Five Universals of Tibetan Religion Author(s): Robert B. Ekvall Source: Oriens, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Dec. 31, 1953), pp.

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FIVE UNIVERSALS OF TIBETAN RELIGION1

by

RobertB. Ekvall Much researcl has been focused upon certain aspects of the Tibetan religion. Through a combination of historical and linguistic factors, a greater amount of Buddhist lore and teaching has been preserved in the Tibetan religious writings than in any other collection of records. To fill in their knowledge of Buddhism, scholars have been led to an intensive study of those records and have exploited Tibetan religious writings in the interest of a more comprehensiveknowledge of Buddhist doctrine and philosophy. The psychic phenomena aspect of Tibetan religious activity, distorted and exaggerated out of all proportion to the actual importance assigned to it by Tibetan religious leaders, has also attracted much interest, though little objective investigation and analysis. This has led to the telling of tall tales. On another level, observers have described in some detail various religious ceremonies and spectacles, and have dwelt on the dramatic and colourful aspects of such celebrations as the miss-named "devil dance" and similar rituals. The Tibetan religion, though studied as a means whereby lost Buddhist doctrines may be recovered, tapped as a source of wild tales of phychic phenomena, or describedin its manifestations of pageantry and drama, has yet been neglected as a religion per se, and little serious effort has been made to arrive at a clear understanding both of the content of
1 The material presented in this paper has been developed, with one or two exceptions which are indicated in the text, from the following original sources: i) personal observation during extended residence among the Tibetans. 2) Opinions expressed by Tibetan informants. 3) Recent and careful check by cross examination of high Tibetan and Mongolianreligious leaders, and 4) Tibetan texts previously untranslated. There is a considerable amount of incidental information scattered throughout various books on Tibet which confirms some of the details set down. But these references have not been used as source material. Indeed, the reading of over 30 books has in general only a negative value, for it reveals that little or no attention or study has been given to the real subject matter of this paper.

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lamaist doctrine and practice as commonly accepted by the Tibetans, and of its functional aspect in their culture. Tibetan society, uniquely organized as a churchstate with its distinct and religious basis, makes any purely secular study of this society somewhat beside the point. Social phenomena and organization have their origins in religion. The converse of this is also true: observances stemming from religion produce farreachingsecular effects. These effects are quite apart from, or in addition to the primary intent of the participants. The efficacy ascribed to such observances may be a strictly religious one, but the actual results and contribution made to Tibetan culture may be quite secular and present-worldly. Thus a knowledge of the actual accepted content of Tibetan religion, with an appreciation of the true functional role of religious acceptance and observance, becomes fundamental to an investigation of Tibetan society. For the Tibetan, religious fundamentals are summed up in five universals that are binding on all: clergy and laity alike. These attitudes and practices are based in the philosophy and teachings of Buddhism as preserved in religious tradition and history, but they are also of functional value in the culture of Tibet. They constitute the cement of that society. They underlie and give meaning to the observable phenomena of religious practice, and exhibit the doctrines of Buddha in a functional role in the integration of Tibetan society. They stem from doctrine, but they constitute the facts, not the theory, of the religion of Tibet. They are: I. The attitude of Dad-pa (faith). 2. The practice of CHos aDon (entoning religion). 3. The making of mCHod-pa (offerings). 4. The making of P'yag (salutations). 5. The performanceof sKor-ba (encirclement). Any formulation of categories is a controversial matter, but the writer is convinced this one will stand up under continuing research and analysis. It is the result of extended personal acquaintance with the Tibetans, intensive study, and has been submitted to the consideration and criticism of high Tibetan and Mongolian ecclesiastics and has won their endorsement. It should be understood, however, that these five universals do not summarize all the theory, or even all the practice, of lamaism. The lamaist clergy exercise themselves in the apprehension of knowledge to vanquish ignorance. Such enlightenment is the essence of Buddhism, but this apprehension belongs to a few. It is not shared by all. Certain psychic practices are attributed to the initiates and, presumably, they

