JOURNAL OF THE

GRAPHICAL SOCIET7 OF
INI

1978

JOURNAL
OF THE

EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

[BHARATIYA PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA]
(BEING

VOL

v 01

SIUDIES IN INDIAN CPIGRAPOY)

VOLUME

FIVE

1978

PUBLISHED BY

THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

MYSORE

JOURNAL
OF THE

EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

[BHARATIYA PURABHILEKHA PATR1KA]
(BEING VOL, v OF STUDIES
IN

INDUN EPIGRAPHY)

VOLUME

FIVE

Editors

SH

Ritti

Ajaya Mitra Shastri

NAGPUR
and Executive Editor

DHARWAR
Secretary

KV Ramesh
MYSORE
Assistant Editor

S S Ramachandra Murthy
MYSORE

PUBLISHED BY

THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

MYSORE

Journal
[Being Vol

of

and Dr
Editoi

AM

of India [Bharatiya Purabhilekha 1 the Epigraphical Society Dr S H of Studies in Indian Epigraphy] Vol V, pp vi+138 Editors Dr Ramesh, As Shastn, Secretary and Executive Editor

nl< lit tai

di,

KV

Di S S Ramachandra Muithy Published by the Epigraphical Society of C/o Old University Office Building, Mysore 570 005
First

Pubhshed-1979

COPY RIGHT

EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

PUBLISHED WITH THE HELP OF A GENEROUS GRANT FROM THE INDIAN COUNCIL OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH, 35, FEROZE SHAH ROAD, NEW DELHI -HO 001

02-31

If

PRINTED IN INDIA AT

Vidyasagar Printing and Publishing House

Saraswathipuram, Mysore-57O 009

CONTENTS
1

The Date of The Malhara

Epigiaphical Howlers

Plates

of Adityaraja
V V
MIRASHI,

NAGPUR

*2

D C SIRCAR, CALCUTTA
*3

10

Art of Dance in The Temples of TamimaduEpigraphical Evidence

AN PERUMAL
*4

J5

Were Madhavavarman
Contemporaries
?

and Tivaradeva
AJAY MITRA SHASTRI

/
NAGPUR
20

*5

Anatomy of

Political

Alliance from

Temple Records of
MG
s

Tnunavalur and Tiruvorrijur

NARAYANAN, CALICUT
26

*6

Social

and Economic Conditions of Ancient Chamba

B

K KAUL

DEMBI, SRINAGAR

32

*7

Epigraphical Discoveries at

Guntupalh
I

KARTH1KEYA SARMA

4Jj

*8

Some

Epigraphical

Echoes of the Sangam Period

K V

RAMAN, MADRAS

Epigraphical Notes

HV
*l(y\
/

TRIVEDI, INDORE

34

A A

Religious Conflict in the Tamil Country Re-appraisal of Epigraphic Evidence

R CHAMPAKALAKSIIMI, NEW DELHI

*11
/

^9

Hero-Stone Inscription from Matfavalam

CR

SRINIVAS^N, MYSORE

g2

*12

A New

Chalukya-AJupa Inscription from Tambani M J SIIARMA, MYSORE

13,

Jaunpur Stone Inscription of I^varavarman

SR GOYAL, JODHPUR
39

14

Mahasamund

Plates

of Sudevaiaja

Year

BALCHANDRA

JAIN

*^

15

Note on

the Indore Plates

of Pravarasena II
G
S

GAI,

MYSORE

*16

Kanna^a Hero-stone

Inscription

in

Madras City
MADHAV N
KATTI,

MYSORE

*17

The Regnal Year

N SETHURAMAN, KUMBHAKONAM

*18

New

Inscriptions

from Kanhen
SHOBHANA GOK
ALE,

POONA

19

Garhi Matani Inscription

of Kamshka

(I)

N MUKHERJEE, CALCUTTA

*20

Phulbam Copper

Plate

Grant of

Sri

Raijabanjadeva,
S

Year 9

SMT

TRIPATHY,

BHUBANESWAR

21

The

of Palaeographical Study

The Arang Copper

Plate of Bhimasena II
.NISAR

AHMAD VARANASI
January,

Papers presented at the Madras Congress in

1978

ISSUED
IN

MEMORY OF

Late

Shn

N LAKSHMINARAYANA RAO
for

Govt Epigrapbist

India

(Retd

15-5-189814-1-1979
[Honorary Fellow of the Epigraphical Society of India from

EDITORIAL

We

have

great

pleasure

in

presenting to the woild

of

scholars

Volume Five of Purabhilekha Patnka, the journal of the Epigraphical

Society of India

The publication of
from the
Indian

this

issue has

been made possible

by

a generous grant

Council of Histoncal Research,

New

Delhi
to

The
the

Editorial

Board

places

on

record

its

deep debt of

gratitude

Council authorities

We

thank

the senior as well as junior scholars

whose

articles

adorn

the pages of this journal

We

hope

to

achieve before

long our objective

of bringing out more than one

issue

of

this

journal per year

Our thanks

are

due
this

to

the

Vidyasagar Printing
short span

and

Publishing

house for printing

Volume within a

of

time

K V RAMESH
(For and on behalf of the Editorial

Board)

THE DATE OF THE M A L H A PLATES OF ADITYARAJA

A
V
VMirashI

grant was brought to

In 1974 an odd plate of a copper-plate the Central Museum,

his sacrifices

This is evidently to be under stood in the sense that, though he himself

Nagpur, by the Marketing Officer of Achalapui in the Amraoti District of Vidarbha for The other plates of the set decipherment

accepted

made

all

no gifts, people arrangements for his

spontaneously
sacrifices

and

supplied the necessary

efforts,

were not forthcoming, but, after herculean they were traced seveial months later,

He
him

provisions for them brought prestige and fame to the family,

after

which became known as Munda-vam^a

Achalapur and one to the village The grant was Malhara, a few miles away edited by me fiist m Marathi in the Annual
to

some

None of these
eulogised

three

Brahmanas who

are

(Varshikd)

of

the

Vidarbha
the

Sams'odhan
1

the beginning of the grant ever

Mandal, Nagpur, for 1975, pp

next in English
History,
tried to

17,

and

Vol LIV, pp 1 show that the plates belonged to the pre-Vakataka period, and recorded the earliest

Journal of Indian In my article I ff

wielded any royal power They were all pious and learned Brahmanas who were
the performance of always engrossed Vedic sacrifices and never cared for pelf or

grant so far known, discovered

m South
Munda

India

The
(Vishnu)
sacrifice,

plates

state

that in

the

family, which

was a worshipper of Bhagavat and performed an ASvamedha

The next member of the family was power Rashtra maharaja, son of the aforementioned Munda He is said to have obtained a royal title (raja-iabda) by his merits The circumstances m which and the means by which he obtained a royal status are not
mentioned

m the

grant

His successor Raja-

there was born a

Brahmana named

Soma
delight

who took of the Bharadvaja-gotra, the study of all the four Vedas

kula-maharaja is said to have made offerings of the lives of his enemies to the fire of fightthe form of the ing which had flames warriors' spears This suggests that he obtained a memorable victory in some battle or

He was

followed by Vardhana,
-

who

is

des-

cribed as follows
religious duties

"Regular performance of and observances, righteous

conduct, Vedic learning, hospitality to guests " and austerities this was his mode of life

formed

always conthe engrossed never had his performance of vows, and of any gifts hand tainted by the acceptance

His son was Munda,

who was

secrated for sacrifices and

He was probably the king who per ASvamedha sacrifice with which the Munda family is credited His son was Adityaraja, who issued the present plates
battles

the

recording the grant of

tain

Brahmanas

some villages to cerThe purpose of the grant

Indra

is

said to have showered wealth during

was the acquisition of religious merit and fame by the donor and his parents The

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

present grant is wiitten in elegant and almost faultless Sanskrit and is incised in box headed
characters
Its

and so it is written in elegant Sanskrit It seems to have been sent latei to the record
office for This was done in entering its date Piaknt as was the custom at the time AH records of the Vakataka Vidaibha are age written completely m Sanskrit Theie is not a single Prakrit word therein So the present grant must be referred to an earlier period

date

is

given at the end in

Praknt as the (legnal) year 2, the season gimha (summer), the fortnight 2 and the day 10 (and) 5 The plates weie issued from Vanakheta, which was probably Adityaraja's
This place is probably identical with Vanakhedapur the adjoining Akola The other villages mentioned in the giant can also be satisfactory identified
capital

District

As the grant cannot refer to the Vaka taka period cind as its features mentioned
cleat ly indicate that it cannot be of the post-Vakataka age, we must refei it to the period between the fall of the Satavahanas and the rise of the Vakatakas From the Purlnas we leain that the Andhras (7 e the

above

in the

Amraoti and Akola

districts

So

this

giant undoubtedly belongs to Vidarbha

Though
era,
it

the giant is not dated in any can be referred to the pre-Vakataka

age on the following grounds

(1)

The Munda family

is

described
i

the

e the pergrant as A&vamedha-yajm, former of an A^vamedha sacrifice No royal

Satavahanas) ruled for 460 years If they risen to power cuca 230 B c soon after the death of As"oka, they may have dis

had

appeared in circa A D 230

From

the Tai

family could have peiformed such a sacrifice in Vidarbha during the age of the Vakatakas
as their

supremacy was then unchallenged

hala hoard of coins we learn that they conti nued to hold Vidarbha to the last, / e t< the end of the icign of the last Satavahan,
Their downfall seems t< Jang Pulumavi have been followed by chaos and confusioi

The sacrifice went out of vogue the country No king of Vidaibha is after that age

Vidarbha as

in

known
(2)

to have

other countnes under thei

peiformed

it

in later

times

The grant contains

season date

Such dates aie noticed in the records of the A few, early centuries of the Christian eia no doubt, occui m those of the Vdkataka peuod, but none are noticed in any records
of the post-Vakataka age
(3)

rise of new rulm The Munda family seems t have come forward to establish peace am order in Vidarbha The Manusmnti 1 er

rule

This led to the

families there

joins

that the twice-born people

(such as th

Brahmanas) should take up arms when rel The contemporary son c gion is in danger
seems to have responded to this ca He changed the sacrificial ladle fc the sword and soon established peace an ordei Vidarbha He then assumed tf
of duty

Mun^a

The date of the present

plates

is

recorded in Prakrit
first

All inscriptions of the two centuries of the Christian era are

Later, the preliminary Sanskrit and the

written in Prakrit

significant

portion was written in formal poition in Prakrit

the
Basirn plates of

had come forward

rashtra

This

is

noticed in

the

Vakataka

king

Yindhya^akti

II The present record was evidently drafted by a learned Brahmana

name of Rashtra-Maharaja as 1 for the protection of tl His successor Rajakula-Mahara seems to have performed the AsVamedl sacrifice and thereby proclaimed his supr His successor w, macy in the country

DATE

MA.LHARA PLATES OF ADITYARAJA

dityaraja,

who made

the

present giant in

As no other e second year of his reign smbeis of this family are known, Adityahave been overthrown soon ja seems to ereafter by the Vakataka king Pravarasena who invaded Vidarbha in circa A D 270
IB total

has not given any definite date foi the event We have discussed in the last this Jouuial the question of the reign period of this Madhavavaiman in the
lattei

He

volume of
light of

ems

to

period of the rule of this family have been about 40 years (fiom A D
270)

now available It is proD 487 to AD 528 Theieaftei Vidaibha came under the mle of the feudatory pi mce Svamnaja, whose known date is
evidence

bably from A

to A

A D 573

Ajay Mitra Shastri does not agiee with

is
is

suzerain, but he

Svamiraja does not mention his must have been the contem-

interpretation of the
critically

present giant

He

nt Journal.,

examined oui view in the pieHe would Vol IV, pp 30 ff

poiary of the Kalachun king of Mdhishrnati 4 We have shown elsewhere from the recently
discoveied Matwan plates of Traikutaka Vikramasena that tbsie was a political evolution in Western Maharashtra in A D 533, when the Traikutaka king was overthrown by the 6 Katachchuns The Katachchun king, proi

ace the rule of this

Munda

the two gaps, viz (1) cond quartei of the sixth

family in one that between the

arked the end of

the

century, which rule of Vishnu-

indm Madhavavarman

I,

who

occupied

[darbha after the death of Vakataka Hantina, and A D 573, the date of the Kala-

iun feudatory Svamiraja in his Nagardhan ates and (2) that between the afoiemenyned date, A D 573, and the occupation of
1

bably Krishnaraja, defeated Vikramasena and occupied Westein Mahaiasntia including Noith Kxmkan Krishnaiaja's coins have also been found m several places in Vidarbha
such as Dharnorl and Betul

So aftei con-

idarbha by Chalukya Pulakes'in II some me befoie A D 634, the date of the Aihoje He does not accept as valid the scription
le

asons adduced above for fixing the date of Malhara plates in the pie-Vakataka

quenng Western Mahaiashtra he must have soon extended his power to Vidarbha, wheie theie was no poweiful ruler after the death of Vishnukundm Madhavavarman I in cuca A D 528 The exact date of his occupation
ol

Vidaibha

is

not known, but

it

may

be ap-

nod
)le
2
,

His

objections aie not unanswei-

but we prefei to examine critically his eones, and show how they ate untenable

pioximately taken to be AD 540 not himself rule ovei Vidarbha, but

ted his feudatoiy,
fathei
either

He

did

The Munda family the the peuod between in junshed cond half of the sixth century A D and D 573, the date of the Nagardhan
The
first

theoiy

whose name is Kalachun occupation of Vidarbha is indicated not only by the finds of Krishna, laja's coins in several places of Vidarbha but
pose
also by the use ol

appoinSvamiraja or his for the unknown, pur-

lates

called

current

ign in

Haushena closed his Shastri admits that 500, and that Vidarbha was

the Abhira (or the soKalachun-Chedi) era which had been in Krishnaiaja's home province of

AD

Anupa
So the gap beiw -n the end of the rule Madhavavarman I (urea A D 528) and the commencement of the ule of the Kalachun
of
i

Vishnukundm by occupied [adhavavarman, I, ,who closed his leign in le second qu^ter of the sixth, century A D.
lereafter

PURABHILEKHA
ieudaiorv in Vidarbha (cuca A
to

12

yeirs

Is

it

540) comes likely that the Munda

Durgaraja
I

Itings Rashtra-mahaiaja, Rajakula-maharaja and Adit\ard)a ruled in this brief period of a " do/en vears They not or'v rs.f .blsshed peace and ordei in Vidarbha but also perIs all this foimed an Asvamedha sacrifice
? Shastn's possible in this brief period hypothesis is thus clearly inadmissible
first

Govindaraja
I

Svamikaraia

Nannaraja

(known dates A D 693 and 70

The The second theory Mun^a Vidaioha in the interval betfamily ruled ween A D 573, the date of the Nagardhan

Nannaraja seems to have ruled cuca AD 690 to circa AD 715

twenty years as the approximate durat
a reign,

plates of the Kalachun feudatory Svamiraja, and the occupation of Vidarbha by Pulake^m TT >-ome 1 r\? before A D 634, the date of his

we may

Aihoje

cuca AD 630-650 His comes close to A D 62C approximate date of the defeat and ove
Durgaraja
sion, therefore

place

his

great-granc

of the

Katachchun king Buddharaji

do not know how long after A D 573 Svamiraja or his descendants continued to rule in Vidarbha As shown above, they were pi obably feudatories of the KatachchuThe latter maintained their supremacy ns m Maharashtra till about A D 620, the approximate date of the defeat and overthrow
Early Katachchun king BuddhaPulakefim then became raja by Pulakesin II the lord of the three Maharashtras, which
evidently

We

may, therefore, have been the prince in charge of Vidarbha by Pulakesm af added that country to his dominion

Nannaraja does not acknowledgi

suzerainty of any contemporary ruler grants, but his ancestor's submission tc

ke&m

of the

last

If seems to be indicated by his tion of the >aka era dating his gran is well known that the Early

included Vidarbha Svamiraja's descendants probably continued to hold

till this date Thereafter, the Chalukya conqueror seems to have placed his nominee charge of Vidarbha

Vidarbha
o\\ n

dating their records as Svamiraja adopted the Abhira e dating his Nagardhan plates becaus suzerain Kalachun Krishijaraja used it home province, so Durgaraja seems to

the 3aka era

Cbalukyas

done

in

adopting the Saka era

for his

For the subsequent history of Vidarbha \\e have to rel> on two copper-pate grants, M= (1) the Akola plates 8 dated Saka 615 (\D691) and (2) the Multai plates 9 dated *> l a631 705), both of the Rashtrakuta

suzerain PulakeSm II His successors Karnataka followed him in this respect

as his

was usm seem to

OD

So the Munda family cannot be modated in this period also We

suppose that the

cannc
afor

->ce

Nannaraja

alia*

Yuddhasura

he following genealogy of the reigning

They

Mundas and the

tioned feudatory Rashtrakutas different parts of Vidarbha for the grants of period

were

the

both have

THE DATE Or THE MALHARA PLATES OF ADITYARAJA

found m the same part of the country the Malhara plates recording the grant of the Munda king Adityaraja ID the Amraoti distof the Rashtrakuta rict, and the two grants in the adjoining Akola and prince Nannaraja
Betul districts
Besides,

in

season, fortnight

and day 13

and the use

the of Prakrit in recording the date seen Malhai a plates 14 These should clinch the
jssue They should leave no doubt that those plates arc of the pie-Vakataka age

We
we
find that the

Munda

family

the period A

have placed the Munda royal family D 230-270 It ma> thereif

dated

its

be inexplicable

This would grants in regnal years jf it flourished in the postperiod

it

fore,

be asked

there

is

any evidence of
this

a political

revolution in

period

We

Vakataka
Svamiraja,
era like

If

it

had

succeeded

would have used the Abhlra m charge of it was placed Vidaibha by PulakeSm, it would have used We find that it did the 3aka era like him

him

If

have already stated that according to the Puranas, the Satavahanas ceased to lule in This has now been coirobocitca A D 230 rated by some new evidence which has recently come to notice and which we now proceed
to state

neither

of these, but dated

its

records in
in

regnal years
a.rly

Regnal years are noticed

inscriptions

when

the

different eras

,vere

not

m
m

vague

When an

era became

urrent any part of the country, it was unless he was idopted even by an invader iccustomed to use another era in his home instances several shown This is >rovmce by

There were three mam provinces of the Satavahana kingdom in Maharashtia, viz (1) NoithKonkan, (2) Western Maharashtra, In all these provinces and (3) Vidarbha urea A D there was a political revolution

230 as shown below

The Maharashtra the history of used fraikutakas who followed the Abhlras 11 he latter's era which had become well estaihshed in Northern

North Konkan

The Puranas

give a

list

of thirty Andhra (Satavahana) kings The whose inscriptions have last of the kings

an

Mahaiashtra and KonThe Sendrakas did the same when they

Southern
la

iccupied

Gujarat

If

the

been found in North Konkan is Madhari1B After Ins reign there Sakasena seems to have been a political levolution
putra
there

tfundas

after to power soon_ Abhira vamiraja, they would have used the If they had been the ra like the latter

had

come

An

inscription in a

cave at

Kanhen
ltt

udatones of the Early Chalukyas, they ould have used the iSaka era of then suzeiins as the Rashtrakutas of Vidarbha seem In no case they would have > have done
ated their records
icy

m then

regnal years

if

flourished in the post-Vakataka age

here

is not a single instance of a regnal year including any grant of Maharashtra, idarbha and Konkan, in the sixth and sub-

mentions the mother of the Yuvaraja KhadaNaga-Sataka (i e Skanda-Naga-Satakarm) A closely similar description of a queen occurs in a pillar inscription at Vanavasi (North Kanara District), which belongs to the reign 17 It of Hantiputra Vinhukada Satakarm shows that the rule of this Satakarni extended from VanavasI to Kanhen Thereafter the country round VanavasI was conquered by the Kadambas, while that in North Konkan

quent centuries

Add

to this

the dating

power

was occupied by the Abhlras, who rose to m A D 250 This, therefore, is

PURABHILEKHA
the date of the second
in

political

revolution
the

Bhagvanlal

Indraji placed I6varadatta

North Konkan

In this province Western Maharahtra do not get any inscriptions or coins of the after Yajnas'ri, as any Satavahana king centre of Satavahana power seems to have been shifted to the Andhra country where we find Satakarni, the successor of

we

gap between 3aka 171 and 176, for which He no coins had been recoveied till then was the also suggested that Is"varadatta
founder of the Traikutaka
or Kalachun) era, e

the Abhira
250

commencing in A D

Vijaya

Madhanputra Sakasena
tal

ruling

fiom

his capi18

This theory was disproved later by the dis co very of the coins of Kshatiapa Vijayasena which filled the gap Rapson placed IsVara
datta in the gap between
for which

Vijayapurl [modern
s

We

Nagarjunakonda] have,howevei some hoards of Kshatrapa

coins discovered

Ranjangaon

We

at places like Karhad and cannot, howevei, infer fiom

But D R Saka 160

Rapson's

Saka 158 and 160, no Kshatrapa coins were known 81 Bhandarkar found a com dated
of Yas'odaman, which rendered Bhandarkai theory untenable

Kshatrapas had Similar extended to western Maharashtra hoards have been found m Vidarbha also

them

that the

rule of the

himself suggested the gap between >aka 110 and 113 as the period of I&varadatta's rule,
but

As

the

Abhiras and the Vaka^akas had no

Mrs
110

Gokhale has noticed a coin dated

in

currency of their own, they seem to have allowed these Kshatrapa coins to circulate

iSaka

the
is

Ranjangaon hoard,"*
nonexistent

So

that

gap also

virtually

m their territories
There
a different
is,

The Indore coin has put an end

a

to this

however, one
It is

tale

com which tells silver com of Maha-

wild goose chase of Ivaradatta's reign-period In none of the coins of Is"varaddtta deciphered

kshatrapa I^varadatta found at Indore, which Mrs Gokhale has recently published 10
I^varadatta's coins have indeed

so far any year of the iSaka eia was noticed recorded on the obverse behind the Kshatrapa's
ear

been found

In fact,

Rapson

stated

that only

'the

previously
in the

at several places such as Sarvania former Banswada State [Rajputana],

year of his reign' was recorded theie which

-was also stated in words
reverse
83

the

legend on

the

Vaso

in

the

former Junagadh
Disti
ict,

State

and

Ranjangaon

m the Poona

but unlike

the coins of the Western Kshatrapas found with them, they were not known to have had

The present Indore coin, however, has clear symbols denoting the year 154 behind the Kshatrapa's ear on the obverse

any year of
ruler's

ear

the Saka era incised behind the on the obverse Rapson and

Like similar years on other Western Kshatrapa coins, this year must be referred to the Sab

others noticed only the unit figures one or two denoted by small horizontal lines on the

and becomes equivalent to A D 232-233 Similar Saka years must have been incised on other coins of Kvaradatta If we examine
era

obverse signifying the

first

or the second

regnal year, which was also stated explicitly words _m the legend on the reverse of the

coins

!s"varadatta was, therefore, supposed to have ruled for one or two years in a

"

closely the obveise of coins Nos 472 and 475 in Plate XIII of Rapson's Catalogue oj the Coins of the Andhras,etc we shall noticf
,

gap

in the dates of the

Western Kshatrapas

symbol for fifty behind the king's head The legend on their reveise clearly mentionec
the
first

the

regnal year

So coins

No

472 and

OF ADITYARAJA THE DATE OF THE MALHARA PLATES

26

and 475 had the date Saka 151 on the obverse on the reverse the regnal year first (Prathama) on the 154 Saka year The Indore com has the
obverse
It

inscription
basis

but

this

identification has

no

Mahakshatrapa
is

ISvaradatta of the

coins

must be having the regnal year

lvarasena of the Nasik

not likely to be identical with Rajcn cave inscription

as the satrap of the

Gokhale, however* 4 on the reverse Mrs read varshe d on the reverse, which suggested
the

The former was ruling contemporary Kushana

As we have
seen,

king, while the latter

second (dvitlya)
she kindly

request

sent

At my regnal year me a copy of the

is

did not acknowledge anybody's suzerainty

the former
least in the period

photograph

of the Indore coin, which

3aka 151

to 154 (A

was ruling at D 229

-eproduced here
It will

to 232) The latter was the founder of the Abhira era commencing in A D 250

be noticed that the

letter

following

varshe

So the on the reverse is clearly cha chatuttha or egnal yeai was undoubtedly If Saka 154 was the fourth regnal burth /ear of livaradatta, he must have commenced
us reign in

There were thus two

political
in

revolut-

ions
In

in

Western Maharashtra
I^varadatta

that age
to

D 229

seems

have

Saka 151 or

AD

229-30

conquered Western Maharashtra from the Satavahanas Like the Westein Kshatrapas of Malwa and Kathiawad, he did not assume
a higher
title

We
latta

do not know where exactly Is"varawas ruling His coins have been noticed

than Mahakshatrapa or Satrap

n the hoards of Kshatrapa coins discovered n Kathiawad, Rajputana, Gujarat and Maharashtra His title Mahakshatrapa shows hat like the western Kshatrapas, he acknowedged the suzerainty of the contemporaiy Cushana king But, unlike them, he was lot a Saka or Scythian His name is purely ndian Mrs Gokhale noticed coins of
,

of the contemporary Kushana king Later, he seems to have raided the country north of
the

Narmada, which he seems

to

have occupied

for a few years So his coins have been found the hoards discoveied at Sarvania and

Vaso

Either he 01 his successoi seems to have bten overthrown by the Abhira king This second I^vaiasena, son of Sivadatta

revolution seems to

have occuned in A

-iahakbhatrapa Damasena bearing Saka dates rom 149 to 156 in the Ratijangaon hoard
"here

250

ISvaiasena 01 his successors (there were ten of them) extended then rule to North

were coins dated Saka 150 to

155 of

Konkan, Gujarat,
cojutiy

Khandesh and the Anupa

This is Disuict] of the Abhira era
16

Mahakshatrapa Damasena in the Sarvan a So IsVaradatta could not have been oard 84

[modem Nemad
by the spread

shown
cpuutiy

ulmg north of the Narmada

le

in that

period

founded by IiSvaiasena

to these paits of the

was probably holding Noithern Mahaashtra, from where he raided Malwa and which he Lathiawatf, seems to have
ccupied for a few years Hence his coins ave been found mixed with those of the
Western

As we have shown elsewheie, ten Abhira kings ruled ioi 167 yeats The name of one of them, viz Rudrasena, and that of
Kathika have become known from an inscription on a casket discovered in the excavation at Devnl Mori 1? As in Western Maharashtra so in Vidahis family, viz

sna,

Kshatrapas identied him with the Abhira king (rajari) IsVarason of Sivadatta, of the Nasik cave

Mrs Gokhale

rbha,

there were two revolutions

The

first

PURABAILEKHA PATRlKt

occuned
of the

cuca AD 2^0 after the death SauvalTMia king, nr Pulumavi There \\ere then confusion and chaos in
in
last

mentioned in the land-grants of the Vakata kas, which mvanably commence with the
description

of the sacrifices performed by

30 1
1

Vjchibha

Then

son

of the pious and

Pravarasena

The Puranas

also

mention

kat^cd "-Tbiraia Hjnrf" cmc forward -nd estihhshed peace and ordei in the country

Piavarasend a ? the founder of the Vakataka 31 He seems to have kingdom of Vidarbha

circa

He

thereaftei

assumed

the significant

name

oiRashtia-maharaja as he had come to the He was followed rt-,cue ot the tashtra

bv
in
his son Rdjakula-mab.cua.ja,

defeated Adityara]a of the Mundi family A D 270, and laid the foundation

in

o(
to

the

Vakataka kingdom which was destined

His fathei

who peiformed
his

have a brilliant future

6akti I was,

Vmdhya
per
the

Aswimedha
in

sacnfice

to proclaim

no doubt, an intrepid warnoi

supremacy

the

countiy

His

son was

AdiUaiaja, who seems to have had a shoit for he was soon overthrown by the icign Vlkataki king Piavarasena I The reigns
ol these thiee Munda king* Covered a De~iod of about foity years [A D 230-270]
till now that the VakataVidarbha m cuca A D 250 VmdhvaSakti I was supposed to have raided Vidarbha probably from Vallura, which was

who won laurels m seveial battles and formed many sacrifices as mentioned in
bly

Ajanta inscription, but he did not pioba

come to

the throne in Vidarbha

T

His

It

was believed

kas occupied

was the first ruler of the Vidaibha as stated in Vakataka dynasty the Pmanas and suggested by Vdkataka. in which invariably wit! scriptions begin the description of his Vedic sacnfices mclud
son Pravarasena
of

mg

foui

AsVamedhas
the

his

home town

a8

The

discovery

of the

The date of

Malhara

plates

of

the

MalhauT plates has necessited a slight revision of this view It seems that it was PravaI not Vmdhyas'akti I, who founded Vakataka kingdom of Vidarbha Vmdhya4aktis name occuis only in one inscrip-

Munda
270

rasena
the

king Adityaraja is thus circa A D This is the earliest known copper-plate discovered so far South India grant shows that the Vedic lehgion also was flour

II

ishmg under the rule of the Satavahanas

It is

tion,

vi:

that in cave

XVI

at

as the

piogemtoi of the family

Ajanta, It is not

39

of unique importance taka history of Vidarbha

foi the

pre

Vaka

Foot--Notes
1

3astram dvi-jatibhir=grahyam
Shastri
pldles

has shown that

ot

season dates

Prithivishejja

pas.dges)

These can at
h-ui

But he
age

himself admitted

dharmo yatr-oparudhyate Manusmnti VIII, 340 occur in some Vak^taka records and ev.n the Mandha cen A D ) show 'influence of Prikrit' (notPriW most indicate that the MalhirS plates may be of the Vakataka
1

(close of the fifth

age

that

the

The above mentioned

of the post
2
ff
,

features of the

plates are
^

Muijda family could not have flourished m the Vakatata' Vakataka records do not prove that the MalhFTr,

Vakataka age

TESI

IV, pp

4
5

CII, IV,

xlvn

Miwshi,

Literal y

and Historical Studies

,n Indology,

pp

125

ff

THE DATE OF THE MALHARA PLATES OF ADITYARAJA

6

9.

