argued that the Pri me Mi ni ster has the ri ght to functi on
i ndependently of and unhi ndered by the party.
6
I t i s thi s concern for i ndi vi dual freedom for whi ch he was agai nst the
tendency to domi nati on, aggressi on, and di ctatorshi p. Human bei ngs have
these tendenci es and i f hi s i nali enable ri ghts are to be preserved they should
see that the human nature for aggressi on should be curbed: that i s only possi ble
by formi ng a state. Accordi ng to Pi loo, we fi nd that man has to fi ght agai nst thi s
tendency for domi nati on through means such as the M agna Carta si gned i n
1215, by the Bi ll of Ri ghts or by the Ameri can and French revoluti ons and even
from struggles for i ndependence of vari ous countri es i n the ni neteenth and
twenti eth centuri es.
Pi loo was totally i n favour of the market process as agai nst the planni ng
process. Hi s opposi ti on to planni ng i s seen when he wri tes: I t i s a cardi nal
pri nci ple and an eternal truth that wealth can never be generated from the
corri dors of secretari ats, nor does i t come from the ambi ti ous hearts of
bureaucrats or the greedy mi nds of poli ti ci ans: i t i s produced only from that part
of market place that i s genui nely free.
7
Further i n hi s speech i n the Lok Sabha,
he sai d: I t i s human aspi rati ons that must bui ld human soci ety not these
ni ggardly planni ng processes.
Accordi ng to Pi loo, the planni ng processes create a mentali ty of creati ng
obstacles. Whi le speaki ng on the Forei gn Exchange Regulati on bi ll, he sai d: I
have not understood what they ( the planners) want. They do not want to work;
they do not want to trade; they do not want to i nvest; they do not want to
produce. They only want to eat. How long can they conti nue li ke thi s?I t i s the
mentali ty of a frog i n a well or an ostri ch wi th hi s head i n the sand.
Pi loos preference for capi tali sm and market economy i s seen when he
wri tes i n March of the Nation on Apri l 2, 1966: I ndi vi duals can guard thei r
i nterests far better than the government can, and thei r combi ned efforts on thei r
own behalf must i nevi tably produce a more prosperous and more contended
nati on. Competi ti on, consumer preference, the benefi ts of i ndi vi dual
enterpri se all these better the lot of the common man.
O ne of Pi loos arguments agai nst state soci ali sm was that i t breeds corrupti on
on a large scale, parti cularly among poli ti ci ans i n power, hi gher-up bureaucrats,
and bi g i ndustri ali sts and busi nessmen. That i s why he would say that I ndi as ruli ng
eli te suffered from an acute case of schi zophreni a. I n September, 1972, when he
spoke i n Parli ament on the frauds wi thi n the Food Corporati on of I ndi a, he
menti oned that i n order to remove corrupti on the chai rman of the corporati on
moved i n the di recti on of centrali zati on wi th a vi ew to taki ng over all the powers i n
the hands of the chai rman and then he began to adopt corrupti on wi thout bei ng
noti ced. I n the case of mustard oi l, three unknown unregi stered people were
allowed to submi t tenders for a quali ty of mustard oi l, whi ch does not exi st; they
call i t Agmark 3. The market knows about Agmark 1 and Agmark 2 only, but thi s
tender was for Agmark 3, and the tender was for Rs 10 per kg. more than the market
pri ces of the known quali ti es. I t was the same story i n sugar also. Regardi ng the
movements of foodgrai ns whi ch took place wi thout any vali d reason, the chai rman
pai d Rs 48 per bag, when normally Rs 12 per bag i s to be pai d and the tender was
gi ven to an unknown company. Duri ng thi s speech, Pi loo poi nted out a fact about
paddy that the current rate for selli ng one qui ntal of paddy was 81 pai se whi le the
chai rman pai d Rs 2.25 per qui ntal about three ti mes more than the normal rate.
Agai n we fi nd hi s scathi ng attack on the Antulay affai r i n Onlooker.
8
About Antulay he wri tes: When a chi ef mi ni ster openly tells a representati ve
group of Congress ( I ) MPs that he had collected funds i n Bombay i n the i nterest
of Congress ( I ) , and duri ng that collecti on certai n amounts were collected from
bui lders, contractors, i ndustri ali sts and busi nessmen i n Bombay for certai n
favours shown to them by the state government, and the amount passed on to
the MPCC ( I ) presi dent Gulabrao Pati l for party work; I t becomes the hei ght of
brazenness even for the so-called new values of today. The connecti on of thi s
type of corrupti on wi th fasci sm was clearly shown by hi m when he remarked on
Antulay affai rs: I do not thi nk that the new values of I ndi ra Gandhi era
confi rms to any known system of phi losophy other than that found i n the pages
of Mein Kampf and the old fami li ar chant of one people, one country,
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one leader. Pi loo has to say so because Antulay i n hi s defense had sai d My
loyalty i s born out of poli ti cal phi losophy. I am wi th I ndi ra Gandhi because she
stands for seculari sm, soci ali sm but when he adds that she symboli zes the
country and the nati on sycophancy i s clearly vi si ble at i ts hi ghest poi nt.
Pi loo also took pleasure i n debunki ng the fake clai ms of the li cence-
permi t-quota raj. He used to say that soci ali sm really promi ses equal shari ng of
mi seri es. He also descri bed corrupti on as I ndi as bi ggest i ndustry. For
Jawaharlal Nehru, he sai d: I n hi s atti tude to every problem, he has always the
party before the nati on. Under a capti on si ng a song of soci ali sm, he gave us
a song i n the March of the Nation on hi s bi rthday i n 1970 i n whi ch our apathy
towards the west, our doci le subjugati on to Russi a, our folli es i n publi c sector,
our dependence on Russi a i n defense materi als, have been aptly descri bed. The
song descri bes our soci ali sm and how we are treadi ng towards slavery. Thus the
song fully exposes the folli es of I ndi as forei gn poli cy, of nati onali zati on,
prevalence of corrupti on and occurrence of wi despread poverty.
O f course, Pi loo was full of humour, but hi s humour was not bi ti ng. The
classi c example i s when the then Congress Presi dent Shankar Dayal Sharma who
later became Presi dent of I ndi a, branded hi m as a CI A agent. Pi loo put a placard
around hi s neck wi th I am a CI A Agent wri tten on i t and moved around the
corri dors of Parli ament House. He also put such a placard i n the neck of hi s dog
and used to poi nt out to others how the dog could spy. Very soon people
understood not only the hollowness of the accusati on, but they began to suspect
i t as a game of opponents who tri ed to conceal thei r own gui lt by brandi ng the
opponent wi th the same gui lt. Later i t was found that CI A never fi nanci ally
helped any poli ti cal party i n the opposi ti on; i t had only on two occasi ons helped
the Congress Party whi ch was then i n power.
Pi loo was uni versal and not confi ned to nati onal boundari es. He di d not
li ke the barri ers of caste, colour, race or nati onali ty created by men between man
and man. He had a vi si on to make thi s world a happi er and healthi er place to
li ve i n. For thi s, the followi ng extract from Tagore was hi s favori te quotati on:
Where the mi nd i s wi thout fear, and the head i s held hi gh,
Where knowledge i s free,
Where the world has not been broken up i nto fragments by
narrow domesti c walls,
Where words come out of the depth of truth,
Where ti reless stri vi ng stretches i ts arm towards perfecti on,
Where the clear stream of reason has not lost i ts way i n the
dreary desert sands of dead habi t.
Where the mi nd i s led forward by thee, i n ever wi deni ng
thought and acti on,
I nto that heaven of freedom, my father, let my country awake.
To conclude, Pi loo had no wooli ness i n hi s thi nki ng about freedom. For
hi m, the i ndi vi dual i s the begi nni ng as well as the end. He has a pri ori ty over all
other soci al i nsti tuti ons because man i s a uni que speci e of nature a crowni ng
bei ng of the uni verse. For hi m the i ndi vi dual i s an end also because all other
thi ngs i n the uni verse are meant to meet hi s needs whi ch means that even state
or soci ety i s a servi ce cooperati ve and therefore cannot domi nate the
i ndi vi dual. From thi s rugged i ndi vi duali sm emanates hi s i deas about freedom.
Freedom i s i ndi vi si ble i ts di vi si on among ci vi l, poli ti cal and economi c
freedoms i s just for the sake of conveni ence. I n fact, any one of the freedoms
cannot survi ve long wi thout the others. Among these freedoms, economi c
freedom i s the basi s for all other freedoms. Human bei ngs can survi ve for some
ti me wi thout ci vi l or poli ti cal freedoms, but i t i s di ffi cult for hi m to sustai n
wi thout economi c freedom. I n the group of economi c freedom, ri ght to pri vate
property i s fundamental for Pi loo because he traces the ori gi n of pri vate
property wi th the terri tori al ri ght of the tri bal soci ety. I t i s thi s ri ght whi ch gi ves
man the room for choi ce and i t i s thi s ri ght whi ch gi ves hi m full scope for hi s
creati ve i nsti ncts and the cravi ngs for acqui si ti on of knowledge wi thout whi ch
no soci ety can grow. For Pi loo growth i s needed for the survi val of soci ety.
Thi s concept of freedom vi ewed i n the context of exi stence of other
i ndi vi duals and i nter-dependence among them makes i t necessary that thi s
freedom can be enjoyed when equal freedom i s gi ven to other, when some rules
are observed by all whi le enteri ng i nto relati on wi th each others. I n order to apply
these rules i n a just manner, an organi sati on known as state i s necessary and thi s
should be empowered wi th necessary resources to fulfi l i ts obli gati ons. But the
state should always remember that i t i s meant to serve the people; i t i s only an
i nstrument, a servi ce cooperati ve, and therefore, cannot domi nate the i ndi vi dual.
Pi loos uni que contri buti on i s that he does not talk of freedom alone
he talk s of freedom wi th bread. But he does not want to provi de bread to all
by undertak i ng poverty allevi ati on programmes as i t i s bei ng done i n todays
developi ng countri es or by welfare measures as i t i s bei ng done by developed
countri es. He was also not k een to have doles and chari ti es pri vate or publi c.
He had a novel suggesti on to mak e. He wanted to mak e the poverty sector as
the producti ve sector, by removi ng malnutri ti on or by i nculcati ng work ethi cs
or by provi di ng opportuni ti es to acqui re more k nowledge and sk i ll. He di d not
want to gi ve enti tlement ri ghts li k e the ri ght for health care and the ri ght for
mi ni mum wage or mi ni mum i ncome. I nstead of such posi ti ve ri ghts, he
i mposes a duty on the poor: the duty to work . Probably Pi loo had i n mi nd
ei ther a provi si on of work places spread out i n the country where people who
could not obtai n employment may go and ask for work , whi ch would be
provi ded by gi vi ng them cash plus food grai ns at a subsi stence level. T he work
may be of bundi ng of fi elds or of wasteland projects, or spi nni ng of Amber-
chark ha or semi -sk i lled cottage i ndustri es; even growi ng of tree-rows spread
133
134
Profiles in Courage
out i n the area or i t may be the work of di ggi ng the ponds and constructi ng a
well or an approach road si mi lar to employment guarantee scheme. Last but
not least, he depended mai nly on provi si on of economi c li berty to all. I f i t i s
ri ghtly gi ven, i t can achi eve growth along wi th percolati on of growth down
below. T he exi stence of growth wi thout tri ck li ng down i s evi dent i n soci ali sti c
or stati st poli ci es. I n a li beral economy, all groups of soci ety recei ve the frui ts
of growth.
1 See Critique: Selected Works of Piloo Mody, Foreword p. ( x) , publi shed by
New I ndi a Publi cati ons, New Delhi , 1984.
2 Bawaji i s a term used for Parsees.
3 Democracy with Bread and Freedom.
4 I bi d.
5 Democracy wi th Bread and Freedom.
6 Cri ti que p. 10. Thi s has been taken from hi s arti cle Fuehrer i n the maki ng, whi ch
appeared i n the March of the Nation on September 6, 1969.
7 Onlooker 1-15 January, 1981.
8 op ci t.
9 Critique, pp. 66-67, and Onlooker September 16-30, 1981.
SELECTED PUBLI CATI O NS O F PI LO O MO DY
1. Cri tque: Selected Works of Pi loo Mody, New I ndi a Publi cati ons, New Delhi , 1984
2. Democracy wi th Bread and Freedom
3. Zulfi my Fri end
4. Arti cles i n the March of the Nation as chi ef edi tor. Besi des he gave vari ous
speeches i n the Parli ament from 1967 to 1983
Khasa Subba Rau:
Pen in Defence of Freedom
P Vaman Rao
A li ghthouse for hi s generati on, he was a publi c man, i nterest i n poli ti cs
was i n hi s blood, and a publi c posture was a habi t wi th hi m. He was a gladi ator
and he leapt i nto any colloseum wi th hi s pen, absolutely certai n of the ri ghtness
of hi s cause, i mpeccably honest i n hi s moti ve and scrupulous as to means.
Paul C Sharbert
To descri be K hasa Subba Rau only as a veteran journali st i s not doi ng
justi ce to hi m. For, there were several journali sts of emi nence i n hi s ti me. What
di sti ngui shed hi m was hi s parti ci pati on i n the Gandhi an movements, hi s
ri ghteous i ndi gnati on at i njusti ce anywhere, hi s courage and fearlessness. From
the day he was beaten by lathi s duri ng the movement for pi cketi ng of forei gn
cloth shops i n Madras under the Bri ti sh rule i n 1932 when he was gi ven up for
dead, hi s eventful career was marked by hi s courage of convi cti on, i n hi s
personal, publi c and professi onal li fe. He was then Assi stant Edi tor, Swarajya, a
nati onali st Engli sh dai ly edi ted by T Prakasam, an i dol of the masses.
K hasa underwent i mpri sonment for about three years duri ng the freedom
struggle. Q ui te early i n hi s li fe he was i nfluenced by Mahatma Gandhi and hi s
teachi ngs, whi ch by far governed hi s thought and acti on throughout hi s li fe. He
was a journali st wi th a mi ssi on who all hi s li fe fought agai nst i njusti ce, nepoti sm
and corrupti on whether i n publi c li fe, government, or i nsi de the offi ces of
newspapers he served.
136
Profiles in Courage
Brief life-sketch of Khasa
Born on January 23, 1896 i n Nellore, Andhra Pradesh, K hasa Subba Rau
belonged to a Telugu-speaki ng mi ddle class fami ly. Hi s father Sundara Raja Rao
served as a clerk i n the Collectors O ffi ce, and hi s mother was Rama Bai , a
beauti ful publi c-spi ri ted lady. She accompani ed K hasa i n hi s campai gn duri ng
the salt satyagraha. The surname K hasa made some researchers thi nk that hi s
ancestors mi ght have ori gi nally come from Maharashtra.
Subba Rau passed hi s matri culati on from V R Hi gh School, Nellore, and
graduated i n Phi losophy from Presi dency College, Madras, where he was a
student of Dr S Radhakri shnan, who later became Presi dent of I ndi a. After
graduati on, he served for a short whi le as pri vate secretary to the Raja of
Amavan, Bi har. Subba Rau passed the Li centi ate i n Teachi ng exami nati on from
the Arts College, Rajahmundry, and served as a teacher i n Atmakur and later as
Headmaster of a hi gh school i n K andukur, Nellore di stri ct. He ran a ni ght school
for adults i n front of the hi gh school, attended by about 40 farmers, who were
also educated about the happeni ngs i n the world around. He joi ned Prakasams
dai ly, Swarajya, i n 1924, worki ng as Assi stant Edi tor and leader wri ter for 12
years, standi ng by hi m ti ll i ts closure, despi te meagre and i rregular pay.
The call of the Mahatma drew K hasa Subba Rau, i nto the non-cooperati on
movement i n 1921. He parti ci pated i n the salt Satyagraha i n 1930, goi ng from
vi llage to vi llage i n hi s di stri ct, wi th a band of 15 volunteers of all castes, and was
i mpri soned.
O n February 25, 1932, moved by the poli ce beati ng of chi ldren pi cketi ng
forei gn cloth shops, K hasa joi ned them. Severely beaten up, he was taken to
hospi tal i n an unconsci ous condi ti on Thi s i nci dent caused a sensati on i n Madras
and the matter was rai sed i n the House of Commons. The Bri ti sh Government
appoi nted the Lothi an Commi ssi on to enqui re i nto i t and ulti mately an order was
passed prohi bi ti ng the poli ce from usi ng lathi s wi th metal knobs.
Except for a short spell as teacher, and lawyer, K hasa was a wri ter all hi s
li fe. After bei ng released from jai l, he served for a year i n Indian Finance,
Calcutta. He then joi ned Liberty, a Calcutta dai ly started by J M Sen Gupta Group
i ncludi ng Dr B C Roy and later the Free Press Journal, Bombay, under
S Sadanand, when hi s edi tori al on di scri mi natory treatment to I ndi an vi cti ms of
Q uetta earthquake attracted countrywi de attenti on i ncludi ng that of Gandhi ji .
For some ti me, he edi ted Free Press, Madras, and joi ned the Indian Express i n
1940 where he worked fi rst as Joi nt Edi tor wi th K Santhanam and Pothan Joseph,
and later became i ts Edi tor.
O ne day, back i n 1921, a vi llage teacher walked i nto the offi ce of
Swarajya. I t so happened that Prakasam di d not have the ti me to wri te a leader
for that days i ssue. Bei ng a fri end, K hasa Subba Rau obli ged by wri ti ng the
leadi ng arti cle for the day. Prakasam li ked i t so much that he told K hasa i n
Telugu; Why are you wasti ng your ti me as a vi llage school master?Come and
take over as Assi stant Edi tor and from tomorrow you shall wri te the leadi ng
arti cle."
Thi s launched K hasas journali sti c career and I ndi an journali sm acqui red
one of whom i t wi ll always be proud. K hasa wrote wi th convi cti on. He never
feared or cri nged, nor had he any occasi on to retract what he wrote.
He was i mpri soned duri ng the Q ui t I ndi a movement i n 1942. K hasa
worked i n the Indian Express ti ll he started hi s own weekly, Swatantra, on
February 16, 1946. O n an i nvi tati on from the Bri ti sh Government, he vi si ted UK
i n 1950 for si x weeks, and USA for three months i n 1955, when the Ameri can
Government i nvi ted hi m.