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thus acquire certain extraordinary powers, but there are not many initiates. Black and grey magic is practiced by the sNGags-pa (wizards), who sell their services to the people, but again it is only a few who carry on such practices. The universals, however, are the least common denominator of religion, accepted and practiced by all. Numerous Tibetan religious activities at first sight appear to be something distinct from, or in addition to the five universals, but investigation will show that they are composites and are made up of combinations of two or more of the universals. Pilgrimage is the most noteworthy of these composite activities. Rules of conduct-ethics in religion-are not included. In the first place, there are different sets of rules for different categories of believers. Ideas of conduct again are modified by the degree of local acceptance: local folkways and necessity have changed some precepts of Buddhism beyond all recognition. In a sense too, the attitude of Dad-pa (faith) includes acceptance of ideals of conduct. Ostensibly the five universals are religion in its total functional aspect, but collectively they also contribute to the integration of Tibetan society. In the universality of their acceptance they become the hallmark of Tibetan homogeneity: the characteristicsby which a Tibetan assures himself of the identity of his fellows. The associative effort characterizing this observance fosters a sense of comradeship and the sum of the acts of observance, hardening into a common behaviour pattern, binds the Tibetans together in the solidarity derived from shared endeavour. Consideredseparately, each of the five universals has a special relationship to aspects of culture. The attitude of Dad-pa (faith) is linked with social and political control and even patriotism. The practice of CHos aDon (entoning religion) influences education and linguistics. The making of CHod-pa (offerings) effects economics and the concentration of wealth. The twin exercises of P'yag (salutations) and sKor-ba (encirclement) are related to cultural integration, enculturative processes, and even matters of health. I. The attitude of Dad-pa (faith). Dad-pa is best translated by the word "faith", but, as in translation there are no absolute equivalents, it is a stronger and more inclusive term than the English word. It includes acceptance, adherence and even adoration above and beyond all the nuances of faith, belief and trust. It is rarely used, except in relation to religion. The related, but less sublimated, word Yid CHes (believe) is generally used for the absolute aspects of belief: in a person, in a statement or in

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a promise. When analyzed, it stands in apposition to the phrase gSems CHung (take care). This means literally "heart small" and Yid CHes is literally "spirit enlarge". Belief is therefore when the soul is enlarged or released from constraint and the need of taking care. To illustrate the difference, a Tibetan announces that he has Dad-pa in the casting of horoscopesand in the telling of the future - that is in the totality of the system which makes such things possible - but he Yid CHes (believes) the lama who does the foretelling. This primary importance of faith reveals the extent to which northern Buddhism has changed from the more philosophic teachings of Buddha himself. He emphasized enlightenment or knowledge by an agnosticism which took nothing on faith. But as accepted and practiced by the Tibetans, that philosophy is re-defined in terms of Dad-pa (faith). As Dad-pa is faith in religion as a whole, it includes also a) acceptance of Buddhist cosmology, b) acceptance of Buddhist science - geography, medicine, astronomy, etc., and c) acceptance of the controls and political organization of the lamaist church-state. This includes in a special way the proper attitude toward the head of that system, the Dalai Lama himself. Thus allegiance to the status quo and patriotism are derivatives of Dad-pa, the attitude of faith. This first universal is logically the basis of the other four and so it is somewhat set apart, but is always the necessary ingredient in the practice of the others. As the Tibetan states it: "Dad-pa Med-na Rang Red" (if there is not faith it is naught). 2. The practice of CHos aDon (entoningreligion). This term includes sMon Lan (wishing prayer), gSol-ba (beseeching prayer), the pronouncing of various charms and incantations and the chanting of Gur-ma (hymns). Thus it includes affirmation of belief, supplication and praise. It is not only verbal, but includes the release of the words of religion by mechanical devices, such as the prayerwheel, whether operated manually or turned by wind and water, the use of prayerflags, which are agitated by the wind, and even the printing of prayers on the surface of running water with wooden blocks, that they may be vibrated and become effective. CHos aDon (entoning religion) is linked, partially at least, with aspects of word magic. The word is identified with the concept for which it stands and in that identification, enforced by repetition in all forms it operates on behalf of the one who entones religion. He may do the work himself, he may enlist wind, water and other forces to do it for him, or he may hire practitioners of this activity to do it on his