Cfl

IV,

clxxxu

His copper coins have

recently

been found

at

the Elephanta

Caves near

7
8

Bombay C//.1V p
p
109
,

These plates were actually found at the village

Sangalooda

in

the

Akola

Distnct

El XXIX,
,

14

XVIII, p

230

IT

The

Tivaiakhetf.

piates

ot

mis,

icing,
I,

aated

^aka 5i3 ^A

D
So

631) have

been shown to be spurious

10

See our Studies in Indology,

reign-period

Dates calculated on the basis of an average

pp 25 if are only approximate

this

date

may
11

well

be

A D
22
ff

620

CII, IV, pp
Ibid,
In

12 13

IV,

pp

110

ff

the

or dark

Vakajaka age fortnight and

in

the prevailing custom

the
tithi

was to

cite

the lunar

month
are

like

Chaitra,

the bright

in

regnal

dates

The season-dates
Prakrit'

very rarely noticed

They

are not noticed

14

The Malhara
This
is

plates

any post Vakataka records do not show 'mere influence cf

but give a complete

date

in Prakrit

not noticed in any post-Vakataka record

V, pp 79 f
p 86
,

15

ASWI,
Ibid
,

16 17
18
19

Rapson,
333
ff

BMC

(Andhra), p 1m

El, XXXIV, pp

274 Ibid, XXXVI, p Varshika (Annual) of the Marathawatfa Samshodhan Manual

for

1976

20
21

BMC
Ibid,

(Andhra

etc

),

pp

124 f

pp

cxxxm

22 23

MSI, XXXVIII, pp

27

BMC

(Andhra etc), p
(

124

24
25 26

AS JAR,

1913-14),
f

p 245
,

CII, IV, pp 1 The reading m

DKA
in

46,

giving the period as 67

I ha

years

is

probably wrong

That
IV,

in

Vayu

which gives
27
28

it

as sapta-shashfi-datan

(167 years) seems to be correct

ff

CII,
in

xxvi

Mjrashi, Studies

Indology, IV, pp
that

120

Some
this
is

scholars

maintained

the
xi f

Vakajakas

had

their

original
the

home
first

North

India,

but

incorrect

CII

V, pp

The recent discovery of

rule north of

plate

grant shows that they extended their

II

the

Narmada

plate of the Indore copperfirst in the reign of

Pravarasena
29
30
31

Cll, V,
Sec
Sec

pp
CII
,

103
,

eg
DKA

V,

pp

10

50

Vmdbyasakti-suta=ch- api Praviro" nama vlryavan bhOkshyate cha saipash-shashtim Punka"m Chanakam cha vai" yakshyate vajapeyaiS- cha lamapta-vara-dakshinaih cha chatvaro bhavishyanti nar adhjpah u tasya putraS
I

EPIGRAPHICAL
DC
Sircar

HOWLERS

A
pala
I

copper-plate grant of king of $ura[c

four

850-58

pala [c 812-50 of Bengal and Bihar,

village in the

AD], AD] of

son

of

Devadynasty

the Pala

was dug up
District,

m
,

gift villages, viz Amragartikd, V, or Vasantika, Kulaputra or Kulaputrak Navalhka, the first and second were gran

nti

nd
to

Mirzapur
the

UP

and

god Mahate^vara installed by the q mother at Varanasi, the other two h

been granted in favour of the &uv-ach probably in chaige of the woiship c
said

the

*n
ng
/as Lhe

was secured by

P
on

State

Museum,
inscription

Lucknow
appeared

A
the

note

the

Sathpupd
in

[Bulletin

Museums and Archaeology now, Nos 5-6, pp 6770

this note,

U P J,

of Luckto

god
[5]

According
of the

Dakkadasa and Vairochanada

persons

ire
to

the mscnptiori registers the grant

villages

two

different

who

are

stat<

of some acharyas

favour
at

iSaiv-

have engraved the charter

of

Varanasi

the behest

of

The

text

Queen Mahesho-bhattanka by king $urapala, born of Queen Bhavadevi, the Dataka or executor of the grant being Yudhishthna and the recorder being Sdmanta DakkadasaVairochanadasa

of verse 14 of the mscn

on

runs as foljows
$nmad-Durllabharaja-raja-tanaya in-Mt
akhy** ahha
devi tasya
'/

On

t=

aq

examination

of

the inscription, however, it was found that the above notice of the record

kara

graha

pranaynn

&h

contains

dvitiy- eva

th>

the following errors

pratyetavya-pativrata guna kathah

[1]

Sailu

a]
7/1

Surapala's

do with the

m
is

queen had nothing to grant and is not mentioned

Maheshd-bhatfarika
for
is

Arum
Sdvitnr = api

the epigraph while

yd chakara

chantmh

iy

a wrong reading

to

whom

reference

Mahata bhattanka made below

amrita-syandil
strange that the name Bhav, has been imagined to be mentioned ir
It
is

vi

at

The name of Surapala's [2] mother," whose request the grant was really made, was not Bhavadevi but Mahata
[3]

he

two words abhavad=

devi

[literally,

'be

ne

The executor of

thequeen'] of the passage iri-Mahat-ak abhavad= devi tasya in the first

verse,

=
he
ed
(a
I

the

charter was

not Yudhishthira but Balavarman

All the villages were not granted in favour of the Of the Saiv-acharyas
[4]

which

Mahata

half c us that the lady n; became the queen of De~va

tells
]

In the same way, verse 31 which as follows

'

ds

EPIGRAPHICAL

11

Snman

iri

Siirapalena

nfipa-chandramasa kntah\

grant of a village called Patidikkma which was situated in the Manjai-vishaya of the
Uttarakula, i e the region lying to the north of the Biahmaputra river Fortunately, the
face of the plate containing the the gift village

Hanr=

Yudhishthiren = eva

Balavarmm= atra
dutakh
1

'

reference to

simply

says

that

king

Surapala

made

article,

along with the and the passage in question could

illustrated
i

was

Balavarman the Dutaka of the charter just as Yudhishthira had sent Han [i e VasudevaKnshna] as his Dutaka or messenger to the

be

easily read as Uttatakule Manjai-vishayantahpati-Dikkurato = pak ish ta-dhcinya dviThus the name of sahasr-dtpattika-bhiimau

Kaurava court in his eagerness to settle the An equally strange Kuru-Pan da va dispute
fact, as in

the locality where the gift land was

situated
letter,

was not Patidikkura but Dikkura, the

pati
leally

the case of the creation of the

foimingthe concluding part of

expiession the district of) generally epigraphic recoids
itself
It is

personal ~abhavad= devl, is that the words Yudhishthiren= eva [i e 'just as by Yudhishthira'] hjve

name BhavadevI

out of the words

the [le

pievious
in

Vishay antahpatt

'situated in

found
laige

hundreds of
in all

been imagined to contain the Dutaka''s name in spite of the words Balavarmm-atra dutakah
[i

discovcied

paits of India including a

numbei fiom Assam

stiange

Balavarman

is

made

the

Dutaka
rulei

in

that the aulhois of the ailicle

m the

A\sam
that the

respect of this grant]

that the

as well

as of the

fact

Tnbune do not appeal to have noted

i,ditul

same Balavatman, the

of the

expiession \m>hay-antahpati occuis in

mjny

"Vyaghratatl-m'andala, is already known to have been the executor of the Nalanda plate 2

by P
122
[text

N
line

upu&u&unavan,
line line

eg

Bhattacharya at pp 98
31]

m
in

his
[text [text

of Surapala's father
Likewise the dual number in the expiession Ddkkadasa-Vairochanadasabhyam shows that Dakkadasa and Vairochanadasa were

52),
34J,

111,

[text line 35],

136

154

Even

the

Nowg'mg
the
T 1
'

Balavarman, the donoi of iban plates, the expression used as an

plates of

two

different persons so that a single personal

adjective of

thewoid bhumih

in the

feminine

name cannot be

traced in

gendei

it

Diinnna vishay-antahpatmi* while 1 the same king's Howraghat plates have the
is

Balavarman,

Recently a copper-plate grant of king who was the great-grandson of

]

passage

Varascpattana
-

vishay

antahputi

tiappadevapiitaki

d= apaknshta -

dhanya-dvi

Harjaravarman [829 A D

of the Salastambha

sahav

nipattikd

dynasty of Pragjyotisha-Kamaiupa and flourished about the close of the ninth century
\

similai lo that in the

bhumau which is Ulaban plates

exactly

was discovered

at

the village of

the

Darrang
1977,

District

of
the

Uluban Assam In
inscription

[i

VTay,

note

on

ippbared in the

Assam Tnbune, a daily newspaper published from Gauhati, and itjs

tuthors state that
the

As regaids the meaning 'inferior [land]' mknshta} applied to the word apaknshta m the context of the passage quoted above from the Uluban plates, reference may also
e

be made

to the

interpretation of the

same
in the

charter registers

the

word

in the Gachtdl plates of

Gopala

12

PURABHILEKHA PATRI
the

Journal of

Assam
54

Research
It

Society,

raja
etc
8

Vol

appears rather stiange that recent writers do not know thai the absurdity of such an mterpietation was

XVIII, 1968, p

iajapurushair= apy= ananguli nirdefy In a few areas, the idea is more exphcn
gift

indicated mentioning the

land as

visL

yad= uddhnta-pmda
out of the distnctl

[i

as 'a piece tak

"

HMO.* o-

ILL

an
3

j.nt ^

-,
e*,,(

Bhattachaiya
Sfiianavalt, p

Ins

well-known

Kamcn upapointed

which

is

belonged obviously the same as vishayad

it

rto

which

107, note 7

He

rightly

apaknshta
The learned editor of the Gachtal
plai

out that the wordapakrishta in the said context occurs in most of the charters issued by kings

of the

Brahmapdla dynasty and

that,

by

making grants of land of an

the

inferior quality,

of Gopala assigns the record to the eleven century A D following the views of earl
writers including

donors could hardly expect any religious

Bhattacharya and

a]

nient at all though that was exactly the avowed purpose for making such grants of land Bhattacharya suggested on the basis of
the
said

placed the reigns of t rules of the Brahmapala dynasty in the follc

KL

Barua 9

who

mg periods
[2]

[1]

Brahmapala,
c

985-1000 A

word tht the land was taken out

purpose
That, how-

his son Ratnapala,

1000 30 A
,

[3]

from
ever,
[i

the possession of others for the

ol creating a rent-fiee holding the

word apaknshta means 'taken out

[from the village or
district]'

grandson Indrapala, c 1030-55 A D [4] his s Gopala, c 1055-75 A D [5] his son Harshapa c and [6] his son Dharrr 1075-1090 AD
, ,

pala, c

separated]

to be clear from passages like Dikkurato=paknshta m the Uluban plates and Bappadevapatakad= apaknshta, mthe Howraghat plates, both issued by king Balavaiman and quoted above, 5 m which it is not compounded with but separated from the previous

seems

1090-11 15 A D As regards the rei of 30 years ascribed to Ratnapala by Barua, seems to have missed Bhattacharya' s corre

tion of the date of the

plates

same

king's Soalkuc

from

his original

reading of the 26

10 regnal year to 36th regnal yeai Howev what is strange is that the editor of t

expiession ending in the fifth case-ending or tas in the same sense We are therefore not
inclined to accept Bhattacharya'b interpretation and would suggest that the idea was to indicate the

Gachtal plates, which

family,

icfer to

Indrapal,

marriage with Rajyadevi of the Rashtraku

thinks that
the
said

matnmon
played a p<
the

alliance proves

separate status of the gift land which was made a rent-free holding

in^the

tripartite struggle

how Kamarupa among

'

Rashti

forming

no longer any part of the revenue-paying areas of the village or district While editing the Howraghat plates two decades ago, we
observed that "the piece of land was singled from Bappadevapataka" This idea of is separation emphasised in the records of certain areas of our country by expressions
out
like

kutas, the Gurjara-Pratiharas and the Pa] of Bengal What a great pity Even a schc

boy is expected to know that the imper houses of the Rashtrakutas and Gurjai Pratiharas ceased to rule respectively befo
the
last quaiter of the tenth century a during the first quartet of the eleventh con derably before the middle of the eleven

pamva,

samasta rajakiyanam = a-hasta praksheajak lyanam =

i

century

to

which

the editor

would ascn

aiianguh-prekshaniya,

Indrapala's reign During the period question, tha Pala kings Mahipala I [c 91

EPIGRAPHICAL HOWLERS

1027
:>f

A D ] and Nayapala [c 1027-43 A D ] Bengal and Bihar were struggling respecGangeya ively with the Kalachun kings c 1015-41 AD] and Kama [1041-71 AD]

j)arptah

^sanigara
L

simm

Vanga nnpatih Kalyanachondt o ball

'

:>f

Tnpun
It

also

strikes

us

as strange that the

showing, is Indrapala, whose reign assigned to c 1030-55 A D [bettei probably C 1040-65 AD], was a contemporary of the

that

sditoi fails
.ignificant

miserably to note that the most contribution of the Gachtal

is

Vanga

opper-plate inscription

the light

it

throws

king Kalyanachandra, the son of grlchandra Since Kalyanachandra's grandson Govmdachandra was defeated by Rajenia
,

m the chronology of
ire

the kings, all of

whom
seventy

now found

to have ruled

about

dracho}a's forces shortly befoie 1025 A D the reigns of these two Bengal kings may

'ears earlier

than the periods so long assigned

them on palaeogiaphical grounds

assigned respectively to c 975-95 A D 925-)5 A D so that Kalyanachandia's con,

be and

The
>ala

following stanza

occurs

in

the

temporary Indrapak must have luled not c 1040-65 AD, but about 660-90 A D nearly
,

jachtal plates

m the

description of Ratna-

three quaiters of a centuiy earlier

Anothei important passage in the GachJorddarppa-durllalitam= ajishu

Gauda-rajam
1

yd Rajyapalam= avajitya bhuja-dvayena

plates that has escaped the editor is the following

tal

the attention

of

the

descnption

nanye gajendra-mada-chandraka-s andra-toyafh

of the donor of the grant,

Mandakmttn=

api Kahndasutafi= chakara"

King Gopala

This' shows that king

lefeated the

Ratnapala of Assam

tasy= abhavan= nnpavarasya

purtya

and, he course of the conflict, reached the bnk

f the

Gauda King Rajyapala

Hadappak= eti pun sunnpater= Amaravat= iva"

Mandakini [Ganges]

in the heart

of

capital

Now, King Rajyapala an msBengal ruled in c 908-40 A D of his being dated m great-grandson ription 11 Thus his Assam contemporary 026 AD
he
if
,

Gauda country

This shows that King Gopala had his at the city of Hadappaka which

Latnapala,

OAD
lust

whose reign is assigned to c 1000[better probably c 1000-40 AD], have ruled about the first half of the
A D
,

appears to be the_ same as Hadappe^vara [named after the I6vara or iSivalmga worshipped at Hadappa or Hadappaka] which had been previously the capital of the kings of the Salastambha dynasty Inscriptions of
the 25th

and 36th regnal years of Ratnapala 13

two chaiters of Indrapala 14

as well as the

jnth century, say c 920-60

about three

uarters of a century

earlier

the

Likewise, the description of Indrapala Gachtal plates contains the following

that the said kings were ruling from the city of Durjaya, but the Saratban plates of the king's 12th regnal Ratnapala, issued

show

assage

year and recently examined by the city of Hadappaka as the

me, speak of
king's capital

nchandra~ iadyad-Gauda-vimardda-bhujah sunuh-svayam

Thus Durjaya seems to have been founded by Ratnapala and remained the capital of the family from the later years of that king's

14

PURABAILEKHA PAIR

icign

till

at

least the

reign

of his

grand-

It

should

not be

forgotten that

son and successor Indrapala

circumstances,
lais

Under what
by
scho-

determination of the historical value of

inscription
phist's
is

Durjaya,

located

an

essential part of

an

epigi

near Gauhati, was discarded in favour of

work

Hadappdka or Hadappetaa near Tezpur

cannot be determined without further evi-

dence

See

now

Sircar

km Blh
ff

Rss

Soc

Vol LXI, pp

I31ff

/,

XVII, pp 310

P
'

Bhattacharya, op

cit

p 78, text line 33

E/.Vol XXXII, pp

290-91, text lines 36 37

in

Cf Pandari'bhumiwa paknshfa
pp
136-37)

the Guakuchi plates of Indrapala

(PH

Bhattacharya, op

at,

See

C//,
,

III,

171, note

El

XXXI, pp
cit
t

28 (text line 22), 283, 288

(text line 24),

290 (text

line 36)

Op

xiv

Early History of
I

KMaripa p
}

149

Op

cit

210

U
14

SecJX/ff.IX, p 209, Maitreya,

For the reign period of

GaudalekhmM, p
see Ind

108

Govmdachandra,

Cult, VII,

pp

405

ff

II

Cf
cf

Prtgftotisheshu

Durjay

akhya-pmm a adhyurtM

(Bhattacharya. op c/f.p o7 (text line 40)

111

11

Cf

rajHas= tasy- a

nagan

Dutjaya

nama[ibid,w

122,

136-verse

19]

ARTOF DANCEINTHETEMPLES
TAMIL NADU-EPIGRAPHICAL

OF
A N PERUMAL

EVIDENCE

Dance

Earlier Literatures

life

Dance as an art was

ancient Tamils
the
tice

Many

not alien to the forms of dances

name of

kiittus

were
Their

m
by

constant pracreferring to
it

As dance was and roles on stones one of the items of life held in high esteem, in many inscriptions ]t was lefened to The different kinds of dance popularly
performed
find

among them
reveal
in

ancient hteiary

temples during festival days

treasures

this fact

them

ever so

many

places

is

them They serve as a expiessjon to know useful source of information

art

^As
like
vajli,

known from Sangam

kuravai,

literature kuttus
veri,

something about the

those times

of dance

duung

tunankai, venn,

etc,

feswere performed by them mostly during tive occasions They were designed t6

Muttamil
has been
consideration
as
lyal,,

From Sangam Age onwaids Tamil

honoured
to
its

honour the gods they were worshipping

Silappatikaram gives a vivid account of the dances to mark the prevalence of

as

Muttamil

in

tnpaitite

classification

I^ai

and

Natakam

As the

last

one

includes

such performances
of people
tance

among

the various sets

their

and
the

to

emphasize

society

imporThe famous Eleven

extolled

Atals and

^akkaikkuttu

this

Natandin m its fold, the lefeiences to Muttamil call the attention of our enquiry about dances The Tnukkoyilur inscription of 'Kampan, Muvenda Vejar^' speaks about
the

epic deserve sufficient

nallar, the
epic,

mention

Adiyarkkuto this

pioiiciency
it

of

i.apilar in

Muttamil

renowned

commentator

Further

states
in

about the talents of the

addition to
'

detailed pieces
the art of

shows himself as exponent in giving of informations regarding dance which were all vogue

an account dancing girls of the musical instalments they had used

This inscription Icives siifTficienl loom to think that dance occupied an important
position
tion

during those times

the

The

mam

division of
is

dances

into vettiyal

and poduviyal

among

Mutiamil

I lie

inscrip-

given

with a stress in a suggestive

What Adryarkkunallar gives m his tary would help us to make out

what are
inscriptions

manner commenclearly

of

succinctly

referred

to

the

m Pandiyan also lemaiks about Muttamii * It is to be known that a person pioficient in Muttamii was highly respected b> the king According
to one inscription the competence of KQchchadaiyaparmardna Tinpuva nachakkaKuMekarattevar in lyal, Kai ravaittigaj and Natakam is pointed out as something

>onddu Vilangiyiruhya Sundara found the Pudukottai district

Epigraphical Evidences

During the Middle

to inscribe

Ages Kings used

the important features of their

16
3

PURABHILEKHA PATR]

puiisewoithy
not

NatakattamiJ which includes

in

aim

at the

successful progress

of the hei

dance was kept

par with the otheis

if

moie

Avinayam encompasses many forms of dan which give out certain emotional them< Significant movements of the hands oth< wise called 'MudipV specify the emotioi
outpour
of the
action

The
dated

inscription

of

Tiiuvengaiva&l
falls in
'

1132 A D

which

the foui-

only a song for

teenth year of VikkiramaSoJan's

to

icign lefers

Natakam wants
stage

its piesentation a story to play

Avirjayam nee where

on

3antikkuttu

conducted

nine

times

year by Eluna^tu
to

Mangai
before
in

The ^dance was

the

be

performed

temple

of

Sakkaikkiittu

Tnuvengaivayil
the

An^ar

Chittirai

when

chief festival

the

lands
ot

purpose, fiee of tax and, furthermore, in case

failures
it

For was in celebration the dancing girl was given

was ordered
materials
to

rirn

give

in Tan Middle Ages Ma inscriptions in the famous temples icfer its presentation The inscription of Raje dra I, in his twentynmth yeai of ici^

Sakkaikkuttu was very popular

till

Nadu

the end of

het

grains

and
4

other

through

at

other souices
to

Such was the respect given

Kilappavur states that >akkaikkuttu conducted in the temple 8

i

seems, the king had felt that the dance performances in the temple should

dance

It

not suffer under any

In the
II

circumstance

to

The inscription of Kamaras'avalli tefe >akkai Matayarj Vikrama Sojan wl

foi

had received lands

same temple king Rajadhiraja
in

kkuttu
festivals

thrice

in

each
in

performing Sakk, of the Tiruvddn

states

another

inscription that

in

conducted

order to perform

3antikkuttu six times in

The
the

Kuttu

was

to

the Tiruvadirai festival

two dancing

girls

conducted m Vaikas !, were given lands B

1

Margali and Vaika> be played befo

J

Tirukkarkotis'vaiamud.aiyar temple

The inscription of Sundarapandiyai} of

year of his reign proclaims an allotment to a Santikkuttan called Aranchi
the

Another in inscription Kilappavi mentions that Alaiyur Sakkaiyarj was givi

gold
thrice

tenth

and land
a

to

perform

iSakkaikkut

Sundara Paijtfiyadevar's inscription at Tiruvernyur states about a kuttu ' called There may be Santikkunippam some diffeience between this and Santikkuttu Perhaps this would be a developed form of the former one When changes creep in, new forms can be evolved
Santikkuttu as explained by Adiyaris of four kinds namely gokkam, Mey, Avinayam and Natakam All these

Anttan

year

10

According to ceitam inscnptional

dences
tfakkaikkuttar

ev

had played

Any

!kkuttu in various temples Foi that th< were given lands in the name of Sakk,

kkam

This may give place to mfei th both these dances would have been relate With each other at least in certain respects

kkunallar

During the reign of

stated

Aditya

II

it

the Tiruvidaimarudur mscriptic;

T QFfEHNCE-,EpIGRAPHICAL EVIDENCE

17

Tiruveljarai^ 35kkai had played, thq vriyaikkuttu seven tusnes a year u xese-nee of the king According tp the
bat
'the,

the king was loud actor The same

m,

his

prases,, for

t^

"

kind
to

of

Was
ption dra 15

also

referred

iruva^utui-ai

inscription

of
r

Rajaraja's

pfrfprmance another inscri-

mth
lat
3

remn it is to, be known was given foi d dancer 12 perform Anyakkuttu befpre ih& king
year
of

the same temple by Vijayarajen-

jakkaikani

Tqmilkkuttu
\

testimony given by Paraes'an Rajendra 3olan "states that Arankam i-nyakkuttu was the ^presentation of
he epigraphical
*

of the purariic stofies were being- played by a J&kkaiyan ailed Kumaran Slkantan during Purattai stival in the temple of Tirvadutural The dancer was given Sakkaikan* 4var
srtam
'hieh

incidents

Kulottunga I at Manampadi, we find a refeience to Tamil kkuttu by Kuttukkani l0 Nothing more can be evolved out of this inscription

In an inscription

of

about
at

TamilkkSttu Tamil verse is seen inscribed in the iSikkanatasvami temple

Kudumiyamalai

which contains

poetic

means

to

his

livelihood
i

1S
,

^1

imagery that may serve as material for a 17 piece of enactment

8

$akkaikkuttu
i

is

more br

legs

related

Ndfakam

K,o|tiSetam or Ko^ukotV ^he celestial ance of Lord Siva a,nd Goddess Umal,

erformed to extol the burping of Tr^ura he mam purpose of Sakkaikkuttu was

)

There are a few epigraphical instances which give evidence to the enactments of dramas in the tenth and eleventh centuries Rajaraja I, in one of his inscriptions
of the ninth year of his reign, refers to the enactment of Tirumula Najakam and
also

please

the king
the

est

of

gangers

and the, p$o.pl The was conferred the

tie of 'Sakkaimarayan' Pirapantakkuttu, lankiyarkuttu and Ku^iiyat^am are three ther famous forms of dance developed out

Anyakkuttu
has

It

is

stated that Ariya-

kkuttu

seven

features

of

its

own

ls

The
iSvarar
II

Katakali which is very Sakkaikkiittu imous in Kerala may well be considered an issue of iSakkatkkuttu
f
>

Temple
his

in

tenth year

Tiruppandanamallur Paiupatof Rajendra inscription mentions about a

Rajaraja

play
stated

called
that

Natakam

It

is

Vikramaditta^

Achchaflatta

Agamarggatn

or

Meykkuttu
of]