Duri ng the ten years of i ts exi stence, Swatantra made a mark by i ts
fearless exposi ti on of publi c causes standi ng for truth and justi ce. Fi nanci al
di ffi culti es and hi gh pri nci ples i mpelled hi m to gi ve up the paper after ten years.
When most of the staff left, he had to begi n afresh at the age of 60 even i f i t were
to provi de employment to those who had loyally stood by hi m. O n July 14, 1956,
he launched Swarajya, an Engli sh weekly wi th Rajaji s blessi ngs. Wi th a sparse
budget, he conti nued to run i t for three years, when on Rajaji s advi ce he handed
over the management to T Sadasi vam, whi le conti nui ng as li fe edi tor. K hasa
worked to the last day of hi s li fe, hi s favouri te and popular feature, Si deli ghts,
appeari ng i n the i ssue of June 17, 1961, whi le he passed away on June 16, 1961.
O n hi s death the comment of London Times, that he was an asceti c among
journali sts" sums up i n a nutshell the man and hi s mi ssi on.
Rajaji chri stened hi s weekly as Swatantra and wrote the fi rst poli cy
edi tori al propoundi ng hi gh i deals of freedom and democracy and the role of the
press. K hasa always kept thi s i n vi ew and quoted i ts sali ent di cta when he
crossed swords wi th Rajaji . K hasa never demurred to casti gate hi s best fri ends
and admi rers when publi c i nterest was i nvolved. K hasa was Rajaji s cri ti c and
admi rer, at ti mes the bi tterest cri ti c and i n hi s last years hi s greatest admi rer. Rajaji
knew the value of K hasas unbi ased cri ti ci sm.
Unbiased fearless critic
K hasa lai d down two basi c pri nci ples to be followed by hi m and other
journali sts:
( 1) Never adversely cri ti ci ze a man agai nst whom you feel i n yourself any
awareness of di sli ke, mali ce or hatred. Try to see the best i n hi m. The ri ght of
cri ti ci sm i s not won unti l all vesti ges of prejudi ce and ani mosi ty are fi rst got ri d of
( 2) Never prai se anyone for whom you are consci ous of bli nd personal
devoti on. Exerci se the cri ti cal faculty. Bri ng senti ment wi thi n the orbi t of
di scri mi nati ng judgement. Then only wi ll prai se be well balanced and carry value.
137
Khasa Subba Rau: Pen in Defence of Freedom
138
Profiles in Courage
Angered by K hasa's trenchant cri ti ci sm about hi s role i n di smi ssi ng
T Prakasam, Chi ef Mi ni ster of the composi te Madras State, Rajaji wrote to K hasa
on June 22, 1947 to remove hi s name from the free li st and save a copy of
Swatantra. He was then Mi ni ster of I ndustri es and Ci vi l Suppli es, Government
of I ndi a.
K hasas reply was I have just recei ved your post card. As I have to respect
your wi shes, I have arranged for the removal of your name from the free li st. I t
i s evi dent you are angry
I have only tri ed, wi thout counti ng the cost to myself, to li ve up to the
spi ri t of the fi rst edi tori al of Swatantra wri tten by you. Let me refresh your
memory wi th a relevant extract: 'to refrai n from honest cri ti ci sm of means
employed i s di sservi ce to the cause. A fearless cri ti c i s a fri end. A journal that
prefers to flatter or be si lent for safetys sake i s by no means a fri end.'
I t i s wrong of you to decli ne to read Swatantra i f only because you are a
member of Government. I t i s a mi sfortune of our country that as our leaders ri se
i n power and offi ci al status, they become i ntolerant and resent cri ti ci sm,
exhi bi ti ng the very reverse of the true spi ri t of freedom. For my part, I wi ll
always be anxi ous to worshi p greatness wherever i t i s found. As I am a grateful
soul greatly i ndebted to you, i t i s my prayer that you wi ll soon ri se above the
petulance of your postcard to me, recover your lost magnani mi ty and make i t
possi ble for me to pay homage to you once agai n by repai ri ng the rui n you have
wrought on the poli ti cs and publi c li fe of South I ndi a.
No leader was beyond K hasas cri ti cal judgment when publi c i nterest was
i nvolved. Hi s forte was utter fearlessness, objecti vi ty and cri ti ci sm wi thout
mali ce.
K hasa was fi rst joi nt Edi tor and then Edi tor of Indian Expressrun by the
press baron Ramnath Goenka i n Madras. There were many occasi ons when
these two strong personali ti es clashed.
Goenka was upset by an arti cle i n K hasas well-known feature Sidelights,
whi ch he wrote under hi s pen name "Saka." K hasa wrote a classi c letter to
Goenka: I fi nd you are upset over my last Si deli ghts. I cannot make out why you
should. I have never made any secret of these thoughts and vi ews of mi ne, and
expressed them freely any number of ti mes i n previ ous i ssues of the paper. I n
my opi ni on, i t i s the free and unfettered thought of the edi tor, expressed wi thout
fear or favour that i mparts value to wri tten matter i n a paper You wi ll
remember, after Mr Joseph left, you at fi rst offered me ( and I resumed) the
edi torshi p of the Indian Express wi th a quali fi cati on that you should supervi se
my work. I repli ed that i f you were competent to supervi se my work, you were
competent to be the edi tor as well. I wanted the place wi th absolute freedom
and li berty, or not at all, and I accepted i t only on my terms.
Subsequently, I have had occasi on to tell you, that you were at any ti me
free to ask me to leave even wi thout a days noti ce, but whi le I remai ned at my
post, my vi ew on any matter should prevai l over that of anyone else i ncludi ng
yourself: Thi s i s my concepti on of what i s due to an edi tor from the owner of
newspaper property and i t was only on the basi s of your agreement wi th i t that
I succeeded Mr Joseph as edi tor. Why should you take i t to be a gri evance i f now
I should act i n the same way i n whi ch I always told you I would?Just because I
am leavi ng the paper i t does not follow that I should adopt on the last day a
standard di fferent from the one I had always been adopti ng before.
I have wri tten thi s letter to you because, after my resi gnati on, you
professed fri endshi p for me, and asked me to treat you as a fri end, otherwi se
you would be annoyed. I n my vi ew, fri endshi p should not entai l any departure
from genui nely formed i deas. Anyhow I wanted to part from you pleasantly, but
unpleasantness has come i n, emphasi zi ng perhaps that all parti ngs are pai nful.
When Goenka planned to bri ng out Travancore Maharajas Bi rthday
number of the Indian Express wi thout the Edi tors knowledge i n 1941, K hasa
wrote to Goenka i n protest: I have just come to know, by the merest chance,
that you are maki ng arrangements for bri ngi ng out a Travancore Maharajahs
Bi rthday number of the Indian Express. I could hardly beli eve i t, si nce i t i s
customary i n such cases to consult the Edi tor and take further steps only after
securi ng hi s approval. But the authenti ci ty of my source of i nformati on bei ng
beyond questi on, I have only to conclude that you have taken the extraordi nary
course of actually maki ng preparati ons for the speci al edi ti on wi thout any
reference whatever to me as Edi tor and i ndeed wi thout my knowledge.
I resent thi s treatment; qui te apart from that I cannot ever lead myself to
converti ng news and edi tori al columns i n my charge i nto an adverti sement puff
for whoever wi ll pay for the boost.
I must therefore ask you to desi st from thi s reported course of yours
whi ch i s totally i nconsi stent, even contradi ctory wi th the tradi ti ons and standards
of the Indian Express. I f you wi sh to change those tradi ti ons and standards, of
course you are free to do so, but not wi th me as your Edi tor, and I am plai nly
under a duty to i nform you that no such speci al number can appear wi th my
name as Edi tor.
More than the edi tori als and arti cles, at ti mes i t i s such exchanges between
the persons on i ssues of publi c i nterest that throw li ght on di fferent aspects of
ones personali ty.
Disillusionment with the Congress government
I nfluenced by G andhi ji , K hasa was a Congressman at heart and
parti ci pated i n vari ous G andhi an movements respondi ng to hi s patri oti c
i nsti ncts. I t was the Congress, whi ch spearheaded the freedom struggle, wi th
139
140
Profiles in Courage
people at large behi nd i t and was by far the nati ons voi ce ti ll i ndependence. He
felt wi th Gandhi ji that Congress, after freedom should have wound up and
formed a poli ti cal party, not tradi ng on i ts contri buti on to the freedom struggle,
and the heri tage of the people as a whole, for i ts electoral prospects. He was
di si llusi oned wi th the Congress government i n the second year of freedom i tself.
I n the annual i ssue of Swatantra i n 1948, K hasa observed i n the edi tori al,
"Fi rst Frui ts of Freedom" that: I f the hi gh worth of Pandi t Nehrus i nternati onal
renown i s to be preserved as a nati onal asset, i t i s necessary that the government
of whi ch he i s the head should be strong and stable at home.
I f Mahatma Gandhi was matchless among leaders i n hi s gi ft of wi nni ng
publi c confi dence, the reason for i t lay i n the phi losophy of li fe whi ch he
practi ced no less than preached and worked i nto the texture of hi s poli ti cs. He
placed servi ce above Property and Pri vi lege. These standards are now bei ng
reversed by those who have stepped i nto power i n the wake of the vi ctory of the
Gandhi an struggle for freedom. The Mi ni stri es at the Centre and i n the Provi nces
generally bear the stamp of such a reversal.
I n thi s context of affai rs, the task of the press has become one of extreme
di ffi culty and deli cacy. The full vi gor of the progressi ve elements i n the I ndi an
Press was exerci sed i n support of Congress leaders duri ng all thei r years of
struggle wi th Bri ti sh power. But now the content of progressi veness has
changed. I t has become necessary to cri ti ci ze the very leaders who i n the past
provi ded i nspi rati on for the noblest effort of the nati on. Curi ously, that secti on
of the press whi ch used to consult i ts own safety and profi t duri ng the Bri ti sh
regi me by backi ng i t for all i t was worth as agai nst the Congress, has now swung
i nto an atti tude of voci ferous loyalty to the present rulers. I t i s i njuri ng them now
wi th flattery just as formerly i t i mpeded them wi th hosti li ty."
K hasa, whose standards of government functi oni ng were i deali sti c, sai d i n
hi s assessment a year later i n the annual number capti oned, From Servi ce to
Power, thus:
The Bri ti sh wi thdrawal preci pi tated Congress leaders from jai ls i nto
mi ni stershi ps. Some of them have stood the change well. O thers, by far the
larger number, have not. Nehru at the head of the Central Government conti nues
to be the adored of the masses qui te as much as i n hi s pre-offi ce days when the
bulk of hi s ti me was spent i n pri sons. He exerci ses on hi s countrymen a
hypnoti sm that equals, i f i t has not surpassed the magi c hold of the Mahatma.
But there i s a di fference between the leadershi p of Gandhi and that of Nehru.
Di sci pli ne was the sheet anchor of the former. I t di d not tolerate corrupt or
rebelli ous elements i ntri nsi cally out of harmony wi th i ts central soci al objecti ve.
I t kept i tself pure by refusi ng to rely on numbers for mere presti ge. There were
no i nternal di sloyalti es corrodi ng the character of i ts endeavor, from wi thi n.
Along wi th poli ti cal hei rshi p to the Mahatma, Nehru has i nheri ted many of the
gi fts of that great man. But successi on to leadershi p devolved on hi m i n a
changed envi ronment that left no scope for the transformati on of common
people i nto heroes, whi ch was the uni que speci alty of Gandhi s i nfluence, but
on the other hand he reversed that process by converti ng heroes i nto clay.
Comi ng after Gandhi , Nehru had to reckon wi th the exhausti on of the i deali sti c
urges that had thei r ri se i n Gandhi an i nspi rati on. Many li eutenants of the
Mahatma had ti red of the austeri ti es of the Non-cooperati on campai gns.
Gandhi sm had been squeezed dry out of them. They were i n a mood to cash i n
on thei r old sacri fi ce and to treat the opportuni ti es of poli ti cal freedom as a
means for selfrewardi ng li cense. So i t came to pass that when Nehru exchanged
the role of rebel for that of ruler, di scordance i n spi ri t began to mani fest i tself
between leader and li eutenants.
We owe to thi s di scordance the grave contradi cti ons that are dai ly
multi plyi ng between Nehrus past and present. There i s no end to the vi olati ons
of the tenets and pledges of Nehru the non-offi ci al thi nker and poli ti ci an i n the
acti ons of Nehru the admi ni strator. "
I n hi s 1950 annual number edi tori al "From Power to Corrupti on, " K hasa
bemoaned:
Havi ng passed on from servi ce to power, the Congress, the ruli ng party i n
the country, has regi stered lately a further change towards corrupti on and
di si ntegrati on. The popular atti tude to the Congress i s no longer what i t was
three years ago. Then there was hope of great thi ngs to come. Now there i s
di scontent, di si llusi onment and the begi nni ng of hatred. The great name of
Pandi t Nehru, Pri me Mi ni ster and ti tular leader of the Congress retai ns sti ll i ts
magi c hold on the mi lli ons. But he has ceased to be a fi gure commandi ng trust
for strength.
Pandi t Nehru i s thus the pri soner of forces whi ch he i s unable to control.
They control the Government whi le he covers them wi th the glamour of hi s own
great name. Thi s process cannot go on forever, and people have begun to make
a di sti ncti on between Nehru and the Congress, lovi ng the leader and di strusti ng
the i nsti tuti on. The curi ous desti ny of bolsteri ng up an organi zati on that has
served i ts purpose has devolved on Nehru, and the tragi c i rony of i t li es i n the
fact that i t has foi sted on hi m a reacti onary role though he i s the very reverse of
a reacti onary. There i s a strange blend of loyalty to the Mahatma i n Pandi t
Nehrus tortured cli ngi ng to the Congress, and to i t must be attri buted hi s lapse
from the supreme summi t of leadershi p where there should be no hesi tati on to
break the mould when the soul has departed from i t.
I n thi s set-up, the evi ls of the Congress regi me have been many, and i ts
blessi ngs negli gi ble. I t has fai led to i mprove the condi ti on of the people. I t has
destroyed the effi ci ency of the fi rst-rate admi ni strati ve machi nery that i t
i nheri ted. I t has replaced rules wi th nepoti sm. I t has used i ts power, not wi th
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fai rness and restrai nt, comprehensi vely for the benefi t of all, but i lli berally and
at ti mes meanly for the advancement of i ts own adherents. I t has become
exacti ng i n the matter of taxati on wi thout showi ng any correspondi ng i ncrease
of benefi t for the taxed. I ts economi c poli ci es have wavered between opposi te
extremes and made a mess of trade and i ndustry.
The Ways of the Leaders" ( 1953) was the capti on of the leader i n the
annual i ssue i n 1953, whi ch i ndi cts the Congress leadershi p. Read what K hasa
had to say:
I n I ndi a, the leaders of freedom fai led, when they came to power, to
grasp the essenti al spi ri t of democracy, they fell i nto pressure groups and the
whole li fe of the country became compartmentali zed
I ndi a cannot be held together on the basi s of the di srupti ve leadershi p of
the past si x years i n whi ch the outstandi ng achi evement of the Congress regi me
was the enthronement of rank selfi shness and communali sm i n poli ti cs,
admi ni strati on and economi c li fe. Tenaci ous cli ngi ng to power by unquali fi ed
persons of narrow outlook has been the rui n of the country. We want a reversal
of the outlook of leaders from the present unreali ti es, to a saner and more
i ntrospecti ve pursui t of soci al welfare.
T he standards appli ed by K hasa for gi vi ng ti ckets i n electi ons were very
exacti ng. He quoted Nehru who sai d. T he Congress i s judged not by i ts
majori ty but by the quali ty of men and women that we send up to our
legi slatures. G i vi ng an i nstance of V K Reddi who was selected as candi date for
Parli amentary electi ons from Nellore, K hasa wrote i n Swatantra ( O ct 19, 1951) :
I ask Pandi t Nehru what judgement does he expect people to pass of the
Congress when i ts authori zed electi on commi ttee dares to choose i n i ts name
as a fi t candi date for the legi slature a soci al menace, judi ci ally declared as such
of the antecedents of K odandarami Reddi ?T he Hi gh Court had exposed hi m as
tenderer of false evi dence i mpli cati ng i nnocent persons opposed to hi m i n local
facti on. Nehru i ntervened i n ti me to check the outrage but si nce then Reddi had
another feather put i n hi s Congress cap by bei ng made the Di stri ct Congress
Presi dent."
K hasa also commented on the selecti on of C R Narsi mhan, Rajaji s son for
the Salem Parli amentary Consti tuency. He observed: "O f all the forms of
nepoti sm, the worst i s the elevati on of close relati ves of di sti ngui shed members
of Government to posi ti ons whi ch they have gi ven no proof of ti tle by thei r own
i ndi vi dual competence and record.
Li kewi se K hasa cri ti ci zed Ramnath Goenka bei ng put up as a Congress
candi date i n two consti tuenci es. He sai d, When one candi date i s allotted more
than one seat, the balance of propri ety i s di sturbed, as though the Congress
exi sts for the candi date concerned, i s unsure of hi s posi ti on wi th the publi c but
i s i nterested somehow i n getti ng hi m i n. Nei ther K amaraj Nadar nor Pandi t
Nehru has come out well i n thi s speci al preference accorded by them to Sri
Goenka over all others. I t i s fi shy. I t certai nly i s not democracy.
K hasa made no di sti ncti on when deali ng wi th mi sdeeds, acts of nepoti sm
and corrupti on by poli ti ci ans, Mi ni sters, Government O ffi cers or Presi di ng
O ffi cers of Parli ament or Legi slatures.
Attenti on of the Speaker of Lok Sabha, M Ananthasayanam I yengar was
drawn to a letter publi shed i n Swarajya of February 6, 1960, whi ch ci ted a
parti cular appoi ntment as an i nstance of nepoti sm. The Lok Sabha secretari at
sent hi m a letter whi ch sai d: I am di rected by the Speaker to say that i t i s a
contempt of Lok Sabha to make baseless allegati ons agai nst the offi cers of the
House and thereby deter them from doi ng thei r duty to the House and also cast
reflecti ons on the Speaker.
K hasa wrote back: The ri ghts and li berti es of the press to venti late
gri evances should be respected as much as the presti ge of the Speaker i n the
di scharge of hi s admi ni strati ve functi ons i n respect of hi s Staff. I t appears to me
that i t would be strai ni ng the law to treat the publi cati on of gri evances i n respect
of offi ce staff under the Speakers admi ni strati ve control as contempt of the
Lok Sabha.
