Eric McGeer Un empereur doit faire la guerre, comme Basile I er , ou crire sur la guerre, comme Lon VI so wrote Paul Lemerle in his essay on the military encyclopedias produced during the reign of Constantine VII. True to the example of his father, Constantine saw it as his duty to pro- mote the revival of military science by collecting and copying treatises on warfare in its various aspects, yet he also aspired to lead his armies on campaign in person, in the pattern of his grandfather and founder of his dynasty. Although Constantine was never to realise his ambition to accompany his soldiers in the field, his place in the history of Byzantine military literature is assured, and his reign as sole emperor (945-59) stands out as the pivotal stage in the wars against the Arabs during the tenth century. After ousting his Lekapenid co-rulers with the support of military aristocrats whose fortunes were intertwined with his own, prin- cipally the members of the Phokas family, Constantine rewarded his allies by elevating them to the high command and placing the resources of the empire at their disposal. The regulation of the soldiers properties, the changes in the military administration, the improvements in training, tactics and equipment, and the increased recruitment of foreign merce- naries combine with the renewed interest in military theory to demon- strate the intensification of the Byzantine military effort during the reign of Constantine VII. At the time of the emperors death in November 959, the Byzantines stood poised to achieve a series of landmark victories the recovery of Crete, the conquest of Cilicia, and the capture of Antioch which would establish them as the dominant power in the eastern Mediterranean for the next century. Byzantine supremacy along the eastern frontiers did not come about easily or automatically, however. In fact, through much of Constantines reign the Byzantines lurched from one defeat to another, none more glar- ing than the failure of the expedition sent to take Crete in 949. 1 The sting of this disaster, painful to an emperor who had staked the prestige and divine sanction of his dynasty on the success of this venture, was com- pounded by the humiliations visited upon the Byzantines by a new adver- sary whose rise to power coincided almost exactly with Constantines 1 The lists recording the mobilisation and rates of pay for this expedition have now been edited by Haldon (2000) 201-352. 112 ERIC MCGEER assumption of sole authority. This was Sayf al-Dawla, Hamdanid emir of Aleppo from 944 until his death in 967, reviled in the Greek chronicles as the foul or impious Hamdan, who in the spirit of the djihad led yearly raids into Byzantine territory, seizing booty and prisoners and scoring some notable successes against the foremost Byzantine com- manders of the time. 2 Much more significant than the material gains and losses resulting from these campaigns were the reputation and propagan- da value which the Muslim emir acquired from his exploits against the infidel, and the corresponding damage to Constantines image as the divinely appointed defender of the Christian realm. 3 The Byzantine response to the challenge posed by Sayf al-Dawla was therefore not con- fined to the battlefield; it also involved staging triumphs and ceremonies to promote the aura of imperial victory, 4 and bolstering the morale of the host beloved by Christ sent forth to fight against a foe singled out as the archenemy of the Christian faith. Two harangues attributed to Constantine VII record the appeals and the incentives, spiritual and worldly, by which the emperor sought to rouse the martial ardour of his men. Both were composed as circulars to be read out to the soldiers of the eastern armies, and both refer directly to Sayf al-Dawla as the enemy they must confront. The first, published by Hlne Ahrweiler, comes from the early stages of the Byzantine- Hamdanid conflict when Sayfs reputation was on the rise. 5 The second, published by Rudolf Vri, was composed at the moment when the tide had turned decisively in favour of the Byzantines. 6 What follows is a translation and discussion of the two harangues which will set them in their historical context and explore them as sources for the study of mil- itary policy and ideology during the reign of Constantine VII. The two speeches are preserved in a single codex, the Ambrosianus B 119 sup., one of the major collections of military works assembled dur- ing the tenth and early eleventh centuries. 7 The Ambrosianus has been studied in detail by C.M. Mazzucchi whose analysis clarified a number of points relating to the origin of the manuscript and the chronology of Constantines speeches. 8 From the dedication extolling the military 2 The course of these wars is traced by Canard (1951) 715-863; Vasiliev (1935-1968) II.1 311-80. The lan and skill of Sayfs leadership were at their best in the 956 campaign: Howard- Johnston (1983). 3 The poems of Mutanabbi memorably convey the drama and spirit of Sayfs campaigns: see Canard (1973). 4 McCormick (1986) 159-78. 5 Ahrweiler (1967) 393-404 (Greek text on pp. 397-9). 6 Vri (1908) 75-85 (Greek text on pp. 78-84). 7 Dain (1967). 8 Mazzucchi (1978) 276-92, 310-16. achievements of Basil the parakoimomenos and from the presence of several works on naval warfare, Mazzucchi concluded that the manu- script was commissioned by the eunuch and courtier Basil Lekapenos sometime between his return from his successful eastern campaign in the autumn of 958 and June of 960, when the large force under Nikephoros Phokas set sail for Crete, an expedition which the ambitious Basil had apparently hoped to lead. 9 An inventory of the manuscripts contents shows that the parakoimomenos had reserved a section for works of mil- itary oratory. The first is a sixth-century manual known as the Rhetorica militaris 10 , which is followed by a collection of military speeches (Conciones militares) drawn from the ancients (Xenophon, Flavius Josephus, Herodian), and the two harangues of Constantine VII. 11 The attachment of the imperial harangues to this small anthology of military rhetoric has some bearing on the study of the two speeches, par- ticularly the second. It is evident that they were included as contempo- rary models of the protreptikoi logoi, or exhortations, outlined in the Rhetorica militaris, and therefore underwent slight revisions to give them the faceless character proper to literary exemplars. In three places in the second speech, the copyist replaced the name of a Byzantine com- mander with the elliptic dena (so and so) or a generic plural, 12 put- ting us at one remove (at least) from the oration as composed by Constantine or drafted for him by an official. 13 The art of inciting men to battle is as old as the Iliad, and the power of oratory to inspire soldiers could be used to great effect by ancient commanders, as shown by an Alexander or a Caesar. 14 The ability to rouse the courage of their soldiers with the spoken word ranked high among the desirable attributes of Byzantine generals, who could pad their repertoires with the pithy sayings and beaux gestes of illustrious 113 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 9 Mazzucchi (1978) 292-5, 302-3; Basils interest in the documents pertaining to the 949 expedition is noted by Haldon (2000) 236-8. On Basils life and career, see Brokkaar (1972); Bouras (1989). 10 Ed. Kchly (1856); see also Dain (1967) 343-4, and Hunger (1978) II 327-8. Only a por- tion of the text is preserved in the Ambrosianus; the full text is found in the Laurentianus LV, 4, the great military manuscript copied during the reign of Constantine VII. Once thought to be anonymous, the Rhetorica militaris in fact forms part of a larger work attributed to Syrianus Magister: see Zuckerman (1990) 209-24 (in which a forthcoming edition of Syrianuss text is announced). 11 Dain (1967) 364. 12 Cf. Mazzucchi (1978) 303-4, esp. note 110. 13 It is possible that Theodore Daphnopates had a hand in the composition of the second speech, as the parallels between this work and the final portion of Theophanes continuatus, which Daphnopates is thought to have written, suggest; see below, note 79. 14 Alexander the Greats use of oratory, with its dramatic effects of timing, variation of tone and emotion, and performance, is discussed by Keegan (1987) 54-9. commanders recorded in the military handbooks. 