Rajaraja
t

According to the inscription III the in ya Tiruvernyur

hich f^Ils in
the

the play

R,aja-

Natakapperiyan had inaugurated, 'Rajaraja Natakapperiyan' was

,

the
his

title

conferred
in

temple

upon him
r

considering
1(1

19th year of his reign,

,

merits

conducting pjays

gamarggam or Meykkuttu was conducted the Rajaraja Tjrumantapam on the eighth

It js also pf the Avajji Festival lep^ally pointed out that the performance

From an
Northern wall
i^varar
es^vara

ly

14

found inscription of the Taiijavur

it js

m
,

the

BphadRajaraj(

Temple,
tl^e

known

that

'Natakam was enacted

Yaikadi Festivals^

every

yeai

as

so.

fa^Qiflatin^

a!nd

ftttrctiY(5

during

Fpr enacting

18

PURABHILEKHA PXTRIKA

troupe the play Vjjayarajendra This inscription is dated were paid in kind II was the when Rajendra 984 A D

and

his

space inside the temple is called Natakas*alai It can be noticed that the dancing halls are
located in such a place which can be easily

ruler

00

through the mam gopura-vayil Further there is sufficient space for the selecaccessible

According of 1119 A D,

to

Kadalur inscription Kamalalayapattar was allothe

for performing
sl

ted audience

who were

allowed to witness

the performance

wed

to enjoy

some lands

Pumpuliyur Natakam

10
Tiru-

As

inscribed at

Pattama^ai in

tures

Dancing Figures All round the temples there are sculp exposing .the various dance postures
east

nelveli district, a

group of Devadasiga} under

The
the

and west
prakara

gopurams situated
of the

in

Ya^oda enacted
temple
at

a play every year in the For this they ^nvalli^varara

outer

Chidambaram

v/ere given

lands free of tax

"

The

ins-

criptions

lirukkalunkunjam, Tirupadmppuliyur and Attur also contain good evidences for dramatic performat Tiruvallis'varam,

temple bear figures posing the 108 postures of dance with their names inscribed above each in grantha These figures seem to
have been
thirteenth

engraved
in

Kopperunjingan
century

the

ances

in

those temples

AD*

during the time of middle of the 7 In the Vimanam

Natakachchalai

of the Big Temple at Tanjaviir only 84 such figures are found while the others
are left incomplete

During the Sangam penod and epic age the stages were called as aduka}am, arangam and avai Perunkatai calls it as
Kuttappalji or Kuttadum

11

Conclusion

I^am

83

In

the
is

From
quite

these

Tiruvidaimarudur inscription theatres are mentioned as 'Natakachchalai' 24 Choja rule

clear

epigraphical evidences, it that the art of dance was

was not an
rised

insular

one

It

was characte-

by cultural contacts with several outside parts of India and even lands

held in high esteem both by the king and the people Titles were conferred upon the best dancers Tirunelveli Udaiyar temple
inscription speaks of a danciug girl known as Alagiya Perumal Talaikkoli l9 Here it
is

During
various

this

period there aie

references to
'Nan.avi-

types of theatres
It

called

seen that the

title

'Talaikkoli'

1S

added

with

da-na|akachchalai'
to
erect theatres

was possible for them

standards prescriIB like Natya 3astra

bed

in

the

on books

the

The Paijdya
lai'
'"

the name of the dancer Royal patronage had fed the art sufficiently well and so it had thrived Various kuttus fully well

kings also encouraged dances

were

and constructed
in

vogue,

perhaps more

theatres called 'Na^aka^aFurther there are dancing halls found

developed

the

famous

temples

In the

Ekamra-

natha temple at Kanchipuram it is called 'Nirutta-mantapam' and at Tirukkurralam

it is

and sophisticated than those mentioned in the earlier literatures The themes of the dance performances were mostly puranic and they were ordinarily conducted in
temples during festival times as part of customary items the celebration
the

named

'Chittiras'alai'

At Suchindram

ART OF DANCE

EPIGRAPHICAL EVIDENCE

Foot-Notes

SII,
Ibid,
Ibid
,

III,

No
No

863

line

69-70 and 92-102

2
3

V,

250
302

V,

No

4
5 6

Pudukkottai Inscriptions, 253 of 1914,

Ibid,

No

128

254 of 1914,

No

139

Ibid, 275

7
8

AREp,
65

1913,

P 127,

212 of 1912,

No

525

of 1914
Inscriptions,

The KamaraSavalh
Inscription

1915

10
11

of Parakesanvarmaj},

250 of 1926

5/7,

V,No

718

12 13 14 15 16

120 of 1925
Inscription

of Parakesan Rajendra of 1912,

iJolarj,

120 of 1925

5/7,
Ibid,

I,

211

No

520

128 of 1912

90
361

of 1932
of 1930

17
18

577, IV, Part

19

AREp,
577,
II,

1931,1932
67 128 of 1995
51

20
21

AREp,

22 23

Pammal Sambanda Mudahyar. Natakattanul,(1962)p

Perunkatai, Vattavakandam,
15
4,

147

Naravanakanflam,
24
25

15,

109

Tiruviddimartidur Inscription,

577,

III,

No

213

Adya Rangacharya, Drama

in Sanskrit Literature,

p 213

26

Subject Index to the Annual Reports of South Indian Epigraphy From 1887 to 1936, C R 12

Krishnamacharlu,

30,

27
28

5777,
577,

HI, Para
V,

II,

p 185

No

430

AND 4 WERE MADHAVAVARMAN TIVARADEVA CONTEMPORARIES'

\

Ajay Mitre Shastr

devd'

In a paper entitled 'The Date of Tivaraan eaihei volume of this published

Miuishi has discussed the date of Tivaia

deva

at several places
4
,

journal

VV

Mirashi has taken exception

dates, vi=

534-550,
7

and suggested vanou 560-57V 550-565 am

to some of ray observations on the question of the supposed comtemporaneity of the Panduvams'i king Tlvaradeva and the Vishnu-

AD He is now in favour of th< view that Tivaradeva's icign commenced n 8 520 A D This antedating is due to his anxiet
535-555
to remfoice his position

kundin
doing
so

rulei

Madhavavarman

While

that

Tlvaradev,

he has only reiterated his earlier

MEWS
on the

without citing any

new evidence

.A

giving thought to the points

basis of

made out by me

were contemporaries But, while suggesting this lew date Muasli seems to have ignoied, most of the nev
I

and Madhavavaiman

some new evidence that has

It

material

beanng on the 'question that ha

It is

come
and

to light

of late

has to be pointed

come

to light in recent years

therefon
in
th<

out that in

my

papei 'A Note on the

Plates
I'

Ipur

proposed to dilate upon the question

light of this

Polamuru

of

Vishnukundm
in

Madhavavarman

published

the

Sri

to

ascertain

new evidence First, let us trj when Mddhavavarman I flou

Mallampalli Somashekhara moration Volume? which

Mirashi's criticism,

Sarma Commeis

nshed
All the records of the

the

target of
to

my

object

was only

Vishnukundm'

ascettam
occiniing

if

the expression

Trivara-nagai a

in

these epigiaphs could be mtei'the city

with the solitary exception of the Tummala gudem plates of Vikramendravarman II

of the dynasty, are regnal yeais of the issuing chiefs and as such the dates of the different mem
the last

pieted to
it

mean

of Tivaiadeva' and

known member

was

in this

connection that, on the basis of

dated

in the

the evidence afforded by the

plates of

Tummalagudem
II, I

Vikramendravatman

had invited

bers of the family were

fixed tentatively

on

attention to the difficulties involved in accept-

the basis of

some extraneous

consideration*
1

ing the contemporaneity of Tivaiadeva

and
had

prior to the discovery of the

plates

Madhavavarman
taken
for

and while doing so

It

Tummalaguden

granted the date for the former

plates issued

The discovery of the Tummalagudeni by Vikramendravarman II u

proposed by Mirashi
tion to

was not

my

inten-

go into the question of the date Tivaiadeva However, now that the question has been raised again, it will be

of

Saka 488 expired ot 566 67 A D has pul Vishnukundm chronology on a more solid} basis As Saka 488 is said to have been the
1

desirable to discuss the issue at

some length

llth year of Vikramendravarman's leignhi; accession evidently took place sometime 11

WERE MADHAVAVARMAN
555-556 A

AND TIVARADEVA CONTEMPORARIES

successors dated
in

:i

D He was preceded on the throne by his father Indravarman whose latest known date is the 27lh year of his- reign when he his Ramatirtham issued Even if plates
it is

any well-Known teckonmc

has been found so

far All these rulers dated their records in icgnal vears without it.ft.rence to any era have therefore to depuid

We

the 27th yeai, his

later

held that hi r reign did not attend beyond accession cannot be dated

on

souie

extrdiKou^

^oajideiatjons

'\hj'^

than 528-529 A D

Some

scholars are

dealing with the piesent issue It is no\\ admitted that the Pandiva family, to which

of the ppinion that his father Vikramendravaiman I did not rule as he predeceased his father who had a rather long reign of over forty 9 But this surmise cannot be taken seriyears ously m'view of the fact that in the records of his successors Vikiamendravirman I is given and Mahdrdja n which the regal titles R5] an should leave no doubt about his accession even though no record of his own reign has been 1J Even assuming that he had reported so tar a short reign of about a decade, his accession could not have taken place later than 518-519 His father Madhavavarman I ruled for A D

Tivaradeva belonged, came to powei in South Kosala aftei the Sarabhapurlyas We must
therefore
fiist

asceitain the

peuod of

the

uik

of the $arabhapurd kings The first memhei of the dynasty known from its iccoids uas aiabha who founded its early capital and named the same after himsetf He is generally identified with Sarabhardja, the maternal

grandfath r of Goparaja who, according to an Eran inscription dated 510 A D died in a fierce battle fighting for his friend Bhanu,

18

gupta
the
last

Sarabha

may

therefore be placed
fifth

m
o

quarter of the

century A
for

forty or forty-eight years depending upon the reading of the date of the Polamuru 13 His accession therefore cannot be plates 11 In placed later than 478-479 or 470 AD
at least

Sarabha's son Narendra

luled

twenty-five years, the latest l7 His reign his reign being 24th

about known years of

may

therefore

be placed from

500 to 525 A D
is

The next
Prasanna or

apparent that the close of his 15 later than 518-519 AD The allusion to his dalliances with the ladies at invai a-nagara is first met with in his Ipur
any case
reign
it is

known member

of the family

cannot be dated

plates

issued in the 37th year of his reign This event therefore must have taken place in If the expiession or prior to 515-516

Prasannamatra who issued repousse coins and is also mentioned in the seal-inscriptions of his son Jayaraja and grandson Sudevaraja As no recoid of his own reign has been found so far, it is difficult to ascertain the length of
his

AD

be taken as referring to Tivaradeva the latter will have to be shown to have assumed regal power before this date

tnvaia-nagwa has

to

But assuming that he was the reign immediate successoi of Naiendra and had a
reign of

some

twenty-five years, his reign

may

be dated

in 525-550

A D

The

latest

known

Let us therefore examine the evidence for the

date

of Tivaradeva
It

date of Prasannamatra' s son and successoi Hisieign Jayaraia is his 9th regnal year

may
must be admitted
at

therefoie be justifiably supposed to have

the very outset

lasted foi about ten years

from

550 to c

evidence bearing on this question available at present is not of such a nature as No record to allow us to fix an exact date
that

the

560

AD

followed

Jayaiaja appears to have by his brothei Manamatra alias

the

been

bf either Tivaradeva himself or any of his

'
'

Durgaraja who is known from samund18 and KauvataP plates of his

Mahas^on

and

22
successor Sydevaraia as attached to the inscriptions on the seals
well as

PURABHILEKHA PATH

it,

from
21

the

same

monarch's Nahna

80

and Aiang plates

employment of
in

the prefix

mahat to

his

The name

Kosala for quite som Reference mu< time before Tivaradeva be made in this connection to the afore Kauvatal said Mahasamund and grants c
ruled over South

the

Mahasamund

and

Kauvatal plates

Sudevaraja
raja, styled

wherein

d certain

Indrabala

should leave no room for doubt that he did But as no record of his ascend the thione has been leported so far, it is not own
reign

mahasamanta, figures as occupyin barvadhikaradhiknta It office of the not possible in the present state of insuffi
i

possible to ascertain the

reign

exact length of his

cient information

to

ascertain

the identit

However, assuming that he too ruled for about ten years, his reign may be supposed

But he is generall of this Indrabalaraja identified with Indrabala, son of the firs

to have terminated about 570 A

D Sudevaraja,

known

son and successor of Manamatra-Duigaraja, is known from numerous recoids of his own
reign

grandfather

Pandavavam^i ruler Udayana In case of Tivaradeva

is

an
thi

identification

accepted,

Tivaradeva'

and

his

latest

known

date

is

the tenth

year of his reign when his Raipur plates were " Even if it is issued supposed that this was the closing year of his reign, he could not

have to b< grandfather Indrabala will regarded as occupying a subordinate thougl

important
the
latter's

position under
closing years
to

Sudevaraja

til

have ceased
raja

to

rule before 580 A D

Sudeva-

enough
in

evidence

But we have prove that he alsc

who

was succeeded by his bt other Pravararaja is known from two copper-plate charters both of which were issued in the third year of

ruled as a sovereign ruler for some time In a fragmentary lithic South Kosala

record

83 If he, too, is taken to have ruled his reign for a short period often years, the end of his

the up by ISanadeva in put LakshmanesVara temple at Kharod, about two miles to the north of Sheonnarayan

regnal period

may be

placed around 590

AD 24

Pravararaja

known member of the dynasty and nothing is known about the

is

the last

in the Bilaspur District of Madhya Pradesh, his father Indrabala is described as one

whose
founded
after

lotus-feet

were
the

adorned with

the

history

of

the

3arabhapuriyas theieafter

crest-jewels

of

all

monarchs
is

s5

He
of

Even assuming that the rule of the family ended with Pravararaja who was overthrown by Paiiduvams"a and that the Pandava king who ousted Pravararaja was none else than
Tivaradeva, the

town,

christened

Indrapura

his

own

name, which

spoken

as the headquaiters of a district (vishaya), in the same record His son I^anadeva

commencement

of the latter's

reign cannot be dated before the closing years It seems, however, of the 6th century

AD

erected the temple of LakshmanesVara (now known as LakhanesVara) at Kharod and gave a few villages for its mamtenace Ei
his

Tivaradeva did not come to the throne immediately after Pravararaja and that the
that

two were separated from each other by a

sufficiently long interval of time

that Indrabala began as a subordinate chief under Sudevaraja and ruled as a sovereign ruler

It

will

thus follow

career

after Pravararaja,

and

that

by
There
that
is

his

son

I^anadeva

he was succeeded Another son of

also

sufficient

evidence

to

show

members

of

the

Pandava

dynasty

Indrabala, Nannaraja, have ruled South

is

known
There

to
is

Kosala

WERE MADHAVAVARMAN
considerable

AND TIVARADEVA CONTEMPORARIES

opinion

difference of
87

about

Jaya
tne
will

the exact findspot

stone

inscription

of the Raipur Museum of Nannaraja (called

rule

Nannaraj adhiraja), some holding that it was found at Bhandak (modern BhadravatI)
in

that he picceded Pravaia m over South Kosala 3 Provision have to be made for the rule
ot

shows

these two chiefs beloie

members
Of
Surabala,

the reigns of the

the

Chauda

District of the Vidarbha

3

of Udayaiu's line
late,
'

region of Maharashtra and others legarding Ratanpur in the Bilaspur District or Arang
in the

copper-plate

charter

of

the

as

its

Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh But it appears from provenance

that

and
the

Panduvamil king of Mekala,

another
charter

a stray

plate of

of

Vmayakrao Aurangabadkar's testimony

the
at

fiom

same dynasty 32 have been reported Malhar in the Bilaspur District of

record was

all

probability

Arang

*8

This

inscription

found was put up

of Nannaiaja, styled the reign during Nannarajadhiraja, who is undoubtedly the same as the homonymous grandson of The Udayana and father of Tivaradeva
record further shows that another giandson of Udayana, Bhavadeva Ranakesarm, also We may reasonably Kosala ruled assign a period of a minimum of about rule of ]ndrabala, for the forty years

Pradesh where a large numbei of Saiabhapuriya and PandavavamSi charters have also been found One of the villages
referred to in the stray plate has also been

Madhya

located

in

the

should leave no room Kosala passed on to

This surrounding area for doubt that South

33

Mekala

member

In all South Kosala came under

the PanduvamiSis ot during the reign of the last known of the family, Surabala Udlrnavaira likelihood this event took place betore
the possession of line

and Nannaraja, the terminating around 630 AD"

Is"anadeva

latter's

reign

the Pandavas of Udayana's

If we make a provision of a of about thirty years for the mle

period of the

Attention

may

be

invited to a

few

the

other points which may lead one to dale Tivaradeva still later accession of
plates

Amararya-kula and Surabala also, the beginning of the lejgn of Tivaradeva

would

The Mallar
that a

of

Vyaghraraja
as
for

show

have to be dated in the half of the seventh century AD 31

It

second

family
in

known

Amaraiya-kula

ruled

South

Kosala

some time

will

follow
that

from
I

the

foregoing

after the

of

this

Three members ^arabhapuriyas are known, viz, Jayafamily

discussion

Tivaiadeva
as

ktmd'n

Madhavavarman
they

and Vishnucould not be

and

bhattaraka and his sons Pravara-bhattaraka The plates were issued Vyaghraraja

contemporanes

were

removed

from
than date
reign icign

by Vyaghraraja, but the wording of the record seems to indicate that his elder brother Pravara-bha^taraka was the ruler
at the

each other by a long period of more a century For, while the latest
for the
is,

close

of

Madhavavarman's
the

as

shown above, 518-19 AD,

Tivaiadeva
prior to

time

The

date

of the

record has

of

could
the

not
as

have
such

been variously read as year 41 or 4

title

bhafjaraka

suffixed

to the

The name of

commenced
the
seventh

latter

half of

century

AD

And

24
tile

PURABHILEKHA
expression
as

tlu

Tinaia-nagaia met with Vishnukundm letord cannot be conlefening to

460-480
eaily,

A D

which,

though
for

much

too

may

be

accepted

argument's

stnicd

Tuaiadeva

36

Mna-.lu's
datx
foi

the

close

of

MadhavavaiiiidLi

s>

The recorded reigns of his descen dants amount to fortysix years (Narendra ~^ TavaiajaQ, Sudevaraia 10 ind Pravara Wtf know of two moie Sarabha iaja 3)
sake

mlt and share his view that Tivaradeva came to power immediately after the Saiabhapunya chief Prd\araraja, Tivaradeva
bi ought so early as to become contemporary of Madhavavairaan I if take into account the onlv v\e were to

puriya

chiefs,

viz

Piasannamatra

and

Manarnatra-Durgaraja, who ceitamly ruled but whose records have not been leported
so
far
If

cannot be

they

are

assigned
get
in

a
all

reign

of

ten

years

each,

we

sixtysu

yeais
iaja

which

intervened between

5>arabha
of

known
clueK

icgnal

years of the

Sarabhapuriya

and
latter,

Tivaradeva
therefore,

The
cannot
is

accession

ignoring the possibility of the continuation of the leigns beyond

altogethei

the

be

placed
thai

pnor
a

to

546

AD

It

thus

obvious

years and make only a nommal provision for the reigns ot those chiefs whose dated iccords have yet to be found

recorded

considerably

long
the

period of time

inter

vened

between
leign

end
the

varman's

and

Mira^hi places the first known Sarabhapura citca in arabha 01 ^arabharaja chief

of Madhava commencemeni

of Tivaiadeva's

Foot Notes
1

JLSI

iv,

pp

1-5

2
1

Sri Mallumpll'

Somashekhara Sarma Commemoration

19

Volume

(JAHRS
p

xxxv),

pp

165-168

Ibid

Ef
Ef

xx Ji
as

In Studies

in

Indolog),

(2nd ed

1967),

251,

fn

2,

given
>

500-550

A D
Also see Studies
Volui

however, this date

fn
\

xxvi

229

m
,e,

6 7
8

Ganganatha Jlia Commtmoiation find p 247

I

Indology, pp 223 ff

(Isl ed
,

i960)
in

234,

Studies

Indology,

(2nd

ed

),

240

ESI

iv,

pp

1-5

According to K V Lakshinan and R Subba Rao (JAHRS,

varnaan
in
I

Rao (fownal
vi

of

the.

Depaitment
the

oj
in

Letters, xi,

61,

text

line

4!

22)

the year mentioned

oj

the

Polamuru

is

48

whereas

plates of Madbavi
'

Sircar (Successor!,

Satuvahana*

the

Dtccan,

339)

10
11

12

13

of reading it as 40 Sircars reading is followed by Mirjshi Ramatirtham grant of his son Indrabhattarakd\arman In Vikramendravarman's Tummalagudem plates See JIH xlm, p 734 text line 10 Mirashi (f, xxu, p 20 Studies in Indology ,, pp 21213) beheves that V.kramendravarmai I d.d not rule d thinks that the regal titles may have been used for him 'by way ofcourtes Tb,s insistence, which (JCSl, .v, p 5, fn 24) s motivated by h,s anx.e.y to estabhsh tl conterrporaneity of MWhavavarman land Tavaradeva, has noplace any scientific d.souss.on For the difference of opinion about the of the

favour

'

In

the

reading

year,

see fjote 9 a'boVe

WERE MADHAVAVARMAN
14
In

AND TIVARADEVA CONTEMPORARIES

25

ray paper in
,

JAHRS
this

xxxv these

dates

are

wrongly printed as 48990 and 482

respectively

(ibid

15

Mirashi brings
ted

In

a few other misprints also date by omitting the reign of Vikramendravarman I, which is unwarrancase some margin is made for the continuation of the reign of Indrabhattarakavarman

167)

There are

down

beyond
be
16 17
18

his

latest

known

date,

the termination

of the

reign

of

Madhavavarman

will

have to

placed A few years earlier CI1 HI, PP 91-93

His

Kurud

plates

were

issued in

this

year

See

El

xxxi,

pp

263 66

Information about these plates, which are yet to be published, has been kindly supplied by friend Shn B C Jam, Dy Director of Archaeology, Madhya Pradesh

my

19

20

El, xxxi, pp 314-16 These plates are commonly called

at

Nahna
,

(or

Mama) we
pp
18-22
I96r200

prefer to call

But as Khanar plates them Nahna plates

they are
See

known

to

have pp

been

found

ibid

xxix,

170 73

21

Ibid

xxxin,
in

22
23

CII

pp

24

El, xxn, pp 15-23, xxxiv, pp 51-52 While calculating the reigns of the fJarabhapura kings, we have ignored the reigns of the Amararyakula for in our opinion xxxiv, pp 45-50) kings known from the Mallar plates of Vyaghraraja (ibid these rulers belonged to a different family
,

25

Line 22 of this unpublished record

as

follows

sarvv-avan>-

by Mirashi (Studies in Indclogy, p 258, fn 1) Aali kul-ambara purna- chandrah ivara-$ird-mani-raji-rajat=* pad-ambujah
is

transcribed

Asldbhuvah patih
26 27
Ibid

>pasta-ripur~ Indrabal" dbhidhandh

,

Also

see

Hira Lai,

Inscriptions, in the Central

Provinces and Berar, 2nd ed

1932, p

125,

no

208
is

Kielhorn called

it

Nagpur Museum inscription, but

it

now

deposited

in

the

MGM

Museum,

Raipur
28

We

propose to

discuss this

and

allied questions elsewhere

29

Once Mirashi also realised the necessity of assigning a few years (about 30 years) to the reigns of See El Tlvaradeva's predecessors, but now he has altogether ignored it xxvi, p 229 and JESl iv
,

pp
30

1-2

We

31

32

do not accept the view that Jaya-bhattaraka and Sarabhapura kings Jayaraja and Pravararaja Studies in Indian Epigraphy, (JESI ), in, pp 183-89 ABORI Diamond Jubilee Volume, pp 433 437
,

Pravara-bhatt&raka

are

the same

as the

33

Ibid, p
If

435
II

34

Bhlmasena
(

of the Rajarshitulya-kula,
ruled
in

known from
ff

his

Arang
will

plates,

issued in

the Gupta year

his reign

282
also

601),

also

South Kosala, some provision

have to be made for

165 68

For

his

record, see

El,

ix,

pp 342

35

For other points in

support of this position, see

JAHRS, xxxv

pp

ANATOMY OF POLITICAL 5 ALLIANCE FROM TEMPLE RECORDS

OF TIRUNAVALUR AND TIRUVORR1YUR

G S Narayanan

It is

well

known that by

the tenth century

the

nnst

significant factor in

South Indian

his-

tory was the Chola empire Every other power in this region had to define its relations with

significance of the Chera Chola relationship of the tenth century, but a clear picture of the alliance could not be presented m his works

the absence of details on the history of Kerala

the Cholas, and the fortunes of others depen-

The present paper attempts

to put

togethei

ded largely on the nature of During the

first

this relationship

the evidence of these inscriptions in

order

to

half of the tenth century

when
the

the expanding

Pallava

and

Cho}a empire swallowed Pandya kingdoms and

have a fresh view of the situation Collectively they are able to provide a glimpse of the

anatomy
period

of

Chera-ChoJa alliance
conflict

the
the

confronted the Rashtrakutas of Deccan, the

of

the ill-fated

with

Cheras of Makotai on the West coast maintained friendly political relations

Rashtrakuta empire

with the

This lelation was further Chola power cemented by a royal marriage and put to test
in the joint military action against a

The

earliest

record pointing to the

Chera

common

Choja friendship is an undated inscription from Tillaisthanam temple a This records a

gift

enemy
empire

in

the

form of

the

Rashtrakuta

Vikki Annan, the two conferred the personal

by Kadamba Madevi, on whose husband monarchs jointly

privileges

of

the

Prof
the

KA

Nilakanta Sastri's work on

throne,

chaun, palanqume, dium, a palace,

(?)