A legal noti ce was i ssued threateni ng acti on agai nst hi m. K hasa who was
sure of hi s ground gave a one-li ne reply. The threatened acti on i s awai ted. The
matter ended there.
K hasa ran hi s weekly Swatantra for 10 years from 1946 duri ng whi ch
peri od, i t became a forceful exponent of publi c opi ni on, hi s own popular
column "Si deli ghts" gi vi ng i t a di sti ncti ve character, apart from hi s outspoken
edi tori als. When he was si xty, each day after whi ch he consi dered as a grace
day, he experi mented wi th maki ng Swatantra, a pri vate li mi ted company wi th
H D Rajah, an ex-MP and a fri end of hi s, as Chai rman and hi mself as Di rector. I t
di d not work, as K hasa would not allow hi s journal to be used for anyones
poli ti cal purpose. So he bade good bye and wi th hi m came out a good number
of staff devoted to hi m. Tami l Swatantram was started besi des the exi sti ng
Telugu Swatantra.
After some soul searchi ng, K hasa had to start a more modest weekly
Swarajya i n July 1956 partly to provi de employment to those who came out of
Swatantra wi th hi m. I t was Rajaji agai n who gave the name to hi s weekly as
Swarajya and also hi s blessi ngs through a wi dely publi shed message. Rajaji sai d:
For years past K hasa Subba Rau has been no poli ti cal or journali sti c fri end of mi ne
except occasi onally when i t pleased hi m. But, I beli eve hi s talent for cri ti ci sm i s a
publi c asset. I am glad to gi ve hi s new weekly the blessi ngs he asks me for; and I
gi ve i t wi th all my heart for I know the great value of frank and qui ck cri ti ci sm for
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whi ch he has great apti tude. The i ndependence of the press has been adversely
affected by the doubtful blessi ngs of large capi tal and that the small well-conducted
hi gh quali ty weekly can supply a felt want and render great nati onal servi ce.
Rajaji who was a regular contri butor to Swatantra i n i ts early days chose
to send arti cles to Swarajya wi th certai n regulari ty and at ti mes more than one
on burni ng i ssues of the day. For, Rajaji , ti ll hi s end, li ved i n the present and
never gloated over the past. The gulf that developed between Rajaji and K hasa,
more or less duri ng the peri od the former was i n offi ce i n Delhi or Madras
appeared to be bri dgi ng. They met often and exchanged vi ews. A certai n
i denti ty of opi ni on and vi ews developed gradually parti cularly when Rajaji
launched Swatantra Party wi th the slogan Aboli sh Permi t, Li cense, Q uota Raj,
agai nst regi mentati on and poli ci es of Nehru and Nehruvi an doctri ne.
They were seen together addressi ng meeti ngs and speaki ng at publi c
functi ons. So much so when they were walki ng on the beach, a passer by
exclai med: They are li ke brothers. Rajaji s reacti on was typi cal. He called the
person and told hi m. We are not li ke brothers. We are brothers. Such was the
i denti ty that had developed between them.
I n the i ssue of July 11, 1959, K hasa observed. Thi s i s a hi stori c moment
i n the nati ons desti ny. I n the wake of the attai nment of nati onal freedom, the
condi ti ons of li fe that alone can make that freedom real and si gni fi cant to the
i ndi vi duals composi ng the nati on have been deni ed to us. O ut of the very frui t
of freedom the poi son of serfdom has come to the people of the country. Rajaji s
movement of Swatantra i s an even greater movement and more di ffi cult to lead
than the earli er freedom fi ght agai nst the Bri ti sh, because Pandi t Nehru whose
mi sgui ded poli ci es are taki ng the country to di saster i s a more formi dable
antagoni st than any Bri ti sh Vi ceroy that went before hi m could be.
There i s no man i n the country that could have undertaken thi s di ffi cult,
really Hi malayan task, other than Rajaji . He symboli zes today the hope of the
nati on for succour from the prevai li ng frustrati ons. I f hi s movement fai ls, the
Nehru regi me wi ll land the country i nto a Communi st morass. Success of the
Swatantra Party i s therefore i nseparable from nati onal survi val. Thi s i s the si mple
reason why thousands flock to Rajaji as the nati ons savi our and why at 80 the
energy of a young man has been gi ven to hi m as Gods gi ft.
O ne can have an i nsi ght i nto K hasas battles agai nst the poli ci es of the
Nehru government from the constant and consi stent arti cles he wrote i n
Swarajya. I f Rajaji was a one-man opposi ti on as a poli ti ci an, K hasa was a rare
speci men of a si ngle opposi ti on from the fourth estate.
K hasa averred, wi th I ndi as poverty and populati on, the State can never
step i n and completely take over the setti ng up of a soci al balance except by a
ruthless collecti vi zati on of all property and i ncome and the substi tuti on of
external force for i ndi vi dual i ncenti ve for produci ng wealth. I f we value
democracy and freedom, the i nci dents that go wi th a wi se doctri ne of
Trusteeshi p have to be fostered and encouraged.
Dwelli ng on Swatantra Partys poli ci es he sai d: the Party held that i n the
poli ci es adopted for nati onal development, pri ori ty must be assi gned to the basi c
needs of the people, namely, food, water, housi ng and clothi ng. The Party stood
for the restri cti on of State enterpri se to heavy i ndustri es such as are necessary to
supplement pri vate enterpri se i n that fi eld, such nati onal servi ces as rai lways,
and the starti ng of new enterpri ses whi ch are di ffi cult for pri vate i ni ti ati ve. I t was
opposed to the State enteri ng the fi eld of trade and di stri buti on and i ntroduci ng
controls and offi ci al management wi th all i ts wastefulness and i neffi ci ency.
K hasa genui nely felt that the Swatantra movement under Rajaji would be
able to lead the country to progress and allevi ate poverty, ensuri ng ri ght to
property and ri ght to work, self-employment of arti sans, ki sans, mazdoors and
praja. Nehru cri ti ci zed the Swatantra Party stati ng that i t was reacti onary,
conservati ve, backward, that i t had nothi ng to do wi th thi ngs of the earth, wi th
the present, today or tomorrow, and that was a ghost-li ke party and si mply rai ses
ghosts of the past." K hasa rebutted thi s cri ti ci sm and poi nted out Employment
and Soci al justi ce, to take only two of the Swatantra Partys objecti ves, and
asked: "Are these not thi ngs of the earth? Have they nothi ng to do wi th the
present, today or tomorrow?When the Congress and the Pri me Mi ni ster speak
of them and of such thi ngs, i n thei r own party mani festoes, i s i t from the
standpoi nt of a speci al valuati on that they do not belong to the present or even
to tomorrow, i n fact, that they are not relevant thi ngs of the earth?
When K hasa, through the columns of Swarajya, espoused the poli ci es of
Swatantra Party there were causti c comments from some readers that the journal
had became a party paper. He publi shed the cri ti ci sm and repli ed: "Swarajya i s
not a party journal. I t wi ll not, as a matter of duty, commend any and every
poli cy taken by the party, as one reader fears, nor wi ll i t exempt the poli ti cs of
the Swatantra Party from the purvi ew of cri ti ci sm.
K hasa went further and sai d Swatantra Party though called by that name,
"can be descri bed more correctly as a movement for freedom, truth, i ndi vi dual
i ni ti ati ve, compassi on i n human relati onshi p and trusteeshi p of each other for
the welfare of fellowmen worse placed i n li fe. Swarajyas i nterest i n the
Swatantra Party i s based on the pursui t of these ai ms. None of them vi olates any
journali sti c duty. He went on, edi tori al i ntegri ty i s the most valuable part of the
journali sti c work. I t i s vi olated wherever there i s an i nflexi ble commi tment i n
advance for unvaryi ng support to any parti cular organi zati on. The appeal of the
Press should be always, to the vast body of uncommi tted readers and not to
secti onal coteri es already converted to some ri gi d doctri ne. To let down the
uncommi tted by propagati ng fi xed parti san nostrums i s to offend truth i tself.
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Under Freedom Now, an edi tori al i n Swarajya of September 26, 1959
K hasa analyzed why Rajaji at the ri pe age of 80 took the plunge and the ri sk to
start a new party when Congress stood entrenched i n the offi ce.
"I t i s found that the ruli ng party has taxed heavi ly, spent extravagantly and
bui lt spectacular show places for adverti sement, but i t has fai led to make any
headway i n respect of those thi ngs that contri bute to good government and the
happi ness and contentment of the people. The hope of grand changes to come
that had dawned wi th Swaraj faded, and i n i ts place frustrati on, di sappoi ntment
and despondency fi lled the ai r. Even the possi bi li ty of getti ng ri d of the Congress
government so that somethi ng better may take i ts place was not dreamed of. I t
was easi er to di slodge Churchi ll who was a symbol of mi ght wi th roots outsi de
the body poli ti c, but wi th Pandi t Nehru, the beloved i dol of the populati on,
lendi ng i t presti ge, the Congress regi me seemed vi rtually unalterable and
i rreplaceable. People resi gned themselves to i t i n a spi ri t of hopeless adjustment
wi th the i nevi table. I ndependent publi c opi ni on had become near dead.
I t was i n thi s cri si s that Rajaji started the Swatantra Party. Nobody else
could have performed thi s feat. O f all the chi ldren of the Revoluti on that had lent
luster to the glory of the Gandhi an tradi ti on, none else remai ned outsi de the
ci rcle of authori ty, detached and i ndependent to cri ti ci ze i ts evi l trends and resi st
i ts autocracy. Some had made terms wi th i t and been absorbed i nto i ts charmed
hi erarchy of pomp, power and pri vi lege. O thers had di ed. Rajaji i s the only
survi vor from Gandhi s old guard of veteran patri ots wi th abi li ty, i nfluence and
character enough to stand up and gi ve battle to hi s poli ti cal hei rs wi thout bei ng
swept away or destroyed i n the efforts
Rajaji , Gandhi s closest adherent, who had i mparted the power of
practi cal wi sdom to the i deali sti c teachi ng of the Mahatma, i s now that great
savi ours li neal successor for i nvesti ng our di luted blessi ng of freedom wi th
posi ti ve content, savi ng i ndi vi dual li fe from the soul-crushi ng oppressi on of the
Levi athan State di sgui sed i n Soci ali sti c rai ment.
K hasa never mi nced words. Hi s expressi on and language reflected the
i ntensi ty of the feeli ngs of the people as assessed by hi m.
Pandi t Nehru had declared that the law of the jungle where the strong
preyed on the weak could never be allowed to have free play i n the economi c
sphere of I ndi a.
K hasa sai d, the declarati on sounds grand. I ts effect i s spoi led by one
blemi sh, however. The ruli ng party and thei r supporters are no less i mmune
from preyi ng on the weak than those others whom the Pri me Mi ni ster wants to
prevent from acti ng accordi ng to thi s law of the jungle. Under the pretext of
eli mi nati ng other wi ld beasts i n human form from jungle I ndi a, the monopoly of
preyi ng on the weak i s bei ng progressi vely reserved for the Congress i n I ndi a.
The Pri me Mi ni sters tall talk of phi lanthropi c i ntenti ons does not fi t i n well wi th
the twelve-year old Congress record of i nsati able power hunger and greed for
property acqui si ti on. There i s already the law of the jungle i n I ndi a and the beast
presi di ng over thi s jungle empi re i s the Congress. Compared to i t, even
rapaci ous capi tali sts wi th evi l reputati ons are less dangerous.
Cooperati ve farmi ng as projected by Nehrus Government was consi dered
unsui table for I ndi a wi th small farmers. Referri ng to i t K hasa wrote: Mr Nehrus
latest feat i s to accuse cri ti cs of hi s pet scheme of cooperati ve farmi ng of
'spreadi ng li es among the people.' Ti ll recently the Nehru-thunder struck
li ghtni ng and could make hi s countrymen tremble at i ts power and potency. But
lately as a practi ti oner of ri ghteousness he has lost ground. Whi le Chi na was
aggressi vely occupyi ng our terri tory, coveri ng Chi nese i ncursi ons wi th secrecy,
and not only that, but also leadi ng a chorus of Hi ndi -Chi ni Bhai Bhai , what else
i s all thi s except a bi g li e?After enacti ng thi s li e conti nually for a peri od of four
to fi ve years, expostulati ons of pi ous concern for truth on the part of i ts pri nci pal
protagoni st have lost the power of i mpressi ng others. Mr Nehru i s now a much-
deflated leader whose spi ri ted utterances borderi ng on the heroi c are treated as
stage performances. Hi s forei gn poli cy has brok en down. Hi s i nternal
admi ni strati on has proved to be a costly di saster. But the pose of vi ctori ous
achi evement has not left hi m.
K hasa sai d that an Ameri can farmi ng expert, R A O slen, expressed grave
doubts about the practi cabi li ty of cooperati ve farmi ng. 'I do not thi nk i t wi ll be
successful i n I ndi a, ' he sai d. The reason for thi s was 'that i t took away i ncenti ve
from the farmer and made hi m lose hi s i denti ty and i ndi vi dual i nterest as an
entrepreneur i n the land.' The agri cultural communi ty i n I ndi a, through i ts
accredi ted organi zati ons, has expressed the same vi ew as Mr O slen has now
pronounced, but i t all makes no i mpressi on on Mr Nehru. He knows nothi ng of
farmi ng but he has somehow arri ved at a fanati c beli ef i n the effi cacy of co-
operati ve farmi ng. He goes on repeati ng hi s beli ef as i f i t were an all suffi ci ng
answer to the facts of the case and the adverse judgment of competent cri ti cs
wi th practi cal knowledge of agri culture."
K hasa felt that under Nehrus soci ali sm, the people of I ndi a had as
i ndi vi duals lost thei r li berti es. He sai d i n an arti cle i n Swarajya on December 5,
1959. I ndi a today i s i n the throes of a second li berati on movement. The freedom
that the Mahatma won has not fulfi lled i ts promi se of happi ness to people. T wo
reasons have mai nly contri buted to thi s di stressi ng result. Fi rst, the leaders of the
i ndi genous government formed after the wi thdrawal of the Bri ti sh, ran after
power, and i n the process of maki ng themselves more and more powerful, they
swallowed up popular li berti es one after one relentlessly. Secondly, i n the
course of consoli dati ng thei r power they abandoned i ntri nsi c concepts of justi ce,
and replaced them wi th organi zed mob clamour. Anythi ng that a large number
of people could be got together to demand became admi ni strati ve poli cy. The
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pampered covetousness of the multi tude, let loose on soci ety wi th State
patronage, made class hatred fashi onable and depri ved property of i ts sancti ty.
To cover up the depredatory character of thi s poli cy and make i t look grand, the
name Soci ali sm was gi ven to i t.
Under Nehruvi an Soci ali sm the people of I ndi a have as i ndi vi duals lost
thei r li berti es. Thei r property and possessi ons have ceased to have any assured
legal vali di ty. An atmosphere of i nsecuri ty permeates the land. The Government
on the other hand had made i tself more powerful than any previ ous government
had been by drawi ng unto i tself more and more of economi c power, thereby
ti ghteni ng i ts stranglehold on the li ves and occupati ons of the people. Exi stence
for ci ti zens i s bei ng rendered practi cally i mpossi ble wi thout the favour of the
ruli ng party."
Sensi ng the challenge of the Swatantra Party, Nehru went all out to
condemn i t i n every way. K hasa took cudgels agai nst thi s outri ght and unjust
denunci ati on.
I n hi s "Si deli ghts" i n Swarajya of January 9, 1960, K hasa sai d: Mr. Nehru
goes on evadi ng the cri ti ci sm of the Swatantra Party and sti gmati zi ng i ts
programme as sui table only for the ni neteenth century.
The only way of meeti ng Rajaji s cri ti ci sm of the Government and the
ruli ng party, " he wrote, was by payi ng attenti on to the poi nts rai sed and
meeti ng them. But Mr Nehru has gone on repeati ng hi s own slogans more
frequently and loudly and blami ng the new party for i ts alleged worthlessness,
reacti onari sm and servi ce of ri ch mens i nterests. He almost seems to have
persuaded hi mself that denunci atory vi gour i s the equi valent of vali d proof of
worth. The Pri me Mi ni ster has passed the stage when Canute-li ke he could order
the waves of popular di scontent to recede at hi s command. At such a stage, mere
repeti ti on of a fallacy fai ls to enhance credi t and only makes i neffecti veness look
patheti c.
Nehru complai ned that the press i n the country had taken a pro-Swatantra
atti tude. K hasa had occasi on to comment on thi s, i n hi s journal on January 23,
1960 about the role of the press, whi ch holds good even today.
"For someti me now, " K hasa wrote, the baneful i ntrusi on of the soci ali st
pattern has been maki ng i tself felt i n journali sm. Formerly the leaders of the
professi on, di sti ngui shed for meri t and achi evement, mai ntai ned di gni ty of
demeanour towards offi ci als and Mi ni sters. They di d not run after them for
favours. Nowadays, i t has become a regular busi ness for the offi ce-bearers of
journali sti c trade uni ons to make a beeli ne to the ai rport to be fi rst i n the fi eld
wi th garlands to recei ve vi si ti ng di gni tari es. When there i s a stri ke on, the
organi zers spend most of thei r ti me i n the antechambers of Mi ni sters wai ti ng to
beseech them to i ntervene and help. Thi s atti tude of dependence of worki ng
journali sts on Mi ni sters has depri ved them of the tradi ti onal status of bei ng the
custodi ans of the freedom of the press. That status has gone over, i n some cases,
to the propri etors.
There are no doubt owners, and owners, and at a ti me when the i ncubus
of State authori ty i s becomi ng heavi er and more and more pervasi ve i n all
branches of the nati ons economy, i t i s not to be expected that all of them wi ll be
able to totally steer clear of sycophancy and i ts allurements. The Pri me Mi ni ster
complai ned of the pro-Swatantra atti tude of the Press i n the country and fell foul
wi th them for i t. That was suffi ci ent. Si nce then there has been a qui ck somersault,
and i n some of the newspapers, previ ously generous and hospi table, even
perfunctory coverage of Swatantra news has di sappeared. I t i s the di sti ncti on of
Ramnath Goenka, acqui red i n the hard school of tough practi cal experi ence, that
he rates fai thfulness to news as they happen as the hi ghest journali sti c vi rtue, and
to thi s loyalty he i s unswervi ng. He i s a devotee of i ntegri ty i n the purveyi ng of
news and i n hi s worshi p at thi s shri ne, he tolerates no compromi se, nothi ng short
of the very best. I have known hi m to devi ate from pri sti ne recti tude i n the
presentati on of news only i n connecti on wi th the Communi st Party.