15 On a more formal level, as with other branches of rhetoric, the technique of composing and delivering military orations was well established, following the design and examples laid out in the aforementioned Rhetorica militaris. The for- mulaic nature of these set pieces, however, should not obscure the valu- able function ascribed to them by Byzantine tacticians. The Strategikon of Maurice (ca. 600) records brief instructions on the useful role of the cantatores, heralds who before the clash of arms should say a few words of encouragement [tina ... protreptika] reminding the soldiers of previous victories. 16 The author of the De velitatione (ca. 970) instructs the com- mander to deliver a speech sweet as honey to his men to stir their courage before they close with the enemy, 17 and in his second harangue Constantine himself praises a commander who made effective use of inspiring speeches (logois protreptikois) as he led his forces on a suc- cessful raid into the regions of Tarsos. 18 In a broader sense, the orations read out to the army also formed, along with acclamations, official salu- tations, and daily religious rituals, an integral part of the imperial propa- ganda which affirmed the armys special status, its loyalty to the emper- or, and the ideals for which it fought. 19 A reading of Constantines speeches reveals the influence of the Rhetorica militaris, a work he certainly knew, 20 and of his father Leo VIs Taktika (extensively reworked during Constantines reign), in which the contents suitable to an address to soldiers are summarised as follows: XII. 70. We think that the role of the so-called cantatores is appropri- ate at the time of battle. These are the men who incite the army with speeches, offering advice, repeating their message, and summoning it to battle. Such a task should be performed, if possible, by men from among the soldiers themselves or their officers. The officers select those men who are eloquent and capable of addressing the army, for 114 ERIC MCGEER 15 E.g. Leonis Tactica II.12; Sylloge tacticorum, sections 76-102. 16 Strategikon II.19, VII A.4. 17 Dagron, Mihaescu (1986), chapter XXIII. 20-31 , with comments on 284-6. 18 The speeches put in the mouths of emperors or commanders lend dramatic effect to the narratives of campaigns and battles: see Theophanes (Mango and Scott) 436, 439 (recycled in Theophanes continuatus 478. 7-18 ), 441, 442-3, 448; De Creta capta I. 59-70 , 73-100 , II. 140-166 , IV. 45-52 , 54- 56 ; Leo the Deacon 12. 5 -13. 10 , 21. 12-23 , 72. 23 -74. 12 , 130. 19 -131. 12 . Speeches of Arab leaders to their men, as recorded in Byzantine sources, make an interesting contrast: Karapli (1993). 19 Koutrakou (1993) 350-86. The salutation recited by the emperor to his soldiers, recorded in the third of the three campaign treatises prepared by Constantine, should be taken in con- nection with our two harangues: Haldon (1990) Text C. 466-473 , and commentary 284-6. 20 Constantine recommends that the text of Syrianus Magister, to which the Rhetorica mil- itaris belonged, be included in the imperial campaign baggage: Haldon (1990) Text C. 196-204 , and commentary 210-12. the sharing of hardship and the toils of war make the listeners more receptive to fellow soldiers who accompany them. XII.71 The cantatores should say such words of encouragement as these to the army facing battle: first, they should remind them of the reward of faith in God, of the emperors benefactions, and of previous successes; that the battle is for the sake of God and for the love of Him and for the whole nation; moreover, that it is for their brethren of the same faith and, as it may be, for their wives and children and their fatherland; that the memory of those who earn distinction in wars for the freedom of their brethren remains eternal; that this struggle is against the enemies of God, and that we have God as our ally, Who holds the power to decide the outcome, whereas the enemy, as unbe- lievers, have Him set against them; and thinking of anything else in a similar vein, [the cantatores] should stimulate morale. This sort of address, delivered at the right moment, can rouse spirits mightily, more than any amount of money can. These themes all appear, in greater or lesser measure, in both of Constantines circulars, shaped to the circumstances of the moment. He was also the heir to the distinction his father had drawn half a century earlier between the Christian empire and the realm of Islam, now mani- fest in the struggle between the heroic defenders of Christian Byzantium and the forces of Sayf al-Dawla along the eastern frontiers. 21 Yet despite the derivative character of the two harangues, they are more than mere rhetorical exercises or a pastiche of clichs. They refer to contemporary events, they bear witness to the changes in Byzantine military policy dur- ing the 950s, and they shed light on the question of morale and motiva- tion in the armies of the time. Most importantly, they display the image which Constantine VII an emperor ever mindful of the precariousness of imperial power and succession sought to promote among his sol- diers, and how he hoped to translate military success into confirmation of the divinely sanctioned legitimacy of his dynasty. We come now to the translations of the texts themselves. 22 The first harangue can be divided into five main sections: 115 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 21 On these and other passages of the Taktika, and Leo VIs reaction to the Arabs, see Dagron (1983), esp. 224-32; Dagron, Mihaescu (1986) 161-2, 284-6. 22 I have taken into account the (minor) corrections made to Ahrweilers Greek text by Mazzucchi (1978) 296 note 83, and by Sevcenko (1992) 187 note 49 (who also lists correc- tions to Vris edition of the second harangue). I wish to thank Alice-Mary Talbot and Paul Magdalino for reviewing the translations and suggesting a number of improvements. 1) introduction praising the armys recent victories which have won fame throughout the empire; 2) exhortation to the soldiers, emboldened by their victories and by their faith in Christ, to fight even more eagerly against the enemies of God; 3) dismissal of Sayfs boasts and posturing as a bluff concealing his fear and weakness in the wake of his defeat; 4) expression of the emperors longing to be with his soldiers in per- son, among the truly virtuous and worthy; 5) administration of an oath to imperial officials to submit accurate reports of the armys actions and to identify the soldiers and offi- cers deserving of rewards. Ahrweiler proposed that the speech should be dated to the years 952-3, but Mazzucchis arguments for an earlier dating must be accepted. 23 The recent (prhn) triumphs over the Hamdanids which the emperor lauds in section 1 are without question those achieved by Leo Phokas, strategos of Cappadocia, during the spring and summer of that year. The first was his assault on the small fortress of Buqa when he succeeded in taking Nasir al-Dawla prisoner and inflicting heavy losses on the enemy; the second, and more spectacular feat of arms, came in October 950 when Phokass forces ambushed Sayf al-Dawlas army as it returned laden with plunder from a raid into Byzantine territory. 24 These achievements were all the more praiseworthy since they offset the failure of the expedition to Crete the year before, but for our purposes it is significant to note that the Byzantines initially chose to exploit their success not with military action but with the prompt offer of a truce and exchange of prisoners. This offer, however, was defiantly refused by Sayf, who vowed instead to avenge his defeat by resuming his raids into the realm of the infidel with even greater zeal. 25 This truculent rejection of terms, raising the prospect of further defensive campaigns against Sayf, lies behind Constantines lengthy disparagement of the Hamdanid emirs bluster and theatrics in section 3 (roughly a quarter of the speech), which follows the appeals to his soldiers in section 2 to return to the struggle against the enemy with the confidence derived from their victory and their hope in Christ. The correspondence between this sequence of events and the con- tents of the speech places its composition and delivery late in the year 950. 116 ERIC MCGEER 23 Mazzucchi (1978) 296-8. 24 Canard (1951) 763-70; Vasiliev (1935-68) II.1 341-6; Dagron, Mihaescu (1986) 301-6. 25 Mutanabbis poems recounting the 950 disaster are replete with Sayfs promises of revenge: Vasiliev (1935-68) II.2 308-14. 26 Theophanes continuatus 271. 1-2 , Skylitzes 137. 55-6 (Basil I); Leo the Deacon 53. 19 -54. 4 . Commanders returning from campaign held reviews before disband- ing their armies to take stock of their manpower and equipment, to apportion plunder, and to confer promotion and rewards for valour. Basil I had conducted such ceremonies, and the historian Leo the Deacon records that at the end of the 964 campaign, Nikephoros Phokas brought his army back to Cappadocia and dismissed the soldiers with gifts and rewards, bidding them return in the spring with their weapons and hors- es in good condition. 