Cho}as remains the standard work of

ponakam
heieditary

bugle,

reference

on the subject even to

it

this

day
Sastn

title

However,

may

be noted that Prof

Prof

knew practically nothing about the existence of the Chera kingdom of Makotai Although
a few Chera inscriptions were published the Travancore Archaeological Senes and South
Indian Insuiptions, they had not been studied properly at the time when Prof Sastri pre-

Nilakanta Sastri had identified the Choja counterpart of the Chera king Sthanu Ravi of this poriod as Aditya Chola 8 How

KA

the elephant of "Sembiyan Tamilave}"

corps and

ever the discovery of the

name and

titles

of

Srikantha Chola of the Pottapi line by Prof T V Mahalmgam has enabled us to see that
the

pared his monumental volumes on the Pandyas and Cholas and the Histoiy of South * In spite of this difficulty India as a whole

Choja partner was not Aditya Chola but grikantha Choja since the Tillaisthanam record

Prof Sastri has been able to bring to notice a few important inscriptions which reveal the

clearly mentions him as "Rajakesari" and "Tondamadu-pavma Cholan Palyanai Kok kandan" * Incidentally we know from other

sources that the regnal period of Sthanu Ravi

[ATOMY OF A POLITICAL ALLIANCE FROM TEMPLE RECORDS OF TIRUNAVALUR AND TIRUVORRIYUR

27

gins in 844 A D while that of Theiefore hoja ends in 845 A D

>ssible to

it is

now

pm down
the

the joint military action

daughter of the Chera king Vijayaraga (883c 913 A D ) and granddaughter of the Chera king StLanu Ravi KulaSekhara (844-883 A D )
quite
early in
his

entioned in

undated
6

lillaisthanam

cord
In
3

to 844-45
this

AD

prince Rajaditya

life and that the crown was an offspring of this

Chera-ChoJa
connection, the next thing that

matrimonial

alliance

It is

now

clear that military collaboration

between

know about

hoja or id a Chera

marriage between Vira Parantaka Choja (907-55 A D )

is

the Cheras

and the Cho}as

in

the time of

Sthanu

Ravi

had been strengthened by a

princess called Kilan Adigal his marriage is celebrated in the UdayendiL

plates

of

Prithvlpathi II Hastimalla
is

o Kilan
ie

Adigal

distinctly

mentioned as

marriage It is not surprising that in the Vijayaraga absence of detailed information regarding the

alliance in the time of his successoi

mother of Rajaditya Chola, who was own prince under Parantaka Chola, in an scnption of the 28th year of Paiantaka om Tirunamanallur temple 7
Prof

Nilakanta Cheias of Makotai, Prof Sastn was unable to place this lelationship in
peispective

KA

He

of Ravi Nili and

considered as

could not see the identity Ko Kilan Adigal and he "doubtful" Gopmatha Rao's

KAN

Sastri has taken

Ko

queen of 8 This does not appear to arantaka Choja Another Kilan Adigal is mentioned z true the daughter of Cheia king Kulas'ekhara>

be

the personal

name

of the

view that Parantaka and his Chera queen are named as Vira Chola and Kijan Adigal in
the

In fact the

Huzur Treasury Plates of new facts which came

Tiruvalla

ls

to light sub-

>

to Gopisequently have provided support

eva and wife of his successor Vrjayaragaiva in a record of this period from Tnmianikkara

natha Rao's mfeience

In
spite

of mcoriect identification

of

Another

person

called

Perumattiyar

Cheia Princesses and inadequate information the Chera kingdom regarding the fortunes of
Prof
1C A Nilakanta Sastn has pointed out, with brilliant insight, the fact that theCheraCholamarnage alliance, "contracted possibly of in Aditya's life time, not only gave proof iclations that obtained the fnendly
political

'hatirashkhAmani alias Kilan Adigal is menoned as the royal donor in a iccord of

From these it ikkakkara temple in Kerala be safely inferred that Kijan Adtga} was a ommon title of Chera princesses in Kerala

10

my

knowledge we may suggest hat Ko Kilan Adigal, mother of Rajaditya Tirunamanallur inscription lentioned m the f the 28th year of Parantaka Chola, wasidentin the light of this
al

between the Chola and Kerala rulers, but the occasion for a apparently fuimshtd into tne Choja large influx of Malaiyalis under the king of service in search
countiy

with

Ravi

Nili,

daughter of Kerajaraja

and
that

his

" He also remarked conectly sons "Vellan Kumaian, the Kerala general

7ijayaiagaorCheramanarV]jayaiagadeya,who in a ppears as the donor Tiruvornyur^ms" of Parantaka Chola ription of the 29th year Parantaka Thus we derive the information that
:hoja had married Ravi Nih abas Kilan

of Rajaditya,

who

built a

temple at

Gramam
class

was only the leading example of a large

of
less

known immigrants

figuring as donor-

Adigal,

o of small chartiable gifts in the inscriptions

28

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA
'

Again, with more informations about the Kerala side from the epigraphic

the period

inscriptions in

which Malaiyaji

officers figure

as donors to the temple

now
tical

recoids of the Cheras of Makotai, we are enabled to comprehend better the poli-

and

social

implications of the
in

names of

these Malaiyah donees

They

really

offer

Chola temples something more than a

Indian history under a debt of obligation by proving the identity of VeJJan Kumaran of the two Giamam lecords, the

Prof of South

V Raghavan has placed the students

pictuie of a large influx of Malaiyajis into the Choja country in search of service undei

Pandita

Kerala general of Rajaditya, with Chaturanana I of Tnuvorriyur who figures in

16

the king and his sons They show that the Chera king had not only given his daughter in marriage to the Choja king but also sent
selected band of princelings from the famil'es of his feudatories who were Nadu-

two inscriptions of that place

With

this

achievement we have got a rare opportunity to follow the strange careei of a warrior-turned
ascetic through the iccords of different stages in his life The first record of

Gramam,

vajis

in the

different

districts

of Kerala to

dated
a

>eive as
iitya

companions

for

his

grandson Raja-

who became

the Choja ciowu

puuct

29th year of Parantaka, registers gift of sheep for lamp in the shrine of ^rlmulasthanattu Mahadeva at Arruttah in

in the

These people were not seeking an opportunity 'or service under the Choja king as we
understand the search for employment in the modern sense Thev were not even adventurers who found a place the Choja mili-

Tirumuttiyur, by Vellan Kumaran of Nandik Puttur Malamadu, a general of 17 The second record from Gra Rajaditya mam dated m the 36th year of
karai

As members of the organisation instocratic ruling families of Kerala, they vere probably fulfilling their hereditary feudal >bligations towards their own sovereign, the
tary

(Kali year 4044, Kali day that VeJJan Kumaran, the

of prince Rajaditya,
Siva
(Arruttaji

Paiantaka, 1477037) states Kerala genera]

built a stone

temple

of

"hera king, who nominated them as the companions of his grandson, so that they nay serve him in war and peace

Mahadeva) at Mauligrama (Tirumuttiyur) on the river Pennai Terms like ^Chamunayaka", "ChoJargaJ Mulabh and ntya" "Perumpadai Nayaka" are used
as
titles

called

The leader of this group was evidently

of VeUan Kumaran He "Uttamah KEraJanam" or the

is

also

best of

As pointed out already /ejjan Kumaran Nilakanta Sastn yy Prof

KA

earlier,

this

Cerala general of Rajaditya was present at jramam as early as 936 A D where seven
fears later
Siva

he constructed a stone temple to

the

His birth place is mentioned as Puttur" This Nandikkarai Puttur may be identified as Nandikkara, near IrmjaUkkuda the old VaJluvanad district of the Chera country or Kerala

Kerahtes

on the banks of

Pennar

14

Tiruna-

'alur, a village near

luarters of

Gramam, was the headRajaditya for many years and it

The third iccord from Tiruvornyur near Madras simply mentions Chaturanana Pan
dita as the
local temple
recipient

vas called

Rajadittapuram till about AD 140 in records |B This is also the place vhere we come across a large group of

m the
18

of a donation

to the

18th

Rashtrakuta
Tiruvornyur,

The fourth
dated
ih.

year of Krishna III record, also from

the, ,20th

is

year

of

ANATOMY OF

A POLITICAL ALLIANCE

FROM TEMPLE RECORDS OF TIRRUNAVALUR AND TIRLUORRIYUR

29

Krishna

III (959

A D

and

gives the autobio-

Chera sovereigns
title

possessed

the

Kumaran composed long graphy of Vejlan after he had become an ascetic under the !0 The adopted name of Chaturanana Pan^ita
this record meaning of certain passages was completely misunderstood by some early took the terra "Vallabha scholars who Rashtranatha." to indicate the Rashtrakuta

of Rajas'ekhara

we have

hereditary to agree that

Dr V Raghavan's identification of Vellan Kumaran as Chaturanana Pandita is fully conmmed by clear epigraphic evidence This
incidentally teveals the feudal chaiacter of the
political structure

and

political relations

of

and inferred that a certain Choja general of Rajaditya betrayed his masters and went s) over to the Rashtrakuta (Vallabha) side
ruler

the period undei discussion It was evidently the feudatory status of the ruler of Valluva-

nad under the Cheia king that required him

to

send his son to the court of the Cheraat a very

to

Nilakanta Sastri came nearer the truth when he emphassied the term
Prof

KA

Choja prince Rajaditya

This

young age
of
the

Tiruvomyur

inscription

Kerala in the Pandita's autobiography and assumed that he was born in a family of local at chieftains in Kerala Evidently he did not
as grasp the fact that the name of the donor "Vallabho this mentioned record, i e

20th year of Krishna III says that

Vallabha,

(Kumaian resembling manya) son of Raja^ekhara. (this applies to the ruler of ValJuvana^ as well as to Siva) who was governor of Vallabha-rashtra in
01

Guha

Subrah-

Guhabha" was

Sanskntised and

poetic
to

Kerala, went to Chojade^a after learning

that

all

expression for the name "Vellan He did not have materials before
that

Kumaran"
him
show
in
it

was to be learnt (samasta-vidya) and became the loyal servant of prince Rajaditya

the Kerala

Valluvanad was a Na^u or Rashtra kingdom of that period, that

He

was governed by a family of hereditary chieftains under the Chera king, and that these chieftains had the hereditary title of Rayira
3i

is described as a favourite of the goddess of prosperity and a well wisher of all the people He offered high devotion and loyalty

Raja^ekhara which
inscription
instinct

is

)articular

M
a

mentioned m However, with the

this

of the prince bliss of death

(Guruseva and Samantabhava) in the service He was unable to achieve the

the

company of
on

Ins master

(Sahamarana-sukham)

account

of his

inerring

>bserved
f this

great in a foot note that

of

historian he

"one wonders

This is obviously a refeience to the absence tragic circumstances of the death of pnnce
Rajaditya at the battle of Takkolam (949 A D
)

man was the same

as Vellan

Kumaran,

he Kerala general of Rajaditya,

he Siva temple at
nost prominent
ervants of

who

built

Gramarn,

and was the

where the Ganga prince Butuga jumped on to the back of his elephant and killed him by
surprise

among the numberless Kerala

"4 The text of the Rajaditya been pioperly ascription has subsequently dited and the controversial points clarified

intense fiustration of a loyal

sl>

The following sentence reflects the companion of

die with
his

honour who was duty-bound to master on the field of battle

iy

Dr

26

Ragh-avan
called

When we remember
,

hat a

Nandikkarai Puttur xisted in Valluvanad in Kerala and that under the he Natfuvali of Valluvanad
village

The old general recalls in one ptt% sentence that he was upset because his action was unbecoming of his caste (jati), family

30

PlJRABHILEKHA PATRIKA

(anvaya), father (tata)

and master

(bharta)

Most probably

this

sop of the Vajluvana^

Malainattu Madaivajkai lyakkan Iranian The title Maluvacbchar is reminiscent of the

title

"

Raja hailed from an aristocratic Nayar family which supplied wives to the governing families and companions of honour to the which was princes according to the practice common in medieval Kerala This event was
a turning point in the career of the general v,ho had reached the top of his profession At this point his natural piety which had
expressed
earlier,
itself in the

Maluvakkan
of

governors of Kilmalamad
title

used by the hereditary Kerala l9 The

Velkulasundaram appears in
of the

the the

signature

Venad

governor
'"

plates Synyan two persons also must be sons of the feuda

Christian copper

These

tones of Kilmalamad and

Vena$

respectively

There
the

construction of temples

others but the three cases

came

to

his rescue

He renounced

no information about the status of would indicate that Chera king had organised a few selected
is

the world (Viragatam-upagatah), purified himself

by

a trip to

Prayaga (snatas-tnmargam-

bhasi) and finally accepted the descipleship

young men of aristocratic birth to act as the companions and servants (Samantas and That they Sevakas) of the Choja prince
proved their merit in faithful service for long years may be deduced from the high rank of
VelJan
offered

of Niranjana Guru the lord of Adhigrarna He (Ornyur) and the name of Chaturanana
reveals
gift
all

these facts on

the occasion

of a

Kumaran and

the

rich

donations

of 100 nishkas of gold to Narasimhamangala-sabha on his birthday on Dhamshta

nakshatra
This unusual autobiographical iccord of the former Kerala general turned into ascetic, expressed in four elegant s"lokas in Sanskrit, throws a flood of light into the process of

by the other Malaiyajis to the temple Besides these, Kilao Adigal, mother of
Rajaditya built the stone temple (Karrali) of TiruttondisVara 30 Her female servant
(PanvarattdJ)

Chitrakomalam

donated

90

sheep and an

Ila-vijakku to the temple

recruitment of the generals and the conditions Atleast in the case of two of their seivice

other

Maldiyaji military officers attached to

It mav be gathered from this brief survey of epigraphic records that Rajaditya's retinue included a good number of Malaiyajis who

we know that they were similarly drawn from the aristocratic luhng elite of The names found in a group are Kerala
Rajaditya,,

were selected from

the kings of

among

the

feudatories

of

Kerala

This complex of temple

the feudal political

records would

show how

those of Malaiyajan

kan Chattan, Malaiyalan

yajan
Iravi kodai,

Majuvachchar Attair Nedunkalamattu

hierarchy operated in the organisation of the aimy in the context of the ChoJa-Chera
alliance

Uanamangalattu Manavallan Kannan, MalaiMalaiyajan Nedumpuiai-

They

cated matrix of loyalty

royal

also reveal partly the compli and service in which

piety, feudal

Vakkanat^u Mankarai Kantan VelkulaMalamattU Kantiyur sundaran, Malaiyaja-panvarattu Chevakan Chipta Kumaran, and
yur Nattil

matrimonial relations,

Kanun,

obligations, military needs

and personal sense of honour played their part in conformity with the accepted values of che age

ANATOMY OF A
Foot Notes
1

POLITICAL ALLIANCE FROM TEMPLE RECORDS OF TIRUNAVALUR

AND TIRUVORRIYUR

31

It

is

only

brought out
title

and sixties of the present century that Prof Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai papers on the later Cheia period which were translated into English later under the "Studies in Kerala History", Kottayam, 1970
in

the

fifties

PN

his

2
3

286 of 1911,

AREp,

1912,

II,

11

The Cholas, p 115 See Also

TA

Gopmath Rao, T A S
in

II

pp 76-77, Elamkulara, Efukal,p

99

4
5

TV

Mahalmgam "An Interregnum

Palliava History" Journal of Indian History, XL1-I, pp 297-303

MGS

Narayanan, "Political and Social Conditions of Kerala c 800 1124 Political History, Chera Choja entente Kerala University, 1973)
III,

AD"

(Unpublished

Thesis,

7
8

South Indian Inscriptions, U, 335 of 1902, El, VII p 133

No

76,

Verse

8,

pp 383

The Chofai, p 134

TAS

IV, No 36, pp 144-145 The relationship probably suggests the matnlenial form of succession as Kerala the nephew might have married his uncle's daughter following as old custom
,

10
11

TAS,

III,

No
1912,

36,

pp

169-171

No

169 of

SII,

III,

No

103,

pp 235-236

12 13

The Cho}as, pp

134-139

14

No

The Cholas, pp 139 739 of \9QS,The Cholas The Cholas, pp 129

p 129, No

732 of 1905 dated Saturday 14th January,

A D

943

15

No

374 of 1902

16

El XXVI -I
See Note See
14 12

pp

239

ff

17
18

above

Note
177
181
,

above

19

20
21

No No

of 1912

of 1912
1913,

ARS1E

pp

93-94,

MJOR,

VI,

pp

229-532

22 23

The Cholas pp

649

The matters
The Cholas p
See Note
See

are

b-ought out

in

my

unpublished

PhD

Dissertation

See note

No

ibove

24
25

665
16

26

27

Narayanan "Tbe Institution of Companions of Honour", Journal of Indian History, Volume, 1973 Nos 326, 329, 331a 337, 341, 343 and 346 of 1902, See SII VII, Nos 955, 958,960,967,971, 446-471 and 976, pp 973

MGS

No

above

Golden

Jubilee

28

See Tnkkakkara and Tnkkadittanam inscriptions of Majuvakkonar TAS III, pp 188-189 47 and TAS See also Tiruvalla Copper Plates, TAS, III, V, No 59, pp 181-183
,

No
11,

2*

TA&

P&fc

<U

PP

67 69

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF ANCIENT CHAMBA

As Gleaned From
its

Inscriptions

B K

Kaul Dembi

Chamba
distuct

is

the

noith-westetn

most

Sources of Information

ofHimachal Pradesh

situated in the

bosom
and

of the Himalaya Mountains between

noith latitude

11'

30"
49' 0"

*nri

1T

The only reliable and authentic soun of information regaidmg the social an
economic conditions of ancient Chamba
the
ar

last longitude
it is

75

and 77

3' 30'

In shape

more or

less

of a rough

inscriptions

dating from the 6th cer

It oblong, contracted towards the north comprises a section of the Ravi Valley and

tury

A D

ing of rock
inscriptions,

These are of diveise types, consis and stone inscriptions, imag

copper
plate

a section of the
toiy
is

Chmab

Valley

The

terri-

inscriptions an

wholly mountainous

with altitudes

the fountain

stone inscriptions

The

rocl

ranging fiom 2000 to 21000 feet above sea

level

image and copper plate types of inscription are well known and a word may be san about the fountain stone mscuptions wluc,
of their type These are engra ved on the elegantly caived fountain slab
are unique

Chamba was
lull

formerly one of the old

states

of western Himalayas comprising

superficial area

of 3,216

square

miles
in early
is

discovered from different parts of Chamba am

The name Chamba dose not occur

Sanskrit liteiature
Its

eaihest mention

now preserved in the Bhun Singh Museum Chambd These inscribed slabs were erectei
spnngs by the pious donors for earnmj merit They are generally dedica ted to Vaiuna, the god of wateis, whose
religious

found

in

the

Bhaiamaur

copper plate m-

at

scuption

of

to the 10th century

Yugakaravarman belonging Heie the form of

AD

the
to
in

name given

is

Chanpaka, which changes

to vernacular influence

Champaka owing
the copper plate

the centre

seated figure the stories geneially contain n The other figures carved on these
oil

charters

of

Chamba
in

sKbs include those of the nava-grahas

Vishnu, sleeping on
ten incarnations

belonging to the 13th and the subsequent

centuries

The name

the Seshanaga, of

to

also occurs

the

form Champa at several places m the Rajataianguu* which refers to a few rulers of
this
hill

and of the nvei goddesse

Ganga and Yamuna

tly

state

It

is

from the

The stones ate elegan decorated on their bfirdew try varion

patterns,
floral

latter
is

form

geometrical
designs

that the

modem

and

form Chamba

vegetal

derived

SOCIAL

AND ECONOMIC

CONDITIONS OF ANCIENT CHAMBA

33

Society

the

Varnasrama
orders

The

castes

and

the

world and the ocean of existence

next

in
4

order to

cross

While the
inscriptions of
light

Brahmanas were
chanty,

the

leci-

The
throw

Chamba
castes

much

on the

do not and the

pients

of royal
for

they also

made

orders as they existed in ancient

Chamba
mention

The copper
the

works of public utility gifts Thus we hear of a Brahmana constructing a fountain of water at Dadvai 5

plate

inscriptions only

names of
details

the four castes but do not

The

furnish

about

only

about the

them It is Brahmanas that we get

all

Brahmanas

in

of

ancient

Chamba

some detailed information

were known, as in othei paits of India, by their particular Sakhas and gotras

The
place
in

Btahmanas occupied an honoured

the
social

Thus the recipients of king Vidagdha's and Somavarman's grants weie of the
Vajasaneyl
9

slkha
that

and

of

the

hierarchy in

ancient
gotra,

Kas"yapa-

Chamba

and

They received royal patronage in the form of land grants which bestowed 3 them on several rights and privileges
They weie granted the ownership of grazing and pasture grounds, kitchen gardens,
fruit

of king

Asata's grant
7

belonged to the Ka^yapa-gotra

Besides
three
the

known

castes,

Brahmanas and the other we find mention of

as

such low castes

the

Medas, the Andh-

trees,

water courses,
the
cultivable

fallow

and

channels, the lands which lay

within the specified boundaries The grants were free from all kinds of taxes The
subjects
to

rakas, the Dhivaras and the Chandalas in a 10th century copper plate charter issued 8 by king Vidagdha of Chamba

and
the

living in the granted area were pay to the grantee the tax in cash kind and bring to him every other

The Medas aie mentioned in the Mahabhaiata* According to the commentator

Nilakantha,
cattle

they ate
describes

the

flesh

of an
the

The district and were ordered not to encamp at the house of the donee nor to demand from him milk, corn, fuel,
tribute

due

to

the king

dead

Manu
a

Meda
male

as

local

officers

offspring

of

Vaidehaka

and a

Nishada
village
kill

woman, who dwelt

and whose
|0

outside

mam

business was to

maids
lands
the

And not to cause chaff, furniture, etc to his ploughmen, vexation cowherds, and servants The donations of
given to them were considered as means of acquiring religious merit
glory to a

wild beasts

The Andhrakasj accoidmg to Manu, weie a mixed caste born of, Vaidehaka father and Karavara joother, TJie functions
11

and
lands
for

Thus King Vidagdha granted Brahmana named Nanduka

of the Andhrakas weie the same as those of the Medas

increase
himself,

merit, for the acquiring religious of the glory of his parents and for the sake of the the bliss of

The Dhivaras accoidmg to Gautama" were a pratiloma caste born of Vai^ya

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA
34

mile

and Kshatnya female

Their

mam

part

of the

social

community

in

ancient

business was to catch fish

Chamba
Position of

in

The Cbandalas are widely mentioned and m Smriti and Kavya literature such early woiks as Taittreya Brahmana,

Women
in

Women
an
were
love
the

ancient
position

Chamba
in

occupied

honoured
of their
to

society

They
gave

Chhandogya

Brihadaianyaka Upanishad, In the Upanishad and the Ashtadhyayl 13 they are ranked Chhandogya Upanishad In Smriti with the dog and the boar
\\oiks,

object of highest

devotion and
often

husbands who
their

expiession

constructing

conjugal devotion by fountains for the attainment

the

Chandalas aie

described

as a

mixed' caste
the Chandalas
village,

born
1

of
'

Sudia

from

of icligious next world

merit

by their wives in

the

Brahmana woman

According to Manu,
to
live

were

outside

the

Thus Rdjanaka Goga, feeling deeply afflicted at the passing away of his wife Suramati, had a fountain of clear
water constructed to ensure
in
bliss

use garments
the
so

on

dead bodies as
as

for her

their

clothes

and were to act

ordered
are

hangmen

the next

world

8i

Similarly

Rajanaka
for
the

when

king

Devaprasada
attainment
described

erected a fountain
bliss

of heavenly

by his consort

The Chandalas
the Chinese
to him,

also

by

Mekhala
Pratsasti

a1

The husband's
is

sincerity

of love

traveller

Fahien
live

According
the

for his wife

they had

to

outside

town

by the Sarahan which records the erection of a

also proved

and

approach when give notice of their entering a town or a market place by of wood so that others striking a piece 1* not get polluted by their contact
might
According to Alberum,"
the Chan^alas was
to

Siva temple by Satyaki to

perpetuate the

memory of

his

spouse Somaprabha

"

the

business of

is

proverbial

The conjugal fidelity of Indian women and we find women in ancient

never
failing
in

hang persons when

by the judi-

Chamba

their

duty

to

death they wtre sentenced to

cial

reciprocate

the love

and devotion of

their

authority

husbands by building leligious institutions and donating liberally for works of public
are also

The Chandalas
Kalhaija in
to
his

mentioned by

utility,

him,

According Rajatarangim though Chandalas were booted

by the
at
17

their

lords

for ensuring the heavenly bliss in the next world Thus

of

we

down

upon
and
their

people

they also
as>

served as royal

men

18

body-guards or times they were

conspirators as
rivals
10

watch-

hear of Queen Rardha having constructed a Siva temple for the attainment of ichgious s" merit by her husband Salakaravarman

engaged

by the
killing

selfish

agents for

Another queen, BalhS, erected a fountain for the sake of the bliss of her lord in
the next world
24

political

The mention of

these

low castes

As
vogue

regards

the

custom of
that

sail
it

the
in

10th century document, referred to above, would show that they continued to form

inscriptions indicate
it

though

was

was

not

universally

practised

SOCIAL

AND ECONOMIC

CONDITIONS OF ANCIENT CHAMBA

at the

35

The Rajar>aka Nagapala of Chamba

"

Indians and
a villager
It

also

a source of income for

death of his fathei pi evented his mother 5 from becoming sati Queen Rardha survived her husband Salakaravarman J6

would seem

that the

staple

food of

Widows

aftei

the death of their

hus-

poeple in ancient Chamba was rice and that milk was a favourite drink in ancient

bands led a life of austerity and piety and Thus the took part in religious donations

Chamba

as

in othei

parts

of India

widowed queen Balha,

aftei

being dissuaded

House And Furniture

Houses in ancient Chamba as at present must have been made of wood and stone as these were the most easily available building mateiial As icgards furniture, the most commonly used aiticles appeal to have been
pitha,

from consigning herself to the flames, emaciated herself by prolonged fasting and increased her chai ity, hei compassion to the poor " and devotion to Krishna

Chamba presents a sinking contrast o certain parts of Himachal as,foi example, the plight of women was [Cangra where
Miserable
secure

plthikd and

khafva,
plate

mentioned
grant of

the

Sungal
3a

copper

king

Even

their

chastity

was

not

Vidagdha

at

the hands of the feudal

lords

the Baijnath ?or example, it is stated rasastis that the rulers thought the sove-

The woid pitha of which we

earliest
is

find the
3'

mention

in

the

Gnhya-suttas
31

explained
01

over a town to yield its legitimate only by the rape of the wives of t& Theie were noble exceptions heir subjects
eignty
esult

(asanain,

stone
.1

as seat Amarakosha upave^anadharah) made of metal, wood Pi tha would thus indicate
in the

stool or a

chair

oo,

as

we

learn

that

the

ruling

chief

^akshmanachandra
'ow after his

of Kiragiama

took a

Pithika,

which
is

also

occurs

m
is

the
Will-

pilgrimage to Kedaranatha hat thenceforth he would treat the wives a >f others as his own sisters
7ood

Ramayana,"
iams

as a stool

explained by 01 A bench

Momer
It

repre-

And

Drinks
the foods and
drinks that were
the inscriptions

sented by modem pidhi in Chamayali and Panjabi which denotes a smaller stool with wooden legs and with seat made of strings,

Among
icntion

>opular in ancient

Chamba,

^ane 01 wooden planks

dhanya andgokshtia Dhanya, of yhich we rind the earliest mention m the 30 The denotes gram m general ligveda
,

Inhadaranyaka

Upamshad"

mentions

as

of grain However, m ciany as ten kinds he hill regions of Kangra, Chamba and Usihmir dhanya usually denotes paddy

Khatva which is mentioned in such works as the Abhtadhyayl, 37 Maha39 38 etc is explained Manusmnti, bhaiata, in the lexicons as Khatyale kankshyate that which is desired or nidraithibhih
early
,

In sought by the peisons going to sleep the Amarakosha" it is described as synonym

It ofparyanka or palyanka meaning couch would thus denote a bedstead, a couch or

Gokshint means cow's milk which, from -times* has ibeen a favourite diet of

36

PURABAILEKHA PATRIKI

a cot

The

modem
means
a

Hindi derivative of
cot

it,

Atharvaveda"

and

viz, khat
It

and
in the 10th

explained uncultivated land

plains
it

is

Btahmana* Amarakosha as The Natadasmnti ex

Satapatha
the
noti

would thus appear that

the

as

a tract of land which has

century,
that

common

articles

of furniture

Cimmba weie possessed bench or a smaller stool and cot, stool, all probably made of wood, the only cheaply
a villager
available material

been under cultivation for thiee years,

Polachya

were

the

cultivated

lands

According
in

51 the term is preseived Vogel the modern Hindi word Polacha which

to

means 'land under constant

cultivation'

So

Economic
Agriculture

Conditions

far as the

cultivated lands were concerned, they must have been at least of two types, one used foi the cultivation of rice and the

Agncultuie has been the principal means

of livelihood of Indian people

other for the cultivation of

wheat,

maize,

from

early

sugarcane and such other crops

is

The

former
plate

inscriptions of

The copper plate furnish encouraging infoimation of the land system as it preVedic times to
this

day

mentioned

in

the
*
!