He regards the Communi sts, wi th thei r extra-terri tori al allegi ance, as
outsi de the pale of consi derati on by patri oti cally i ncli ned nati onal i nsti tuti ons, and
he was fi rm i n hi s fai th that any publi ci ty to the Communi st platform carri ed wi th
i t the potenti al danger of i nvei glement i nto anti -nati onal plots and maneuvers. I
felt at that ti me that thi s vi ewpoi nt of Sri Goenka i mpi nged on fundamental
fai rness and i nter-party press morali ty. But I am not so sure of i t now. The
unashamed Communi st apologi a i n the matter of the Chi nese i ncursi ons proves
the vali di ty of Sri Goenkas i nsi ght i nto them as a speci al brand of dangerous
nati onals to beware of, fi t only to be di strusted and guarded agai nst i ncessantly for
some chroni c betrayal or other of the countrys i nterests and securi ty.
Nehru's intolerance of criticism
K hasa poi ntedly brought to the eye of the publi c the growi ng i rri tati on
and i ntolerance of the Pri me Mi ni ster Nehru to mounti ng cri ti ci sm and di ssent
agai nst hi s poli ci es parti cularly i n regard to Chi na, hi s i nabi li ty to get the
occupi ed area vacated, as also publi c sector, forei gn poli ci es, non-ali gnment,
co-operati ve farmi ng and the li ke.
I n the i ssue of Apri l 2, 1960 K hasa dwelt succi nctly on thi s aspect. He sai d:
The Pri me Mi ni ster seems to be i ncapable of calm thi nki ng i n an atmosphere
di vested of adulati on. Cri ti ci sm i rri tates hi m and makes hi m run wi ld and fall foul
of the cri ti c. I t was all ri ght as long as the press conformed to the general pattern
of popular glamour by i doli zi ng the Pri me Mi ni ster. But when, under the
compulsi on of a seri es of di sasters the squanderi ng of the plans, the rampant
corrupti on, the i neffi ci ency and waste, the mounti ng pri ces, the heavy taxati on
wi thout proporti onal benefi t, the lavi sh mi nti ng of paper currency reduci ng the
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value of peoples savi ngs, the colossal forei gn loans, and worst of all, the
secreti ve surrender of large areas of the country to a forei gn aggressor,
accompani ed by, an i ncomprehensi ble approach i nvi ti ng hi m ( Chou Enlai ) to
the capi tal as an 'honored guest the decade-old admi rati on of the people for
thei r leader began to wear thi n, the assumpti on of hi s i ndi spensabi li ty to fade,
and the Press followed sui t wi th responsi ve anti -Congress di atri bes, the Pri me
Mi ni ster who only a li ttle whi le ago had applauded the Press as an essenti al
i nstrument of democracy, set about denounci ng i t as a tool of the i ndustri ali sts!
Confronted wi th the recoi l of hi s own blunders i n the form of di mi ni shi ng
presti ge, Mr Nehru fai led to acqui re fresh resources of wi sdom i n the hard school
of experi ence to cope wi th the unpleasant si tuati on. Hi s sole refuge agai nst
fallacy was proclamati on of the same di scredi ted fallacy i n repeated orgi es of
voci ferous self-asserti on. He seems to have taken lungpower as an adequate
substi tute for the i ntellectual capaci ty of persuasi on. An esteemed fri end who had
reti red after a great career i n government servi ce confessed to me someti me ago
that he had gi ven up readi ng Nehrus speeches as they contai ned rehashes of the
same old shi bboleths and nostrums that had become stale by too much and too
long repeti ti on, and contai ned nothi ng rewardi ng, no fresh sti mulati ng thought.
I t has turned out that thi s revulsi on of atti tude i s no i di osyncrasy of a si ngle
i ndi vi dual but an i ntensi fyi ng trend of the publi c mi nd. The Pri me Mi ni ster would
be appalled to di scover how many outsi de the restri cted ci rcle of party
benefi ci ari es have not only lost i nterest but become antagoni sti c to hi s tri te
panaceas for soci al benefi t under the cover of soci ali sm.
O f all patterns of government, soci ali sm makes the most exacti ng call on
the character of i ts admi ni strati ve personnel. The Congress has fai led to secure
thi s quali ty of personnel. Power has made them corrupt. The anti dote to the
corrupti on of power i s reducti on of power, but the Nehru regi me has been
matchi ng the expandi ng corrupti on of the Soci ali st pattern wi th i ncreasi ng doses
of power. Hence the tremendous success of the Swatantra Party wi thi n a
remarkably short peri od after i ts i ncepti on. The Party has already come to be
looked upon as the nati ons savi our i n a cri si s.
I ntellectual barrenness i s the heavi est burden that Nehrus Soci ali sm
has now to carry. We fi nd the Pri me M i ni ster now a days twi sti ng the
meani ng of words to overcome awk ward predi caments. He attri butes
confused thi nk i ng to all who do not see eye to eye wi th hi m. T he asserti on
of exclusi ve ri ghteousness as a pri vi lege of leadershi p has become such an
obsessi on wi th hi m that di ssent stri k es hi m as an enormi ty and he sees no
freedom at all anywhere beyond preci ncts commandi ng hi s approval. I t i s
not for nothi ng that he cannot tolerate even the name of the Forum of Free
Enterpri se, i t i s not an i nsti tuti on wi thi n the Nehru poli ti cal orbi t enjoyi ng hi s
blessi ng, and how can freedom co-exi st wi th di ssent from the poli ti cs of the
Pri me M i ni ster?"
I n 1960 K hasa devoted a seri es of arti cles to the Chi nese i ncursi on i nto
I ndi a, i n the wake of Chou Enlai s vi si t to thi s country.
He wrote: The Chou-Nehru talks seem to be based on a certai n faci le
assumpti on that peace between the two countri es i s a matter of settlement wi th
exerci se of di alecti cal expertness i n personal talks between thei r respecti ve leaders.
The reali ty i s qui te otherwi se. The outstandi ng phenomenon i n the world today i s
the move of Communi sm i nto shoes vacated by the old European i mperi ali sts. Sri
Jayaprakash Narayan hi t the nai l on the head when he sai d that the Russi an Premi er
was goi ng round the world i mpressi ng on everyone that 'hi story was on hi s si de
and that Communi sm was the ulti mate desti ny of manki nd, but he di d not reali ze
how outdated he had already become.' Hi story, the Sarvodaya leader predi cted,
would soon prove that 'Communi sm i nstead of bei ng the fi nal floweri ng of human
ci vi li zati on, was a temporary aberrati on of the human mi nd, a bri ef ni ghtmare to be
soon forgotten.' For the ti me bei ng, however, the ni ghtmare i s on us and the full
brunt of wi thstandi ng the i mperi ali st expansi oni sm of Communi sm has fallen on
account of geographi cal conti gui ty, after Ti bet, mai nly on I ndi a."
K hasa was cri ti cal of the fi ve year plans and the way they were
i mplemented wi thout thei r benefi ts reachi ng people at the grass-root level.
Mr Nehrus E1 Dorado of the future, bui lt on Fi ve Year Plans as
foundati on, bi ds fai r to be a phantom of i llusi ons. For the present, advance
si gnals of i ts promi sed advent are forbi ddi ng and fri ghteni ng. More and more of
debts, heavi er and heavi er taxati on, the wastefulness of parasi tes, the corrupti on
of the ti me-servi ng, the extravagance i ndi sti ngui shable from treasonable
mi sappropri ati on of pampered favori tes, the ceaseless expansi on of
bureaucracy, more i ntense concentrati on of executi ve power, less and less of
freedom for i ndi vi dual i ni ti ati ve, soari ng pri ces eati ng cruelly i nto the dai ly
essenti als of peoples li ves these are the dreadful and tangi ble and i mmedi ately
patent frui ts of Congress economi c planni ng under the Nehru banner.
Referri ng to the cri ti cal study of the planni ng by Prof B R Shenoy one
of our few i ndependent economi sts who has not yi elded to the allurements of
regi mented economi c thi nki ng i n Nehrus I ndi a of Soci ali st Pattern, " K hasa sai d
that the economi st showed that the present sort of planni ng we are havi ng i s an
i ntolerable burden and i s leadi ng the country to rui n.
I n January 21 i ssue, adverti ng agai n to fi ve year plans, K hasa quoted
A D Shroff, who descri bed the plan as an example of how not to plan i n a
democracy."
I t i s a speci men of totali tari an planni ng i n whi ch targets are set up fi rst
and the search for resources come later, " Shroff was quoted as sayi ng.
K hasa consi dered the rejecti on by Nehru of the suggesti on for a common
Defence O rgani zati on by Marshal Ayub K han of Paki stan as a grave mi stake
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and sai d after whi ch there was no poi nt i n bei ng angry when Paki stan was
wooi ng Chi na.
K hasa sai d; whatever the di ffi culti es envi saged i n the setti ng up of a
common defense organi zati on for I ndi a and Paki stan agai nst a common danger,
i t was due to the Marshals great and wi se gesture that i t should have been
warmly recei ved and earnestly exami ned round a table of mi ni sters and offi ci als
and thereafter subjected to joi nt scruti ny and further ampli fi cati on. I nstead of
thi s, i t was, so to say, pooh-poohed summari ly. I t was no less than an i nsult, the
manner i n whi ch a great and hi stori c gesture was dealt wi th. When you do not
grasp the hand of fri endshi p extended by an opponent, the results are, bound to
be bad. The opponents enemy i s always a potenti al ally. I ndi a fai led to
remember and act on thi s natural law.
K hasa questi oned Nehrus concepti on of the functi oni ng of the majori ty
i n a democracy. He wrote i n the Swarajya of Apri l 22, 1961:
"The Pri me Mi ni ster took the li ne that 'hi s knowledge about the Army and
seni or offi cers was far superi or to that of Acharya K ri palani or any O pposi ti on
member.' From that subli me angle of self-concei t, he could not be expected to
cheri sh anythi ng but superci li ous contempt for the opposi ti on i tself as such. We
fi nd hi m accusi ng Acharya K ri palani wi th fai lure to accept the basi c fact that i n
a parli amentary and democrati c procedure, 'the majori ty functi ons.' What exactly
Mr Nehru means by thi s he has not explai ned, but he has made i t clear by hi s
demeanour. When Sri Raji ndra Si ngh asked, 'are we to be gui ded by our own
opi ni on or by that of the Pri me Mi ni ster?, Mr Nehru seemed to have had a shock
at so much asserti on of i ndependent opi ni on not i n conformi ty wi th hi s own. He
asked the member, sayi ng 'he has chosen a wrong path permanently, ' Leaders
li ke Acharya K ri palani and Acharya Ranga, who have gi ven as many years of
thei r li ves, i f not more to publi c causes, as Mr Nehru hi mself, were shown no
better courtesy. They are di smi ssed arrogantly wi th such phrases as 'wrong i n
judgment, ' 'Wrong always, ' and jeered at obli gi ngly i n concert by the Pri me
Mi ni sters sycophanti c party cohorts. All thi s i s unworthy of a Pri me Mi ni ster of
I ndi a. Evi dently Mr Nehrus concepti on of the functi oni ng of the majori ty i s not
li mi ted to runni ng the government. I t seems to i nclude the runni ng of i t as a
di ctatorshi p, wi th the opposi ti on overawed and si lenced i nto doci le acceptance
of the superi ori ty and i nfalli bi li ty of the leader of the majori ty party. Thi s may be
Communi st practi ce, certai nly not democrati c procedure."
Wri ti ng i n the subsequent week, K hasa questi oned Nehrus proposal to
ban communal parti es and sai d, A law to ban communal parti es would only
help the Congress to get ri d of powerful elements li kely to successfully challenge
i ts votes i n the electi ons. Mr Nehrus battles wi th communali sm have been
theoreti cal and verbally passi onate. They have not been followed up by practi cal
acti on conformi ng to the adverti sed i deali sm. Naturally, therefore, anti -
communal laws have become dead letters and the Congress admi ni strati on i tself
has become a hot-bed of rampant communal i ll-wi ll."
K hasa casti gated the practi ce of usi ng posi ti ons of authori ty to collect
party funds i n the Swarajya i ssue of June 10:
O nce the sense of deli cacy or shame i s lost i n uti li zi ng offi ci al power for
collecti on of funds, i t wi ll be a small jump later on for successors to collect for
thei r own pri vate purposes. The practi ce of usi ng posi ti ons of authori ty to put
pressure for donati ons for any purpose, be i t for the party chest or even for
chari table or educati onal purposes i s fraught wi th grave moral danger. The
passage from such acti vi ti es to worse thi ngs i s dangerously easy. Who knows
whether even the collecti ons for the party chest are properly accounted for?"
K hasa felt that, I n the li fe of a journali st there are occasi ons when a
confli ct ari ses between hi s own safety and the demands of the publi c i nterest.
Bei ng gui ded by safety would mean neglect of the hi gher purpose of journali sm.
I t i s promoti on of the publi c i nterest that should be the gui di ng factor."
Menti on has already been made of hi s well known edi tori al i n Free Press
Journal, Bombay on the di scri mi nati on between European and I ndi an vi cti ms of
Q uetta earthquake whi ch resulted i n the forfei ture of securi ty. The forfei ture of
securi ty over Q uetta wi ll remai n i n my mi nd as the happi est i nci dent." I ts edi tor
Sadanand wrote to K hasa and added: A truly i ndependent, fearless journali st
li ke you i s one of the bri ghtest ornaments to I ndi an journali sm. Wi th a few more
honest and i ndependent journali sts li ke you, I am certai n, the face of I ndi a can
be changed ( 1935) ." K hasa had concluded hi s arti cle wi th these words; The
hand of God i n the earthquake has not apparently cut across the bed rock of
raci ali sm on whi ch the Bri ti sh rule rests and helped to i t to transfer i ts moori ngs
to fresh values based on broad humani tari an consi derati ons. Humani ty i s
evi dently bei ng sacri fi ced to mi sdi rected fronti er poli cy.
There were qui te a few battles K hasa fought agai nst authori ty, all
stemmi ng from hi s fearless comments wi th safety last and publi c i nterest fi rst. A
characteri sti c feature of K hasa was that when he reali zed he was wrong, he
corrected hi mself wi thout standi ng on false presti ge, reflecti ng hi s transparent
si nceri ty.
The effect of wri tten or pri nted words on the reader i s not dependent on
ski ll or expertness i n thei r arrangement. I t vari es. There i s nothi ng li ke absolute
fai rness to i mpart power to an argument. Experi ence has shown me that to
cheri sh a gri evance, even when the ci rcumstances justi fy i t, agai nst even a si ngle
i ndi vi dual, wi ll i mpai r the faculty of absolute fai rness. But thi s rule does not
apply when one takes on oneself the gri evances of others. I t i s li ke prayer.
Prayers for ones own self may be i neffecti ve, but every prayer si ncerely offered
for another i s answered, K hasa wrote.
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Khasas visits to the United States and Britain
K hasa was not fasci nated by travels i nsi de the country or abroad. He was
content li vi ng i n Madras, but at the same ti me he lay a lot of stress on developi ng
a world perspecti ve. Except for short spells i n Bombay wi th Free Press Journal
and i n Indian Finance, Calcutta and bri efly i n Bi har as Secretary to Raja of
Amavan, hi s journali sti c work lay i n Madras. But, he had admi rers all over, i nsi de
and outsi de the country, of hi s journals and hi s wri ti ngs. He vi si ted the UK for
si x weeks i n 1950 and USA for three months i n 1955 at the i nvi tati on of the
respecti ve governments.
Paul C Sharbert, a former Publi c Affai rs O ffi cer, US consulate, Madras and
later Secretary Asi a Soci ety, USA who knew K hasa well, i n a message sent after
hi s death i n 1961 from the US sai d:
K hasa belonged not only to you and to your country but to us and our
country; for no man could have li ved a more useful li fe or set a better example
or been more gentle or more mi ndful of the i nterest of hi s nei ghbour, hi s country
and the world.
Whi le i n the USA, K hasa had the opportuni ty to meet people from vari ous
strata of soci ety and also see ci ti es and observe the functi oni ng of the press and
Government. He wrote arti cles i n newspapers as a guest edi tor. He attended
parti es i n hi s usual khadi dhoti and half shi rt, the way one saw hi m i n Madras. A
good speaker, who spoke hi s mi nd fearlessly he addressed a conference of
offi ci als, students and newspapermen i n New York, when he appealed to the US
to i ni ti ate a new world movement to li berate the subjugated nati ons i n Afri can
and Asi a.
I n a guest edi tori al i n the Denver Post ( reproduced i n Swatantra of
November 26, 1955) , K hasa wrote: I t should be reali zed by the successors of
Presi dent Roosevelt that unless freedom i s uni versally establi shed and every
country sti ll unfree i s li berated from forei gn domi nati on, there would be no
peace i n the world. The Uni ted States can and should head a movement for thi s
purpose. I ndi a cannot be i ndi fferent to such a movement organi zed under
Ameri can i ni ti ati ve. Mr Nehrus neutrali ty wi ll di sappear the moment Uni ted
States calls upon the European coloni al powers to qui t Asi a and Afri ca i n the
same way i n whi ch Presi dent Roosevelt called upon Bri tai n to qui t I ndi a towards
the end of the second world war. I ts neutrali ty wi ll be replaced by warm
approbati on and acti ve cooperati on. There wi ll then be a new ali gnment of
world forces consi sti ng of, to start wi th the Uni ted States, I ndi a and Bri tai n.
O f hi s vi si t to Washi ngton he wrote: The statue of Li ncoln i n whi te marble
i s thri lli ng to behold I t i s as i f a great chapter of achi evement i n the countrys
hi story has been captured from fleeti ng ti me and presented to posteri ty i n
i mperi shable form. Washi ngton i s replete wi th monumental devi ces for turni ng
hi stori cal i nci dents i nto a li fe-stream of i ntegrati ng sti mulati on for accentuati ng
nati onal pri de and uni ty.