26 We may assume that Constantines speech was read out in a similar scene, as the soldiers disbanded for the winter and received instructions on their mobilisation for the campaign the follow- ing spring. [MILITARY ORATION OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE] 27 1. As I receive word of the surpassing renown of your exploits, men, I do not know what words of praise from the emperors tongue I shall now fashion for you. What great things I have heard about you, and what great tidings have been brought back to me through the reports of my faithful servants, for they have given me accurate information, they have given me a true account of your valour, the amount of courage, the amount of zeal, the amount of spirit you have displayed against the enemy, and how you were embroiled in combat not as if against men but as if triumphing over feeble women, succeeding not as in battle or in war, but rather dealing with them as though it were childs play, even though they were mounted on horses whose speed made them impossible to overtake, 28 even though they were protected by equipment unmatched in strength, equipment unmatched in crafts- manship, and lacked nothing at all of those things which bring secu- rity and cause astonishment. But since they were without the one paramount advantage, by which I mean hope in Christ, all of their advantages were reduced to nothing and were in vain. And so, saith the Lord, their carcasses were for an example on the face of the field, like grass after the mower, and there was none to gather them 29 . With confidence in this hope, and after entrusting your souls to it, you have set up such trophies as these against the enemy, you have striven for such victories as these, which have reached every corner of the world, and have made you famous not only in your native lands but also in 117 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 27 The title and first letter are missing in the manuscript, for reasons explained by Mazzucchi (1978) 303-4. 28 The great speed of the horses ridden by the Bedouin was frequently remarked upon by Byzantine observers: cf. McGeer (1995) 238-42. 29 Jeremiah 9: 22 every city. Now your wondrous deeds are on every tongue, and every ear is roused to hear of them. 2. I still want you men, my peculiar people 30 , my strength and my indomitable might, emboldened by this faith, to fight against the enemy more eagerly than before. I know without a doubt that you will fight more eagerly, for the very nature of affairs teaches me. The man who has engaged his adversary and won does not afterwards regard him as he did before but, once having dispelled all the fear 31 which troubled him before the trial, he goes to the attack with great boldness against an opponent now clearly perceived for what he is. All the more so with regard to the enemy we know that they will not come back with the same zeal now that they have sampled your bravery, but will hold back and look warily, and they will guard against suffering the same fate as before. What now inspires courage in you assuredly drives fear into them. Therefore have no fear, my men, have no fear, fill your souls with zeal and show the enemy who rely on the help of Beliar or Muhammad what those who put their faith in Christ can accomplish. Be the avengers and champions not only of Christians but of Christ Himself, Whom they wickedly deny. What then? Do men know that those who fight on their behalf are rewarded, and will Christ not stretch forth His hand to those girded for battle against His foes? He is our ally, men, Who alone is strong and mighty in battle 32 , Whose sword is sharpened like lightning 33 , Whose weapons are drunk with the blood 34 of those set against Him, Who breaks bows 35 and makes strong cities a heap 36 , Who brings low the eyes of the over- weening 37 and teaches the hands of those who hope in Him to war 38 , makes their arms as a brazen bow, and gives to them the shield of His salvation 39 . And so let us put all our hope in Him, and instead of our whole panoply let us arm ourselves with His cross, equipped with which you have lately made the fierce soldiers of the Hamdanid the victims of your swords, and the others whom, like the Egyptians long ago, you consigned to the waters 40 . 118 ERIC MCGEER 30 Exodus 19: 5 31 Reading pan t dow pr tw peraw. 32 Psalm 23: 8 (LXX) 33 Deuteronomy 32: 41 34 Deuteronomy 32: 42 35 Psalm 75: 3 (LXX) 36 Isaiah 25: 2 37 Isaiah 5: 15 38 Psalm 17: 30, 34 (LXX) 39 Psalm 17: 34-35 (LXX) 40 The accounts of the 950 campaign record that the last phase of the battle took place along the shores of Lake al-Hadat. 3. We have heard that the men whom the foul Hamdanid had, the ones in whom he invested his hopes, were his whole arm and might. You who have so easily routed those so brave, how will you appear to the ones left behind who are unfit for war, who are utterly terrified and intimidated? The words of the holy Isaiah are not inappropriate to them, they that are left shall be as a fleeing fawn, and as a stray sheep, he says 41 . In truth, the Hamdanid has no power. Do not believe in his skills and wiles he is afraid 42 , he is devious, and without a reliable force, in mortal fear of your onslaught and driven back head- long by it, he is trying to put fear in your minds with ruses and decep- tions. One moment he proclaims that another force is on its way to him and that allies have been despatched from elsewhere, or that from another quarter a vast sum of money has been sent to him, while at other times he has exaggerated rumours spread about for the conster- nation of his listeners. All of this is the product of a deeply frightened mind, not of a confident one, for if he were truly confident he would not resort to these tricks and ruses. Now that he is at a loss for real strength, he is falling back on artful devices. Do you not see how the king of beasts, the lion, on account of his innate superiority, knows no ruses nor devises tricks? Laying aside such worthless trifles, and con- fident in his natural strength, he goes straight for his adversary. The fox, by contrast, and cowardly creatures like him who lack true strength, seeks refuge in cunning, hunts with craft, and with craft tries to escape being hunted. Were it possible to look into the mind of the Hamdanid, then you would see how much cowardice, how much fear oppresses it, and how as he hears of your power and regards your onslaught with apprehension, he knows not what will become of him and where to turn, even though he is putting up a bold and confident front. And so do not let these actions trouble you 43 , my people, pay no heed to his theatrics, but with confidence in Christ rise up against the foe. You know how virtuous it is to fight on behalf of Christians, and how much glory the man who does so achieves for himself. This is more profitable than all wealth 44 , more praiseworthy that all other honour. 4. What great yearning possesses me, what great desire inflames my soul, I am now consumed by the matter, I dream of those days, I would much prefer to don my breastplate and put my helmet on my head, to brandish my spear in my right hand and to hear the trumpet 119 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 41 Isaiah 13: 11. 42 Reading deilw for deinw. 