Brahmor coppei

Chamba

vailed

in

ancient

Chamba

during the 10th,

Even to-day in Chamba the irrigated piece of land used for cultivation of rice is called Kolhika The
giant as Kolhika

an

llth

and the 12th centuries

Lands known by then Names

In the
first

word Kolhika is obviously derived from thi vernacular Kohl which is the corrupt forn of Sanskrit Kulya meaning 'a channel usec
1

instance,

we

for irrigation
find

that the

lands in ancient

Chamba were

given proper

Besides the two

named
type

Thus the two pieces of land donated by king Vidagdha bore the names Sen and
names
Lavala
fields,
4a

mention
Upakhila

of a third

above, we fine of land called

Besides the cultivated lands, the

would denote semi or

Ownership oj land

This term as compared to Khih partially waste land

kitchen gaidens and the pasture grounds also bore special names We find the

Sabdabagga, Prahabagga and Khambagga as the names of fields a.ndPushkari as the name of a pasture ground" and

mention of

Before we discuss the question of owner

ship of land in ancient

Chamba,

it

would
what

be worthwhile to have a clear idea of

owneiship

Yamalika as the name of a kitchen garden

Types of land

its

legal
1

sense

implies
'i,

The
clear

earlier

authois of Smttis
'

make

The two principal types of land were khila^ and polachya 4e Khila lands were the waste lands which were not under cultivation The modern derivative of the term, viz Khih in, Chamba denotes the same The
,

distinction ''be'tween

ownership
States

and
that

possession

Thtte YajnavaSftya

possession acquires validity when it is accon panied by a clear title (agamena vj&uddhena) and is not valid without the same Accor

term khila occurs in such early works as

ding to Brihaspati possession becomes

valid

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF ANCIENT CHAMBA

37

accompanied with legitimate title 51 Narada, whose view is more tales that, where there is enjoyment
e

any such right

that

Here

it

may be mentioned

of any

sort,

title

is

required

Smntis make it clear that like movable or immovable, lard also can be owned The Smntis and the
the
othei
objects,

Mere o produce proprietary right is not sufficient to create propne-

4.nba&ast<c

also peimit the sale, gift

and

mortgage of owned lands

A cleai

title

having been

esta-

Dossession acquires validity without a clear title does

But
not

The copper plate grants of Chamba record grants of land by kings Yugakaiavarman, Vidagdha, Somavarman and Asata In the grants of Yugakaiavarman, Somavarman and Asata, the names are mentioned
persons occupying the lands at the time of the giants Fiom what has been said above about the owneiship, it is clear
that the kings held the donated lands
l

evidence

of ownership between the two terms

65

is

The made

iicated

pect of terminology Thus ownerby the pronoun svam and

of

ct terms svatva,

svdmya, svamitva,

possession
(to

rb 'bhuf

is usually indicated enjoy) and its deriva-

proprietary rights ovei

The teims 'bhutijamana*

1

jthors of the great medieval Digests

:red

Law

give

clearer

and more

in this connection would denote that these lands at the time of donations, were in the temporary possess-

satka'

GO

and

'sthita'*

Thus ownership Jimutavahana, the author of bhaga, "ownership implies the the object owned, of being used
sfimtions
to

of

ion of the

named

individuals

^rier

according to his pleasure"

Mitrarms'ra

B6

to

ownership

is

an

Though on the basis of these few instances, it would be rash to suggest that the ownership of the entire soil in Chamba vested in the king, ic would be far more
reasonable to suggest that there did exist some loyal fields in ancient Chamba which were owned by the rulers themselves and

indicative of the quality in the led by being used according to

which weic,
qualities associated with 88 as referred to by Gautama and
ssential

at

times,

given by

them on

lease

to

tenants

the

rights

of

sale,

gift

and

That kings in ancient India owned lands as personal property is shown by the leferences 8a to the royal faims in the Artha&astra
Moreover, there is evidence of the existence of royal farms and allotments in the villages from the Maurya up to the Gupta period
Agi icultural Product v

it

is

clear

from

the

definitions

Dve

that

right

ownership constitutes a according to which the

according to his
sale,
it

use the object

may put
make
it

on

give

away

mortgage Possthe other hand, does not include

over as

The

principal

crops

sown

in

ancient

Chamba were paddy and

sugarcane, referred

38
93

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA
as dhanya
find

to

and ikshu

we

the

earliest

Dhanya, of which mention m the Rigveda }

8J

Kullaka

is

derived from kulla or Sanskrit

Kulya and denotes a canal

Kuppatta according denotes a rivulet
Udakasihdra
other source and
ful
is

usually denotes grain in general

As pointed
Vogel" probably

out above,

in hill regions

of

Kashmir,Chamba

and

Kangra, the term is used only for Ikshu denotes sugarcane which is paddy

not

even now giown in some parts of

Chamba

known from any

its

exact meaning doubt-

Sungal copper plate grant of Vidagdba mentions rochika and chitola, the 66 exact meaning of which is uncertain Vogel
takes
00

The

it means a According to Vogel" water course, but it is not possible to explain

it

etymologically
as

them

to

be

the

names

of

some

agricultural

Sircar
levies

C According to products they denote certain obligations or

exact nature

Paniya appears to be the same which denotes a canal 76

It

pana

would

thus seem

that

the

of which

in

is

not

ancient

Chamba,
the

irrigation

was

eifected

known
tioned

However, both the terms are menalong with sasya (coin), charana

mainly by

(foddei for cattle) and ikshu (sugaicane) and,

channelSjCanals or miniature cuts drawn hill streams and rivulets Even

from

now, the

channels diawn
generally

judged from the context, the suggestion of The two terms Vogel seems, more plausible
are

known

from the hill streams and as Kuhl form the mam

source of

artificial

not
it is

known from any

difficult to establish

literary

source
87

ungationm Chamba

and

then

identity

Land Survey Land bejng the main source of subsistence of the people in ancient

Methods of

Irrigation

The
tion

cultivation

of

paddy presupposes
0111

Chamba, need

seems

to

the existence

of a proper system of irrigaiccords,

survey of lands

Though, from

we do

have been keenly felt foi the proper and the demarcation of

not get evidence of any large scale irrigation works, yet the occunence of certain
words, such as
tta

their boundaries This avoided the quarrels arising out of land disputes, besides facilitating the location of different

kolhika

kullaka,"

kappaenables

land situated

pamya

11

pieces

of

different

and

udakasihdia"

localities

us to foim some idea of the methods of

irrigation

Thus
of

in

order to give

specific

employed

n ancient Chamba
is

location

The word kolhika

which
is

derived from kohl

for a

the

present
hill

name

channel

drawn from the

stream and used for

irrigating the rice

tields

two pieces of land named Sen and Lavdla donated by king Vidagdha, the Sungal copper plate grant gives the following detailed description of their boundaries 76 (The boundaries of Sen) "on the east the limit of the rent free land
(agrahara)

of

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF ANCIENT CHAMBA

i

39

e of)

Pa^ala,

on the

south the

lion

of

Arama 31

and vi&rama

within
fields

the

n as 'the great slope*,

on the west,

boundaries of the cultivated

would
by

of the slope of the the north the limit

Khambagga known as

show

that a cultivated field also

as

contained

parks and dwellings, which

villagers

were used

meeting and resting places

boundaries of Lavala) "on the the piecipice, on the south side 3ck, on the west side the nvulet(7),

Land Measures The standard land measure

in

ancient

Chamba

was

bhu

or

bhumi

One bhu
called bhu-

by name, on the north side the le path to the pasture ground of

consisted of four sub-measuies

s,
,

or slma?

if

lands had their These limits usually (l)tjma (2) goyuthi and (3) gothe cultivated

mashkas aa The land measure bhu was vogue in several other paits of India as well, as is indicated by its frequent mention in copper plate inscriptions Its value,
howevei, differed

diffeient localities

In
17

Chamba
acres

its

value

was

equivalent
the

to

which

literally

means grass seems

ra
s

stretch of grass neai the culti-

The meaning of goyuthi is The word yutha is often met e msknt literature and denotes *a
srefore, goyuthi

neetmg
78

^ogel

met with m the copper plate and renders it as 'grazing ground

can be explained place of the herds of equates it with 'gavyuti'

Vogel, calculating land donated by king Asata, remarks, "The land granted Asata's charter, which is stated to be 1 bhit 6 bhumashka, in other 2i words bhfi, has an area of 14 lahns or 42 acics Fiom which it would follow that one bhu of land coriesponds with nearly

measure of

5* lahns

or neaily

17 acres

es

The area of land was also determined according 10 the quantity of seed required We find the mention of for sowing it
pitaka in this connection
Jt is

mentioned

70

the Apastambiya a which occurs and the Ramayana and which

m the Eiahmor Y Ogakor avai man

81

copper plate grant of wheie the area of the

dy met with in ans a pasture

the copper plate

The granted land is expressed in pitaka land measure pitaka is also mentioned in the Sankheda plate of Dadda II of the
(Kalachun) year 392,
ficance
it
8S

the limits noted above a cultiwas bounded bv two passages, itrance and the other for exit id prave&a are mentioned in this It had also a kitchen garden vatika attached to it, which was
,

but

its

exact signi-

is

uncertain

Vogel"

suggests that

may be equated with modern pira which is In the Gupta age also, we equal to 40 seers that the aiea of land was deterfind to the measure of grain mined according
with which
it

reducing

vegetables.

The men-

could

be sown

Thus we

40

PURABHILEKHA
references
to

have
In

adhcnapa,

dionavapa,
87

India,

it is

not

known what

exact value

tfa

ku!\d\'up,i

the

Damodaipurcoppei

plates

the

dUed
to

Gunciigath plate of Vamyagupta, n 507-08, we find the area of land

i'i

two measures had in ancient Chambj and Kangra They aie no longer used EOU m the two hill districts

^ic jijrcd

'crin^

of

'tf/t.'n.

*_;r"3uj^
Sircai
89

the
is

calculations

of

Dr

one

Revenue System

pataka
iiiy
tli

equal to 40 thdnciiapas and accordto the refeiences given by him, one

is

oncn apa

cases
the

and 25

equal to 48 acres in ceitam in otheib which thus gives

1920 acies and

The copper plate inscriptions do notfiu msh any direct evidence of taxation in anciei Chamba but the indnect reference in
Sungal copper plate grant to ceitam dues which the subjcts, icsident in the
ed
land
roya

tit

vilue of one pataka as

enjo\

1000 icrcs lespcctively

as

Di Maittey, on the
one pataka
60

were

to

dehvei

to the

giantes

othei hand, calculates the area of

enable

us to
as
it

\aiymg between 72
It

to 88 acres

system

form some idea of the was m practice in

levenu

anaen

Chamba
though not quite definite that the pitaka of our lecoid is tuc SU^IL, as of the pataka Gunaigarh plate The modern Bengih term for pataka is pCna which
likely

seems

The loyal dues mentioned

tion
1)

in this com:

are
2) bhoga,
3)

bhaga,

closely

with pira the agiees equivalent of pitaka in Chamba

modern
met
with
fiist

kara and 4)

hiran

The terms bhaga and bhoga,

frequen

Besides the pitaka noted above, the other

weie at
as

copper plate mscnpti taken by Fleet and Kielhi

important grain measure was

1

khan

It

is

mentioned in the Chamba copper plate where Somavai man is stated to have grant" granted annually one khan of giain from
the

expiession and translated 98 'enjoyment of taxes' an d 'share of

98

one

fiscal

produce

lespectively
distinct

But now they

fiscal

taken as two

terms and

Bhadravarma gianaiy (Koshthagara) (modem Bhadiama) to a Vishnu temple

of

explained as such

Bhaga
khan,
mention
the
in

is

mentioned
sita,

ot

which

we

in the Aithaidstia

find
is

the eaihest
in

along

with

bah,

the

kara,

Rigieda**
quoting

inha&astra
Sircai,

explained as equivalent to 16 dronas

T
i

vaivk,

Ganapati Shastn,
,

commenting on
amounting

D C

term,
e

rematks between one

Bengali authois, that the value of one dtona lies

explains it as 'dhanya-tfwd-bhagah share of produce to on

maunds 91
the

maund Khan is

fourteen seeis and two

also

mentioned

in

Rajataiangim** and this giain measure has been in use in Kashmir from

howevei, points out tk pioduce did universally amount to one sixth He refe
the

sixth

king's

Maittey, share

102

of the

times to this day 00 pacca seers Since the value of khan and dtona differed in different localities in ancient

early It consists of 16 traks or

Bhattasvamm who, commenting on above cited passage of Artha&astra, explan shadbMgam. the general sense of loyal sh (raja bhaga) and adds that the term ort
sixth

to

tf

includes

by implication

.other

rat*

PURABHILEKHA
42

kaia

in

the copper

evidently denotes

Being mentioned it is usually along with bhuga and dhanva"' of produce share mteipreted as the kings betaken to denote paid in kind the term may where tax in cash levied upon certain crops

some

plate tax

inscriptions
1

and

mam sources c would appear icvenue in ancient Chamba were 1) land kind or cash, 2) custom an revenue paid
that the

toll

duties

and

3)

certain periodical
the
villagers

taxe

called

kaia

Besides,

wei

assessment in kind was not possible Accordto Di Ghosfaal, "m the medieval period
ing

expected to make frequent supplies of flower like to the king fruits, firewood and the

of Indian history, while the land revenue, refoims of Todaimal, befoie the icvenue

Coins

wis paid mostly

classes

in kind, there

weie certain
the
levy

of ciops

called

=abti,
in
it

of
it

The com denomination prevalent Chamba and Kangra in the 12th and the 131 centuries A D was dramma It is mentioned
]
]

which was ilwavs assessed

cash
into

since

was very
and,

difficult

to

divide

shares

the Luj fountain inscription of the first ye< l25 The language of Jasata dated 1 105-06
<

hitanya may be taken to 118 denote a levy or tax of this nature"

as such,

the epigraph being extremely conupt, it connectic not exactly known in what
it is

mentioned

Vogel thinks

that the

Another important

source

of revenue
for
f

was Sulka
collection of

the

officer

responsible

he

pression mulct (mulya) 20 dramma occurnr in the iccord denotes the cost of gram (mei

which was called Saul/aka frequently mentioned in oiu copper plate grants Suiki as a fiscal term occuis in such early 180 Dhai masutras Atharvcveda as woiks
1S1

tioned as dhamika or dhanya), supplied t the donor for a feast held on the occasic

of the erection of the fountain slab

'

2e

and the Ashtadhyayi

it is

In the

Amarakosha m
,

The term

dramma which
denvative
of

is

general
di,

explained as ghattadideya, i e paid at the ferries, etc K.shliasvamin 5

duties

believed to be the

Gieek

comm-

enting on the expression ghattddideyatak.es Sulka to denote the ferry duties, the tolls
stations and paid at the military or police the transit duties paid by the merchants

chma, a com denomination prevalent all over No them India 'm the late mediaeval peno
that is

was, according to

DR

Bhandacka

from 9th

to the 13th centuiies

12 '

The term

also

occurs

Manu rs

and

is

this

In his opinion, 'the earliest record whe word has been traced is the Gwalu

explained by the commentate! s as duties The Attha&astid paid by the merchants mentions the term quite frequently and from
several

inscnption of Bhojadeva of the Impeiial Pr tihaia dynasty and dated 875 AD 128 Ho\
ever,

the

term

occurs even

eailier

in

references to

it

in

the

said

text

it

custom or toll duties may levied on mei chants and collected at the femes, at the custom houses or octroi posts
be explained as
located at
the

12 whi< Yaudheya com of 3rd century A D bears the legend 'devasya drama Biahmai

which

mam

gate of the town,

frontier stations

at

may be

the potts and

at the

according to S K Chakraborty construed as "Brahmanyadevas] drama' meaning the com dedicated to Brai manyadeva or Karttikiya, the tutelary del
tribe

From

what

has been said

above,

it

of the Yaudheya

The came drawn

AND ECONOMIC

CONDITIONS OF ANCIENT CHAMBA

43

131 rdiug to Bhandarkar signified only coins in silver and it would thus appear the coinage used in ancient Chamba

Though
literature,

this

teim

is

intimately

associated with the ancient Indian Dramatic

of
>us
hill

silver

This also

reflects the

economic conditions
district in the

prosprevailing in

the stage performance,

denoting a person in charge of it is also met with

inscriptions

frequently in the
signifies

and usually

12th centurj

persons engaged in the construction of stone temples or images In the mscnptions of

tstry

Chamba, however, they

the
skill

mostly

The

only industry of which we get ample

is

figuie as

builders of water fountains

in stone

lence in the inscriptions

stone- work

Their extiaordmary

ne work appears to have been a very ulai mdustiy in ancient Chamba People aged in this industry were called sutra-

Chamba

is

amply

testified

by a

work m number of

extant profusely caived fountain slabs which display craftsmanship of unique character

>ot-Notes
Vogel,
J

Ph

Antiquities oj

Chamba

State,

Vol

I,

pp

159
1083,

ff

2
3

Kalhana,

Rajatarangim, vn, 218, 588, vm, 323, 538,

1443,

1531

These are given

cit
,

detail

the

Sungal copper plate inscription of King

Vidagdha, Vofel,

Op

167

4
5

Ibid Ibid

p
,

177

6 7

Ibid

pp
p

167

and 185

Ibid,

199 165-67

Ibid, pp

9
10
11

Anuiasana Par van, xxu

Mann
Ibid,X

Smfiti,

36

36,48
siitra,

12 13

Gautama- Dharma

iv

17

Chhandogya Upamshad

v
,

10

7
16,
xi

14
15

Manu SmriH

131

12,

175 etc,

YaiM\alkya Smriti,
43

93

16
17

Recoid of Buddhist Kingdoms, Trans Legge, p 102 I, p Sachau, Vol India, Trans
Rdjatarangini
Ibid
Ibid
,

77

vi

79,

192

18
19

iv
vi.
i

516
304,
cit,

vn

309

325,

1103
229-30

20

Vogel,

op

pp

2
_*

B'ljnalh

Pniishs
19

No
10

],line 20, El,

I,

pp 97

ff

7W
!-ig\i'!a

line

vni

97

"I
1

\i
\

22

vel

<v

cit

p 167
13

\athhinasa Gfihya-sUtra, 4
14
II

10

11

6
*

118

_5
J6

it,

S
II

msknt English DiCtionarj

1

629

w
3!>

126

1474 357

39 40
41
12

VIII

Vachaspatyam, p
II

94

138

Vv)gel,

op

cit

167

4S

SabJahagga is mentioned in the Brahmor Grant of Yugakaravarman, Vogel, and Prahabagga and Khambagga in the Sungal Grant of Vidagdha, Ibid , p 167 denotes a vernacular term bag meaning a field
Ibid
/A,,/,

op

cit

Bagga

obvio

44

p 167

45
4t>

pp

167,

185,

193,

199

//>M,

p 167
115
3

47

Vn
VIM

4 4
1

4S

5-*

Brihaspati

Sm ritl,
I

V ii

24-25,30

55

A'araVa Smritt,

84, 85

SOCIAL
56

AND ECONOMIC

CONDITIONS OF ANCIENT CHAMBA

31 D

45
Also see

Davabhaga quoted in Vyavaharamayukha, Trans V N Mandlik, p The Agrarian system in Ancient India, p 85 and fn 21
Viramitrodaya, quoted in

U N

Ghoshal

57
58

Vyavaharamayukha, p

89,

also

see Ghoshal,

op

cit

86 and fn 23

X
VIII

39
199

59
60

Satka,

which 1S frequently ment.oned the copper plate inscnptions, is explained (Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p 306) as the Sansknt.sed form of Praknt Santaka
to
*

by D C Sircar meaning <tl e

holding of, 'belong

61
It

is mentioned m the Chamba copper plate inscription of Sonrnvarman and Asa^a Vogel op cit, p 193, and has been translated by Vogel as 'held by, Ibid p 196 One of the meanings of the word given in Monier Williams' Sanskrit English Dict.onary p 1274 is 'belonging to' Both Satka and Sthita would in our case denote temporary belonging or possession

62
63

II

15
cit
,

Vogel, op
Ibid, Ibid,
Sircar

194

64
65

p p

167

165

66

DC,
is

op

cit

pp 75,281
'

67

Rochika may be the same

p
68
69

888,

'a

as rochala, one o f the meanings of which given by Monier Williams op kind of onion', grantha-parna bhecia

cit

Vogel, op
Ibid

cit,

160

p 164

70
71

Ibid
Ibid

72 73

Ibid
Ibid

p 168 Kapaka , Sanskrit means a small pit or a hole the dry bed of a dug for the co lection of water Mon.er WHIiams' It Dict.onary, p 300 pj<t>lbla that also my stand for such a pool or depression where water is collected

74
75

Ibid

Monier Williams, op
Vogel, op
Ibid
Ibid,
I

cit

p 613

76

cit

167

77 78
79
80
81

pp
4

167,

168

IV

44 80
also occurs

Arama which

Aiokan inscriptions is explained by Loders Glossary of Asokan Insertions, p 149 In the title deeds of Chamba t nied by the word vr.ksha and is, as such, variously rendered by Vo S el as
the
,

as,

'Park'

vide his

(Op
and
82
This

c,t

pp

187,

196

230)

However,

lt

m ay

generally 'accompa'garden' and 'orchard'

t

used by villagers as a meeting place

is

Cf Monier Williams, op
,t
.

denote a grassy plot of land surrounded by cit, p \5Q

indicated by the
'

Chamba

Wt tW

copper plate grant, op nC CODS1Stin8 Of P rtl0nS '

which records the total grant of 15

MO
83

,,

PURABHILEKHA PA

KA

Op
Op
GIF,

cit,
cit

191

84
85 86 87 88

IV, p
cit
,

77
160
130 ff
45
ff

Op
El,

XV, pp
,

IHQ

1930,

pp

89

Select Inscriptions,

342,

fa

90
91

Maittey, S

Economic

Life of Northern India,

pp 40 41

Op
IV
II

cit

92
93 94 95

32 17
19

Sircar,

DC

op

cit

101

V
Op

71, also cf

Stem, trans

vol

I,

p
is

196

96

Modern Kashmiri
cit

equivalent of

khan

khar

97
98
99

Fleet

C1I
VII, p

III,

254,

fn

El,
II

160

100
101

6
I

ArthaSastra (edited by
Maittey, op
Ibid
cit
,

Qanapati Shastn), p 186

102

57

103

104
105 106
107
108

Ghoshal,

UN,

History of Revenue system,

pp 34-35

Op
El,
Ibid,
VIII

cit

Vide his commentary on Manusmriti, VIII

I,

307

p 75
VIII,

p 44

109
110

307
vide

varsha -deyah Bhadrap.d.ka Vasaat.kady-upada-nam, Karajj AFTDB sastrflj 11 15

Bhattasvamm's

commenta

111

Pratyekam

sthavara jangamddi-deyah karah

dia>

112

E
History of Revenue system, p

5'

Mames

'

113

36

114
115

V
Op

2
cit

116

Apidiyitva kara-v lshti.pranaya.krtyabhih P aura-janapadam

SOCIAL

AND ECONOMIC

CONDITIONS OF ANCIENT CHAMBA

47

117

JE7,I,p

13, IV, p

8, VI, p 28, etc

118 119

Ghoshal, op
III

cit,

pp 60-61

29

120

Gautama Dharma

sutra,

25,

Apastamba Dharma ^tra,

II

26 9

121

V
II

47 27

122
123

VIII
II

307
16, 21, 28, 35, etc

124
125 126

6,

Vogel, op
Ibid,

cit,

205

204

127

Lectures on Ancient Indian Numismatics, p

Ibid

206

128 129
130
131

Smith, Catalogue of coins

m
70

the Indian

Museum, p

186

IRQ
Op

1939, Vol

XV, p

cit,

207
at

132

The term occurs

designation of
PraJasti,
a

the

end of most of

the

fountain inscriptions of
slab
It
is

Chamba and
mentioned and
as

figures

as

the

person
line
,30

who

prepared

the fountain
is

also

in the

Baijnath

No

1,

where certain Nayaka

stated

described as a

smdhara
chisel,

one who, along

with certain
Thodduj/a,
its
'

is

to have fashioned

with the

the Sliva

temple along with

mandapas

AT

EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES GUNTUPALLI

Karthikeya

Sarma

District
is

Guntupalh (Lat 17 West Godavan,

0'

N Long 81*8', Andhra Pradesh)

,

With
atic

view to

initiate

proper conserva-

tion measures,

the author planned a system-

well

known

for
*

its

rare

lock-cut architec-

study and
units,

exposition

of the
chaityas,

various
etc
,

tural ventures

The

credit of first discovery

structural
their

rock-cut

in

of the caves and publication of

in
first

an inscription
goes
to

chronological sequence

These opera-

century
3

AD

characters

tions

Robeit Sewell

3 Alexander Rea excavated

the years 1974-75 and 1975-76.

inscribed architectural
quities

were spread over two seasons, during A wealth of

manv

votive sttipas, a brick chaitya, etc

but

members, minor
at

anti-

no epigraph
1

was

Longhurst visited fragmentary inscription on one of the broken brick chaityasteps leading to the circular

A H found by him in 1916 and reported a

besides a smaller cave

the lower

terrace

overhead of the ravine, contributed

substantially rich information

on
7

the religious

history and architecture of this unique site

gnha

at the eastern

end of the middle terrace

In this paper, all the epigraphs

are noticed, for the
first

so obtained

Venkataramayya and K Raghavachary 6 undertook a small-scale clearance work on the middle terrace and

Much

later

(late)

time,

with the kind

permission of the Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India, besides

reviewing the older published records from
the site

brought to light brick and stone-built stupas Inside one of the with paved platforms
circular

chaitya-gnhas, lime stone

all

Buddha
Location and Details of Discovery (PI
1)

images,
ing in

m round, in

abhaya-mudt a, stand-

samapada over lotus-pedestals and robed m a heavy lower cloth and a Sanghati which leaves their right chest bare, were found

Before each record

their find-spots
(PI
I)

is

dealt with in detail

stated

and sequence need be

inscriptions

Pillar

grouped under

The stupa was also installed in a later phase found embellished with lime stone crescentic slab veneer with padmapltha as the base
Besides, pottery wares of Black-and-Red

no

1 are found on the south-east platform adjacent to the bigger stone stupa leading to the circular brick chaitya-gjiha at the eastern

and

entrance (not covered

m PI

I)

slipped wares, a few reliquaries were Most remarkable, however, was the found

Red

A new
rectangular

cave of smallei dimensions with

discovery of identical mandapa pillar records of the time of a Mahameghavahana king by

(late)

opening
Its

measuring
side

metres

north-south and 3 60 metres east-west was

Venkataramayya andR Subrahman-

brought to

light

yam

in the year 1968

niches, plain

and empty

walls had arched The open court is

,RAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALL1

49

grated from the merer chambers by massive

Inscription Assigned to 2nd-Ist

angular

pillars

and

series

of walls

The

century B c
It is a pillar record of the time II B 7 of a Mahameghavanana ruler An identical 9 text was found engiaved on four ashy grey

itage had originally a paving of slate and Several among these early >-stone slabs
r slabs were found
i

No

disturbed and reused

by the medieval occupants who not only ground floor, t platforms and bounded the edges of the
lied the area but raised the

lime-stone pillars of

the usual

Amaravati

type

R Subrahmanyam 10

dated the record

ace
s

with

massive

brick-veneered

mud

The

cleaiance of

buck

debris

this

revealed a few inscribed floor slabs (nos and 11) of the earlier penod, and an

to 2nd century B c and identified the Maha. meghavahana king refen ed to as Kahga-Mahishakadhpati, as none othei than Mahaiaja