K hasa attended a press conference at the Whi te House addressed by
Presi dent Ei senhower and sai d Ei senhower gave an i mpressi on of labouri ng under
no i nhi bi ti ons at all. He takes every questi on that i s put to hi m wi th ease and
relaxati on, and though occasi onally spi ri ted i n hi s rejoi nders, he i s never di sturbed
or out of temper. O ne feels that here i s a man who has nothi ng to hi de. An
atmosphere of naturalness and cordi ali ty, wi th no pose or pretensi on, no
di vergence between the exteri or appearance and the i nner reali ty of self, pervades
the presi dent throughout the conference. He i s at home wi th hi mself and wi th
others. The result i s an i mpressi on of i ntegri ty and honesty, whi ch i s the mai n
source of the Presi dents i mmense personal i nfluence and i nvi nci ble populari ty.
O n John F K ennedy's electi on, as Presi dent of USA, K hasa wrote on
January 20, 1961, The new Presi dent of the USA, John F K ennedy, i s just a name
to the nati on wi th no clear knowledge of the man. Hi s vi ctory at the polls has
been lai d to the power of money and splendi d organi zati on. Wi th opportuni ty
he has blossomed i n a short ti me i nto a leader of remarkable capaci ty. An offi ce
li ke that of the Ameri can Presi dent, any hi gh offi ce of great power i n fact i n the
modern world, can be managed well only wi th the ai d of able assi stants.
"Mr K ennedy has won prai se all round wi th hi s devoted pursui t of
knowledgeable men of competence i n preference to ti me-honoured sci ons of
pampered i nfluenti al fami li es for di schargi ng the functi ons of the admi ni strati on.
When talent comes i nto i ts own, meri tori ous achi evement i s bound to follow.
Though a note of excessi ve cauti on traceable to i nexperi ence under the wei ght
of a gi ganti c burden can be seen i n the new Presi dent, there i s also evi dence of
a powerful potenti al, i n character and leadershi p, for successfully completi ng i n
ti me what Presi dent Ei senhower had left half done.
K hasa was among the four I ndi an journali sts who vi si ted Bri tai n on the
i nvi tati on of i ts government. Gi vi ng i nsi ght i nto the Bri ti sh mi nd duri ng a general
electi on K hasa wrote, I have some very pleasant recollecti ons of the uni queness
of the Bri ti sh people. I spent si x weeks i n England as a member of the I ndi an
Press Delegati on. I t happened that a young woman, one Mi ss Young, was the
dri ver of the car that was gi ven to us for maki ng a tour from one part of the
country to another. The general electi on was then i n full swi ng. Si tti ng by her
si de on the front seat as she was dri vi ng, I asked her whi ch party she would vote
for. She sai d 'Conservati ve' Her answer took my breath away and i n amazement
I asked, 'Why, are you not Labour?' She answered, 'O f course, I am Labour all
ri ght, but, you see, the Conservati ves are man to man abler, more effi ci ent and
more experi enced. They wi ll not take away what the Labour Government has
already gi ven us. The same benefi ts they wi ll admi ni ster more ski llfully and the
money spent wi ll go a longer way. But at the next electi on, I wi ll vote only for
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Labour. For by that ti me the momentum of the programme set by Labour wi ll
have exhausted i tself, and the Conservati ves have no new and ori gi nal i deas
wi th whi ch to make the next step forward.' She was a worki ng woman, not very
educated or i ntellectual, but her words gave me an i nkli ng of the poli ti cal
maturi ty of the ordi nary people of England, and of how seri ously and wi th what
a profound sense of i ndi vi dual responsi bi li ty they cast thei r votes i n the
electi ons.
Whi le Swatantra weekly founded by K hasa lasted for 10 years, Swarajya,
started i n 1956 by hi m was closed down i n 1978, wi th A S Raman, formerly Edi tor
of the I llustrated Weekly, Bombay as i ts last Edi tor. K hasa was succeeded by
Pothan Joseph. Then i t had Phi li p Spratt, K Santhanam and R Venkataraman
( former Presi dent of I ndi a) as edi tors.
When Swarajya was taken over by the K alki group under T Sadasi vam,
K hasa moved to the K alki compound where a cottage was speci ally bui lt for
hi m. K hasa di ed there on June 16, 1961 at the age of 65. He was not only edi tor
ti ll the end but also wrote ti ll hi s last.
After K hasas death Rajaji took more i nterest i n Swarajya and wrote a well-
read Dear Reader column. Hi s comments on vari ous matters of i mportance
were publi shed regularly some of whi ch were ci rculated by news agenci es for
the dai ly press.
I t was i n 1986 that New Swatantra Ti mes, a monthly was started from
Hyderabad i n memory of K hasa, by P Vaman Rao, hi s son-i n-law. I t carri ed from
the begi nni ng "Si deli ghts" from Swatantra and Swarajya weekli es i n every i ssue,
whi ch are relevant to the present ti mes, under the capti on From K hasas pen.
NST i s now i n i ts 16th year. The journal despi te havi ng a li mi ted ci rculati on, i s
read by a spectrum of people from all walks of li fe.
Several copi es of the Swatantra were found i n vari ous li brari es i n the USA.
I nteresti ngly some of hi s arti cles from the New Swatantra Ti mes were also found
ci rculati ng. For example K hasas Si deli ghts whi ch were capti oned O pposi ti on
has to be recogni zed not as somethi ng external to Government but as part of the
very mechani sm for conti nui ty of admi ni strati on, was ci rculated by a fri end to
some Senators and Congressmen i n the US House of Representati ves and the
US Senate. The occasi on was Honble Trend Lott havi ng become a Mi nori ty
leader i n US Senate due to defecti on of Senator Jeffords. Ti ll then he was the
"majori ty" leader.
Duri ng hi s acti ve journali sti c li fe of four decades i nterspersed wi th
i ncarcerati on due to parti ci pati on i n the Gandhi an movement, K hasa made an
i mpact on journali sm and publi c li fe ali ke. From the talks one has wi th those
who are now i n late fi fti es and more, one gleans that hi s outspoken arti cles i n
hi s two journals were not only read, admi red but looked forward to eagerly
week after week by readers who were i nfluenced by them. I n the South where
hi s journals were avi dly read, even today they recall hi s fearless wri ti ngs and
personali ty of selflessness and sacri fi ce. K hasa never wrote any books. However,
a publi sher brought out a collecti on of hi s Si deli ghts wri tten mostly i n I ndi an
Express i n 1945. Earli er i n 1941, some pen-portrai ts wri tten by hi m i n other
journals were publi shed under the ti tle Men i n the Li meli ght and later, hi s arti cles
on Rajaji i n Swarajya under Si deli ghts on Rajaji . The fi rst book had three secti ons.
Profi les, journali sm speci ally pertai ni ng to Fleet Street and i ts great newspapers
and great edi tors and on subjects li ke mother, marri age and di vorce, love and
jealousy, culture and patri oti sm. K hasa had the gi ft of wri ti ng on any subject;
taki ng any small i nci dent, rai si ng i t to fi rst pri nci ples and maki ng phi losophi c
reflecti ons, whi ch contai ned a message.
Fourteen years after hi s death, poet Hari ndranath Chattopadhyaya
penned a movi ng poem on K hasa. Here are some of i ts si gni fi cant li nes:
Let me salute you K hasa on thi s day. Marki ng your memori es that cannot
di e your absence i s a presence come to stay; who says dear fri end that you have
gone away / You were adored, even now you are adored / You who wi th words
moulded the mi nds of men / Your Pen was surely sharper then sword / Yet,
there was a deep compassi on i n that pen whi ch stood by mi lli ons who sobbed
i n sorrow / The sufferi ng for whom there was no morrow.
He concluded: Yes, K hasa, wi th your mi ghty Pen you made di shonesty
and cowardi ce afrai d! Who can forget your bri lli ance, your brai n?Say, shall we
see the li kes of you agai n?"
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SELECTED PUBLI CATI O NS O F K HASA SUBHA RAU
Some of hi s arti cles have been collected by vari ous people and publi shed. They are:
1. Si deli ghts
2. Men i n Li meli ght
3. Si deli ghts on Rajaji
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Profiles in Courage
A D Shroff:
The Defender of Free Enterprise
Minoo Shroff
Ardeshi r Shroff's father Darabshaw, li ke hi s grandfather Rustomji before
hi m, worked i n the cotton purchase department of K i lli ck Ni xon & Co. Ltd i n
Mumbai . They were self-taught men. Thei r's was a close and lovi ng fami ly wi th
a reputati on for hi gh personal i ntegri ty. O ne of eleven chi ldren, Ardeshi r was
born on June 4, 1899.
Growi ng up i n a mi ddle class Parsi fami ly i n the pre-war era, Ardeshi r
enjoyed a protected harmoni ous fami ly envi ronment. I n hi s own words, owi ng
to the grace of Almi ghty, I have not known what want i s. He was sharp i n
observati on and possessed a prodi gi ous memory. O ne among eleven, he was
never allowed to become spoi lt. Very early i n li fe he learnt to thi nk
i ndependently and express hi mself freely.
I n the course of a bri ght educati onal career he took keen i nterest i n
current economi c problems and blossomed i nto an i mpressi ve debater. I n 1921,
he graduated wi th a BA i n Hi story and Economi cs, from Elphi nstone College i n
Mumbai . He won the James Taylor pri ze for toppi ng the Uni versi ty li st i n Hi story
and Economi cs. The outstandi ng li berals who had passed through the portals of
hi s college made a lasti ng i mpressi on on hi s mi nd.
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Profiles in Courage
O n graduati on, AD was encouraged by Si r Di nshaw Vatcha, one of the
G overnors of I mperi al Bank of I ndi a to go to London, to study economi cs
further wi th speci al emphasi s on banki ng and currency so that he could be
eli gi ble for the coveted servi ces of the Bank, provi ded he acqui red practi cal
experi ence. Hence he proceeded to UK to joi n the London School of
Economi cs. He also took several letters of i ntroducti on, from promi nent
personali ti es of the ti me li ke R D Tata, F E Di nshaw, Narottam M orarjee, and
Si r Henry Proctor, to secure the posi ti on of apprenti ce i n a leadi ng bank i n
London. I t was wi th great di ffi culty that he was accepted as an apprenti ce by
the Chase Bank, London. However, on hi s return to I ndi a he was di sappoi nted
that he was turned down by the I mperi al Bank as hi s apprenti ceshi p had been
wi th an Ameri can Bank and not a Bri ti sh one.
He turned to R D Tata who advi sed hi m to joi n the Tata I ndustri al Bank
( now Central Bank of I ndi a) . Thi s di d not appeal to hi m and i nstead he joi ned
the well-known fi rm of stock brokers, Batli walla & K arani . As a partner of thi s
fi rm he gai ned i ncreasi ng recogni ti on i n corporate ci rcles and came i n close
contact wi th several seni or Tata Di rectors, parti cularly the Chai rman, Si r Nowroji
Saklatwala. He joi ned Tatas as thei r Fi nanci al Advi sor i n 1939, and was soon
i nducted as a Di rector of Tata Sons Ltd.
I n the early 1930s, he became a name to reckon wi thi n banki ng ci rcles.
He was recommended for the post of the fi rst I ndi an Deputy Governor of the
Reserve Bank of I ndi a i n 1936 but was rejected as he had aroused ani mosi ty of
Si r James Gri ggs, the then Fi nance Member of the Vi ceroys Executi ve Counci l,
because of hi s i ndependence of thought and frequent cri ti ci sm of the
government.
AD was greatly alarmed by Jawaharlal Nehrus soci ali st leani ngs, whi ch
were abundantly reflected i n Nehrus presi denti al address at the Lucknow
Congress i n Apri l 1936. As Vi ce Presi dent of I ndi an Merchant's Chamber ( I MC) ,
Mumbai , he wrote a percepti ve arti cle i n the Times of India drawi ng poi nted
attenti on to i ts omi nous portents i n the post-i ndependence era when Nehru was
bound to play a leadi ng role. Thi s event had a consi derable beari ng on ADs
vi gorous advocacy of a li beral market economy i n later years of hi s li fe.
The arti cle generated a sti r and strong pressure was brought on I MC
elders to fi eld a candi date agai nst AD i n the ensui ng presi denti al electi on to
prevent hi m from bei ng elected Presi dent. He contested but was defeated
payi ng the pri ce for the courage of hi s convi cti on.
Despi te Shroffs bold opposi ti on to Nehrus soci ali st vi ews he was
appoi nted a Member of the Planni ng Commi ttee formed by the I ndi an Nati onal
Congress i n 1938, under the chai rmanshi p of Nehru. Later i n 1944, alongwi th
seven other leadi ng i ndustri ali sts, he authored what came to be popularly
known as the Bombay Plan.
Though a strong cri ti c of Bri ti sh governments I ndi an poli ci es, he was
selected as one of the two non-offi ci al delegates to the Bretton Woods
Conference i n 1944 whi ch led to the formati on of the World Bank and
I nternati onal Monetary Fund. Shroff ardently put forth the case for the status of
I ndi as sterli ng balances. Lord K eynes, a leadi ng protagoni st of the Conference,
who i ni ti ally descri bed Shroff as a hi ghly arti culate maveri ck a snake i n the
grass tryi ng to catch us ( Bri ti sh) out, and fi lled wi th suppressed mali ce, later
expressed appreci ati on of hi s moderate, fri endly and reali sti c statement of
I ndi as problem.
ADs busi ness and corporate i nvolvements were far reachi ng. O n
account of hi s enormous fi nanci al acumen he was ack nowledged as a fi nanci al
wi zard duri ng hi s di sti ngui shed professi onal career. Hi s hold on the fi nanci al
mark et was i n many ways unmatched. At the peak of hi s career, he was
Chai rman and/or Di rector of over fi fty compani es li k e New Delhi Assurance
Co. Ltd., Bank of I ndi a, I nvestment Corporati on of I ndi a Ltd., and I CI CI Ltd. He
had also promoted a large number of joi nt ventures wi th world-renowned
forei gn compani es.
AD Shroff headed a number of i mportant government commi ttees. The
Commi ttee on Fi nance for the Pri vate Sector appoi nted by the Reserve Bank of
I ndi a i n 1953 was parti cularly noteworthy. The far-reachi ng recommendati ons of
thi s Commi ttee led to the formati on of I CI CI Ltd. and a number of State
Developmental Fi nanci al and I ndustri al Corporati ons.
AD was greatly concerned by the i ncreasi ng i nroads of soci ali st i deology
i n governments poli cy mak i ng i n the early 1950s culmi nati ng i n the
nati onali zati on of a number of i ndustri es and servi ces. To educate the publi c of
the seri ous i mpli cati ons of these measures and to di ssemi nate the great
contri buti on that pri vate enterpri se had made to the i ndustri al development of
the country i n the previ ous half century, he started the Forum of Free Enterpri se
i n 1956. Havi ng been i nvolved wi th nati onal planni ng earli er, he was totally
opposed to wi de rangi ng regulati ons whi ch sti fled i ndi vi dual i ni ti ati ve and
enterpri se and encroached on personal li berti es. He was agai nst comprehensi ve
planni ng as adopted i n I ndi a, whi ch encompassed all aspects of li fe.
Whi le he fervently propagated the effi cacy of a market economy i n the
rapi d development of I ndi a, he constantly urged the busi ness communi ty to
exerci se great di sci pli ne and ci rcumspecti on i n thei r conduct. I n fact he helped
evolve a code of conduct for busi nessmen way back i n 1956 of thei r
obli gati ons and responsi bi li ti es, a code more far reachi ng than the SEBI Code on
Corporate Governance made mandatory i n 1999.
I n 1960, a leadi ng Ameri can banker George Woods, later Presi dent of the
World Bank, i nvi ted Shroff to tour the USA. I n a foreword to publi cati on of
collecti on of A D Shroffs wri ti ngs, he observed:
161
A D Shroff: The Defender of Free Enterprise
162
Profiles in Courage
I t was my great pleasure and pri vi lege to be able to act as hi s
host on a tour whi ch took hi m to the length and breadth of the
Uni ted States. Everywhere he went he spoke of I ndi a wi th the
love and understandi ng of a great patri ot, and everywhere he
went he left behi nd hi m new fri ends of I ndi a and a better
understandi ng of her problems. Hi s prodi gi ous command on
facts and fi gures would have made hi m a leader among
bankers and busi nessmen i n any soci ety.
I n every age and i n every soci ety men must express anew thei r
fai th i n the i nfi ni te possi bi li ti es of the human i ndi vi dual when
he has freedom to develop hi s creati ve talents. For thi s i s i n
large part how the message of freedom i s passed from
generati on to generati on. A D Shroff spoke eloquently i n a
great tradi ti on, and thanks to hi m we can be sure that other
great men of I ndi a wi ll conti nue to speak thi s message i n the
unknown context of our future problems
Hi s capaci ty for holdi ng opi ni ons strongly and defendi ng them vi gorously
stood out. He was a staunch li beral and nati onali st at heart and had the strength
of mi nd as well as the moral courage to express hi s vi ews, i rrespecti ve of the
consequences.
The idea of liberalism
Li berals hi ghly value ci vi l li berti es and beli eve i n the equali ty of all men.
The worth and di gni ty of the i ndi vi dual consti tute somethi ng preci ous and
i nali enable. Any i deology or system that downgrades the i ndi vi dual i s
unacceptable to them, whatever mi ght be i ts other meri ts. I n thei r judgement,
only i n an atmosphere of absolute freedom does the i ndi vi dual personali ty
blossom to i ts best and contri bute to i ndi vi dual as well as soci al progress. To
li berals, equali ty of all men i rrespecti ve of race, reli gi on, language or sex i s a
matter of unquesti onable fai th. I ssui ng from thi s beli ef they place trust only i n a
democrati c form of government.
The unquali fi ed fai th and support that li berals extend to democrati c form
of government naturally leads to freedom of speech, thought, and expressi on.
Li berals recogni se that freedom goes wi th responsi bi li ty and tolerance.
Responsi bi li ty meant taki ng care that ones exerci se of freedom does not
encroach on the si mi lar freedoms of another. Responsi bi li ty also meant that one
should take care of hi s welfare and bear the consequences of hi s acti ons. A
responsi ble person would not i gnore the i mpact of hi s choi ces and acti ons on
larger publi c i nterest. He would modi fy hi s choi ces and acti ons so that pursui t of
hi s goals does not prejudi ce publi c i nterest. A responsi ble person would i nvolve
hi mself i n publi c affai rs and parti ci pate meani ngfully and effecti vely. Whi le the
li beral mi ght hold hi s own vi ews, he also recogni ses that there could be
di fferences of opi ni on and even di ssent. O ften di ssent plays a constructi ve role.