43 Reading m tata on mw. 44 Reading pantw plotou kerdaleteron. calling us to battle, than to put on the crown and the purple, to wield the sceptre, and to hear the imperial acclamations. For the latter are given by God in the ways that He knows, and often to those who are not worthy, whereas the former are for those only who love virtue, for those only who esteem glory before pleasure. It is not for no reason that I have sent out my officials to these places, but because I wanted to use them as my eyes. I shall now bind them with an oath and turn my address to them. 5. I therefore administer this oath to you in the name of God and upon our person and life, that you will esteem nothing before our love, or to say it better, before goodness and truth, but that you will inform Our Majesty about all events, just as each of you has the virtue and will to do. Better yet, you will keep written records, so that when you come here you may tell us, in order that we will look with favour upon the men and deem them worthy of our praises and rewards. The strat- egoi who command the smaller themes will be transferred to larger ones 45 , while the strategoi of larger themes will be honoured with gifts and other recompense, whereas the commanders of the tagmata and other units who fight courageously will be rewarded in proportion to their deeds, some to become tourmarchs, others kleisourarchs or topoteretai. Not only these men, but also the rest, members of the common soldiery who display the traits of valour, will receive their due reward 46 . But we who now receive information through you about each soldier will soon not have you or any other witness to these men, but our eyes alone, and when we are present in person and beholding for ourselves the valour of each man, we will ourselves present awards to the combatants 47 . The victory which prompted Constantines harangue had restored much needed prestige to his rgime, and it appears to have been exploited for 120 ERIC MCGEER 45 In other words, the commanders of the small frontier zones, known as the Armenian themes (first attested during Constantines reign), will be promoted to command of the larg- er, long established themes lying to the interior. On this new distinction between large and small themes, see Oikonomides (1972) 345-6; Haldon (1990) 251. 46 The novel of Nikephoros Phokas dealing with the Armenian themes refers to abandoned military lands being given as rewards to soldiers who had distinguished themselves in battle: McGeer (2000) 86-9. Other rewards will have included cash donatives, promotions, gifts, and the division of spoils: Haldon (1984) 307-18, 328-37, and note 1016. 47 The gifts bestowed by the emperor and the protocol of such an occasion can be inferred from a passage in the third of Constantines three campaign treatises: Haldon (1990) Text C. 502-511 . its propaganda value far out of proportion to its actual gains. 48 It also kin- dled the emperors desire to take part in a military expedition, as he declares in the concluding portion of his address, and thus to emulate his grandfather Basil I who had led his armies to victory against the Paulicians and Arabs in the campaigns recounted in the Vita Basilii. Commentators have tended to take Constantines declaration as more wishful than realistic; but one purpose of this paper will be to demon- strate that he fully intended to go on a campaign when the right opportu- nity presented itself. 49 Subsequent events were to conspire against the emperors reprise of dynastic glory, however, for the promise of Leo Phokass victory soon evaporated as Sayf al-Dawla made good his threats and went on to enjoy his greatest period of success between 951 and 956. 50 Yet Constantine did not renounce his ambition to accompany his army on campaign. As we shall see, he would revive this project in his second harangue. Ironically enough, the nearly unbroken string of triumphs won by Sayf during the early 950s proved to be his undoing. A recent paper by Jonathan Shepard has shown how the aims and methods of Byzantine policy along the eastern frontiers shifted during the reign of Constantine VII. 51 The emperor initially pursued a policy that was defensive in pur- pose, directed primarily towards the regions of the Caucasus and the Armenian principalities controlling strategic areas along the upper Euphrates, and designed to deny passage to Arab raiders seeking to break into central Anatolia. Only when the raids of Sayf al-Dawla proved too much for local Byzantine defensive forces to handle, and when his intransigence ruled out a diplomatic rapprochement, did Constantine decide to turn the full might of his armies against the Hamdanids and their bases along the southeastern frontiers. The transition which Shepard traces, from a policy of containment to one of outright conquest, is reflected in our two speeches. Where the first was addressed to a local theme commander and his men in recognition of a successful defensive action, the second is to an army rigorously selected and trained for offen- sive operations, reinforced by units transferred from the western provinces of the empire and by contingents of foreign mercenaries, and 121 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 48 Cf. the triumphant note struck in the poem composed for Romanos II in 950, in light of Leo Phokass recent victories: Odorico (1987) 68-9, 76-80, 91-2, and the comments of Sevcenko (1992) 170 note 8. 49 It was at about this time that Constantine began to assemble the materials for his second treatise on imperial expeditions to the east: Haldon (1990) 52-3. 50 Canard (1951) 770-93. 51 Shepard (2001); see also idem (2002). succoured from on high through the prayers of holy men and the miracle- working power of the most sacred relics. It displays the full deployment of the empires military strength for a war in which the aims were no less than the subjugation and annexation of the Muslim territories in Cilicia and northern Syria. The following summary will help to establish the background of the second harangue and its points of interest: 1) introduction expressing the emperors desire to address and inspire his soldiers, his children with whom he is united in body and soul; 2) his appointment of loyal, competent commanders to select and train the most courageous soldiers for the coming expedition; 3) the emperors joy that the army is now ready for battle, and his solicitation of prayers from monks and holy men for the soldiers welfare; 4) earlier successes owed more to chance than to courage, but this select body of men is urged to display its valour to the imperial officials accompanying the army; 5) the emperors readiness to bring his son on a future campaign should inspire the soldiers, as should a series of recent successes against the Hamdanids and their allies; 6) the soldiers are urged to show their courage and martial prowess to the foreign contingents present in the ranks; 7) the emperor encourages a spirit of comradeship between the sol- diers of the eastern and western armies brought together for this campaign; 8) the emperors love for his soldiers, his despatch of holy water sanc- tified by contact with the True Cross and relics of the Passion, and his prayers for the armys safe conduct and return. The events leading up to the occasion for which the speech was com- posed can be retraced from a number of allusions in sections 2, 4, and 5. The remarks on the undeserved successes of earlier years and the purge of the armys ranks noted in section 4 hearken back to Constantines dis- missal of Bardas Phokas after the rout of the Byzantine army at the bat- tle of Hadat in October 954 and his promotion of Nikephoros Phokas to supreme command in 955. The Greek chronicles all record the swift revi- talisation of the army under Nikephoross direction, which brought a series of impressive victories during the late 950s, in contrast to its dis- mal performance under the incompetent Bardas. 52 The painstaking 122 ERIC MCGEER 52 Theophanes continuatus 459. 13 -460. 12 ; Skylitzes 241. 4-18 ; Zonaras III 492. 15 -493. 13 ; see also Dagron, Mihaescu (1986) 275-80. process of selection and training of the soldiers to which Constantine refers throughout sections 2 to 4 is fully in keeping with the methods employed by Nikephoros to develop battleworthy armies, as is the increasingly conspicuous presence of foreign soldiers in the the armys ranks, a feature noted by contemporary Greek and Arab observers alike. 53 References in sections 5 and 7 to recent military activities can be col- lated with contemporary sources to bring the background of the harangue into sharper focus. 54 Two of the campaigns mentioned, a foray into the region of Tarsos led by Basil Hexamilites and an expedition to southern Italy led by Marianos Argyros, took place in the year 956; 55 reference to a more recent campaign clarifies the date and occasion of the speech. At the end of section 5, Constantine extols the host despatched a short while ago to Mesopotamia with the patrikios so-and-so which inflicted a crushing defeat on the Hamdanid force sent to oppose it. The com- mander in question was John Tzimiskes, who as patrikios and strategos of Mesopotamia took an army into the area of Amida in June of 958 and routed an enemy force commanded by Sayf al-Dawlas lieutenant Naja al-Kasaki. 56 Later that summer, a second Byzantine army under the com- mand of the parakoimomenos Basil Lekapenos joined Tzimiskess forces for an assault on Samosata. This combined army took the town in less than a day, and went on to annihilate another Hamdanid force, led this time by Sayf himself, near the fortress of Raban in October or November of 958. 