Kharavela of the Hathigurnpha

whereas
of the
tion

tibed

image of Bodhisattva rnapani (no 14) from the later occupaal phase of the medieval period Nos 5 and 6 (a stone reliquary), were found
of the

bronze

DC

inscription,

Sircar 11

as Sin-Sada, placed

him

read the king's name as a distant successor

Kalmga king and related him to the Aira king Manasada of the Velpuru mscnp
(district

ie pradakshmci-patha area

Digger

Guntur)

dated

to

2nd~3id
reading

e stupa near the standing columns of the dapa It may be noted that this railed a and the Khondalite stone pillared hall
;

century A

l2

I shall state in brief

my

and interpretation of the record A fresh estampage of the first pillar is published here
(PI
II-l)

unearthed by

Rea

Again from the

containing a

same

place a stone plaque

-lined inscription (no 13) was found

Mahdrajasa Kahga-[Md\hisakadhipatisa

id

nos 7, 8, 10 and 12 were engraved over the border facets of the -stone pillars of the usual Amaravati
records
,

The

2 3 4 5
"Gift
Sapti,
tries

Maha-

Mekhavahanasa

Sm

Sci-

dasa lekhakasa Chula-Go

simple square shafts with octagonal mid-

masa madapo danam

13
i ,

3n, chamfered at the sides and containing lotus medallions The maximum length

ofmandapa

he

pillar

is

4 43 meters

fiom top

to

toe

by Maharaja Sri Sata e Lord of the Kalmga-Mahishaka coun-

squarish base, however, measures 40x37 All the pillars were found fallen to the
ind

m the southern frontage

jpillars

(and) belonging to Mahdmeghavahana dynasty The scribe (of the record) is Kshudia

of the biggei
in position

Goma
ters

Goma,

the younger

"

The characKharavela's

dapa whose
>e

are

still

are closely comparable to

weather-beaten blackish Khondalite ts are crude and comparable to the ones he Onssan caves at Khandagin and

Hathigurnpha pra&asti as well

letters
la

as the

record of the early Satavahana rulers

Naneghat The
C

and datable to 2nd centuiy B c lime-stone examples, as the inscriptions ttem reveal, were meant for the expanded

yagin

and ha are peculiarly written, the

marks

lapa

set-up during

first

century A D

formei like the inverted english letter L% whereas ha is horizontally laid The vowel are faint and even omitted some cases The interchange of letters ta for da,

PuRABHILEKHA PATRIICA

kha

for

ga could be seen
points to
a date

cleat ly

The palaeography of 2nd century or

The proper
shaka country
historical

identification
is

of the Mahito
solve

very

vital

many
get

In no case this inscentury B c 2nd century A D cription can be assigned to in the light of the numerous records from
early fust

and

cultural

events

We

glimpse of Maharaja Kharavela's political IB ambitions from his Hathigumpha Pra&asti

In the eleventh regnal year

the
cal

same place noticed below The epigraphiwealth of Quntupalli presents a

Maharaja Khara-

sump

vela

made

dent into the

Andhra country,

tuous material for a closer and cutical study

of scupt styles in a sequential and chionoolder The associated structural logical

vestiges stylistically

warrant a date not later

town Pithunda founded by an Ava king was ploughed This invasion of coastal Andhra by the Kahnga ruler was after his unsuccessful bid over Sin Satakamni
the market
(achitayita

than

1st

century B c

R Su brahman yam

leads hne-4, as Sin

west of the

Sdtakammih), who was then ruling the VidarKahnga country

Samde&a lekhakasa, meaning as "the recorder

of the royal message or ordeis" of the Mahameghavahana king D C Sircar's amendation the passage as Sin Sadasa lekhakasa is ot
clearly acceptable

bha legion of Maharashtra, the capital city 10 Sylvain Levi" identibeing Musikanagara fied the market town Pithunda with Pihundra,
the ancient metropolis designated by
as the capital

Ptolemy

The name of the king

Sada 01
rl

is

of the countiy of Maisoloi

undoubtedly

Sin

Sata,

but

basing on this proper name no lelationship need be assumed with the Satavahanas Sata,
11 Sdtakami, etc were popular personal names

Jama Uttaradhyayana-sutra, Pihumda is stated to be a sea coast town and sea-faring

In

during the

penod

like

nvnes The king

is

va/wwa-ending family descnbed in the record as

i ,

merchants are cited to be travelling by boat from Champa to Pihumda even in the days of Mahdvira Kudura (Kodur or Gudur) is
also an important centre mentioned by Ptolemy as in the country of Maisolia Dubruiel 18 takes the entne coast between Godavari and Krishna as 'Maisolos'

e the lord of Kahnga-mahishakadhipati bo'h LCalmga and Mahishaka countries, and

he belonged to the Mahameghavahana family The donee of the mandapa appears to be the

and the qualifying phrase m indapo ddnam should be applied to Sada the recoid (here he is only a The wnterof In many of the scribe) is one Chula-Goma
king

himself

R Subrahmanyam located the 'Mahishaka' country as the region comprising the southeui districts of the former Hyderabad State and
upheld Mirashi's' view that the region was under Mana-Mahisha kings, but this terntory
9

ro/nl

giants

we

usually
dt the

find

the

name

of

cannot

be

regarded

as

contiguous

to

leUiaka

mentioned
the scribe

end but instances

aie not altogether absent

will as

when

the writer

as

are separately

mentioned

niejularly in the text

this

could

beau

In the present record enor of the scube though

(lekhakd)

Kahnga The coins of Mdna-Mahisha kings are known only from Kanmnagar-Khammam Medak-Kondapui-Nalgonda regions and none was reported from coastal Andhra so
far

not

of the writer

In the absence of any othei evidence,

Jt

or

composer

(rachayna)

to locate the Mahishaka territory of the present record the southern Mysore
is difficult

1APHICAL DISCOVERIES AT

GUNTUPALLI

51

yderabad
ie

area!

Several other views exist

location of
the origin

Mahisha 20 and

if

we have
to

ice

of this temtoiial

name

name or group of people living country, we may expect various shaka countries Basing on our mscnpJuring the period the Mahishaka country
amily
lat
irs

Longhurst found an inscription engraved m very eaily Brahmi script on one of the broken steps leading to the circular brick chaityagnha at the eastern end of the middle terrace According to Longhmst,

No

aa

to

have been a contiguous territoiy

almga (see the single

compound

expres-

Kahnga - Mahishakddhipati) and we Mahishaka with the Maisolia fy this

ips

him an English transquotes him "Sanada, the (female) the orders of the (Buddhist) monk 'Suyajnanatha' (made these) steps " He also held that the Brahmi chaiacteis arc
Sastry supplied
lation

Knshna

He

pupil,

who obeyed

similar to

those employed in about the 2nd

a territory

named

after

the

river)
It

ceutuiy B c

oned in the
e

geography of Ptolemy

>a

reasonable that the royal house of held this rich coastal Andhia tem-

But

perusal
23

Knshna
is

Sastiy

of the icport of with the accompanying

icveals

ad

made

a dent farther into the

Tamil

illustration (PI

11-2) clearly

that

the

>anyan kingdoms through this The ;a power, at no time, appears to have

nto contact

record
i

with Karnataka or western

date and Longhuist's euoneous The text of the published estampagc is leproduccd hue

of later

Anting

was

uthern Mahaiashtra

Therasa bhayata NacJa a ate

\

fa /A a

mg Sin Sata also pursued the religious of his illustrious We predecessor lat Kharavela, during the 13th and gnal years, caused the codification of ngas and raised buildings foi the ascuh stones
Qiles
r

danam sdvu [nam]

"
Gift of (the)
step(s)

by

Sanada, the

and columns brought from King Sata of our lecoid thus

dimple (atevasika), of the cldu (then,}" vuieiaUe (bhayata), Namda

vafions

accomplished the tasks initiated by his

piedecessor

The chaiacteis As in the

also call foi a few obsci-

>us
tly
ta

Mahaiaja Khaiavela

the letters ka, ra

added

the absence

ship
.

Mahishakadhipati of any clear pi oof, the of the former with the latter

to his title

shape with long veitical endings PTnr.ornrpr^the head-milk's c -, noted Fu, her the lettei foims ol
1

p.llar record noted above and da ictam the aiclw.c

But (he
l

)c

Uc ulv
na
(f
ta

Since the place icntly known through the records (see as Mahanagapaivata, the linguistic on attempted R by Subrahmanyam 2 ' origin of the place name
ldu=palle' Pnthu-anda with Pitundra of

to

be a speculation

^'*

are-

v*,

be ^signed to about the dose century B c

ooul

omewhat developed The roco.d

i,,

Guntupalh and its identilo

mg

Apparen-ly basing on Longhiust s ,uuiuof the monk's name as Suyajnai

"

Ptolemy appears

obable

held tl-at the a Ja,aa teacher and

name sounds hkc that of consequently Jama otcu

PURABHILEKHA PATRIK;
pition aui influence in the aiea was consideraHr Hut stitvdtirlier Jamism at this
j

MI..

\\

t>

'iKrch
t
i

<>i

passing nature like the

region which
.

k
1

ih'ija. ,iou
1

m
v

(GTI-4/74 B 11 of ARIE 1974 Found on a lime-stone 75) fragment reads Samisa vi This is not illustrated
,

No 4A

tins
!

was soon

'
'

.""'i,
In

L-l

'!

mj

.,,fluence

No 4B On
that

the eastern flank

of the

ravine, the

pacing
il

ho\\c\ei

ue may
the

state

in

medun

p. nod fainism icappeaied at this

lock face has revealed the existence of caves and shelters, besides structural votive
stiipas

pKe
m
IMM
<-

too though
In the
^

not

amidst the sciub jungle

face is in utterly

Buddhist

However, the rock

due to

site

iiijQdem

one

km

Snaru lands of Kanthamaneh tmlu of Jilakanagudem,

weathering, the architectural features such as the partition

bad

state

west, an extensive habifational

\\a>

found M///,/A

A
C

,<7

granite image of a seated \vas found"m the field

UIs.il

Ci

ing)de\ipadu here

^'

O;

74

no H
line

of 4.R/E, 1974.75)

IV-A) is pro mmently seen from a considerable distance The cave faces south and is characterized
a

windows, inside some of and open shelteis having almost But in the present example (first one in the series from west), a plain hoise shoe shaped facade (P]
walls,

screens,

etc

these caves

disappeared

by

is

inscription (PI HI-3) found on a linear slab of grey hme stone

This

single

\erv

much \\eatheredand
,s

flaking

extant length

95 cms

width 54 cms
letters

thickness 9 cms

The

.ursne and

The and are somewhat

off

long barrel-vaulted passage sidereally cut the scarp The interior is plain and inaccessible with debus, the frontage is
along

the

characters are

datable to

bunded also and existence of thatched canopy was evident from the grooves and sockets cut into the rock face above
the

levelled

and

paitly

eailv 1st centur> A

both the horizontal strokes

the
left

D Thelettet na K pec ul ]a r
terminating with
is

prastwa
floor

level

and

Its

sides are also

correspondingly on dressed and on

the

the
the

vert.cal

The same form of na

10 hne 4

also

noticeable ,n no

same torm of
it

(Mahanagd)

The

of tht

for a Jong period appears again in record no 12, lme-1 5 Sdlankd) ana times*

lettei

suivives

lamp, a few inscribed letters, in two sets, were noticed one below the other (PJ
IV-B)

lower region close to right kudu type niche, meant for

small

The

first

reads kaliha

Una

md

set

the lower one bhudhi

first
is

Viihanagapavata nivasisa
niahiinu\i(kasi)
of

The meaning of the and also its reading letter ksha could well
clear
la
is

word
the

is

not

tentative

The
of

bepo and

Master-marmei
the g iea t

form

res,dun of
record
>

pecuhaily

reasonably be taken as the very floor

Nagaparvata fiagmentaty and the g,ft

sjab

common
'l t
letter is

written,

a type,

however,
If the
last

Guntupall, iccords

lena,

taken as na, it may perhaps stand cave , Such

occurrence

for

4iand4B
nature

Both
to 1st

are

and datable

fragmentary

century

YD

Indian caves obvious]* a personal name, perhaps that of the donee who caused the Una to be

common
is

m western

expressions are

of

Budhi

EPIQRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALLI

53

made These
plain nature

labels help us to date the cave to

and the expression mkaya

the reliquary itself

might

elate to

early first century A

D and from
infer

its

severely

we can

that

this

was a

Hmayana

retreat

No 7[GTl-3/76]
The record
is

in

five lines
pillai

over the mid-

No

(GT1-4/76)
is

region of the lime-stone

slab of weathered

This

also

on a

lime-

writing

commences
in
it>

just

[PI V] below the

The
lotus

stone broken at either ends and contained a

single
(PI
line

medallion as

the case of no 8
alike
closet

[below]
to
this

inscription

in

the

and
mid-region

the alphabet

III-5)

example The engiaver has omitted the vowel maiks at various places and mistakes have
crept in
identical

Text

[Bu}dhmo atevasmena bhikunenadana [m]

by Budhi a resident

The

letter

forms

ta

and ga are

"Gift of

monk"
,

Text

[Se\taginba pahapati putasa

Nafnda ga

No

6 (GT1-5/74

B 12 of ARIE

1974-75)
III-6]

This

is

engraved clock-wise [PI

yatha Chadhapavaka Saghasa Gag ana

[Ga] jahusaya imam yacha deno
jita-

around the broader section of a sandstone cylindrical casket [lower Such portion]
caskets resembling the stupa
detail,

architectural

together with the

lid

found m large numbers from the a few among them contained

mostly they were votive offerings

portion, were
site,

patdkanaih Mahanagapavata
Sela [ma]-

and
5

reliquaries but

[dha]ve thabho deyadhama

Saghasa dana[fa]

The

right

loop

is

joined m the case of sa m

little

The

inscription

registers donations

at

mkayasa

The

distinction exists
vertical ends

very between ta and na and the have no curves The chaiacters

letters are squarish,

by one Nandayajna, son of a householder hailing from Setagin The first

diffeient places

one
"

is

a gift of a decorative object described

are assignable to early 1st century A

as

Gagana-Gajahusaya', perhaps a pata sculptured with elephant's descent from

Text

Sidha Koti Gahapati Ketilanakha

mkayasa karam
"[This
gift]

heaven, to the Samgha at Chandakaparvata The other is a pious gift of a Jita-pataka

(might
at the

stand also for chitra-pataka), a victo-

caused

to

be done

Buddhist community was by Kitilanakha, the

rious flag or dhvaja to the pillar at the Saila-

mandapa on Mahanagaparvata

householder from Koti"

Sidha stands for the auspicious word Siddham Karam stands for kantam, absolutive

No 8

(GT1-2/76)
is

forkntva

This pillar record (PI VI) the last line having only three

in 8 lines,

letters at
is

the

Koti

stands for the place-name

extreme right

The

engraving

somewhat

"-I

PURABHILEKHA PATRIU
characters

deeper,

are stumpy, head-marks

The vaguely indicated by thickened tops vowel marks are not piomment in some cases
Ya
is

the incomplete inscription occupies the midThe portion detailing the nature of region

each donation
resemble
cursive

is

damaged

The

characters

pecuhai,

a shallow

trough type, the

left
is

no

madial line joined sidewards to the

cal
like

verti-

though somewhat tendency to end the verticals

4

10 below

ha

is

horizontally laid

gha

almost

incurved could be seen

etc

ya but for the central partition and ga is like ta The short form of verticals without
the curls, together with the above palaeographictl features suggest a date of early first

in the letters a and Jta The anusvdra and vowel marks are missing and even originally perhaps not

properly followed

century A D

Text

(PI

VII-9)
[pa]vata nivas[i]sa gharan[i]

Text
1

Vedhagu tyasa gahapatmo Bu-

Agahitanamda[di} kanam

2
3

dhmo putasa

Ini

Surakctw
"[ Gift
]

Ayadhama Senani atevasa

by a houselady [ gharam ] named Agahitanamdi, resident of [Nagajparvata a person named Aryadharma, a soldier
,

gahapatmo Alahakasa Airayasa saputakasa Saja-

4
5

hutukasa cha deyadharna

Maha-

6
7
8

naga pavate madave thabho chakaraja

resident

- -

etc [lost]

anumagadha tanja pat a

No

10

[GT1-1/76]
pillar

Sagha dana
states

The
about the two pious Buddhist Samgha at

has two inscriptions of

diffe

rent dates

The record made to gifts

one

is

the

one below the other The latter dealt with under no 12, while the

former, the earlier

Mahanagaparvata

jointly

by one

Ini,

son of

date,

is

in six

lines

Budhi, a householder hailing from Vedagin, and -nother householder Alahaka Saurya
(Sayiraya)
hailing

[PI VIII, 10] below the half lotus the terminal of the octagonal

marking
of

mid-region

pillar-shaft

from

distant

Suiaka
are
a circu-

The characters of the

mid-second
century

epigraph
The
letters

along with his sons m-law

1)

The

belong to the
dated
to

gifts
(2)

Kushana-Satavahana alphabet

mandapa
with

pillar

(mada\e tabho)
(like a

AD
the

lar

encasement *lab

tured

dome-slab) sculpthe dharma-chakra motion

(chakcu a/a anumagadha-tanja-pata]

writing displays an improvement are now squarish, the verticals marks in a, ka, ra end fine

and

vowel

of

letter

na

m hne-5,

curls, the

form
metits
lines

No

[GT 1-2/74, B 9-AR IE,

1974-75]

special attention as

Mahanagaparvata, both the horizontal

broken slab of lime stone, greyish brown, contained a single Ime inscription
recording the
It

gift[s]

made by

several persons
in thickness

measures

48x 39 and 8 cms

at the left vertical This form of na seems to be a peculiarity of the region, as also other letters like ba and la records DOS 1 and 2 and differs from the usual script, style of the century

terminate

jlAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT

GUNTUPALLI

55

Text
1

Ouddupalh

2
3

Sidhath gahapata(ti)no Hathghaia bhanyaya Updsikaya Budha(dhi)ya deyadhama math rrn mahdsela

4
5

Mahdnagapavata

madhavejasa khambhd Any a saih-

R Subrahmanyam with by Pnthu-anda, le, Pitundra of Ptolemy is unfounded An Amaravati inscription of lst-2nd century A D mentions one Arya Aditya as a great supervisor of renovatioi 31 works at Nagapaivata and quite reasonably
the various donatory lecoids noted above confirm such an activity at this place dunng the period

ghasapatithapitath
inscription begins with the auspicious

The
jam
>d

[dha twice written, the hist one and followed by punctuation mark],

records the pious installation [pratishthan] of the pillar at the big stone hall >a&ailamandapa] belonging to the [Arya
$ha]

Other sacied Buddhist places that fin< mention are Setadri located at the north-eas
corner of the Nagarjunakonda 32 valley an< also mentioned the Nasik 33 lecord o'

on

Mahanagaparvata

pie

[updsika],

eholder
11

named Hamgha

by a lay Budhi, wife of

Gautamiputra Satakaim
Vedagin or
Velagin,
31

[GT1-3/74,

BIO

Vetagm (no 8) might b the monastery over a hillock at

Alternately

of ARIE,
1974-75]

Jaggayyapeta, Knshna District this could be Vedafoila or

i

Vedaparvata,"
Chengalpattt
If this
lattei
,

The
is
it

record

is

on

a rectangular

slab

e>

Pakshitlrtham

in

the

Vll-ll]

thick,
letters

measuring 54 x 50 cms and of broken at either ends The

read "duhuta yd cha Sathghi of the daughter Samghl- -] The

District

of

Tamil
is

Nadu

identification

correct,

Buddhist 39

we could expect

ith]" [gift

this place too like n Kanchipuram, a closeb> sacred place

base at

letter ta

and

the

last letter da,

a sickle

were
ibets

written
late

upside

down

The

Chcmdakapai vata (no

hill

7)

might be the
chanoteei
a Sreshth

named

after

the

Satavahana-Ikshvaku ve forms datable to 3rd D century A

recall

gieat

Chandaka We find mention of fiom Syandakaparvata" 7 in a

Nagarjuna

stance of the records 3 to 10

The geographical names mentioned m bove records require detailed study and
ification

ko^da inscription of the time of EhavuL Chantamula This hill name is also fount
in

another

We come

An

to

know,

for the
hill-

inscription

Nagaijunakonda inscription 3 fiom AmaiavatI, of the sami

of Chandaka3B

time,
2

that the ancient

name

of the

penod,
parvata
in

refers to the inhabitants

containing Buddhist vestiges at Guntu-

and Chadaka
it

lespectively
hill is

The

was Mahanagaparvata (nos

exact location of this

3, 7-8, 10)

uncertain but

of interest to note that a closeby depopu30 village has the name Nagulapallitota
ips
ally,

every likelihood

might be near Nagarin

junakonda-Amaravati

Guntur

District

after this great

Nagaparvata Incithe identification of Guntupalh or

Sumka
for

(no 8) might be a contractor

j,

Surpankaor Soparaka je, Sopara

PURABHlLEKHA PATR1KA
56
40

the Thaiia

60 Distnct, about
a

kms noith

of Bombay,

famous port town on the west The coast duimg the Satavahana puiod between the Eastern and Wescontact line
r,,,J.Uiist

Gagana-gaja(no 7 husaya imam) to the Saihgha at Chandaka or dhvajc a victonous and flag (3) parvata
elephant's
ai (no 7, lme-4, Jitapaiaka) to the pillai The above terms occui the Suilamandapa fot the fiist time, and not found mentionec

descent

more favouiably a cross-country

the great

loute, along

Krishna-Godavaii nveis, ratbei

than marine

anywhere even at the piohfically rich like Amaiavati and Nagarjunakonda

site

Mahanavika (no
no
3,

3)

In the msctiption

The personal names

females
often

foi

both males am

a mahanavika,i e, a master

at (name poition lost), residing That these mariners parvata finds mention were Buddhists and occasionally made gifts A Ghantato the riharcs is beyond doubt

manner Mahanaga-

seem to be identical, Ilk Samghi (no 11), Nandi (no 9), Kitilanakh (no 6), Hamgha, Budhi or Budhya (no 8
etc

From

the above,

it is

clear that

Malu

sala (District

Knshna) record of 2nd_censtates

tuiy
pillar

AD

11

the

gift

of an

Ayaka
Again

by the wife of a Mahanavika

nagapaivata legamed its prestme pot.ttio as a Buddhist centre from early fiist centui AD and icnovdtion works went on bnskl
,

we

get the

dhagupta,

name of a master mariner Bunative of Raktamnttikd Maha48

vihaia going to the

3rd-4th century

Peninsula in Malay Such evidences again confirm the bnik maritime activity on the East Coast linked with the expansion of

AD

perhaps after a temporary spell of aggrai Even some ne dizement by the Jams vihdra caves were established (3, 4B, 9 and 11

The
not

later

only

hereund listed inscriptions indicate Mahayana-Vajrayat

of the establishment but proclai

affiliation

Buddhism,
countries

duung early centunes of the Christian era, towards the South-East Asian

the

continuance of Mahanagaparvata as great Buddhist centre in the ancient Ven

country right upto llth century

gifts

AD

The

include

architectural

and
III Inscriptions

sculptmal membeis and precious reliquaries Quite usual are the pillai donations for
the
to

of early 5th

and 6th

centuries A

mandapa
10),

(Sela-madave-thabho,

nos

No
(II),
is

12

Pillar

Recotd of
Vijaya

the

time

(Sovanam, no 2), pavement slabs (nos 3,9,11) to the monastic units

steps
etc

Salankayana

king

Nandivarm

Interesting of course ate (1) a sculptured

The full text of the reco (PI VIII) being edited separately by my learned cc

wheel slab to the Samgha (no 8 lines 6-7 This Chakaraja anumagadha tanja-patci)
is

eagues

KV
of

Ramesh and
the

S S

Ramachand
1

muithy

Epigraphy Blanch of

something

like the

bearing
i,hafaa
circulai

circular

Sothika pata (svastika medallion), or dhanna(2)

To co Archaeological Suivey of India plete the sequence, however, I shall st

here the
tentatively

43 dhvaja) as at Amaravati decorative slab sculptured

main

contents of the

record

with

read by

me

EP1GRAPH1CAL DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALLI

57

This lengthy inscription, in 23 lines, was

found above

engraved below the lecord no

10

anunasika has taken the place of anus\cita Reduplicated consonants aie generally used
as

The
of

chaiacters of
the

the epigraph are

chatuf-vvidva,

Vaimma, dharmma,
issued

etc

Biahml
and
is

post-Ikshvaku

period

the
set

language is Sanskrit The writing neat horizontal lines but the

of the record is far from While the beginning of each
the

preservation
satisfactory
line
is

by the Salankayana king Vijayanandivaiman (II) (400-430 A D ) from the victorious city of Vengi He
the eldest son of Achandavaiman known from the copper plate charteis obtained from Kollan and Peddavegi He has the usual
is

The recoid was

endings are invariably missing due to the exfoliation of the pillar In the mid-region some letters are surface
clear,

epithets (lines 8-9), here as Chitraiathasvami-

presenting great making out the text fully

This
issued
is

worn-out,

difficulties

in

the only

known

stone inscription

pdddnudhyatah, Patama-Bhagavatah, BappaThe record bhattdraka-padabhaktah, etc gives us the pedigree from the time of Hastivarman (I), and four generations of
rulers

The kings palaeogiaphy of the record betrays the cuily flourishes of the post-Ikshvaku script
by the
Salankayana
with

are
is

cited

Interestingly

the

family

name

stated as

instead

of the

box-head marks and

grant

is

closer to the

of Mngesavarman, year-2 In the present record we can see definite advancement over the Ikshvaku script with
the

Kadamba

kayana as m name owes its origin perhaps nshi Salanka or Salanku

(lme-1) expression Salanthe copper plates This dynastic

$alanku(ka)kida

common

to the Sagotra

and,

in

the

consonant signs getting externally looped and curving as in the endings like sya, dya,

Dhankatura grant varman is described

kayana- sagoti a

(lines

3-4),

Achandato Salan-

as

belonging

etc

Several covetous

titles first

are mentioned
ruler

A
the

distinctive feature,
style

however,

lies

in

for

Hastivarman,
(lines
1

the
to

He

is

script

which

markedly
plate

differs

described

3)

as

$a1anku(kci)-

from the well

of this very

known copper

grants

dynasty obtained from the This then clearly demonstraVengi region

tes

kuldmaldkd&a-Sa&dnkah, Vishnugnha-chatutvvidyd Sdlddvaneka - vivatah, sadn&a vanawhereas visargah, Dharma-mahdrajah, etc

,

as to

how

the writing

style

changes
differ,

the Kanukollu plates describe

when
albeit

the
the

media
scribe

and
being

technique

samara - mukha
Peddavegi
vijaym

vikhydta

him as anekakarma and the

-

or

place
'urban'

and

period

engraver, his patron, The identical

chai tei as

aneka

samaravdptc-

and

'rural' strains in

palaeographical

Therefore, it appears that Hasti19 at the hands of varman's alleged defeat

studies as

upheld by

KV

Ramesh 10

might

Samudragupta may not be a fact but a mere

boast of the latter

not

hold

good

in

such

circumstances

Little difference exists in the letter forms na and to, so also &a and ga (lines 1 and 2)

As regards
first

their

personal religion

the

In

words

like

Vengi

Salanku,

the

usual

ruler of the

dynasty,

Vijayadevavarma

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

was a parama-maheSvcu a (Kanukollu plates), son Hastivarma I, a pat amabhdgavata his and Bhagavan Ndtayana ckaranaravmda