I t faci li tates i nstructed judgement of the people or concerned authori ty i n any
matter of publi c i mportance. Under a truly democrati c system i t faci li tates the
synthesi s of di fferent vi ewpoi nts. They accepted the proposi ti on that no one has
monopoly of wi sdom or consti tutes the sole reposi tory of truth. As a corollary to
thei r fai th i n ci vi l li berti es and freedom of the i ndi vi dual, the ri ght to pri vacy of
an i ndi vi dual has emerged as a preci ous human ri ght, meani ngful and i nvaluable
especi ally i n the context of i ntrusi ve capabi li ti es of modern communi cati ons
technology.
Li berals beli eve i n the i mperati ve need for the economi c freedoms
especi ally those relati ng to choi ce of professi on, trade, i nvestment, locati on of
i ndustri al or busi ness uni t, technology, and pri ci ng of products. Promoti on of
free competi ti on and preventi on of emergence of absolute monopoli es by the
state enabled real economi c forces to i nteract purposefully and promote growth.
Thi s fi nds ready acceptance wi th li berals. They beli eve i n full freedom to enter
i nto commerci al contracts. The rule of law would ensure adherence to terms of
contract and generally secure full compli ance of concerned parti es. They want
the state to play a neutral role and allow competi ti on and soci al market economy
to act as engi nes of economi c growth. However, they vi suali ze an appropri ate
role for the state as a regulator, as i t would represent the overall communi ty
i nterests. Regulati on would mai nly set up standards appli cable to all wi thout
di scri mi nati on or favouri ti sm. I t would also secure preventi on of unfai r trade
practi ces that mi ght undermi ne competi ti on and prove detri mental to consumer
i nterests. They beli eved i n the soverei gnty of the consumer. Pri ces determi ned
unhi ndered by market forces, real economi c factors and consumer choi ces
would ensure rati onal allocati on of resources and pave the way for rapi d
economi c growth and consumer benefi ts.
I n underdeveloped or developi ng economi es, there exi st the problems of
unemployment and underemployment of scarce resources. I n such cases the
market would be i ncapable of freei ng i tself of ri gi di ti es i nheri ted i n the system.
Li berals feel that the state could play a proacti ve role by desi gni ng and setti ng
up a safety net appropri ate to the speci fi c needs of each economy.
Shroff the liberal
A D Shroff was a true li beral, both i n thought and acti on. I n hi s college
days he was greatly i nspi red by the speeches and wri ti ngs of I ndi as great
li berals. He meti culously studi ed thei r wri ti ngs and had the presci ence that I ndi a
would emerge an i mportant power, once i t was granted freedom by the Bri ti sh.
T he convi cti on persi sted wi th hi m i n whatever he di d ri ght from hi s
student days. Whi le i n hi s busi ness career he was very acti vely engaged i n
i nvestments, banki ng, fi nance, and i nsurance, he never di vorced hi mself from
bei ng a very keen student of publi c affai rs. He developed a great knack of
163
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Profiles in Courage
putti ng across hi s vi ews i n a language whi ch was i ntelli gi ble to di fferent
audi ences and more to the common man. T hat came out of hi s abi di ng fai th that
li berali sm and market economy were the vi tal prerequi si tes for I ndi a to emerge
as an i mportant economi c power for rapi dly i mprovi ng the standards of li vi ng
of the masses whi ch were so deplorably low i n the early part of the
20th century.
He was not li beral i n a stri ctly poli ti cal sense. But the li beral ethos was
very much mani fest i n all hi s acti vi ti es. He was a student i n the UK at the London
School of Economi cs i n the early twenti es when soci ali sm held great sway under
emi nent i deologues and thi nkers of the ti me George Bernard Shaw, Harold
Laski , Sydney and Beatri ce Webb. But AD apparently never came under thei r
spell, unli ke many of hi s peers and contemporari es, who rose to great hei ghts i n
the poli ti cal and economi c li fe of I ndi a i n the twenti es and thi rti es the most
promi nent among them bei ng Jawaharlal Nehru and V K K ri shna Menon.
Ri ght from hi s formati ve years, AD was fi rmly of the beli ef that the only
way I ndi a could reali se i ts ulti mate desti ny as an economi c force to be reckoned
wi th globally, was through the route of a li beral market economy where all the
latent energi es of the people could be unleashed. He was i nspi red by the great
pi oneeri ng effort made by I ndi an busi nessmen and i ndustri ali sts i n the later part
i n the 19th century and early part of the 20th century i n the face of acti ve
di scouragement and often hosti li ty, on the part of the Bri ti sh regi me.
Shroff was a member of the Planni ng Commi ssi on consti tuted by Subhash
Chandra Bose under the chai rmanshi p of Nehru. He found the i deali sm of these
nati onal leaders hi ghly i nvi gorati ng. I n fact i n the 1940s, he was convi nced that
once a nati onal government came to power, busi nessmen and government
would march hand i n hand, to accelerate the pace of development and i mprove
the standard of li vi ng of the masses through rapi d and large scale economi c and
i ndustri al development. He was fond of quoti ng early li berals li ke Gokhale, that
I ndi a was a very ri ch country wi th many poor people, meani ng that eli mi nati on
of poverty was possi ble through proper uti li zati on of I ndi as vast resources.
Shroff fi rmly beli eved that what was needed was unleashi ng the suppressed
entrepreneuri al talent and vi gor of I ndi ans by provi di ng them greater freedom
of acti on.
Hi s robust opti mi sm about the future of the country and hi s fai th that the
li beral market economy alone could deli ver the goods, has been vi ndi cated by
the growi ng li berali zati on wi tnessed si nce 1991.
I n hi s A D Shroff Memori al Lecture i n 1984, former Governor of the
Reserve Bank of I ndi a, M Narasi mham observed: He foresaw wi th remarkable
presci ence even then, what we wi th the wi sdom of experi ence and hi ndsi ght
have come to reali se, that a centrali zed command economy and a plurali st
democrati c poli ty do not go well together.
Socialism and planning
Few, not even A D Shroff, would have anti ci pated when he began hi s
career i n Batli walla & K arani that he would be called upon to mobi li ze opi ni on
of top i ndustri ali sts and busi ness leader agai nst a poli cy prescri pti on by
Jawaharlal Nehru. I n 1936, deli veri ng hi s presi denti al address, Nehru made hi s
soci ali st leani ngs publi c. Nehru stated that he saw no way of endi ng the poverty,
unemployment and degradati on of the I ndi an people except through soci ali sm.
He menti oned that i t would i nvolve vast and revoluti onary changes i n the
countrys poli ti cal as well as the feudal and autocrati c caste system. I t meant the
endi ng of pri vate property, except i n a restri cted sense and replacement of the
exi sti ng profi t system by a hi gher i deal of cooperati ve servi ce. All these were
thoughts of a theoreti ci an who vi suali zed a larger than li fe i mage of soci ali sm
and, no doubt, of hi s own Congress party i n power.
Thi s speech shocked the i ndustri ali sts throughout the country. I t was AD
who took up cudgels agai nst Nehru and advanced well-reasoned arguments
agai nst the latters prescri pti on for aboli ti on of poverty, through a si gned arti cle
i n the Times of India i mmedi ately. He also expressed hi s objecti ons to soci ali sm
i n hi s vi ce-presi denti al address at the I ndi an Merchants Chamber. Nehrus
reacti on was a counsel of despai r, and resulted from the i nsensi ti ve laissez faire
atti tude of the Bri ti sh Government, AD argued. Economi c unrest was swelli ng i n
the country. I t was made i ntense because of the trade depressi on that had led to
a phenomenal drop i n agri culture pri ces. People were survi vi ng by li qui dati ng
thei r savi ngs and selli ng off gold. Sti ll the Bri ti sh Government was i ndi fferent
and di d not take noti ce of growi ng unemployment of the educated and unski lled
farm labor. He scoffed at the rejecti on of planned effort to meet the cri si s by the
Bri ti sh government. He called for an economi c revi val scheme encompassi ng
spread of li teracy and vocati onal trai ni ng to ease the pressure on land and
sti mulate accumulati on of capi tal. As for Si r James Gri ggs clap-trap grants for
rural upli ftment, he stated that unfocussed spendi ng would not yi eld maxi mum
return for every rupee of our scarce resources. He turned hi s arrows di rectly on
Nehru, by condemni ng the latters preachi ng of class-hatred at thi s juncture i n
I ndi as hi story.
1
Hi s logi c i n poi nti ng out the self-contradi cti on i n Nehru, i n
stri vi ng for rapi d i ndustri ali zati on si multaneously wi th preachi ng of aboli ti on of
pri vate property, was unexcepti onable. AD also poi nted out that such statements
from the Congress Presi dent harmed the best i nterests of the country. I t would
also lead to fli ght of capi tal from the country. He cauti oned Congress not to
propagate anti -nati onal class war. At the same ti me, he appealed to i ndustry to
clari fy that i t was not agai nst all I ndi ans securi ng mi ni mum condi ti ons of
reasonably decent li vi ng whether they were blue-collar workers or agri cultural
labourers. He made i t clear that Nehrus new Marxi st i deas were li kely to create
a chasm i n the total unani mi ty wi th whi ch the country had been fi ghti ng for
i ndependence.
165
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Profiles in Courage
Nehrus Lucknow speech upset leaders of busi ness and i ndustry. Twenty-
one busi ness leaders deci ded to send hi m a publi c message by publi shi ng a
mani festo i n the Times of India and the Tribune of 20th May, 1936.
2
Though
upset, Nehru seemed to have chosen a tacti cal retreat. All the resoluti ons passed
i n that sessi on of the Congress seemed to be agai nst the Nehru li ne. Besi des
i ndustry leaders were di vi ded on thei r assessment of the si tuati on. J R D Tata
refused to si gn the mani festo and vi ewed Nehru as a heroi c kni ght i n armour.
The legendary G D Bi rla underesti mated Nehrus soci ali st ardour. He beli eved
that Nehru was li ke a typi cal Engli sh democrat who took defeat i n a sporti ng
spi ri t. Nehru, as hi story proved later only wai ted li ke a true Fabi an for the ri ght
ti me. He wai ted for nearly two decades before a pli ant Congress would pass a
resoluti on adopti ng the soci ali sti c pattern of soci ety as the fi nal goal of
economi c and soci al poli cy of I ndi a at Avadhi i n 1955! Nehru, however, opted
for soci ali sti c pattern of soci ety wi thi n a democrati c framework. AD, though a
supporter of i ndi cati ve planni ng on the li nes of the French model, would not
touch wi th a pai r of tongs the centrali zed planni ng of the communi st vari ety wi th
i ts pri ori ti es ti lted i n favour of heavy i ndustry as agai nst agri culture i n a country
where three-fourths of the populati on depended on agri culture for thei r
employment and li veli hood. Also, i t brought i n authori tari ani sm by the
backdoor, whi ch unfortunately was the result of the Mahalanobi s model of
I ndi an planni ng.
Fi ndi ng that both the I ndi an M erchants Chamber ( I M C) and the
Federati on of I ndi an Chambers of Commerce and I ndustry ( FI CCI ) generally
followed a li ne of least resi stance agai nst the Congress and placed full fai th i n
Nehru and hi s declared commi tment to democracy, AD after consi derable
thought and di scussi ons wi th fri ends and sympathi zers, founded the Forum of
Free Enterpri se i n 1956. Through the Forum, AD ai red hi s li beral vi ews and
launched a campai gn of educati ng the publi c on the dangers of soci ali sm,
democrati c or otherwi se, and i ts real and monetary costs.
Hi s collecti on of speeches and wri ti ngs
3
contai ns hi s thoughts and vi ews
that he put across before the publi c. I have borrowed li berally from hi s
Presi denti al address at the seventh annual general meeti ng of the Forum of Free
Enterpri se and other arti cles i n thi s volume i n the followi ng paragraphs and
secti ons of thi s paper. For, the greatness and foresi ght of thi s li beral comes out
vi vi dly i n hi s own words. Hi s passi on for facts and ti reless search for truth, not
to speak of the wry humour, adorn hi s arti cles and speeches. They provi de an
i nsi ght of the wi sdom that went unrecogni sed and unhonoured by the powers-
that-be. Hi story however, proved hi m ri ght! He remi nded the country, agai nst
the background of the Chi nese aggressi on i n 1962, that the mai n task was rapi d
and large-scale development i n order to aboli sh poverty. Economi c
development had to be achi eved wi thi n a democrati c framework. That means
the freedoms of the people and democrati c i nsti tuti ons li ke uni versi ti es, and an
i mparti al judi ci ary admi ni steri ng the Rule of Law should be preserved i n tact and
strengthened, and, there should be equali ty of opportuni ty for all.
AD di vi des soci ali sm for a sci enti fi c economi c analysi s, i nto two parts: i ts
objectiveand the methodto be employed to achi eve the objecti ve. The objecti ve
of soci ali sm i s stated to be a soci ety of the free and equal. The method to be
employed i s state ownershi p of the means of producti on, di stri buti on, and
exchange, by nati onali zati on of exi sti ng enterpri ses and through the
establi shment of the publi c sector ( or state enterpri ses) taki ng charge of the
commandi ng hei ghts of the economy and centrali zed comprehensi ve planni ng
of all economi c acti vi ti es under the auspi ces of the state. Democrati c soci ali sm
uses thi s method through parli amentary means and reli es on evoluti onary
changes. I n contrast communi sm, someti mes descri bed as sci enti fi c soci ali sm,
reli es on the di ctatorshi p of the proletari at ( worki ng class) . I t counts on
expropri ati on of pri vate property openly and li qui dati ng poli ti cal and other
opponents descri bed as class enemi es or revi si oni sts, wi thout proper tri al or due
process of law, whi ch are euphemi sti cally descri bed as revoluti onary changes.
AD poi nted out that the swi ng, then, was away from both state ownershi p
and centrali zed comprehensi ve planni ng i n countri es professi ng soci ali sm.
Q uoti ng the well-known Bri ti sh economi st Graham Hutton, AD stated that
pri vate property, pri vate enterpri se, and pri vate entrepreneurs provi ded the
dynami cs for democracy. I f taken away, both democracy and i ts dynami cs
would be moved from the scene. Thi s was the di lemma before soci al democrats
( i .e., democrati c soci ali sts) of Europe. He also referred to a leadi ng member of
Bri ti sh Labour Party, Douglas Jay
4
who had concluded that the absence of
pri vate property was also a deni al of freedom. Jay di smi ssed the concept of
perfect equali ty as i mpracti cal. He pleaded for not equal shares but fai r shares,
not equali ty but soci al justi ce. He also di sagreed wi th the soci ali st methods of
nati onali zati on and publi c ownershi p. He quoted a leadi ng li ght i n the Bri ti sh
Labour Party, Aneuri n Bevan who had stated, a mi xed economy i s what most
people i n the West would prefer. The vi ctory of soci ali sm need not be uni versal
to be deci si ve. I have no pati ence wi th those soci ali sts, so-called, who i n practi ce
would soci ali ze nothi ng, whi le i n theory they threaten the whole pri vate
property. They are pursui ts and, therefore, barren. I t i s nei ther prudent nor does
i t accord wi th our concepti on of the future; that all forms of pri vate property
should li ve under perpetual threat. I n almost all types of soci ety di fferent forms
of property have li ved si de by si de. Where the fronti er between the publi c and
pri vate sector should be mi xed i s a questi on that wi ll be answered di fferently i n
di fferent nati ons.
Features of free enterpri se were not only changi ng i nsti tuti ons and
recei vi ng support i n USSR and other communi st countri es, but were also fi ndi ng
vi gorous advocates there. The advi ce offered by Sovi et Press arti cles addressed
to Chi nese communi sts made i nteresti ng readi ng. They reproached the latter for
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i gnori ng all objecti ve economi c laws. The Chi nese had sought to substi tute
planni ng and cost accounti ng by voli ti onal deci si ons. These poli ci es and
setti ng up of the communes resulted i n an abrupt drop i n the li vi ng standard of
the Chi nese people.
I n leadi ng soci ali st and communi st countri es rethi nki ng on planni ng,
effecti veness of the publi c sector, and nati onali zati on as the only means of
controlli ng pri vate sector monopoli es had commenced. AD made appropri ate
reference to cry halt to the excesses i n the name of soci ali sm and planni ng as
also agai nst throttli ng free enterpri se and pri vate i ni ti ati ves. He studi ed the facts
di li gently. Hi s mastery i n culli ng out facts from fi gures helped hi m expose the
sorry pli ght and poor performance of many a publi c sector undertaki ng. For
i nstance, after exami ni ng the Audi t Report 1963, he di sclosed that the total
di vi dend declared by 46 central government compani es as on March 31, 1962
turned out to be less than one percent of the paid up capital!
Proceedi ng from the basi cs, AD poi nted out that a major objecti ve of
planni ng was the employment of scarce resources so as to secure maxi mum
returns to the soci ety. The very low yi eld of publi c sector enterpri ses was a
matter of concern, as the resources employed would otherwi se have yi elded
better results, had the money remai ned wi th the people. He was alarmed by the
carefree way i n whi ch the publi c sector enterpri ses were set up and operated.
AD took speci al i nterest i n I ndi an Ai rli nes and the State Tradi ng
Corporati on that had an i nterface wi th the busi ness communi ty, as few publi c
sector undertaki ngs di d. Wi th subtle i rony he quoted the comment of a travel
agent, who sai d, I AC had perhaps created a new world record of bei ng the last
to announce i ts wi nter schedule and the fi rst to change i t. Because I AC i s one
of the few ai rli nes i n the world whi ch makes ai r-mi nded people travel by
trai ns. State Tradi ng Corporati on ( ST C) was set up as a publi c sector monopoly
to enter the export trade. Starti ng wi th a few i tems, many goods and mi nerals
were later reserved for exclusi ve channeli ng as exports by the ST C. T he
bureaucrati c ways of monopoly pri vi lege of the ST C conferred li ttle or no
economi c benefi t to the nati on!
Publi c sector enterpri ses under the juri sdi cti on and control of the State
governments presented an equally di smal pi cture. Even admi ni strati ve
di sci pli ne, mai ntenance, and fi nali zati on of accounts at the end of a year, was
not observed.