57 As Mazzucchi noted, the emperors commendation of his most worthy servants (yerpontew, in section 2) is a generic plural masking the original reference to Basil Lekapenos. It was upon receiving word of Tzimiskess successful operations in June, and as Lekapenoss forces prepared to embark on the second phase of the campaign in August or September, that Constantine sent his address to be read to the soldiers under the command of the parakoimomenos. The setting of the second harangue does much to account for its impassioned tone, for the sense that the decisive moment is now at hand pervades the speech and lends the emperors appeals an urgency and anticipation not found in the first harangue. The contrast begins with the structure of the piece which, with its introductory greeting, selection and elaboration of Scriptural passages, and concluding doxology, follows the pattern of a homily and presents the emperor in a more exalted relation to his soldiers. Where in the first harangue Constantine had addressed his 123 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 53 See below, note 81. 54 The discussion follows Mazzucchi (1978) 299-303, esp. notes 102 and 110. 55 See below, note 83. 56 Vasiliev (1935-68) II.1 362-4; Canard (1951) 793-6. 57 Theophanes continuatus 461. 9 -462. 4 . men as my peculiar people (Exodus 19: 5), an appellation likening the special status of the army with the covenant between God and the people of Israel, 58 he forges closer bonds of unity and kinship between army and emperor in the second. Beginning with a citation from John 3: 16 (for God so loved the world...) Constantine goes on to declare that out of love for his soldiers he gives to them his whole being, mixes his flesh and blood with theirs, and considers his body and soul one with theirs. His words recall a number of passages in the New Testament, such as Ephesians 5: 30 (for we are members of His body, of His flesh, and of His bones), Romans 12: 4-5 (for as we have many members in one body ... so we, being many, are one body in Christ, and every one mem- bers of another), and the lengthier passage in I Corinthians 12: 12-27 which portrays Christ as one body whose parts are all the Christians, and expresses the unity of the parts acting in harmony for the good of the whole. Speaking as Christs regent on earth, Constantine frames his address in terms emphasizing the parallel between Christ and Christians, emperor and army, and enjoining the army as an aggregate of different parts to strive as one body for the same goal. His appeal to the soldiers as his beloved children echoes the words of Paul, who addressed the Corinthians in the same way, and reinforces the image of the soldiers being the emperors flesh and blood; but it also confers upon him the paternal authority to admonish them as his sons, to reassure them of his concern for their welfare, and to expect their obedience. In his role as sovereign and father, Constantine is at pains to assure his men that he has done all humanly possible to secure their success on the battlefield, and that his officials have faithfully carried out his instructions to prepare a select force made up of proven soldiers and offi- cers. His efforts, however, have not been restricted to earthly measures, for his solicitude has also led him to invoke the aid of higher tutelary powers through the prayers of monks and holy men. Imperial requests for prayers are are found in official correspondence, such as the following letter attributed to Symeon the magistros and addressed to the monastic communities of Olympos, Kyminas, Latros, and Athos. 59 The letter solic- its the monks prayers for the armies gathering for battle against Sayf al- Dawla, and is worth presenting in full: 124 ERIC MCGEER 58 Koutrakou (1993) 416; see also Haldon (1990) Text C. 453-454 , and commentary 242-3. 59 Darrouzs (1960) 146-7; although the editor puts this letter between 963 and 967, it must surely date from Constantines reign. By 963 the Byzantines were pounding at Sayfs gates, not the other way around, as the situation is presented in Symeons letter. Another letter seek- ing prayers for a force on its way to Calabria (idem148) may refer to Marianos Argyross expe- dition in 956: see below, note 83. I know that I have become a provider of toils and troubles to you, my most honoured fathers, writing continually and enjoining you to offer prayers and entreaties to the Lord. But when this labour is for the safety of Christians, I am sure that it is not an unwelcome task but one you perform with pleasure. Since we have once again been informed that an expedition of the impious Hamdan is now at our gates and that our armies, with the help of God, are about to confront him in battle, we call upon your piety to raise your holy hands to God with greater earnest and to entreat His goodness not to turn His eyes away from His people nor on account of our sins to allow the impious to defile His holy name, but to remember his compassions, for they are from everlasting and to strengthen his chosen people, so that again He may be glorified upon the rash and hostile soul of Pharaoh and we may sing a hymn of victory and a song of thanksgiving to thy name glori- fied for eternity. We have at the same time written to the most holy and divinely beloved metropolitan of Kyzikos so that he too may direct you to offer your devout prayers and entreaties on behalf of Christians. The supplication of divine intercession through the prayers of monks and holy men is but one aspect of the spiritual comforts the emperor sought to provide for his army. In his first harangue Constantine had called upon his soldiers to place their hope in Christ and to arm themselves with His cross. The cross was, of course, the pre-eminent symbol of salvation and victory, the stavros nikopoios long cherished by Byzantine armies, and it had particular relevance for Constantine VII whose dynastic propaganda emphasized his association with Constantine the Great. 60 But the power of the cross and the presence of Christ, abstract in the first speech, are now communicated physically to the soldiers by the emperors despatch of holy water sanctified by contact with the fragments of the True Cross and the relics of the Passion. The combination is significant, since the symbol of imperial victory was now accompanied by the symbols of the triumph over death and the redemption from sin. The soldiers were to be anointed with the holy water to invest them with divine power from on high and to furnish them with confidence and might and domination against the enemy, in other words, to strengthen them in body and soul and to protect them in battle. 61 125 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 60 Cheynet (1993); Luzzi (1991); Markopoulos (1994); Thierry (1981). 61 On the translation and use of relics in this period, see Mergiali-Sahas (2001); Kalavrezou (1994), James (2001), Flusin (1999), and Barker (1993). See also McCormick (1986) 237-52, on the rituals of purification before battle. The list of Passion relics which Constantine gives in his harangue is of particular interest. It comes nearly two centuries before the invento- ries of relics in pilgrim itineraries and other sources begin to appear, 62 and it is the first list to identify a set of relics which at an unknown time, and in unknown circumstances, were grouped with the True Cross and the Lance, both known to have been transferred to Constantinople in the early seventh century. As to the location of the relics mentioned in the speech, we know from the De cerimoniis that by the mid-tenth century three fragments of the True Cross were kept in the palatine chapel of the Theotokos tou Pharou. 63 Where the other relics were kept at this time is not stated, but as the Mandylion was deposited in the chapel of the Pharos upon its arrival in Constantinople in 944, it is most likely that the Passion relics were stored there. The gift of holy water is also offered in compensation for the emper- ors absence. As a final incentive to his men, however, Constantine announces that success in the coming expedition will prepare the way for him and his son to accompany the army on a future campaign as fellow cavalrymen, fellow infantrymen, and comrades in arms. He thus reiter- ates the promise made in his first harangue, but I would argue that the favourable military situation and the accompaniment of his son, co- emperor, and heir Romanos, now of an age to go on campaign, set the stage for the realisation of a grander purpose. The Vita Basilii records that Basil I took his eldest son and heir Constantine with him on the expedition to Syria in 878 so as to instruct the young man in the art of war and to inure him to the hardships of campaigning. The account of the campaign goes on to list the towns and fortresses brought under imperi- al control, and concludes with the triumph celebrated by Basil and Constantine upon their return to the City. 64 This triumph is described at length in the third treatise on imperial expeditions, composed about the year 958 65 , and appears to have furnished the script which Constantine wished to follow upon returning with his son from a tour of the frontier in his grandfathers footsteps. The first triumph held in Constantinople 126 ERIC MCGEER 62 Cf. the studies of the contemporary Limburg Staurothek by Sevcenko (1994), Bouras (1989), and Koder (1989). The most recent survey of the relics of the True Cross and of the Passion in Constantinople is in Durand, Lafitte (Paris: 2001) 20-36; see also Gould (1981) 336-41. 