This

inscription,

m
slate

four

lines,

was

found on a brown
(PI

IX B) with

raised

squarish tablet borders The cha

(Penugonda plates), while Achandavarman and his son Vijaya Nandivarman were and Chitiaiathatvdmipaiama bhdgavatas were The Salankayanas padabhaltah undoubtedly followers of Vishiju, more appropriately devoted to Suryanarayana, and the Peddavegi grant registers the gift of the village for the Tiailokyanatha Vishnu

quite deep and boldly incised and display closeness to the Vishnukundi and Salankayana copperplate grants The language is Praknt mixed with Sanskrit The text reveals a Buddhist creed le,
racters are

exposition of four noble truths

63

(chatvdn
(suffering),

arya satyani)

These are duhkha

gnhasvami
himself

temple

by

Nandivaiman

(II)

samuddya (the causes of suffering), nirodha (the removal of the cause) and the mdrga (the way leading to the removal of the
cause)

a present lecoid appears to register establishmajor donation to the Buddhist ment flourishing at the place Unfortunately the portion detailing this is illegible, but the 15 description of a Mahdvihdta in lines 11,

The

Clay tablets containing the Buddhist

64

cieedfrom Sankaram (District Vizag) are of the same period, but the present example
is a

with

stone plaque with a formula not met so far in any Buddhist site of this

and 16

is

noticeable

The

date portion also

region

could not be clearly read

held that the S alankayanas were mstru mental for the spread of Buddhism to BurmaIt is

Text
1

Dukha Dukhi samutpadarh

Dukhasya
va(e)nkkramaih

2 3

southwards to Kanchipuram and elsewhere and the Peddavegi grant styles Nandivarman Isisvividha-dharma-piadhdnasya That
also

Anyancha Ajamgikam ma4 tim Dukhopasama sdmikam

Mahanagaparvata was connected to Kanchiand its neighbourhood is established by the 8 above as reference to Veda^aila in no The tube of early as in 1st century A D Salaenkanoi leferred by Ptolemy as rulers
6
'

No

14

(GT

1-5176)

insciiption (PI characters assignable to

The

IX- 14)
circa

in

Nagar
tl

9 th-10

century A D was found engraved on thi lotus flower base of a bronze image o

of the northern
identified
also

as

countiy of Maisola (now Mahishaka, vide no 1) were

Bodhisattva
23^

cms

in height,

Padmapam The figure measure! the Padma base 4 cms

and Prabhdvah
is

descnbed by Panmi as o.gana (republic) According to a Burmese tradition, the Salankayanas were responsible foi the spread of Buddhism to that land and the present
record
substantiates
their

in diameter

cms

in width
thi

Gold
hands

inlay

seen over the Kirlta and

necklace decor
is

worshipper with foldec shown at the right lower edgi

patronage

to

of the pitha

Buddhist Samghas

The language of

the record

is

Sanskn
lotu

No

13 (GT1-6/74, K-13,ARIE

1974-75)

and the

text reads clockwise

over the

IAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALLI

Is
3

59
forintrinsic merits

revealing

the

usual Buddhist

They refurbish the value

possible

of palaeography for closer dating This is because are consideraole they

in

Text

number

and

are

found

associated
in
all
its

Ye

dharmd

hetu prabhavd

heturh

with a compact
stiuctuial

monastic unit

tesharn tathagato hyavadat

phases,

Teshdncha yd

nirodha evath

vddl

sectarian

growth

actively involved in the Similar epiof the site

Mahd Sramanah
The image
hip

an object of peisonal is and found associated with the later

graphical wealth exists at the famous sites of Arnaravatl, Nagarjunakoijda and Sankalam, all in Andhra Pradesh but scant
attention is paid foi undeitakmg palaeographical studies
closet

pational phase inside the newly exposed at the eastern slope of the terrace

The
t

above
a

of

epigiaphical wealth is the very limited cleaiance work

theie
;

doubt in the fact that a is little planned extensive clearance of the iun-

The place was finally usuiped by the Saivaites and the oldest circulai chcutya cave was named as Dhaim ilmge^vaia and a nandi was placed in its front The place is
venerated as a gteat living kshetta
locals

by the
a.

lad caves and open high

Is

would

iptions

yield edited

richer

dividends
possess

mounds northThe
certain

and on

Sivaratri

days,

paiticulaily

the

above

female folk woiship the chaitya as bestower of fecundity

Notes
pictureiquhill

range belongs to the village of Jilakarragudem (Kamavarapukota Taluk) which

is

45 kms north of

Ellore

RS
at

Sewell,

"Buddhist Remains
(1887),

Ireland,

XIX

Guntupalh", pp 508-51 1 But A H Lcnghurst

Join nal of the

credits

Royal Asiatic Society of GTL at Britain and Rea wUh the flist visit (Sec, note 4 below)
1

Rea's account-See Government of Madras,

Antiquities Archaeological Sui vey nf India,

G O

no

646,

2nd August

889,

Cf South Indian Buddhist

New Impenal

Sei les,

XV

(Madras, 1894)

A H

Longhurst, "The Buddhist Monuments at Guntupalh, Krishna District, Annual R<_pn\t, Archaeological Department, Southern Cucle, for the year 1916-17 (March, 1917), pp 30-35
-

Indian Archaeology

Review, 1961-62, p

97,

and 1968

o9,

p 64
Andra
Pradesh Go\etnmcnt

Subrahmanyam, "The Guntupalli Brahmi Inscription of Kharavela," Archaeological Series, no 3 (Hyderabad, 1968)

D D

few of these ha^e been included in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1974-75 as B 7 to B 13, corresponding to nos 1, 3,7, 1, 4 A,, 6 and 13 Information mdly supplied by The Chief Epignphist, vide O letter no 38 3 (7) 78 25 dt 4-1-78
1 )

Mitra,

UJayagin and Khandagin (New Delhi, 1960), PI IX

60
y

record.ngnn .denUcal grftof Ias cr,bul XXXVII p 176 Also at the fane in Ep.gr^fl /^fl, comnl.vuNigtrjun.konda See H Sarkar of Ehavala *M were found on d.ffere of the same text of the time S ,T dr umplc s,x or s.ven cop.e, that they were meant for vanoa.ly .oca, pp 147149 It appears

P ,Ilar

a^rd-

PURABHILEKHA

PATRI!

*^?^\^^
J.^7 o/
was born

pil,

,;,

'/Jd

la the
1 i
1

nt,

place

10

3" K

JULU,

C>

ti(

(1, P
of Kharavela"
(Calcutta, 1969 70),
Sircar further st.tes

H
12

DC

Sircu
III
fl

'An

alleged

mscnpnon

W/s/t. >

pp 30-36
/*/ ttfl

^,i',i
prince,It

XXXII PP 8286 Prof

that the ruler

of Satavah,

hence the name Sita,

JAM

III,

PP

34,

275

13

IQbi;

Glo (New Del has several meamngs D C S.rcar, lib. noted that Mondapa a pillared hall on stone columns But m Guntupall. records it appeals to denote pp 193 96

Epical

monistic unit for the ass mblage of the

14

monks
pp
,

Indua

no
X11I,

(Bombay, Sept

1972),

83-88

JBORS
Sircar,

XIII, p 221
I

13

LI,

pp

15967

XX

pp

7189,

DC

Select Inscriptions,

(Calcutta,

1965),

214 222
16

P Suhrahmanvjm (Op W. have no evirOicx ruiru.n^ -, <-pigr iphici! 01 whatsoever to agr^e with 4 6) that theeaily Sitavahana rulers of the time pnoL to Gautamiputja Satakarni held coa pp the heart of the en were wuhin and Telangana regions Andhra, although the contiguous Vidarbha K Sarma, "Fresh Cf 1 Satavahanas were undoubtedly Andhras right from the beginning and 5 and 13 Also his equation of M on the History of the Satavahanas", Itihas, III, pp 2 and 4 notes is no river as there is not sound nearby and no evid kanagara with Kondapuram in Medak District
1

is

forthcoming

to substantiate

Kharavela's exped tion into

this

remote area

17

Indian Antiquary LV, p

J

145

18
19

Dubneul, Ancient History of Deccan

XI, pt l,p
4

pp
p

8487
45,

JNSl

El
in

XXXVIII
JNSl

JNSI

XXXII,
39

(1970),

pp

65-76

For the

viewS
20

Sankaranarayanan,
in

XXXIV

(1972), p

Gupta, Geography

Ancient Indian Inscriptions (1973), FP

83,

95

D C

Sircar,

Geograpl
is.

Anaem and Medieval

south

India

(New

Delhi,

1971),

Mysore

oee

for

various

locations

locate pp 24547 Generally Mahishamajrjdala of Mahjshaka country, N L Dey, Geograp

Dictionary,
21

22
23

R A

p 20 Subrahmanyam, Op

cit

p
,

Longhurst,

Go\cniment of Madias G
Sthavira
is

ARADSC 191617 (Madras-1951) p 35 O no 1035, Home (Education) >] Oth

among
the
6
It

August 1917, Epigraphy

24
25

an

elder

Buddhist monks and belongs to Sthavuavada school

R
(New

Subrahmanyim, Open, p Delhi, 1977), pp 138-39

tlunkluj to

and

H D

Saukalta, Aspects oj Indian History and Archaet

that

m ty

also be noted

no

inscription

was reported by A

from Guntupalli
26
I 1111

Shnlndukuru Suryanarayana
,

Jlaju, native

of

Jilakarraguderp for

taking

me

to

site

27

In

all

such cases, the

in

first is

the field

number and

the next the

number assigned by the Epigraphy

Br

Mysore

their Annual Repoit on Indian Epigtaphy

O D H
ttJ

E O
&: UJ

ta

u H
UJ

J Q Q

EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALLI-PLATE n

Inscription of Sin Sada

Donatory record on

a stone step

EPIGRAPHiCAL* DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALLI-PLATE

III

Inscnpton on

a.

Floor slab

4
5

Floor slab Inscription on another

Inscription on a stone reliquary

EP GRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALLI-PLATE IV

I

A
B

General view of the cave Close vjew of the inscribed wall fdC e,

iepiGRAPHiCAL DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALLI-PLAIE V

Inscribed

Mandapa

pillar

VI EPIGRAPHICAI DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUtALU-PLAtfe

Another inscribed Mandapa pular

JS

o o

-o

>~

f|

EPIGRAPHICAL DISCOVERIES AT GUNTUPALLI PLAtE

Vltt

10

and

12

Inscribed pillar

DISCOVERIES

AT GUNTUPALLI

JL

28

29

217 The word is specially used to Epigraphical Glossary (1966) p signify the collection of Buddhist Suttas, t he Bve actions of Suttanta pifaka, viz , Digha, Majjhima Sanyutta, Anguttaia and Khudaka The meaning of husaya is not clear The slab may have the usual depiction of the scene of g' etaketu s descent from Tushita heaven and entering Mayadevi's as atBharhuth Amaravati etc

womb,

30

This

is

km
on

Nagadevulapadu
built cell

south-west of Guntupalli hill and the ancient mound of this place goes with There is a hooded naga slab of Khondohte which is still in worship the road side

the

name

a recently

31

32
33 34
35
36

El, XXXIV,

DC
D
The

Suvaramamurti, Amaravati Sudptwes w the Government Museum (Madras, 1956), p 278 p 203, Inscription no 4 Also see Jndica no 7 (March 1971) pp 6
Sircar,

1415

Select Inscriptions
cit

(1965), p

197

Mitra,

Op

(1972),

311

DC

Sircar, Geography of Ancient and Medieval India (New Delhi 1971), p 336 Tiru e dn kalu = Grldhia or vulture, kunram^ place is also known as Tiritkkaukklunram 1 am grateful to Sn Perhaps after the famous Gfiddhakuta iaila Rajagnha Snmvasan
i
, ,

hill

KR

for

this reference

37

El,

XXXV, pp

11-13

38 39 40
41

El, XX p 22 no 1220, Also C Sivaramamurti (1953), p 294 P Gupta, Geography in Ancient Indian Inscriptions (New Delhi 1973), pp El XX VII, (1947-48), p 4
Lllders List,
,

109-110

42
43

Mitra,

Op
p

at

236
lines 8-9

El, XXIV, pp
Ibid,

25876pt
152,

44
45

XXXV

Pt
,

p
is

Penugonda plates ot Hastivarman, El XXXV, 8 Dhankatura grant of Achandavarman, Ibid not much in Peddavegi plates> of Nandivarman
Indian Antiquary, V, p 175
III

pp
,

148-49,

Konukollu

plates,

Ibid

XXXI,

II

XXXVI, pp 45 ft However, the variation himself JAHRS, I, pt II, p 92, but not the

Kollair grant,

46 47 48

Studies in Indian Epigraphy,

(Mysore, 1976), pp
is

156 159
of gotra

The name of
3alankayana
fisfus, all

the
is

monarch

here

clearly

the

name of
[1]

fishi

Rajachandavarmanah In the Pravaraka^da, ^alankayanas have two

Angirasa

sets

Traiyarsheya

Bharadvaja,
1

Barhaspatya,
the
I

[2]

ViSvanuttia,

>alanka (yana),

Kau&ika, etc
all

Panim's Ashtadhyayi gives

(sdtra IV-1-99)

for this kind information

of them taking the piatyaya'Ayand (Nndayana etc) The family name tfivalenka
j-ishis

group of words beginning with ndda am thankful to Dr Parabrahma Sastry

Salanka

is

nothing but a colloquialism of

and

of the two gotras are the same

49

El, XXXI, pp
B

Ml

50
51

V Krishna Rao, A History of the Early Dynasty of Andhra-desa (Madras, 1942), pp 380-81 64-65 and Journal of Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 13th Section (Madras, 1930), pp Oriental Research II (Madras), pp 111-112
101,
PI
II

52 53
54
55

El, XXX, p
Terracotta
01

inscribed with Dharants, pratitya- samuipada sutra and Buddhist creed Mitra (1972), pp 222-228 were found at Ratnagin on the Sankaram Hills" Annual Report, Archaeological Survey of "A Buddhist Monastery Rea,

stone tablets

India,

190708

(Calcutta, 1911),
is

pp 149-80
in

Dukha-Skandha

also

found explained

the

Nalanda

text

of Pratitya-

samuipada

sutra

El

XXI, pp 20-22, no

8.

SOME EPIGRAPHICAL ECHOES OF THE SANGAM EPOCH

K V Raman

The ancient somces

the
interesting discussions

foi

the existence of

Tamil Sangam have

been

among

points of schoiais foi

The tiadition quite sometime Academy had been persistent

hteiaiy hentage
in the

of the Tamil
in the
is

Tamil

coppei plates issued by the Pandya king Rajasimha II m the beginning of the 10th centmy A D pays in eloquent tribute to the Pandya king who founded the city of Madurai and promoted the Sanskiit and Tamil
languages, caused Mahabhdrata to be tianslated into

The

tiadition

ciystalhsed
Iraiyanai

well-known Tamil woik,

Agappoiul dated 9th 01 10th centmy AD But we do get some echoes of this tradition

by

instituting

Tamil and pi omoted Tamil learning 01 patronising a Tamil

Academy (Sangam)
VaUmadurai nagaikandu marradarku
madil vaguttu

buef and incidental

even in the eailier woiks though they aie natuie Foi example

AndaJ'siefeienceto $a?igattamilmalai
Tiruppavai and a similai

mhei

lefeience in the

ujamikka madiyadana lendamilum

Devaram can be
lefeiences

cited as

two examples Such

paludaiatta naiamdu

vadamohyum
mahabhaiatam tanulpaduttum Maduia-

indnectly mfoim us about the gloiy of the Tamil language of the Sangam

period and piesentitto us as the supreme touch-stone of the gieatness of the language
In this papei, some epigiaphical lefeiences concerning the Sangam tradition are
briefly

pun sangam

vaittuni

In another context the Pandya king is piaised as the mastei of Tamil language

presented

The

direct icference to

the Pandyan king, Nedunjejiyan

m the

shoit

(Ten-Tanulm karaikandum) and calls anothei Pandya king as one who studied Tami along with Agastya, tiaditions which echc
similai

Brahmi inscription at Mangujam neat Madurai and the table of genealogy of the Chera kings given in the famous Pugalur
inscription

sentiments expiessed in the Sangan

hteiatuie

which

tally

well with the account

There
difTeience

was

lively

discussion

an<

given by the
to corroborate

Sangam poem, Padtrruppattu,

These seive
in the

constitute important evidence

the evidences found

of opinion with regard to th' origin of the word, kudal, which was th alternative name for Madurai ancien

Sangam anthologies
as such
to the

However, they are not

times

All sorts of speculations were

mad

the direct evidence to the

Sangam

tiadition,

Sangam

But theie aie quite a few refeiences tradition which may briefly be

taking Kudal as indicating the confluence c rivers , writers searched for the non-existar
rivers

and could not find more than one nv<

But the speculation

alluded to here

The larger Sinnamanur

theie namely Vaigai

[GRAPHICAL

ECHOES Or THE SANGAM AGE

63

'

set at rest

by an mteiestmg lefeience

that

other things that the

find in

the Sivakasi coppei plates 1 which

give
a

Marau aha?

3rivallabha

Pandya king gadaiyan honoured one

beneficial acts that
title
is

m
rd,

to

conect explanation of the

Etti-gattan foi the

many
This

Kudal

for

Madurai

It calls

Maduiai

he did and confened the

ki]avan on

Iruppatkudicalled
etc
,

Tamilkudal, which can be tianslated as

idurai, the confluence

him

man

as a

of Tamil scholais

chieftain of Kuflalkudi,

Imppaikudi,

and

the

seat

of

the

Tamil Sangam
has

The

described as one
poets

who came

of the family of

'akasi plates die also datable to the 10th or

who had

the distinction of being seated

hcejituiy
tiadilion

AD
that

It

cleaily

iccoided

on the stone
famous
cleaily
foi
its

slab at

Kudal

01

Maduiai

Madurai was

also called

Tamil 2

This inscuption

milkudal 01 the seat of the Tamil Academy

Anothei mteiestmg epigiaphical echo of
;

shows thac the people of the penod weie well aware of the impoifcance of the

Sangam poem is found in the Dalavayram coppei plates issued by Paiantaka a-Nai ayana (860-905 \ D ) The opening
copper plates aie culled out

Tamil Sangam
descendants

in the

bygone days and the

oi

the

Sangam

poets

weie
esteem

continued to be honoured and held

by the Pandya kings

ises of these
)in the
ric/H

famous Sangam poem, Madurai' beginning with the woids Ongutirai

The above

cited

instances would go to

show that
at

the

memory of the Tamil Academy

to

Madurai continued

be

feitile

in the

\xmpatappit, etc

minds of

the latei people

and

the echoes of

ncal allusion to the

Another pointed and mteiestmg epigiaSangam at Madurai is

mentions among

them

are

found both in

liteiature

and

inscriptions

Many more

such instances can

amd m an inscuption fiorn Ramnad District

the

be collected and arianged chronologically

Pdndyanadu

It

which would add significance

to the subject

oor-NoiES
Paijdiyu

SI!,

XIV-No

44

EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES

HV

Tnvedi

who weie

to his immediate noith

This

inci-

deva,

The A6vl grant of Yadava Airammaedited by Dr G S Gai in the

dent appears to have taken place dining the leign of Paiamaia Udayaditya whose earliest
inscription
is

dated 1080

AD

and who was

Epigraphia Indica, Vol XXXVI, pp 249 if (with facsimiles), Informs us that the king
at A. place known as Narmadapuid This place is mentioned also in the Bhopal giant of the Paramara

constantly busy with his enemies in the other

directions

was then encamped

We

also

know

that the

ciedit of establiis

shing Vikramaditya in soveieignty

given to

Mahakumaia Udayavarman,
1256 or 1200
inscription,
I

dated Vikrama
this

AD,

and while editing

Seunachandra II, and it is piobable that his son Airammadeva may have fought the
battle as a prince

have proposed to identify it the with the modern town of Nemawai

Dewas District of Madhya Pradesh Lying on the Northern bank of the Narmada, it is an ancient place, possessing, besides some
temple of &va, records dated containing two pilgrims' 2 Vikrama 1253 and 1281, the first of which
other antiquities, an old

Here we may notice anothei giant of Anamnaadeva, which I studied fiom photographs of the inscription incised on three
plates,

which

owe

to

Dr S

Bhatt, a

friend of mine at Indore

This grant was

not so far noticed

it

The

relevant portion of

was

engiaved

three

years
It

earhei

than

Sam(sarh)vat nav-adhika-sahasre tv-ankato'pi 1009 Prabhava-samvatsar-antarreads

Udayavarman's grant
here that the

may

also be noted

gata

Siavana-knshna-panchadatyam

Ravait

name Narmadapura can be philologically connected with Nemawai, through the intermediate stage of Nemma-aAirammadeva
zealous
is

Surya-gi ahana-parvvam
Bhuvanaikamalla-vijaya-rajye

p nthvivallabhe
Seunadebe
-

Mahaman$aUbvaia-$ri- Airammadeva
rajye &ri-Aiapakumarena

vijaya-

SrJ-Dhavabhadi asya
(lines

known

to

have been a

Pimpari-grdmahpiadattah

feudatory

of the

Chalukya king
A.

(From

my own

29-35) Transcupt)

Vikramaditya VI (1076-1126
is

),

and, as

known, his territory was loughly bounded on the north by the Narmada But, since Nemawar, where the king was
well

The yeai of the giant is gaka 1009 (1087 AD), which is eleven years earhei than that of the ASvi giant, showing that the Yadava

encamped while issuing the grant, is on the north bank of the river, the conclusion is irresistible that he had then conqueied some around Nemawar, region on its north,
snatching
it,

many
from

king occupied the throne rather earlier by so This we know for the first time years
this inscription
too, the name of the king is Anammadeva, which supports what

In this grant
spelt as

apparently, from the Parapo&ras

PIC.RAPHICAL Noirs

Gai has observed, viz that this was the of the king, and not Airamma 01 'aramma, as is given by Hemadri But we ave also to take into account that the name
>i
,

Viktama

1148,

which
,

is

equivalent to 25th

ame

and it WAS renewed Decembei, 1092 A D on the ninth day of the bught half ol Chaitia, Vikrama 1177, which icgulaily conesponds
to 10th

may have been copied from giant which gives the spelling of the iame, meiely because of the fancy of the
\

the Asvi grant

Mai ch, 1120 A D

bus

/riter,

as

it

also appeals in his spelling of

it

Thus, the Rajpur giant, as we may call aftei the hndspot of the plates, was held

he

name of

the donoi as Aiapakumara, just

in

abeyance foi complete twentynme yeais

possible that the giant by a subordinate Ranadhavala, would not be valid
it

fter

It is

iiilei,

To enable us to thiow more light on the fadava-Paiamaia stiuggle in the last quartei we may notice if the eleventh centuiy /^D icre anothei chaitei, which has recently
,

unless

is

conhnned by

his

feudal loid,

but the mteival of not less than about thnty yeais between the two dates seems to be a

)een

known

but

is

still

unpublished

This

long one, and the only conclusion that can be diawn on the point is that thr territory in

ecoid consists of

thiee

coppei plates which

which the giant

village lay

was subsequently

ue lepoited
Elajpur in

have been found in a held at the Khargone Distuct of Madhya

to

occupied by some of the enemies, who could have been, in the present case, eithei the
Chalulcya empeioi

Pradesh and wue acqimed in the distiict icasuiy as a tieasute tiove and subsequently hey were sent to the Tndoie Museum
studied the inscription thiough the kind courtesy of the Cuiatoi of the Museum,
I

Viki amaditya, probably

his

helped

by
his

some of
best to

feudatoiies,

or

Chaulukya Jayasimha, who too was endea-

vouung

extend

his

teintoiies

towaids the east

It is worth noting heie that Rajpui, along with the other places mentioned in the of the the south to is situated inscuption,

Shi

S Garg
in

The grant mentioned

a
subordinate
of the
aftei

the

plates

was

made by MahainandahSvara

Ranadhavala,

Paramara king some yeais the same Naiavarman, and same feudatory the confumed was by giant

Naimada, and a study of the shows that the Naimada tegion,

as
it

inscription
in as

much

lay in

the southern

pait of

Madhya

The relevant poition, aftei descnhimself a bing Naiavdiraan with all the epithets of pai amount soveieign, inns as follows
pa thakaysa
kai

Piadesh, constantly changed hands between

the two loyal houses
It is

tat-pada-padma-prasad-avapta-purnnachatvdn ma-sahasr-adhipatyarfi
vu ajamana

also significant to
this

note heie that

his.