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behalf. It takes many forms: stone cutters carving the basic prayer formula "Om Mani Padme Hum" on cliffs and slabs, the printing of prayers and religious books, the organization of chanting services in the home, or the mass entoning of religion by the monks and lamas in the lamasery. All these vicarious forms are at the disposal of the one who is willing to so expend his wealth. The repetitious character of CHos aDon (entoning of religion) has facilitated the adoption of the rosary: in this instance of io8 beads, on which are kept the score of prayers said. From being a device for merely keeping score, the movement of the beads has come to represent the actual saying of the prayer. CHos aDon (entoning of religion) functionally affects Tibetan culture in many ways: it has fostered the preservation of Tibetan religious writings and has given those linguistic forms a certain sacred character which has greatly strengthened standardization of expression, it has played a part in diffusing accepted linguistic forms, it has strongly influenced formal Tibetan discourse, both oratory and verse, and it has supplied the main incentive for such education as does exist in Tibet. Often peasants or herdsmen, living on a subsistence level far below that in which reading and writing would normally have a part, are yet literate, for they have learned to read in order to entone religion, because prayer is more effective when the words are read, than when repeated by rote. On the material side it has stimulated certain industries and craftsmanship, such as the making of paper and wood-cut carving. It has influenced trade by creating the demand for certain types of cloth to be used as prayerflags, and for the importation of paper, and it has played an important role in facilitating the concentration of wealth or potential capital, and so strengthened the control function of the religion-state. For the Tibetan, CHos aDon is a source of deep psychological satisfaction and gives release from frustration. With primal zest he can
employ the most universal of human propensities - speech - now become

words of mystic power, as a means to realize desire.

3. The making of mCHod-pa (offerings).

mCHod-pa is the definitive term for gifts made to religion: to beings of the spirit world and to religious institutions and personages. Gifts to the latter are also called aBul-ba. The bestowal of alms to pilgrims and the poor is not included in either mCHod-paor aBul-ba. Almsgiving is a composite, derived from the Tibetan social idea of sharing and the

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religious ideal of benevolence, but does include the objective of acquiring dGe-ba (virtue-merit). The making of offerings is concerned with value: the value Tibetans attach to the act of giving, as well as the value of the gift and the values involved in a related activity: trade by barter. The giving of gifts is a social act: a means for establishing a relationship of obligation between persons. A gift given, creates the obligation to give a gift of like value in return, or render a service of comparable worth. Also the giving of gifts and making of offerings creates prestige and is at the same time an expression of prestige. The making of offerings stems directly from the teachings of Buddha himself, but has become highly institutionalized. The religious motive is to acquire dGe-ba (virtue-merit), but it also harmonizeswith Tibetan social custom and habits of trade. In the making of offerings there are implications of getting a good bargain and prestige is greatly enhanced. Economically it contributes to the concentration of wealth in the hands of the religious authorities and gives them control of finance and a rudinlentary banking system, for much of this wealth is again loaned out at high rates of interest. Symbolic offerings are generally made to spirit beings, are widely practiced, but are usually of small intrinsic value. Prior to eating, minute particles of food are tossed into the air, from the freshly boiled pot of tea a few drops are poured onto the kettle stones. Scarves and coloured strips of cloth are hung on altars and shrines. Tiny butter lamps are lit in idol halls and before images. Small quantities of tea, butter, grain and salt are sprinkled into the sacrificial fires of burning juniper boughs. These are the commonest forms of symbolic offering.
The presentation of giant arrows - some as long as 15 feet - to the

quiver shrines of the mountain top gods is a picturesque, and somewhat unusual form of symbolic offering. Occasionally symbolic offerings have considerable intrinsic value, as when pieces of silver or valuable objects are thrown into sacred lakes. Utilitarian offerings involve the giving of butter, live stock, trade goods, money, building materials and land rights to religious establishments and incarnation lamas. Labour, whether of an individual, or the collective labour of a community, may also be offered. Such utilitarian offerings are often of great economic value, are made with all possible ostentation and invest the giver with much prestige. Sacrificial offerings are in a class by themselves. Buddhism has no bloody sacrifices, but there is an obvious carry-over of this in the presenting or sacrificing of gTor-ma (images or ceremonial objects,