63 Haldon (1990) Text C. 487 , with comments on the protocol for display of the True Cross in military processions, 245-7 (with further references); on the Theotokou tou Pharou, see Jenkins, Mango (1956); Janin (1969) 232-6; Kalavrezou (1994) 55-7. 64 Theophanes continuatus 277. 18 -279. 13 ; see also Lemerle (1973) 104-10. 65 Haldon (1990) Text C. 724-807 , with commentary 268-85; see ibid. 52-3 for the date of the trea- tise. The problem of legitimation was not unknown to Basil I: see McCormick (1986) 152-7. during Constantines reign was staged largely to prop up the sagging rep- utation of his dynasty; another celebrated the combined achievements of Tzimiskes and Lekapenos in 958; 66 but a triumphal entry of his own would have made manifest the divine sanction of his rule and, much more importantly, helped to secure the succession of Romanos. Constantine was old and infirm by 958, and as events were to prove, not long for this world. The spectre of assassination, regency, usurpation, and palace coups which hung over his dynasty could hardly have set his mind at ease as he contemplated the prospects for his own sons uncon- tested accession to power. Now, on the brink of success against the Muslim archenemy, the opportunity beckoned to go to war at the head of his army and to embody the legitimating principle of imperial victory. That Constantine did in fact intend to go to Syria in 959, an intention which the victories won by Tzimiskes and Lekapenos could only have affirmed, is supported by evidence from three sources. 67 But as the dirge composed for the emperor laments, I set my foot upon strange ground ... and right away I must begin an even stranger journey death inter- vened on 9 November 959, and his plans to lead his armies on campaign came to nothing. ADDRESS OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE VII TO THE STRATEGOI OF THE EAST 1. To speak to you often, even without a proper occasion, is my hearts desire and dear to me, just as to be deprived of conversing with you is in my judgement distressing and painful. For I do not so love and cherish my soldiers and deem you worthy of every address and salu- tation as not to carry out this very act in writing to you, whom the sole eternal and immortal sovereign has in His boundless compassion granted to me as my legacy, a host assembled by God, and the most excellent share of the lordly inheritance; but to exhort your good will and obedience with my tongue is most pleasing of all to me and eager- ly sought, while to teach and instruct you in the art of war through my words, and, as to courage, to make those so inclined more brave, and to inspire the more sluggish and to rouse them to boldness and hardi- ness is familiar to me and has become more pleasing than all enjoy- ment and all delight. The sacred words of the holy Gospel, wishing to express the greatness of God the Fathers love for mankind, say For God so loved the world that he gave his only begotten Son 68 unto 127 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 66 McCormick (1986) 159-67. 67 Skylitzes 246. 66 -247. 83 ; McGeer (2000) 82-5; Sevcenko (1969-70) 213, 214, 221. 68 John 3: 16. death, whereas I give not my only begotten son but my whole being, in body and soul, and I link and mix my flesh with your flesh and my bones with your bones, and I consider each one of my limbs united with and of common origin with you, and my very soul, one though it is, I distribute and divide among all of you, and I want my host assem- bled to be made animate and to be brought alive by me in the part that is mine. Children, whom I have begotten through the Gospel 69 and implanted in the inheritance of God 70 , whom God has raised to matu- rity and brought to the full measure of youthful vigour, accept the present exhortation issued to you from the very depth of my soul and the hidden chambers of my heart. For my heart and my flesh, in the words of the psalmist David among the prophets, hath rejoiced exceedingly 71 in you. How indeed could one not exult and rejoice and be gladdened when God has bestowed upon His inheritance such armies, such a courageous and valiant host, such champions and defenders of the Byzantines? Many times through written memoranda have we roused you to courage, very often have we given you our guidance, yet we have no surfeit of communication with you. Why is that? In our wish to present the zeal and ardour and warmth of our yearning for you, we do not take this moment lightly, as not to take up the wings of a dove and to come to rest 72 among you, and to display our affection for you. 2. Now, as if unsatisfied with our previous endeavours and judging them meagre in comparison to the fiery heat of our love for you, we have despatched to you these men, whom we have come to regard as the more excellent of our servants, the most obedient, the most loyal, the most worthy, distinguished by wisdom and experience, and held by us in greater esteem than the others, so that you can see that after wrenching them away from the seat of our affections and our heart we have set them over you as your leaders and commanders. 73 Their first task is to pick out the most courageous and valiant among you and to separate these men from the others so that your virtue will not remain unnoticed and unremarked because the cowardice of the latter has overshadowed and obscured your courage, and they will replace them with the men whom they choose. With this kind of preparation, selec- tion, toil, and painstaking effort, let them bring our Christ-loving tag- 128 ERIC MCGEER 69 cf. I Corinthians 4: 14-15. 70 cf. Exodus 15: 17. 71 cf. Psalm 15: 9 (LXX) 72 cf. Psalm 54: 6 (LXX) 73 Generic plurals covering the original reference to Basil Lekapenos. mata and themata to a stronger and better state, so that by their repute alone they will intimidate their adversary. 3. Since we have learned through despatches from the same most illustrious men and our most worthy attendants that in accordance with my command, or rather in accordance with the inclination and influence of God, they have already rejected all that is useless and unsuited to war, while the valiant and serviceable element that bears the brunt of battle they have selected and set aside for combat, that they have exercised all their diligence and care, and unceasing toil, with regard to your battle order and worthiness, and that these ser- vants of Our Majesty are about to take you, now that you are equipped and prepared, to embark on campaign and to set out against the enemy in the areas where they have been assigned by Our Majesty, our joy has been increased a thousand-fold. Suffused with tears and delight at the same time, we have considered ourselves unworthy of offering prayers of supplication to God, and after appealing to the most vener- able and saintly fathers who dwell in mountains, and in dens and in caves of the earth 74 and enjoining them to offer prayers of supplica- tion, we have appointed them to pray incessantly and unstintingly on your behalf; but we have also directed those in the churches of the City guarded by God and the pious monasteries to perform the same task, so that as the entreaty of all those holy men rises up to the ears of the Lord God of hosts and is blended and united with your fervour and trust in us, the route before you may be easy and smooth 75 . And so, since we take courage from the providence and help of our benev- olent God, from the sacred prayers of the holy and hallowed fathers, and from your praiseworthy bravery and audacity, accept our exhor- tation as though from an affectionate father who has ardent affection for you and is occupied every day with his innumerable cares for your welfare. 