Examples of publi c sector undertak i ngs whi ch were model employers
as well as who ensured sound management could not be found. I n November,
1963, producti on at the Rourk ela plant suffered seri ous setback . T he
management attri buted thi s to deli berate slow down, di sregard of orders,
and refusal to act i n hi gher capaci ti es by some work ers. However, the O ri ssa
State Labour Laws I mplementati on and Evaluati on O ffi cer had recorded
46 i nstances of vi olati on of labour laws at Rourk ela. K handubhai Desai , a
veteran trade uni on leader, cri ti ci zed the publi c sector for i ts feudal mi nd
and for bei ng defi ci ent i n human values. At a meeti ng i n Apri l 1963, he
stated that publi c sector enterpri ses were then i n that stage of development
out of whi ch the pri vate sector had emerged three generati ons ago. T he
consumer recei ves no better treatment at the hands of some publi c sector
enterpri ses. T he Publi c Accounts Commi ttee of the Parli ament condemned
the pri ci ng poli cy of the state-owned Hi ndustan Anti bi oti cs Ltd. O n an
essenti al li fe-savi ng drug the company was profi ti ng to the extent of 32 pai se
on producti on cost of 18 pai se per mega uni t! T he i ntelli gent publi c grew
i ndi gnant i n vi ew of such grave defi ci enci es of the publi c sector, i n terms of
use of resources, return on capi tal, labour poli cy, and consumer sati sfacti on.
M any of them wrote angry letters to the press that provi ded a mi ne of facts
and data for AD who never hesi tated to use them appropri ately wi th
consi derable objecti vi ty i n hi s speeches and wri ti ngs.
Many government functi onari es were also becomi ng aware of the cri ti cal
defi ci enci es of planni ng and the publi c sector. For i nstance, the then Uni on
Mi ni ster for Mi nes and Fuel, K D Malavi a, i n a speech i n Calcutta on November
16, 1962, prai sed the pri vate sector colli eri es for doi ng a better job i n i ncreasi ng
producti on to meet the needs of the Emergency than the publi c sector
enterpri se, Nati onal Coal Development Corporati on. S K Wankhede, a Mi ni ster
i n the Maharashtra cabi net, stated i n July 1963 that pri vate sector deserved prai se
for setti ng up new enterpri ses whi le the publi c sector lagged behi nd. The
Government had bungled i n runni ng publi c sector enterpri ses i n the state.
C Subramani am sai d at a management conference i n Ahmedabad i n February
1963, that he had come across a case i n whi ch a deci si on that could be taken i n
24 hours was not taken for two years i n a publi c sector undertaki ng run by I CS
managers! I n i ts progress report on the thi rd plan, the Planni ng Commi ssi on
recorded i ts anxi ety over publi c sector costs that far-exceeded ori gi nal esti mates
and upset ti me schedules. The mi d-term apprai sal of the Thi rd Plan stressed the
need for conti nued attenti on towards effi ci ency i n the publi c sector. The credi t
for taki ng practi cal steps should go to Andhra government, whi ch has proposed
to hand over a publi c sector paper mi ll runni ng at a loss to pri vate enterpri ses.
O n a previ ous occasi on two mi lls had been transferred to the pri vate sector wi th
the result that the producti on i n one of them had gone up from 14 to 100 tons!
AD advocated replacement of the exi sti ng soci ali st method of planni ng by
taki ng full cogni zance of the ground reali ti es i n the country to secure rapi d
economi c growth and to ensure a better li fe for mi lli ons of our people. As usual
he quoted the opi ni ons of emi nent economi sts. Prof Mi lton Fri edman observed,
I n thi s country, planni ng i s taken to mean the attempt by a centrali zed agency
to establi sh a pattern for the economy as a whole and to enforce i t by a host of
speci ali zed and detai led controls, i ncludi ng government engagi ng i n certai n
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enterpri ses and so on. Thi s whole paraphernali a, whi ch i n thi s country goes by
the name of planni ng, i s almost guaranteed to ( face) defeat rather than to
promote your objecti ves. O n the other hand, a Central Government whi ch
mai ntai ned law and order, provi ded for the nati onal defence, secured the
enforcement of pri vate contracts people freely entered i nto, provi ded a stable
monetary framework, fostered the spread of elementary schooli ng and the
i mprovement of road communi cati on and, for the rest fostered a free market to
enable mi lli ons of i ndi vi duals i n hi s country to use thei r own resources i n
accordance wi th thei r own objecti ve such a government would be engaged i n
good planni ng sui ted to the promoti on of economi c development
Bri ti sh economi st Graham Hutton was also quoted: Just as the opposi te
of communi sm i s not capi tali sm but freedom, so the opposi te of free enterpri se
i s not planni ng but totali tari ani sm. Planni ng and pri vate enterpri se are not
i ncompati ble. The term economi c planni ng has been debased i n democraci es
to mean authori tari an state planni ng, the control of enterpri se, producti on,
labour, transport, exchange and tradi ng by agents of state empowered by
poli ti ci ans. But such regulati on of economi c acti vi ty by the state drags every
economi c deci si on i nto poli ti cs. The deci si ons the plans and thei r executi on
are hardly ever made on grounds of economy, producti vi ty, and effi ci ency.
These are nearly always made on poli ti cal grounds accordi ng to a tug-of-war
between vested i nterests and pressure groups.
AD was a fi rm beli ever i n promoti ng educati on and government playi ng
a leadi ng role i n i t. No wonder, he quoted the emi nent economi st A K Cai rncross
who sai d, I n the last resort, the problem of i nternati onal poverty i s only
superfi ci ally an economi c one, i n a deeper sense i t i s an educati onal one. The
poverty that has to be destroyed i s far less a defi ci ency i n the external assets of
modern i ndustri al soci ety than i n i ts i ntellectual and spi ri tual endowment A
good educati onal system i s closely li nked wi th rapi d development and the
i nvestment i n schools and uni versi ti es may offer large returns i n economi c terms
apart from any other meri ts by whi ch i t may be justi fi ed.
AD also deplored the pri ori ti es of soci ali st planni ng whi ch accorded a low
rank to agri culture. He felt that far more was requi red to be channeled i nto
agri culture i n terms of resources, extensi on servi ces, modern i nputs li ke
ferti li zer, and adequate supply of water, loans, and i nsurance servi ces. He
quoted Prof W W Rostow to stress the i mportance of agri culture. Agri culture has
three di sti nct but essenti al roles to play i n promoti ng growth. Fi rst, i t must
supply the food requi red for rapi dly expandi ng urban populati ons i n the
developi ng countri es. I f the demand i s not met, there may be hunger, even
starvati on; or food must be acqui red from abroad, whi ch depletes the forei gn
exchange needed to i mport i ndustri al equi pment and raw materi als. Second,
agri cultural expansi on i s requi red as worki ng capi tal for non agri cultural
development, to generate raw materi als for i ndustry, to earn forei gn exchange
and to free labour from agri culture and make i t avai lable for i ndustri al
constructi on and operati on. Thi rd, a ri se i n agri cultural i ncomes sti mulates other
aspects of development. I t provi des the capi tal accumulati on needed for further
growth, through savi ngs requi red for i nvestment or as a cri ti cally i mportant
source of tax revenues. I t also provi des an expanded market for i ndustri es
chemi cal ferti li zers, agri cultural equi pment, and manufactured consumer goods.
Communi st Chi na i s an example of what happens when these dynami c
i nteracti ons between i ndustry and agri culture are i gnored or are i nadequately
respected.
Soci ali sm, accordi ng to hi stori c experi ence, was a mi rage. Shroff could
not tolerate the comprehensi ve centrali zed planni ng and the consequent
i neffi ci enci es i mposi ng avoi dable economi c costs besi des abri dgi ng i ndi vi dual
li berti es and freedom of ci ti zens to pursue vocati ons of thei r choi ce. The publi c
sector and i ts costs as also mi smanagement stood as a symbol of what i ts
mi ndless pursui t i nfli cted on a resource-defi ci ent developi ng economy. Wi th a
pucki sh sense of humour, he quotes Jawaharlal Nehru, the mi sgui ded poli ti ci an,
who speaki ng about the Planni ng Commi ssi on i n New Delhi on O ctober 7, 1963,
observed, I t i s fri ghteni ng you see the bui ldi ng i tself fri ghtens one. A closed
body of people, who thi nk and advi se the Government, has grown i nto a huge
one sendi ng papers to the other. That i s the normal habi t of the Government.
Speaki ng at the Nati onal Development Counci l meeti ng on November 8,
1963, Nehru had cri ti ci zed the very rati onale of soci ali st planni ng, i .e.,
concentrati on on heavy i ndustri es at the cost of agri culture. He sai d, I fi nd there
i s a passi on i n many areas of I ndi a to have an i ndustri al plant. People seem to
thi nk that an i ndustri al plant solves all the problems of poverty, whi ch i t does
not. I t has a long-term effect, and helps no doubt At the present moment i n
I ndi a whi chever way you start you come back to agri culture. We dare not be
slack about i t, as we have been. I am afrai d. What a transformati on of a
mi sgui ded soci ali st ? How one wi shes that such wi sdom had dawned on hi m
before the Avadhi sessi on of the Congress?
AD found support i n Gandhi ji s apprehensi on at the growi ng power of
the state. Gandhi ji had sai d: I look upon an i ncrease i n the power of the state
wi th the greatest fear; whi le apparently doi ng good for the people by mi ni mi zi ng
exploi tati on, i t does the greatest harm to manki nd by destroyi ng i ndi vi duali ty
whi ch i s at the root of progress. What I would personally prefer would be, not a
centrali zati on of power i n the hands of the state, but an extensi on of the sense
of trusteeshi p as, i n my opi ni on, the vi olence of pri vate ownershi p i s less
i njuri ous than the vi olence of the State.
A D Shroffs manifestation of liberalization
AD's noti on of free enterpri se ( whi ch he vi gorously arti culated through
the Forum of Free Enterpri se) was one wi th a soci al purpose. He stood for every
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i ndi vi dual i n the country to have the largest scope to make a contri buti on wi thi n
the framework of planned development through hi s i ni ti ati ve and enterpri se. He
was convi nced that I ndi ans were ready and capable of maki ng a substanti al
contri buti on to soci ety provi ded they were not handi capped and hamstrung by
the sort of controls and regulati on to whi ch they were subject and whi ch sti fled
i ni ti ati ve, and enterpri se. Excessi ve regulati on and control lead to concentrati on
of power i n the hands of the bureaucracy and result i n regi mentati on of
economi c li fe, sai d Shroff.
The Government watched the Forums acti vi ti es very closely. Pri me
Mi ni ster Nehru was even provoked to state that there i s some truth i n free
enterpri se but there i s a vast quanti ty of error. Some ti me later he was forced to
say that there was an assured and respected place for the pri vate sector i n our
economy. Thi s was a bi g concessi on from hi s earli er stand that pri vate enterpri se
profi ts by the di stress of the country and that all busi nessmen are crooks.
Have you seen these?These are clean hands, you cannot do anythi ng to
stop me, repli ed A D Shroff to the Government of I ndi as Mi ni ster of Commerce
M anubhai Shah. Shah had personally conveyed Pri me M i ni ster Nehrus
di spleasure at Shroffs i rrepressi ble campai gn for free enterpri se and trenchant
cri ti ci sm of the governments economi c poli cy i n the late 1950s.
Consci ous that the lobbyi ng for free enterpri se would be mi sused by
black sheep i ndulgi ng i n malpracti ces such as profi teeri ng, black marketi ng and
tax evasi on, Shroff placed before pri vate enterpri se a Code of Conduct to be
followed by all those engaged i n free enterpri se, whether busi nessmen, or
professi onals such as doctors, lawyers, teachers, and journali sts. He was always
consci ous that pri vate busi ness was largely responsi ble for the bad name i t had
earned because of i ts lack of transparency and sharp practi ces. The Code of
Conduct, whi ch covered the i nterest of shareholders, consumers and labour,
could be called a four-decade-old-precursor to the Corporate Governance Code
bei ng wri tten i n the late 1990s. Thi s i s what i t sai d:
Thi s Code of Conduct for Free Enterpri se has been prepared by
the Forum of Free Enterpri se and i s now placed before
i ndustri ali sts, busi nessmen, and those belongi ng to di fferent
professi ons and vocati ons i n I ndi a i n the beli ef that they fi nd i t
worthy of acceptance and of appli cati on i n thei r dai ly acti vi ti es.
The Forum pledges i tself to do all i t can to create a wi despread
awareness i n the ranks of free enterpri se of the obli gati ons that
are contai ned i n thi s Code. We feel that free enterpri se, whi ch has
been tested and proved by ti me and experi ence of all democrati c
soci eti es, should mai ntai n i ts reputati on by i nsi sti ng on hi gh
standards of i ntegri ty, whi ch are di ctated by soci al purpose.
Honesty, hard work, courtesy, and conti nuous i ni ti ati ve, are the
foundati ons on whi ch the edi fi ce of free enterpri se rests.
Producers and di stri butors owe i t to the consumers of thei r
products that they shall always be of the hi ghest quali ty and
avai lable at reasonable cost. They shall mai ntai n fai r measure
and guard agai nst adulterati on. Customers are enti tled to
courtesy, promptness, and good servi ce and every endeavor
shall be made to see that they recei ve them.
Employers owe i t to labour to recogni ze that welfare i s not
concei ved i n terms of phi lanthropy, but as a soci al obli gati on.
Men and women engaged i n producti on shall do so wi th
di gni ty, honor, and a sense of securi ty. Fai r wages should be
pai d for work done. Worki ng condi ti ons shall be as pleasant as
possi ble. O pportuni ti es should be made avai lable for the
worker to get techni cal ski lls and better hi s economi c prospects
and hi s soci al status. Procedures should be i nsti tuted for the
removal of legi ti mate gri evances so that the employee i s
sati sfi ed that he gets a fai r deal. T he employers should
welcome the exi stence of stable and democrati c trade uni ons.
T hey should recogni se that i n the sphere of employee-
management relati ons, as i n other spheres, check s and
balances are essenti al for the worki ng out of rati onal and
democrati c soluti ons. They should accept the role of labour as
one of creati ve cooperati on and recogni se the need for
provi di ng i ncreasi ng opportuni ti es for consultati on of
employees and thei r progressi ve associ ati on wi th management
to help i n the promoti on of i ncreased producti vi ty from whi ch
all wi ll benefi t.
Management does owe i t to those who i nvest i n thei r enterpri se
that they recei ve a fai r return on thei r i nvestment, commensurate
wi th the ri sk they take. At the same ti me, reserves must be
created for expansi on and moderni sati on of the plant and
machi nery, and i n thei r uti li sati on the management remai ns
accountable to the i nvestor. Money must also be provi ded for
research. The earni ng by the shareholder of a fai r return or profi t
by the entrepreneur under competi ti ve condi ti ons and after
payment of fai r wages must be regarded as a legi ti mate reward
for the ri sk and the work of promoti on and development whi ch
the communi ty urgently needs. Certai n malpracti ces have crept
i nto the system of company management. They are to be
condemned and should be removed. Hoardi ng, black -
marketi ng, and profi teeri ng are anti -soci al and evi l. Honest
busi ness practi ces can be promoted and encouraged by an
honest and effi ci ent admi ni strati on i n a democrati c state.
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Professional men lawyers, teachers, doctors, auditors, or writers
owe it to those who avail themselves of their services to maintain
the highest standards and traditions. They should discharge their
duti es truly and fai thfully and should always subordi nate
considerations of personal gain to the larger objective of service.
We all owe i t to the communi ty that we accept our obli gati ons
as good ci ti zens. We shall bear our share of taxati on honestly.
We condemn unequi vocally any attempt at tax evasi on. We
shall acti vely parti ci pate i n the promoti on of soci al, cultural and
ci vi c i mprovements. Wealth or power shall not be a justi fi cati on
for vai nglory or ostentati ous di splay, but an opportuni ty for
renderi ng servi ce to the communi ty.
I n those days, Nehru and hi s mi ni steri al colleagues li ked to publi cly allege
that pri vate enterpri se was i ncapable of undertaki ng large-scale and rapi d
economi c development and that i t led to the concentrati on of wealth i n the
hands of a few people. Jawaharlal Nehru hi mself had gone so far as to say that
pri vate enterpri se and democracy are i ncompati ble.
T T K ri shnamachari ( TTK ) , Mi ni ster for Commerce and I ndustry i n the
1950s clai mi ng that the pri vate sector showed nei ther i ni ti ati ve nor enterpri se
declared that pri vate enterpri se had fai led me. Shroff, typi cally, could not have
let such a clai m go unchallenged.
TTK and Shroff had an unusual admi rer-adversary equati on. Shroff
vi ewed wi th approval the remarkable dri ve and energy that TTK brought to hi s
job and acknowledged hi s outstandi ng success as an i ndustry mi ni ster; he
found i t even more i ncomprehensi ble that a man of such fi ne understandi ng of
busi ness and i ndustri al problems and one who had wi tnessed fi rst-hand what
was bei ng done i n the i ndustri al sphere i n those years should have made such a
charge agai nst pri vate enterpri se. To me, he sai d, quoti ng Shakespeare i t has
come as the most unki ndest cut of all.
Analyzi ng the hi stori cal role of pri vate enterpri se, Shroff sai d i n one of hi s
many publi c speeches, that for si xty-odd years before i ndependence, pri vate
sector fought the apatheti c and downri ght antagoni sti c atti tude of the Bri ti sh to
the i ndustri al development of I ndi a. Later, the Bri ti sh government swi tched to
di scri mi natory protecti on of i ts own i ndustry and a pace that was totally unsui ted
to I ndi an i ndustri al development. Yet, i t was pri vate enterpri se, whi ch placed
I ndi a ei ghth on the li st of i ndustri al nati ons.
When Jamshedji Tata fi rst thought of starti ng the steel i ndustry, a leadi ng
Bri ti sh busi nessman of Calcutta had ri di culed the i dea and he even offered to
consume every pound of steel made i n I ndi a. Fortunately for hi m, he i s not ali ve
today, otherwi se he would have suffered not a li ttle from i ndi gesti on, sai d
Shroff causti cally.