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generally made of dough) which perform the function of the scape goat to bear or carry away retribution or bad luck. At the conclusion of such a sacrifice, the gTor-ma, according to the particular rite, are broken up, burnt, thrown away or eaten. All Tibetans make mCHod-pa, but in folklore animals also, in particular monkeys and apes, are represented as bringing offerings to religious heroes and holy men. Illustrative of the significance of mChod-pa in the religion of Tibet, it should be noted that a beautiful and distinctive architectural feature of that religion, the chorten or stupa - which is found from India to Peking - is actually a mCHod (offering) rTen (receptacleor base) and is the towerexemplification of mCHod-pa, the making of offerings. The fourth and fifth universalshave similaritiesthat set them somewhat apart from the others. They both are exercises in a physical as well as a religious sense. Mi La Ras-pa, the great Tibetan mystic and teacher of the IIth century, in his preachments and songs frequently links the two in the phrase: "P'yag Dang sKor-ba Byed-pa (salutations and encirclement to make)" and this duty is urged upon all. Though related, and often combined, they are quite different. In Tibetan tradition and story they are given an extreme universality, for both the aGro-ba (the goers) -beasts, birds and reptiles-and other than human creatures, such as fairies, goblins and serpent spirits are described as saluting and encircling heroes and saints. 4. The making of P'yag (salutations). The making of salutations is the physical expression of respect, of adoration. It began far back in religious history - certainly it was a part of pre-Buddhistic practice - and it undoubtedly has links with certain Yogi practices. It takes many forms. Dismounting from a horse, removing head coverings, taking a sword - still sheathed - from the girdle, or a rifle from the back and carrying it in the hand, or simply raising the hand to the forehead, are rudimentary forms of P'yag (salutations). Even the movement whereby a Tibetan woman shifts her coat to cover her bare breasts when meeting an ecclesiastic or moving toward a shrine, is a form of salutation. But narrowly defined, it is the making of prostrations in worship and adoration before a shrine, an image, a lama, a ceremony which is being performed, or any other object of worship. A personal charmbox, set up upon a rock or a block of turf, can become a temporary shrine, or the act may be performedwith no visible object: the worshipper holding the object of adoration in his mind. Prostration may consist simply of dropping to the knees, bowing the

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Five Universals of Tibetan religion

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head and clasping the palms before the face. It may mean bowing the forehead to the ground, as in the Chinese kowtow, or it may take the complete form, where the entire body is stretched flat on the ground and the arms extended beyond the head, as far as they can reach. The principle of repetition is always operative and the completion of a pre-determined number, or a set stint, is the goal. It is combined with all the other universals, but invariably with mCHos aDon (entoning religion) and may become the method of progress in sKor-ba (encirclement) or in the making of pilgrimage, resulting in a measuring-worm type of movement. Physical effort and the satisfaction of thereby getting things done, is commonplace with the Tibetan peasant or herdsman. In P'yag the effort and the satisfaction that goes with it is directed to non-physical ends and results in dGe-ba (virtue-merit). This practice has had an important part in establishing centers which become foci of Tibetan cultural activity. In the making of salutations, ideally the object must be present. That object, be it shrine, tower, cave entrance of a hermit, or dwelling of a lama, remains. The worshippers return to repeat their salutation, thereby fixing it spatially in the pattern of their lives. Repetition and association add importance to that point and it becomes a great lamasery where many gather for reasons other than religious. Apart from the psychological release and sense of fulfillment the putting forth of physical effort for the attainment of spiritual well being may bring, it can also be argued that for some Tibetans, the sedentary clergy, or those too wealthy normally to work, P'yag means healthful calisthenics without boredom. 5. The performanceof sKor-ba (encirclement). The performance of encirclement consists of going around a person or object, so as to complete a circuit. It is done as an act of worship or reverence. It may be performed clockwise, called CHos sKor (religion circle), or counter clockwise, called Bon sKor (Bon circle). This latter is considered heterodox and followed only by the adherents of the Bon religion of Tibet. This probably is a purposeful perversion: an expression of early religious antagonism and resistance. The origins of the encirclement rite lie far back in religious history, but there is no evidence that it was pre-Buddhistic in Tibet. Buddha enjoined it, and his disciples practiced it, but the researches of William Simpson and others 1show quite conclusively that it ante-dates Buddhism
1 Simpson, William The Buddhist Praying Wheel 1896, p. 29-79. d'Alviella, clopedia of Religion and Ethics vol. III, p. 657. Goblet Ency-