4. Children faithful and beloved, army sacred and assembled by God, now, if ever, the time has come for your bravery to be displayed, for your audacity to be made known, for your praiseworthy courage to become clear to all. For even if many times in past years you fought bravely against the enemy and prevailed against them, some of these exploits were accomplished by accident and by unstable and capri- cious chance, others by design and skill decorated by the name of courage but recognised as cowardice in fact. The deeds of the brave were not clearly remarked, nor were those of the cowardly discerned, 129 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 74 Hebrews 11: 38. 75 Reading pstei for pptei, and prskoptow for prskopow. but your actions were dimmed and hidden as though in a welter of confusion, a moonless night, or a battle in the dark. Since the process of selection which has now taken place through our most faithful ser- vants and genuine attendants has made manifest the courage and val- our of each one of you, while those men previously hidden and ignored because of envy (I cannot speak other than truthfully) can come forward into the light, and the courage, the audacity, and the endurance of each one of you have been acknowledged, and you have been picked out for selection like pure wheat, whereas the others, just as the tares grown with the wheat 76 , have been cast away and let loose, show your irresistible onslaught against the enemy and your hardi- hood. Advance against them, and advance without wavering, not skulking and withdrawing to the rear, but drawn up in the front ranks. 77 You have as witnesses of your courage the representatives of Our Majesty who are taking my place. You have them to arouse your zeal with their words and deeds. Show them the most noble and steadfast determination innate in you. Let them see your sturdy arms fighting against the enemy, let them marvel, and let them glorify God for it. For wholly devoted to you, as one entering and dwelling in your hearts, so greatly have I been moved and stirred by love and yearning for you that, with Gods approval and sanction, I have pre- pared and readied myself to accompany you on campaign and to be convinced by my own eyes of what in times past I used to learn and hear by report. 5. If, then, there is any longing in you to see us and our son as your fellow cavalrymen, fellow infantrymen, and comrades in arms, con- firm this longing now by your very deeds, strengthen the love in your hearts for us by your exploits, so that, invigorated and emboldened by your heroism, your victories and dominance against the enemy, and by your unconquerable monuments of triumph, I may become more eager to embrace the idea of taking part with you on campaign. For earlier, some rumour concerning the most impious Hamdanid and the Christ-hating Tarsiots was going around, to the effect that they are brave and have acquired a host invincible in war, wherefore out of ter- ror and weakness you avoided engaging them in combat; but this is not now the case, for as you yourselves know, some time ago so-and- 130 ERIC MCGEER 76 Matthew 13: 29-30. 77 Perhaps echoing Theophanes continuatus 459. 13 -460. 12 , especially where the chronicler relates that the reformed armies of Nikephoros Phokas neither hid themselves, indulged in pleasures, nor turned in flight, as had been their habit beforehand.... so 78 was sent out with the rest of the strategoi against the lands and fortresses of the accursed Tarsos and penetrated deep within their ter- ritory, and after arming his host with the utmost zeal and inspiring speeches, the kind of campaign he conducted and the number of offi- cers 79 and the huge host of Tarsiots he took prisoner has not escaped the notice of any of you. Moreover, the host despatched a short while ago to Mesopotamia with the patrikios so-and-so 80 and the others, which descended on the valiant and unbeatable as was thought corps of the Hamdanids army and effortlessly subdued it, will no doubt convince your souls to become more bold and more confident in combat with the enemy. 6. The great and widespread report of your courage has reached for- eign ears, to the effect that you have an irresistible onslaught, that you possess incomparable courage, that you display a proud spirit in bat- tle. When several contingents of these foreign peoples recently joined you on campaign, they were amazed to see with their own eyes the courage and valour of the other soldiers who performed heroically in earlier expeditions; let them now be astonished at your audacity, let them marvel at your invincible and unsurpassable might against the barbarians. 81 Be for me the wonder and amazement of the nations, and the might and strength of our people. Brace your souls, strengthen your arms, sharpen your teeth like wild boars, let no one attempt to turn his back to the enemy, as the man who takes this thought into his mind will soon give up his own life. Let your heroic deeds be spoken of in foreign lands, let the foreign contingents accompanying you be amazed at your discipline, let them be messengers to their compatri- 131 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 78 Constantine refers to the naval battle and raid conducted by Basil Hexamilites, patrikios and strategos of the Kibyrrhaiotai, in September/October 956, during which he defeated an Arab fleet and ravaged the environs of Tarsos, taking many prisoners: Theophanes continua- tus 452. 20 -453. 19 ; Vasiliev (1935-68) II.1 360; Mazzucchi (1978) 299-301. Aray of light after a series of demoralising defeats at the hands of Sayf, this otherwise minor success was celebrat- ed with a triumph in Constantinople: McCormick (1986) 165-6. 79 psouw ... kataw: kathw is an Arabic word, listed by E.A. Sophocles and Du Cange (katow), which also appears in the account of Hexamilitess raid in Theophanes continuatus (453. 17 ): cf. the parallel passages noted by Mazzucchi (1978) 300 note 102. On the unresolved question of Theodore Daphnopatess authorship of the last book of Theophanes continuatus, see Darrouzs, Westerink (1978) 6-10. 80 i.e. John Tzimiskes; see note 56 above. 81 The presence of foreign soldiers in Lekapenoss army is confirmed by a poem of Abu Firas who records his encounter with a Khazar warrior during the battle at Raban; the com- mentary preceding the poem states that in preparation for the campaign Constantine sought soldiers from the Bulgars, Russians (Rhos), Turks (Hungarians), and Franks: Vasiliev (1935- 68) II.2 368-70; see also McGeer (1995) 200-201. ots of your triumphs and symbols which bring victory, so that they may see the deeds you have performed. 7. We say this both to the Christ-loving and divinely assembled armies of the East and to the forces from Macedonia and Thrace which have joined you on campaign. This we declare and make known: these men too have been your comrades in arms and companions, and they have demonstrated their valour in war on many occasions. When 82 they were sent to Longobardia, they won victories against the enemy take our word for it that they mastered and subdued those who opposed Our Majesty. 83 And so, as servants and soldiers of one realm and emperor, eagerly undertake the present campaign with them, dis- posed towards them as brothers and tending like fathers to their safe- ty. They have been sent to share your labours, and they have become your partners in dangers and heroic exploits. 8. In addressing this to you all, as to my vitals and my limbs, and speaking to you through the present letter, I have placed my trust in Christ the true God, the sole immortal king, and I am bolstered by the hope that you will not dishonour my expectation of you, that you will not extinguish my hopes, that you will not dull my consideration, that you will not debase your service; but because as true and most faith- ful servants and subjects of Our Majesty, as sturdy and invincible champions of the Byzantine people, you have now shown this kind and this degree of courage and all manner of audacity and valour, we will embrace you as victors appearing as triumphant conquerors against the enemy and receive you with joyful acclamations as you return. We will kiss your bodies wounded for the sake of Christ in veneration as the limbs of martyrs 84 , we will pride ourselves in the defilement of blood, we will be glorified in you and your valorous accomplishments and struggles. So that you may know how much I am on fire in my soul for you, that I am completely consumed, that I burn all over as I devote my exertions to your salvation and to pros- 132 ERIC MCGEER 82 Reading nka for lka. 83 Referring to the expedition (which included contingents from Thrace and Macedonia) sent to southern Italy in 956 under the command of Marianos Argyros, anthypatos patrikios and strategos of Calabria and Longobardia. Argyros succeeded in regaining control of Naples and Salerno in 956 and campaigned against the Arabs until a truce was arranged in 958: Theophanes continuatus 453. 20 -454. 21 ; Vasiliev (1935-68) II.1 371-8; von Falkenhausen (1978) 39, 83-4, 132. On Argyross career, see Vannier (1975) 30-2. 84 In kissing the wounds of his soldiers Constantine is perhaps recasting himself as Constantine the Great, who kissed Paphnoutios and other confessors on their eyes that had been gouged out and their limbs that had been mutilated in the persecution, receiving a bless- ing from them: Theophanes (Mango and Scott) 36. pering you 85 , behold, that after drawing holy water from the immacu- late and most sacred relics of the Passion of Christ our true God 86