Jamshedji s great pi oneeri ng effort had ensured that Tata Steel was not
only the largest si ngle i ndi vi dual steel-maki ng uni t i n the Bri ti sh Commonwealth
of nati ons but also the cheapest producer of steel i n the world at that ti me. The
development of hydroelectri c power was a tremendous venture not only i n terms
of generati ng power, but also i n maki ng Bombay mi ll owners beli eve that i t was
possi ble to do so. Sci ndi a Steamshi p had made the dream of I ndi an shi ppi ng a
reali ty, thanks to the efforts of Narottam Morarji and Walchand Hi rachand, and
offered world-class transport i n the teeth of powerfully entrenched forei gn
shi ppi ng compani es. The cotton texti le i ndustry had become an i mportant
exporter, whi ch was competi ng effecti vely wi th Lancashi re and Japan.
AD's speeches tri ed hard to counter the negati ve publi c opi ni on about the
pri vate sector followi ng the tax i nvesti gati ons, a method the government used to
bui ld support for i ts poli ci es of state soci ali sm and nati onali sm.
Shroff always urged more and more busi nessmen who were i n
di sagreement wi th the governments economi c poli cy to gi ve publi c expressi on
to thei r vi ews. He regarded the fai lure of busi ness to do so as a nati onal
mi sfortune. Addressi ng a meeti ng of merchants i n the late 1950s he had sai d:
Unless you make up your mi nd and are prepared to be outspoken and educate
the publi c as to what i s happeni ng i n the country and what i s your own fai th and
convi cti on as to what should happen to bri ng thi s country to a hi gher standard
of li vi ng and producti on, you cannot expect to avoi d the unpleasantness. I t i s no
use grousi ng i n your own offi ces and i n your own houses amongst yourselves.
You must gather suffi ci ent courage to come out publi cly, for every li ttle voi ce
wi ll add to the magni tude and wi ll be fi nally heard. Educati ng people about
what i s good for them i s the key But i f you are fri ghtened that you are goi ng
to be vi cti mi zed for what you say although you are convi nced i n your own mi nd
that what you say i s the ri ght thi ng to say, then I put i t to you i n a very
strai ghtforward manner that you have no busi ness to complai n. And, i f thi ngs go
wrong i n the country you have yourself to thank for i t.
AD argued that an economi c system i n whi ch the publi c sector
conti nuously expands i ts sphere of acti vi ty i nevi tably leads to a system of
controls, regulati ons, and regi mentati on. Wi th thi s vested i nterests develop,
whi ch are pledged to the expansi on of the system. I n course of ti me, the system
breeds a sense of i ntolerance among members of the ruli ng party and the
bureaucracy, whi ch i mplements these poli ci es. Deci si ons are hai led as nati onal
deci si ons and di ssent by a mi nori ty, however effecti ve, i s vi ewed wi th
wi despread suspi ci on. Even honest cri ti ci sm i s li k ely to be dubbed as
di sloyalty or an unpatri oti c acti vi ty.
Shroff advocated a mi xed economy where there was a balance of power
between the state and free enterpri se because, he beli eved, the system of free
enterpri se provi des the necessary and essenti al balance of power between the
contendi ng forces wi thi n the overall regulati on by the state.
175
176
Profiles in Courage
Epilogue
ADs was often a lonely fi ght, supported at ti mes by li k e-mi ned
i ntellectuals and busi nessmen. As poi nted out earli er, hi s comments were greatly
resented by the authori ti es i n Delhi , but they nevertheless took seri ous note of i t
because of the force and veraci ty of hi s arguments. Hi s contri buti on to publi c li fe
and more parti cularly to the cause of free enterpri se and li berali sm can best be
summed up i n JR D Tatas tri bute on hi s death:
Apart from hi s i ntellectual gi fts of whi ch he gave repeated
demonstrati ons, feroci ous energy i n all hi s work, hi s courage
and i ndomi table fi ghti ng spi ri t were di splayed early. I
remember how Mr Shroff fought for what he thought was ri ght
at the annual general meeti ngs of the I mperi al Bank. Thi s led
hi m i nto many confli cts wi thi n the busi ness communi ty. Those
i n the establi shment or wi th vested i nterests usually emerged
vi ctori ous, but he remai ned undaunted.
I t was thi s combi nati on of courage and i ndependence of mi nd
whi ch made hi m an outspoken and fearless cri ti c of what he
consi dered wrong i n offi ci al poli ci es. He beli eved, above all, i n
free enterpri se and i n the di gni ty and worth of i ndi vi dual effort
and enterpri se. The government, wi th the backi ng of a majori ty
i n the Parli ament, can and does pressuri ze the busi ness
communi ty. I t i s, therefore, understandable that busi nessmen
and i ndustri ali sts entrusted wi th the funds and i nterests of
thousands of shareholders may, at ti mes, hesi tate to cross
swords wi th the government. I t took great courage for hi m,
wi th hi s commerci al i nterests, to express hi s vi ews wi th the
vi gour he di d on occasi on, as i n the i nstance when li fe
i nsurance compani es were nati onali zed and hi s vi ews were at
vari ance wi th the governments. However, Mr Shroff was a
constructi ve cri ti c, moti vated by what he consi dered to be i n
the best i nterests of the country. I t i s a great pi ty that greater use
was not made of thi s outstandi ng personali ty i n the formulati on
of nati onal poli ci es.
I n recent years, hi s lone fi ght took the form of the Forum of
Free Enterpri se. Although we may not agree wi th everythi ng
that he sai d i n the Forum or i n i ts publi cati ons, we owe a deep
debt of grati tude to hi m for the courage and determi nati on wi th
whi ch he fought so many battles for the busi ness communi ty
and free enterpri se.
The buzz words today are markets and globali zati on. These are not
whi spered by busi nessmen and professi onals but spoken loudly by the
government as well. For nearly a decade now i t has taken steps to open up
almost every acti vi ty to pri vate sector and even sought to denati onali ze or
pri vati ze publi c sector enterpri ses. That really vi ndi cates A D Shroff who,
50 years ago had to fi ght a bi tter battle to pursue these very i deas.
O ne remarkable aspect of hi s many splendoured, albei t controversi al,
personali ty was the respect and esteem he commanded even among those who
vi olently di sagreed wi th hi m.
A D Shroff was called as one of the expert wi tnesses before the Chagla
Commi ssi on i n what came to be known as the Mundhra Affai r. Thi s i s bei ng
adduced, as i t i s so relevant to the current sorry state of affai rs i n the publi c
fi nanci al arena. Some excerpts from hi s evi dence are reproduced from Sucheta
Dalals bi ography:
Shroffs powerful and categori cal deposi ti on had vi rtually
ri pped through all of LI Cs clai ms i n i ts defence. I t even
slumped the counsel. T he Attorney G eneral who was
appeari ng for the government di d not cross-exami ne hi m.
Sachi n Chaudhuri , the counsel for LI C got up and pleaded that
he was not i n a posi ti on to questi on Shroff unti l he had gone
through hi s enti re evi dence. He sai d that he was overborne by
Shroffs deposi ti on and that i t covered so many vi tal matters
bei ng i nqui red i nto by the commi ssi on that he wanted ti me to
study the evi dence. He confessed that hi s personal experi ence
regardi ng fi nanci al matters was li mi ted as compared to the vast
and ri ch experi ence of the wi tness. Justi ce Chagla turned to
Shroff and sai d, the learned counsel i s i nti mi dated by your vast
knowledge. He wants ti me to study your evi dence. O n the
judges request, the heari ng was adjourned.
I t i s not gi ven to many i ndi vi duals to have a versati le mi nd and be able to
apply i t effecti vely to the practi cal affai rs of the day. AD was one of the few such
leadi ng li ghts. He was a ski lled orator and was capable of a luci d exposi ti on of
hi s i deas.
Starti ng i n a humble way he rose to a posi ti on of fame and emi nence
through perseverance and hard work. A man of very sound judgement and
sober outlook, hi s advi ce was sought on busi ness and economi c matters both i n
I ndi a and abroad. Though not one to mi nce words, hi s publi c utterances were
objecti ve, di gni fi ed, and restrai ned.
More than anythi ng else he was a fi ne, warm-hearted human bei ng who
deri ved great joy i n helpi ng men who had ri sen from small begi nni ngs. He always
extended a helpi ng hand to the poor. As Si r Homi Mody observed at ADs
condolence meeti ng: He had a very combati ve personali ty and was apt to rub
people the wrong way, but those who knew hi m know that when approached
177
178
Profiles in Courage
no one was warmer i n sympathi es than he. He always helped wi th advi ce and
fi nanci al support all those who approached hi m and touched hi s heart.
He was deeply concerned wi th the problems of the bli nd and bri ngi ng
reli ef to those sufferi ng from cancer and leprosy. O f hi m i t could be truly sai d
He di d good by stealth and blushed to fi nd fame.
1 Sucheta Dalal, A D Shroff: Titan of Finance and Free Enterprise, Vi ki ng Pengui n
I ndi a, 2000, p. 50.
2 Ibid. p. 52. T he si gnatori es were Si r Nowroji Saklatvala, Chuni lal B M ehta,
Si r Purushottamdas Thakurdas, K R P Shroff, Si r Chi manlal Setalvad, Ratanji Vi rji
Govi ndji , Si r Phi roze Sethna, Ranchoddas Jethabhai , Si r Cowasji Jehangi r, K hi mji
Vi shram, V N Chandavark ar, Hari das M adhavdas, Si r Shapoorji Bi lli mori a,
Dharamsey Mulraj K hatau, Walchand Hi rachand, I shwardas Lakhmi das, Mathuradas
Vi ssanji , Homi P Mody, Ardeshi r R Dalal, A D Shroff and R Chi noy.
3 C.f., A D Shroff, On Planning and Finance in India, Lalvani Publi shi ng House,
Mumbai . See Wi ll democrati c soci ali sm help I ndi a?, pp. 58-81.
4 C.f., Douglas Jay, Socialism in the New Society. Q uoted by A D Shroff i n hi s book
referred to above.
SELECTED PUBLI CATI O NS O F A D SHRO FF
( All publi shed by the Forum of Free Enterpri se, Mumbai )
1. Free Enterpri se i n I ndi a.
2. Has Pri vate Enterpri se fai led?
3. New Taxati on Proposals
4. The Transport Bottleneck
5. Planni ng I n I ndi a
6. Free Enterpri se and Democracy
7. The Case For Free Enterpri se
8. Desperate Proposals
9. O ur Economi c Future
10. State Tradi ng And I ts I mpli cati on
11. T wo Years of Achi evement
12. The Forei gn Exchange Cri si s & Some Remedi es
13. An I nflati onary budget
14. A Danger to Democrati c Way of Li fe
15. The Future i s Wi th Free Enterpri se
16. I ndi an Economi c Development
17. Controls i n a Planned Economy
18. A Survey of Soci ali sm Today
19. The Emergency Hi ghli ghts Needs For a New Economi c Poli cy
20. Wi ll Democrati c Soci ali sm Help I ndi a
THE CENTRE FOR CIVIL SOCIETYi s an i ndependent, nonprofi t, research and
educati onal organi zati on devoted to i mprovi ng the quali ty of li fe i n I ndi a by
revi vi ng and rei nvi gorati ng I ndi as ci vi l soci ety. I ndi a wi ll be peaceful,
harmoni ous, and prosperous, not by si mply i mi tati ng other soci eti es, but by
bui ldi ng a system that complements, adapts, and elevates i ts culture and
tradi ti ons. Towards that goal, the Centre provi des a forum to enhance publi c
understandi ng of the nature, role, and si gni fi cance of ci vi l soci ety.
WHAT IS CIVIL SOCIETY? Ci vi l soci ety i s an evolvi ng network of associ ati ons
and i nsti tuti ons of fami ly and communi ty, of producti on and trade, and of pi ety
and benevolence. I ndi vi duals enter i nto these relati onshi ps as much by consent
as by obli gati on but never under coerci on. Ci vi l soci ety i s premi sed on
i ndi vi dual freedom and responsi bi li ty, and on li mi ted and accountable
government. I t protects the i ndi vi dual from the i ntrusi ve state, and connects the
i ndi vi dual to the larger soci al and economi c order. Ci vi l soci ety i s what keeps
i ndi vi duali sm from becomi ng atomi sti c and communi tari ani sm from becomi ng
collecti vi st. Poli ti cal soci ety, on the other hand, i s di sti ngui shed by i ts legali zed
power of coerci on. I ts pri mary purpose i s to protect ci vi l soci ety by upholdi ng
i ndi vi dual ri ghts and the rule of law.
RELATION BETWEEN CIVIL AND POLITICAL SOCIETY T he rampant
growth of the poli ti cal soci ety the i nsti tuti ons of government si nce
i ndependence has become a hi ndrance to the flouri shi ng of ci vi l soci ety i n
I ndi a. I t i s only by rethi nki ng and reconfi guri ng the poli ti cal soci ety that I ndi a
wi ll be able to achi eve economi c prosperi ty, soci al peace and cohesi on, and
genui ne poli ti cal democracy. T he pri nci ple of subsi di ari ty demarcates the
proper arenas for ci vi l and poli ti cal soci ety, and for local, state, and central
government wi thi n the poli ti cal soci ety. T he pri n-ci ple suggests that the state
should do only those thi ngs that people cannot do for themselves through
voluntary associ ati ons of ci vi l soci ety. T he functi ons thus assi gned to the state
must be entrusted fi rst to local gov-ernments. T he functi ons that local
governments cannot perform should be gi ven to state governments and only
those that state governments are unable to undertake should be delegated to
the central government.
THE CENTRES ROLE The Centres acti vi ti es are based on thi s under-standi ng
of ci vi l and poli ti cal soci ety. I t endeavours to broaden the publi c debate on
cri ti cal economi c and soci al i ssues and to provi de i nnovati ve, effecti ve, and
enduri ng soluti ons. The programs and publi cati ons of the Centre help gui de
publi c poli cy and pri vate i ni ti ati ve to rebui ld and streng-then ci vi l soci ety. The
Centre commi ssi ons ri gorous studi es from scholars and communi cates fi ndi ngs
to targeted groups poli cy makers, opi ni on leaders, and the medi a and to the
general audi ence through lectures, semi nars, and conferences, and by
publi shi ng books, reports, and commentari es.
The moti vati on behi nd the Centre i s the poi gnant paradox of i ntelli gent and
i ndustri ous people of I ndi a li vi ng i n the state of desti tuti on and despondency.
The Centre was i naugurated on August 15, 1997 si gni fyi ng the necessi ty of
achi evi ng economi c, soci al, and cultural i ndependence from the I ndi an state
after attai ni ng poli ti cal i ndependence from an ali en state.
Though the Centre collaborates wi th all on speci fi c i ssues, i t accepts di rect
support only from the ci vi l soci ety. The Centres acti vi ti es can be summari zed
under two groups: poli cy research and advocacy, and educati on programs.
Policy Research and Advocacy
Dialogues provi de a forum for di scussi on of topi cal poli cy i ssues from di verge
perspecti ves. I ssues covered: Anti -dumpi ng Rules, Sustai nable or Sustai ned
Development, Competi ti on Poli cy, Abuse of VI P Securi ty, Watershed
Development, Self-Regulati on i n the Ci vi l Soci ety, East Asi an Cri si s, Educati on
Alternati ves, Li berali zati on.
Self-Regulation in the Civil Society edi ted by Dr Ashok V. Desai explores
voluntary alternati ves to state regulati on for assuri ng quali ty and safety of goods
and servi ces. Rs 100
Agenda for Change edi ted by Bi bek Debroy and Parth J. Shah outli nes preci se
and comprehensi ve reforms for vari ous departments/programs of the
government. Out of Print
Kissan Bole Chheby R. K . Ami n i s a broad sweep of the evoluti on of agri culture
wi th a speci fi c focus on I ndi as agri cultural poli cy narrated through the li fe story
of a farmer. Rs. 200
Friedman on India, edi ted by Parth J. Shah, wi th a foreword by Deepak Lal has
arti cles that Mi lton Fri edman wrote on the I ndi an economy duri ng hi s vi si ts to
I ndi a i n the fi fti es and si xti es cri ti qui ng the poli ci es of planni ng and correctly
predi cti ng thei r di sastrous results. Rs. 75
Policy Studies provi de scholarly analysi s of i mportant publi c poli cy i ssues. The
topi cs i nclude Economi c Freedom and Economi c Growth, Pri vate and Poli ti cal
Markets, Taxati on, Labour Laws, Telecom Servi ces, Envi ronmental Poli cy, and
I ntellectual Property Ri ghts.
Research Internship encourages college students to engage i n grassroots research
to collect pri mary data over a peri od of two months duri ng the summer vacati on.
Education Programs
Liberty and Society Seminar ai ms to provi de college students a greater
understandi ng of the larger world soci ety, economy, and culture from a
classi cal li beral framework that emphasi zes li mi ted government, rule of law, free
trade, and competi ti ve markets. I t has been held i n Ahmedabad, Bangalore,
Calcutta, Delhi , Devlali , Hyderabad, Lucknow and Mumbai .
B R Shenoy Memorial Essay Competition attempts to i ncrease awareness about
i deas and pri nci ples of ci vi l soci ety. The last two topi cs were Educati on: The
Role of Markets, and Markets, Morali ty, and Prosperi ty.
How Markets Work: Disequilibrium, Entrepreneurship and Discovery by I srael
M. K i rzner eluci dates the vi ews of Ludwi g von Mi ses and Fri edri ch Hayek of the
mark et as a process, competi ti on as a di scovery procedure, and
entrepreneurshi p as the engi ne of economi c growth. Rs. 50
Business Journalism Workshop di scusses nati onal and i nternati onal i ssues to
enhance the i nformati on base of busi ness journali sts. Wi th the help of
Swami nathan Ai yar, Economic Times, i t has been held at Delhi , Hyderabad, and
Chennai .
Liberty and Civil Society Workshopi ntroduced i deas of economi c freedom, role
of ci vi l soci ety i n soci al i nfrastructure, and new publi c management to I AS and
other all I ndi a servi ces at the Nati onal Academy of Admi ni strati on, Mussoori e.
Issues in Civil Society; Economics in One Lesson i s a one-day program for college
students i n Delhi to di scuss i ssues of thei r i nterest and concern.
Resource Centre
The Centre mai ntai ns a li brary of several thousand books, publi cati ons of a large
number of publi c poli cy research i nsti tutes, and computers wi th i nternet access.
The li brary i s open to the publi c. The Centre plans to open si mi lar resource
centres throughout I ndi a.
Laissez-faire Books
Through arrangements wi th publi shers and di stri butors, the Centre makes
avai lable for purchase books promoti ng i ts pri nci ples and i deas.

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