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in India and probably goes back to some very early form of sunworship, and had a westward distribution into Europe, where traces of it are still found among the Celts, at the same time it was brought to India. Encirclement is usually performed on foot, but some exceptions are made for the ailing. There is an aberrant form in which an offering or shrine is circled on horseback by participants who are not only fully armed, but are praying for success in such un-Buddhistic enterprises as hunts and raids for plunder or in reprisal. It is performedaround persons, religious assemblies, religious establishments, shrines, sacred lakes and sacred mountains. Thus the size of the circuit may vary from a few yards to that requiring a journey of three days, such as the one around the holy mountain Gangs Rin-po CHe (Mt. Kailas). sKor-ba (encirclement) is invariably combined with one or more of the other universals. There has been some confusion over the relation of sKor-ba (encirclement) with the symbol and doctrinal significance of the wheel. The wheel concept is of such great importance in Tibetan doctrine, that it has been assumed that encirclement was a sort of extension of the wheel idea 1. Although the two words sKor (circle) and aK'or (wheel) are quite different, and this appears very clearly when they are studied in various combinations with the word for "road" and other terms, they are related to the idea of roundness and their phonetic resemblance has doubtless contributed to the misunderstanding. As pronounced in many areas, the only difference between them is that in one the aspirate precedes the "k" and in the other the aspirate follows the "k". The differencein meaning is quite clear: sKor is a circle, and aK'or is a wheel. Verbally one goes around the circle, but is turned on a wheel. The encirclement rite is purposeful action and differs fundamentally from passively being turned in, or upon, a wheel. As in the case of P'yag (salutation), sKor-ba in theory is performed for the accumulation of merit: to better one's chances in the hereafter, but actually it is performedwith definite ideas of betterment in health and success in all the undertakings of life. It is the most social of all the universals. All Tibetans may be found at one time or another on the sKor-ba path and so this rite affords the opportunity for the meeting of friends, the exchange of opinions, the dissemination of news and the establishing of contacts for trade. It creates situations of enforced neutrality where even enemies may meet without danger and often initiate moves toward the making of peace. It also has a part in creating centres where Tibetans may gather,
1 Simpson, William The Buddhist Praying Wheel I896, p. 32.

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ostensibly for religious purposes, but in reality many other ends are thereby served. And this form of pious exercise, what might be called a religious walk around, unquestionably makes a very real contribution to the health of many. The five universals of Tibetan religionhave no existance for the Tibetan other than to embody his acceptance and practice of religion. But to the student of Tibetan culture they constitute the bridge between the abstruse theory of lamaistic Buddhism and the observeable phenomena of Tibetan religious activity. They also have a functional existence of which the devout Tibetan is completely unaware, though when it is pointed out to him, he will admit its reality. They make most important contributions, of purely secular significance to many, if not all, aspects of Tibetan culture. They strengthen the homogeneity of that culture on psychologic, linguistic, social, political and economic levels, for they are universal.

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