from the precious wooden fragments [of the True Cross]
87 and the undefiled Lance 88 , the precious Titulus 89 , the wonder-working Reed 90 , the life-giving blood which flowed from His precious rib 91 , the most sacred Tunic 92 , the holy swaddling clothes 93 , the God-bearing winding sheet 94 , and the other relics of His undefiled Passion 95 we have sent it to be sprinkled upon you, for you to be anointed by it and to garb yourselves with the divine power from on high. For I trust in my true God and Saviour Christ, that just as He restored and endowed the human race with life through the blood and water which flowed from His precious rib, so will He through the sprinkling of this holy water quicken and restore you and furnish you with confidence and might and domination against the enemy. Christ, the creator of the ages and upholder of all creation, our true God, Who is worshipped and glori- fied with His eternal Father and with the life-giving Spirit of the same nature, Who strengthens feebleness and invigorates the lowly, Who engulfed the army of Pharaoh in the depths of the sea and saved the lowly people 96 , Who alone is lofty and master, Who sits upon the cherubs 97 and looks upon low things 98 , Who girds the sword 99 for the 133 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 85 Psalm 67: 19 (LXX) 86 pomursantew: in other words, the condensation was rubbed from the relics (or the reli- quaries) with a cloth; this extract was called myron, or holy oil. 87 tn te timvn jlvn: on the history of the True Cross in Constantinople, see Frolow (1961) 73-94, 238, and no. 143; Durand, Lafitte (2001) 20-4, 61-6. 88 tw xrntou lgxhw (cf. John 19: 34): known to have been in Constantinople since 614; see Sevcenko (1994) 290-1; Durand, Lafitte (2001) 24. 89 to timou ttlou (cf. John 19: 19): a rare attestation of the Titulus, which is absent from the table of relics in Durand, Lafitte (2001) 32-3, and from the inventories in Gould (1981) 335-41. 90 to yaumatourgo kalmou: the reed by which the sponge was held up to Christ on the cross (cf. Mark 15: 36); but note that kalamos is also the word used for the mock sceptre put in Christs hands by the Roman soldiers (cf. Matthew 27: 29), and the rod used by the Roman soldiers to beat Christ (Mark 15: 19). 91 John 19: 34; see Durand, Lafitte (2001) 67-8. 92 to pansptou xitnow: Christs tunic for which the Roman soldiers cast lots; cf. John 19: 23-24. 93 tn ern spargnvn (cf. Luke 2: 7, 12): kept in the High Altar in Hagia Sophia accord- ing to the De cerimoniis; see Vogt (1935/40) vol. 1, part 1, 11; vol. 2, 61, and Durand, Lafitte (2001) 68. 94 tw yeofrou sindnow (cf. Matthew 27: 59, Luke 23: 53): not to be confused with the Mandylion. Cf. Durand, Lafitte (2001) 87. 95 Conspicuous by their absence from the list are the Crown of Thorns and the Sponge; on these relics, see Durand, Lafitte (2001) 55-60, 87. 96 cf. Psalm 17: 27 (LXX) 97 Psalm 79: 1; Psalm 98: 1 (LXX) 98 cf. Psalm 112: 6; Psalm 137: 6 (LXX) 99 Psalm 44: 3 (LXX) mighty in war and provides help from on high to those who call upon Him, Who resists the proud 100 , Who brings sinners down to the ground 101 , Who instructs hands to war 102 , Who makes the arms of them who hope in Him as a brazen bow 103 , Who has given the shield of sal- vation 104 to pursue the impious enemies until they are consumed 105 , Who girds strength for war 106 , Who beats down all that rose 107 against those who fight for Him, beating them small as dust before the wind 108 , may He in His infinite and ineffable goodness and in His immeasura- ble and incomprehensible compassion watch over you with mercy and favour, may He look upon you from above with a kindly eye. May He prepare your route before you; He Himself will send His angel and He will guide your journey 109 , and may He help to surround you with hosts of angels and to keep you safe from harm at the hands of the enemy, so that through His power and might you may have upon your return to us in victory and triumph praise everlasting in memory of men, remaining indelible and spoken of from generation to genera- tion, so that you may cause Our Majesty to be joyful and to rejoice in your achievements, and to be embellished by your heroic deeds through the intercession of the immaculate Mother of God, His moth- er, and all the incorporeal angelic powers, and the saints who have served Him from eternity and been martyred for His sake. Amen. It remains to offer some thoughts by way of conclusion. One is that Constantines two speeches are of greater historical interest than has usu- ally been supposed. They are rare examples of formal imperial military rhetoric which, although based on long established models, nevertheless have an immediacy and intensity which set them apart from most Byzantine orations. They present the time-honoured images and themes of imperial propaganda, but these acquire an added significance when viewed against the insecurity of Constantines reign and the problem of dynastic legitimacy he had to contend with. They cast further light on a 134 ERIC MCGEER 100 cf. Proverbs 3: 34. 101 cf. Psalm 146: 6 (LXX) 102 Psalm 17: 34 (LXX) 103 Conflating Psalm 17: 30, 35 (LXX) 104 Psalm 17: 35 (LXX) 105 Psalm 17: 37 (LXX) 106 Psalm 17: 39 (LXX) 107 Psalm 17: 40 (LXX) 108 Psalm 17: 42 (LXX) 109 John Tzimiskes likewise called for an angel to be given to him who would go ahead of the army and guides its way as he prepared to go to war against Svendoslav in 971: Leo the Deacon 129. 6-7 . little known project which Constantine ultimately did not achieve, but it would now appear that his efforts to compile military manuals and trea- tises on imperial expeditions were more than just didactic or antiquarian in purpose. The two harangues also present valuable evidence on the subject of religion and morale in the Byzantine wars against the Hamdanids. There can be no doubting the force of the emperors appeals to his soldiers to fight against the infidel with the conviction that they were fighting on behalf of Christs people; but we should take into account what the harangues do not say before we adduce them as evidence for the concept of holy war in tenth-century Byzantium. 110 Nowhere does the emperor proclaim that these wars are fought at Gods command or at the behest of the Church, or that death in battle confers instant spiritual reward to the fallen soldier. The wars are fought in defence of the Christian realm, not to propagate the Christian faith, and there is no word in the speeches that the goal of the wars is the recovery of a sacred place or object. The need to match their Muslim foes on the level of ideology as well as in the physical contest of battle certainly escalated the religious motivation of Byzantine armies during the tenth century, but as Nicolas Oikonomides observed, when religious differences were at stake, the arguments and the propaganda would change accordingly, but this would be a difference in intensity, not a basically different approach. 111 135 TWO MILITARY ORATIONS 110 Kolia-Dermitzaki (1989), (1991); whether one agrees or disagrees with her conclusions, it must be acknowledged that her work has led Byzantinists to examine the question of war in Byzantium in greater depth and detail; cf. Laiou (1993), Kolbaba (1998), and Haldon (1999) 13-33. For an examination of popular attitudes to war, see the interesting study of Trombley (1998). 111 Oikonomides (1995) 86.
John France, Byzantium Confronts Its Neighbours - Islam and The Crusaders in The Twelfth Century, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 38-1 (2014) 33-48.
Great captains: A course of six lectures showing the influence on the art of war of the campaigns of Alexander, Hannibal, Cæsar, Gustavus Adolphus, Frederick, and Napoleon