Ranadhavala issued

donation from

samaata-pta&astdpeta-pancha-mahaiabdalam- Mahamandalebvara - &rt a-

camp

Ranadhavaladevah

(lines 8-10)

holy place known as Arnares' vaia, which is to the south of the M armada and not far fiom Rajpur where the plates were
at the

(Fiom my own

transcript)

obtained

The

The grant was originally issued on the fifteenth day of the dark half of Pausha,

and is also mentioned 3 Paramaia inscriptions

place contains a Jyotirlmga, in some of the

PURABHILCKHA PATRlKA

we may alio note some othei important points fiom this (Rajpur) giant It is dated Vikiama 1148, equivalent to 1092 AD It gives the epithets of a pai amount On sovereign to Naiavaiman in this year the other hand, the Dewas giant of the king
Heie
tells

that

name in Madhya Pradesh

It

iccoids a

giant issued by the Chandella king Vidyadhaia, on the amdvdsyd day of Sravana, on

solai

eclipse, in

[V

S 1060,
b

which

is

equivalent to 20th July, 1004 A D

us

that he peifoimed his father

Uday-

Noticing the historical impoitance of

the inscription,

aditya s fiist anniveisary (samvatsarika) on a date which is equivalent to 24th August 1094

we

find that since the

latest

known
Dhanga,

vear of Vidyadhara's
is

A D and, on the basis of this and some othei evidences, N iravarman is known to have ascended the throne in 1093-94 AD To
,

998 AD

when

grandfather, he issued the

reconcile

both these conflicting evidences,

we may
1092

suggest that his fathei

Udayaditya

Nanyaura grant, and also since, on the evidence of the present grant we have to take Vidyadhara on the Chandella throne in 1004 AD we can conclude only that the latter's
fathei

may have

abdicated at

least as early as in

Ganda

eithei

did not come

it

to

the

AD,

and not
4

in

1093-94 A D as hither

throne, or, he

may have occupied

7

only for

to believed

a short period
have defeated and
repelled
is

Who may
the

Paiamaras fiom the

fair

Rajpur legion

Anothei important point that we note fiom the study of this inscription is that it
solves finally the long-ranging controversy with reference to the name of the enemy of Pratihaia Rajyapala, who is mentioned as

also a
is

problem to solve in this connection It to assume that he may have been

II,

Achugi
is

the

known

to

master and
tion as

who

Smda chief of Yelburga, who have fought several battles of his is mentioned in an mscnpthe king of Malava,

Nizamuddm, 9

Bida by Ibn-ul-Asir, 8 but as Nanda, by Finshta 10 and Gardizi 11

,

making
5

among

some

otheis, subject to his soveieign

Vikram-

-aditya

Consideung these different readings, Cunningham held that Nanda of the writers is a 12 and this view was misreading for Ganda,
accepted by
Hultzsch,
13

Smith,

14

Ray,

15

II

Two coppei- plate inscriptions of the Chandella lulers of the Vmdhya region of Madhya Pradesh have come to light within the past few years, and their contents have been bnefly noticed the Anual on
Repoits Epigraphy But they are still unedited, here we propose to show then historical and The fiist of these, which is significance

and some others But the present inscription, which shows that Dhanga was
Tripathy,

16

succeeded by Vidyadhara, also suggests that both these names, namely, Nanda and Bida, should betaken as denoting only Vidyadhaia,

Bida being a short and

Vidya

corrupt

foim of

Mian

The other
notice heie

inscription,

which

m brief,

we may

engraved on

a single plate,
at

is

now

refers itself to the reign

exhibited

a local
,

Museum

Kundes"vara,

near

the headquarters of a district of

of the Chandella king Trailokyavarman, who, from his capital Ajayagadh (Jayapuradurga), donated the village Chachahi, on the

iRAPHICAL NOTbS

67
'enth

bright half of Chaitia, Inesday, in V S 1283, which regulaily esponds to llth Match, 1226 AD This nption also is on a single plate, and at
ent
is

day of

the

which has recently been found and is now deposited in the Museum at Mandla in Madhya Piadesh The epigraph lecords
inscription

exhibited

in the

Ranivan Museum

Satna, in

Madhya
known
S 1269

Piadesh
yeai

The
nan

latest
ts

01

of Tiailokya1212 A D , supplied

the donation made by the Kalachuu king Vijayasimha, son and successoi of Gayakarna, in the Kalachun year 949, which is equivalent to 11 98 AD on the occasion of a birthday ceremony of the

the fragmentary stone mscuption from /agadh, and thus the piesent msciiplion -vs that this lulei continued to be on the ne at least for fouiteen yeats theieaftei
1TI

(jata-kmma) pnnce (Mahakumard) Trailokyamalla

This indeed
is

ing that the latter

a new information, showwas a son of the former

last

And

since Vijayasimha's

known
this

yeai

is

96x, he appears to

have been succeeded by

Trailokyamalla, in

whose reign

record

The Dhui eti Rewa) copper-plate insci ipwhich gives the name of Tiailokyamalla,
(

seems to have been incised,

l7

m the Kalachun

edited by

NP

Chalcravaiti,

with a

This view is also consistent with year 963 the mention in it of the Rajaguru Vnnala^va,

}giaph, in the
,

Ep In d Vol XXV, pp and subsequently it was also edited by V V Mirashi, CH Vol IV, pp 369

who was a spiritual preceptor of the Kalachuri Thus we need not assume that loyal house
after the

end of the Kalachun

rule in the

Both these scholars identified Trailokyamentioned theieinj with Chandella la,

ilokyavarman, but this view has now to dismissed in view of a coppei -plate

Rewa

territory, the spiritual

with some officers also, may his faithfulness to the rising powei of the Chandellas 1S

Teacher, along ha vetiansferred

11

-NOTES
IA
,

XVI, pp
Rep

252
,

ff
,

It

is

my No

46 22 and 55

See Prog

WC

foi

1920-21, pp

D R

Bhandakar's List of Inscrs

,

No

479

For example, the Mandhata giant of Jayabimha, (V) Year 1112, El is our No 18
Rtinadhavala,

III,

pp

48

ff

It

mentioned
5
C

in

the

known for the Msamala

first

tune from this record,

I,

may

(trans- by Forbes), Vol

151

obviously be identified with Rindhuwul, p 117

See

R G

Bhandarkar's History of the Deccan, p

on Epigraphy,

No A7

of 1971-72

7
8 9

Tins point has been briefly mentioned in the Report

Al-Tankhul, Bulak, Vol

Tabaat-i-Akbari,
ir

IX, pp

115
I,

ff

by

B De,
I

Vol
ff

12

10
1

Tankh-i-Fmshta, Vol
Kttab

pp

63

Zamul Akhbar, by

al-Gardizi,

p 76

PURABHILLkHA

12

MSm
?/
I,

o/W
219

J!?wf Vol

II

452

13

14

u
Dj

XXXYII p
f

m
I,

11

Hisl

0/A

/rufifl

IB
5

16

torio/fi/WB/ip 2^,n
The information of
the
find

1?

and also the conclusion

owe

to

Shi B C

1111,

Dy

Director of

Arcli

MP
IV,pp370f

18

For detuls sec C//

RELIGIOUS CONFLICT THE TAMIL COUNTRY RE-APPRAISAL OF EP1GRAPHIC IDENCE

R Champakalakshrni

In the religious

histoiy

of the

Tamil

mtiy, the seventh century AD has been serious conlerally taken to be a period of

While "legendary" or "mythical" character it is true that the aim of this study is ostensibly to provide a
for

moie dependable chronology

between the Brahmamcal sects of Vaish/ism and iSaivism, on the one hand, and Buddhist and Jam sects on the other, the
t

events

of gieat significance connected

with the socio-religious

mer gaming

the upper hand through the cess of the Bhakti movement headed by Vaishnava AJvars and Saiva Nayanais,

changes brought about by this conflict, it is doubtful whether its entnety or it has tackled the problem from the point of view of the "opposition",

the opposition in this case being

represented

won
is

w
il

This royal support and patronage based on traditional accounts in ha-

by the Jams

ogical literature

and on

certain

synchro-

the outset,
validity

The present paper, it must be stated at does not aim at questioning the
reliable

ins and identifications suggested in

11

them

as

as in the 7evarama,ud Dlvyaprabandham mns of the bhakti exponents Corroboray evidence

is

more

of the use of epigraphic evidence as than literary evidence, but seeks

sought from a few epigraphic

;oids, one of

them being the

controversial

cave temple scription in the Tiruchirapalh of Mahendravarman jignable to the period

other approaches to the study of the same theme, rather an allied theme, which, while upholding the general trustworthiness and
authenticity of epigiaphic

data,
its

would

also

show the limitations

of

use,

especially

the Pallava

The above view, which has

d an acceptable backgiound
story of
this legion,

provifor writing the

so far

has been seriously lestioned by a recent study on the date of ie Tevaram trio, based on a very systematic

ges ture of this conflict, all the

in it

when one is dealing with complex phenomena determining the couise of events or chanFor understanding the origin and nafactors involved

have to be closely examined

Saiva aspects of

To
the

take

up only the
would,
partial

pictuie

udy of the inscnptjons and

L

distribution
1

therefore,

mean an

inadequate or

atternofthe early Choja temples

This

udy

has,
all

however,

set aside, quite unjustifi-

the hteiary references to certain perto the onaltties and their contemporaneity
bly,

approach to the problem Hence, the endeavour, here, is to look at the other side e to look at the question from of the com
i

the evidence provided

by the Jam

inscriptions

mthorsas entirely unreliable due to their

and to the extent necessary touch upon the

70

PURABHILEKHA PATR1KA

Vaishnava
literary

iecords
In

both

epigraphic and

suggested
criptions

that

some of the Vatjeluttu

out
a the

ins-

addition,
is

aichaeological
also

and

are earlier in date, which

can be

architectmal evidence

drawn upon,

checked

by

working

dependable
Vattehittu

wherever possible

hoped that m the criteria which determine the process, the coirect use of epigraphic and other data
It
is

palaeographical table for mscnptions with the help

also

of dated ones,

available in

the

same legion

would emerge

A more
menon
is

curious but interesting phenoin the

Jam inscriptions appear in the Tamil country as early as the second century B c the form of short Tamil Biahml inscriptions giving the names of ascetics who occu-

observed

Jam
line

inscriptions

coming from the regions occupied by the

Chojas of the Vijayalaya
datable
in

They

are

the

ninth-tenth

centuries

A D

ers

pied natural caverns on hills and lay followwho provided the material basis for their

s Even the mast canseivative dating support of these records cannot bung any of them down to a period later than the 4th-5th cen-

and belong to the reigns of the same early Choja rulers, Aditya I and Paran taka I, to whose period the new theory
assigns
are

These two rulers' \hQTe\dram trio found to be invariably patronising or

favour
the
to

turies

A D

Though

not

number, these inscriptions distributed m the whole of Tamilnadu so as

to suggest a period of foi the

large in veiy are fairly widely

at least viewing with

ments made

a considerable

endow number of

Jam temples and rnonastenes

-

atleast

two centuries
in

spread of
era
3

this

religion

the early

Christian

Suddenly,

for

icasons not

importan^
in,

clear, there

appears a long interval of time before the re-aposnaic; of inscriptions refeThe pattern of ierring to the Jam sect

the l^orth Ar,cot four District alone, JaiA, Sjjptr^ received patronage the June o|\ F^ajaj^ehan Aditya I and
jjn

Parmesan Pai#afoka
centrpsj in the

same

district

J (871 955 A D) were in

Other
exist

appsaiance, again, is not the same all over, lor, m a numbet of places pirticularly in the

ence fi^om Pallava times, the earliest re cords being those of Nandivarman 11(730

Madurai region, iheie is a sudden prolifera. tim of Vatteluttu inscriptions assignable to the 8th-9th centuries A D wheieas, in certain other areas, as in Stttannavas'al,

795 A D)

Three important Jam centies

district

m the
onlv

South

Arcot
I

are

known

through the inscriptions of the

Aditya

>mgava-

ram and Tiruchirappalli, theie are some stray inscriptions in Grantha and 'archaic' characters recording

period of and Parantaka I ' A fourth one in the same district may be assigned to the same period on palaeographic grounds "
Tirunarungondai
in

some more names, assignable

ship

South Arcot

AD If the dating of the Vatteluttu inscriptions is leasonably one is inclined to ask certain, the ques. tion 'what happened in this interval of silence from inscriptions or what caused
to the 6th-7th centuries
this

already an important centre of

from the ninth century Chola inscriptions in the Appa^da

Similarly the Perumandur

Dt was Jam wor A D and

Jam
1
1

temple date from the period of Rajaraja

Jam temple

the

gap

in

inscriptions

It

may

be

same

district

has ninth century inscriptions"

GIOUS CONFLICT IN THE T/VMJL COUNTRY

(

71
it

Choja patronage was extended |a tie 12th-13th centuries A D

Anandamangalara
net
tie

to

only

Tnruchirapalh contains a natural cavern a rather inaccessible spot, apart from two
rock-cut caves at

in

the

Chmgleput

flourished

an important n the time of Parantaka I

as

Jam

the Chola country mages"varam m the Tanjavur district ns to have had a Jam temple called MiladudaiyarpalJi, to which a pillared mdah ( tmichchurrdlai ) and gateway 'nira} we.e added in the time of Aditya Under Parantaka, Sendalai was associa-

In the heart of

more convenient spots The cavern has a series of short inscriptions, one in Brahmi leading Chua, and others in a script similar to the Pallava Grantha and archaic Tamil, giving various names and 17 two of which have been connected titles, with Pallava Mahendravarman 1 1S In one of the Saiva cave temples is found the well-

known

but controversial Sanskrit inscription

believed to be of the

to his supposed conveision

wvth

the

Jams

1C

In Ponvilamdanpatti near Sendalai and famam, the wife of Kuvavan, a Mutta/a chieftain and contemporaiv of Nandi-

man

II,

made
is

grants

to

Jam

palji,

which

there

no trace now "

same king and referring from Jaimsm to Saivism 19 If this hill was one of those occupied by the Jams early, as the word Chua is said to represent a Jam name and Chirapal}i, the name of the place, is said to be 20 then the seventh century derived from it, cave temple would indicate its appropriation
by 3aivas
01

change over to Saivism

The new
3
k

would same

assigned to the Te^ drain suggest that these nayanais toured regions in the tenth century
date

m
1

the

same
centre

district

seems to
8th-9th
archaic"

have been a

Jam

around

those temples the praise of Siva heved to have been erected undei Aditya

gmg

centuries or earlier as seen

from

the

inscnptions

would also mean that the 3 religious conflict was acute m nth ceutury and probably resulted in the

and Paiaataka

It

and Jam sculptmes on the Sundakkaparai, a huge boulder, which also 21 contains several rock-cut beds
In the Pudukkottai legion, the hilly aiea the background

clme of the nd the Jam

j

Jam

faith

On

the other

ovide
rly

inscriptions would seem to evidence to the contrary, partial

the

Ammachatram provided for a big Jam monastery

of

TnuppalJimalai

in

Choja occupied legions

this

It

is

that many penod nties appear to have come up or were to continued them ol Some atronised ounsh under the successors of these early T liolas, such as Rajaraja I and Rajendra
recisely
in

and temple at Tnuman.amalai, which received endowments in the reign of Rajaa2 The kesan, identifiable with Aditya I
or
are inscriptions referring to these grants very early characters assignable to the 9th

century

AD

It

continued to flourish
I
as

in

the

peuod of Rajaraja

nd even

later

decline due to a dispute

24

and later and began to between two sections

A
lons

in

regionwise survey of the Jam mscnpother paits of Tamil Nadu also

a

of the monastic establishment under the later

Pandavas

The

AinnurruvapperumpalU
its

similar

picture

The

hill

at

at Tiruvennayil,

which owed

construction

72 to

PURABHILEKHA PftTRlkA

merchant corporation "the Five the Hundred", dating from about the 9th centuiy, endowed undei was evidently liberally ^ Now in the remains of I
Rajaraja
turns,
thlS tCTlC'iC S'TMV

North Arcot distnct

Travancore including
the

to
all

Chitral

former
in

important centres

^C"1

!-

^'t^i'r

* 1PC!

'fli

thp

36 The Madurai and Tirunelveh districts hills aiound Madurai contain numerous caverns with beds and Brahmi inscriptions

early Choja temple at Kodumbajur Ten.vmalai or Tenurmalai has a cavern and Jam sculptures and early inscriptions, one of which

assigned

between the 2nd to the period All of and 3rd century A D century B c them are invariably found to contain also a
series of

recoids

that,

ou seeing Malayadhvajan, a

Jam

sculptures and a large

number
'

Jama
vel

teacher performing penance, an Irukkuchieftain instituted a pal\ichchandam

in a

of

Vatteluttu inscriptions of the 8th - 9th centunes A D While most of them iccoid

Tenur seems to be mentioned record from Mamandur

a'

Brahmi

names of Jam monks including, Ajjanandi, some also refei to endowments in the period
oftheeaily Pandyas
In Tirupparankunram,
(

1 he evidence from other parts of the

equally significant Pandya country Kurandi perhaps the lirukkattarap^ili, in Tamil Nadu, Jam monastery biggest under Maranjadaiyan, enjoyed patronage
is

The

Pandya
referred

Maranjadaiyan
to in an
officer

Varaguna
^

is

inscription of c

D 784"

and an

of the Pandya king Vaiudi

probably Varaguna
the three inscriptions
built into the

I
96

(768-815),

as

seen in

Mirjavan, figures as the donor in another " Other centres record from Karungalakkudi

on stones now found

with

similar

Jam

vestiges are

Anamalai,
and

Kalanathasvami iSiva temple in Pallimadam, a hamlet of Tiruchchuhyal in the

Alagarmalai, (Samanarmalai (JCongar Pujiyan-

gujam,

Kilakkuyilkudi,

Muttuppa^ti

Ramanathapuram Jam teachers of

ing

district
this

succession of
is

Kilavalavu),

monastery
in the hills

known
3*

Kuppalanattam, Uttamapajaiand Aiyampalaiyam (Aivarmalai)

thtough several records

surround-

Devattur

the

Palam
to

taluk contained

Madurai
31

89

and

in

Kalugumalai
it

Chitral,

indicating that

and was perhaps the

8th

an early
with the
In

Jain
title

palli,

which a chieftain

Pallavaraiyan

made grants

3I

centre of a well-knit organisation in the

It was visited by and 9th centunes AD teachers from l^iavana Betgoja as late as A D It was known as the twelfth century
3fl

the

Tirunelveh
in

district,

Brahmi

inscriptions occur

chiyur and Kurmakkudi

inscriptions,
like

Vlras'ikhamam, Vanch,1 Later Vatteluttu

the 'monastery of the southern circle'

33

however, are

found in

places

Kajugumalai and Eruvadi

The Pandyd

Ajjanandi, a great 8th-9th centunes A D

Jam

teachei

of the

was himself reveied

king Maranjadaiyan (Varaguna I) figures as the patron m an inscription on a boulder al

inscription recording

by the Kurandi teachers as shown by an the setting up of his

Eruvadi 39

where

second inscription

men

image

at

known

to

the Tamil

Kongar Pujiyangujam have visited several Jam centres in country from Val}imalai in the
is

34

He

tons Ajjanandi as the teacher who caused the Jam image to be carved 40 The .Maranjadaiyan whose gifts to the Jam pajfi ir
Kalugumalai are recorded
in

two inscriptions
]

IOUS CONFLICT IN THE TAMIL

COUNTRY
73
district Tiruchnapalli and Arachchalur neai Eiode A number of such caverns with beds but without Brahmi

this hill
I

41

may

also be identified with

taluk of

tfie

iguna
eluttu

Ka],ugumalai also abounds

inscriptions

seveial

Jam

lecoidmg the names monks and nuns from

countiv, at were carved on this

records aie found in the Tondaimandalam

legion such as Sednampattu (North \rcot),"

rent
se
12

paits

of -the

Tamil

instance

images
laige

Nagari and
48

Kannikapuiam
places
like

(Chittooi

Dis-

Of

the

number

of

places

trict)

In

Vedal,

tioned here Kurandt, Kottaru, Tirucha\iam,

Tiruppanmalai,
District)
District)
49

Vallimalai

(Noith

Topdui At cot

Tirunarimgond.ai,

Tirumalai,

ipparutti and Perur have been known fain centres from inset iptions of different

(Chmgleput the caverns with beds seem to have served as monastertes and nunneries

and Karuppankunru

ods,

earlier

and

later

than

those

at

uguraalai
te

The name Palayirai, another mentioned in one of these inscriptions,

Tevaram
of Palatyarai, which figures in and Periya Puranam^
conflict

in the 8th, 9th and 10th centimes The occurrence of caverns with beds and subseaddition of stiuctural edifices around quent

iggestive

rock sculptmes aie

all

common
in

feature in

mr's

the

major Tain

centtes

this

region

he scene of a Jam $aiva

out of

as in Tirurmlat,

Titunarungondai, Tirakkol

ch the latter emerged successful

i-

and Chittamur
^ingavaiam or Tirunatharkunru m the South Arcot district has a cavern and a series of TIrthankara Sculptutes The two inscriptions found here, recording the m&idigai
are

It is
t

perhaps
or

at StttamiavaSal that there

less

more

continuous

series

of

raphic records to show that the Jams t have occupied it almost continuously

m
r

the

beginning of the Christian era to the 9th 01 10th century A D For,

of Jam acharyas who fasted unto death, dated the 5th 6th and 10th centuries

the single Brahmi inscription on one he stone beds in the Eladipattam cavein, re are a number of short inscriptions early characters of about the 6th-7th
itunes

60

respectively

The

above survey

is

by no

means

AD

in

the

same place perhaps

4B

erring to the occupants of the cavern ese aie followed by the cave temple of i6varratha assignable to the seventh cency
is

exhaustive, for there are quite a few centres of the same period the Kongu region

on

stylistic

renovated
in

adurai
15 862 as

This cave temple grounds by a Jdin teacher from the period of $1 imara Srivallbha
a stiuctural

and Toijdaimandalam, where inscriptions assignable to the same period on palaeograIn Karuppanphic grounds, aie found
district,

kunru near Periya Veumafli in the Chmgleput apart from a cavern with beds
?

AD), when
it

mandapa

there are

Jain

sculptures,

one of which,

also added to

"

representing is carved on a boulder within a shrine-like

niche

Par^vanatha with attendants,

tso

Caverns with Brahmi inscriptions have the Karur been located in Pugajur

which resembles

Mamallapuram niches

very closely the the open air rock

74

PURABHILEKHA

The inscription that accompasculpture nies it lecords the setting up of the 'Tevaram'
(Devagriha)

"

there

seems
fifth

to

have

existed
as
as

monastic

establishment

as

early

by one Vasudeva
characters
6a

Siddhantato

middle of the

century

AD

seen

bhitara
eighth

in

assignable

the

century A D

Many

of these centres

thus

seem

to

have existed before the early Choja times and quite a few continued to flourish right

from the Lokavibhaga datum giving thq 3aka 358 = 436 AD, equivalent tc date B5 At thij 22nd regnal year of Simhavarman monastery, this original Prakrit work wa< was it translate^ copied by Sarvajiandi after The later destruction of th into Sanskrit
establishment by a Kadava who also buili iv t out of the materials thus obtained the

through to

the
to

12th-13th
the

centuties

some down

17th centuiy

and and to

the present day

temple
is

called
is
6S

Gupadaravichchurarn
leferred
to

The evidence thus obtained

uniform and
does not
the
at

Tiruvadigai,

in

the Penyt.

hardly
It

times

even dispaiate
a conflict

seem to
10th
in

indicate

in

Puranam This Siva temple is certainl] not the same as the Tiruvadigai Vlrattarjam
sung by Appar
is

9th and
it

centuries

AD

after

his

or later
that

conversion,

bu

for

is

precisely

thispenod

Jam

represented

by a ruined brick structurt

linga, locally

inscriptions in the Choja occupied areas several increased, ne.v temples came up

enshrining a fairly big dhara

known

places, while structural additions

to

weiemade

as Gunadaravichchuram Again i must be noted that the bigger Siva tbmpli

existing

tock sculptures on hillocks or

into larger temple

le, the Virattan,dm

stiucture, with

is

also

mamly

bouldeis to expand them complexes, with monastic

attached to them
In
the

stone used for certain

establishments

tions
It

peuod of Rajaraja I, in particular, almost all Jam centres The in Topdamadu received patronage Tirumahi temple was named Kundavai
* and a Jmalaya with structuial additions new one was built in Dadapuram in the South Arcot district under the patronage

the seated images

of the shrine and for later additions, does not enshnne a linga but contain^ of Siva and his coi.soi
its

garbha-gnha, a featute also met witJ

in the

Vedapurlvara temple at Tiruvej-ka^i (near Madras), where local tiadition assigns the construction of its apsidal shune to a Pallava king The VirattcTjjam's earliest
inscriptions

of Kundavai,
latter
is

sister

of Rajaiaja I

64

The

are

those of Pallava
i

Nnpa-*

not extant

now

tunga

and

Kampavarman
9th century

e
57

the latter

half of the

AD

They are

The epigraphic evidence coming up from those centres, where literary tradition
locates

the stories

of conflict between the

S^ivas and Jims, presents a difierent picture,

found on the doorjambs leading to the shrme But an earlier mscnption assignable to Parames'varavarman II, son of Rajasimha (728-32 A D ) is also found on a slab lying in
front
5a

hardly even indicating the nature 01 lesults In liruppapuhyur, where of the conflict

of this

temple legistenng a

gift

of

Appar Jam monastery

is

said to

have been the head of a

before his conversion
to

gold the

Choja inscriptions are found only mandapa and other parts of the and date only from the time of temple

RELIGIOUS

CONFLICT
59

IN

THE TAMIL COUNTRY

75

Rajendra I, with a Chaturmukhalmga also assignable to the penod of Rajendra I

Tn

Dajuji AdigaJ,
Siva

who

is

earlier

m
88

time than

Appar according

has

Chola inscriptions of the

60

firuppadirippuhyur, the Siva temple the time of

I,

Parantaka
is

recording grants
to

Hence,
the

it

to tradition, the local temple of TySgaraja contains Choja inscriptions from the time of Uttarna Chola and Rajendra I, 87 while two inscriptions of a Rajakesan, identified with I,

reasonable

suppose

that

Jam

Aditya

are in

chaiacters
to
8B

of the

12th

century A
earliei

D
in-

monastery Cholas and perhaps even before the VirattaneSvara

existed before the

time of the

and believed
scriptions

be copies

of

came up Tiruvadigai There nothing inherently impossible in Appar's this association v,uh mafha Fuithei, a
is

The Kuriuva-naya^ar
baiam,
69

stoiy

at

Chidam-

later

Jam
the

tradition tnes to

bung Appar back

into

Jam

fold by

connecting him with

though not connected with the Jams, seems to suggest that the Kalabhras weie followers of non-Brahmamcal lehgIODS
of

the

dai not far

Appandanatha temple at Tnunarungotifiom here 51 Tn this Jam temple

earliest

and hence

the

orthodox

the

inscriptions
oa

aie

of

the 9th

Chidambaram The temple here

records

lefused to

brahmanas crown him

century A
seems_~1:o

and

the

name

Appapda
connection
at Palaiya-

haidly provides any evidence of a struggle by way of epigraphic

Similarly
conflict

have been
I

m
3

use from the time

for

the

later
to

&uva-

of
in

Cjhola Rajar3]a

Appaf s
Jams

Vaishnava
literature,

refened

Another
*

conflict with the

there

is

no

direct

only evidence in
70

raa

also

stands

uncorroborated

by

the
epi-

mscuptions of the Govindaraja shrine

graphic evidence Yet, theie is a nmdakkoyil called Palaiyarai Vedataji near Darasmam
believed
king,
to
to

The Muiti-nayanar somewhat similar"

episode at Madurai is 3n fact, none of the

have been

built

by a Chola
a Linga

whom Appar

revealed

This temple hidden by the rival Jams seems to have undergone renovation at later periods and is now a buck stuicture
paitial

nnpoitant centres of conflict known fiom liteiaiy evidence is seen to contain any epigraphic or even architectuial evidence
of

a stiuggle and displacement of one by

the other

There

is

perhaps one

indirect

use of stone

There

is

no

evidence of a

nption

here

Dalcshniamutti
style

but the presence of a image of the early Chola

cave temple dehbeiatcly converted into a $aiva one in the case of the Malaiyadildiinchchi cave temple where

Jam

would suggest a connection with 10th There is llth century Chola temples a possible refeience to this place in a of the ninth Cftitral inscription century A D
or

an inscription of $endan Maran(645-695A D ) recoids the excavation of the cave undei

his 01 ders

traces of oldei

The cave temple itself contains Jam sculptures and evidences

referring

to

Palnyirai kuratti, a
66

Jam

lady

teacher

fiom

of lemodellmg of the cave to convert it into 78 a 3aiva one Would it be coirect to

identify
this

Pajaiyirai

Pandya king with the Nedu1

^ In
Conflict

Tiruvarur,
is

where
with

the the

Saiva-Jain
stoiy

connected

of

maran said to have been converted from Jaimsm to 3awsm by Sambandar ? Or,would

76
Si

PURABHJLEKHA PAIR

Mai a Smalhbha
also

of the
title

9th.

century A

daily worship

occurs in an

inscription
i

who
moie
o^
f

boie the

Nedumaran, be

a.

acceptable already diami attention to

candidate?
the

We
u:"c

have
temple

Vijayanandivikiamavaimanfiom Tiruvalloi piobably of Nandivarman III(A D 846-869'

Problems of a similar kind confront
i

renovation

he

<

3itr

nimvas'al
i

Jam

when

undei
01

ingesting some obscuuty before the 9th neglect of this centie

this

dealing

with the \aishnava

litviu,
It is
i

iu]ei

tradition

and epigraphic records

century

Thus

it

we aie

left

with only epigiaphic

in a position

haps evenmoie difficult to date any 01 Vaishniva Alvais with any amoun certainty with the help of epigiaphic
dence

rl

<

o
\

mateml
this

to

discuss the religious history of

legion,

we would hardly be
the collect
or

to

pitsent

even

complete

picture
at

Neglect and

deduction

Buddhist
place ai

deliberate attempts of Jain and perhaps also monuments seem to have taken

Foi, in most cases, the temples stu> by them do not contain inscriptions of period eatliei than the middle Chojc Oi In a few cases, a later Chola kings
5

Srirangam, inscnptions of the eaily Ch' are found to occur on the doorjambs ot
slinneb
01
is

79

i.

vinous

stages

in

the

instoiy

of

n,

otbe

parts

of the

temj"
>

Tamil Nadu, while periods of acute conflict aie perhaps reflected in the hymns of the

There

which would
construction
a

hardly any foundation mscnp' ^ fix the exact date of t,<

Further, this
is

most impoitant
sodes could

trio

Some of

these epiearliei

also

true
e;.u
)t
v

-u

thus
the

have occurred

and

numbeiofSiva temples
but

vvhere

the

10th century and much later Yet, in not a single hymn of the trio do we have any refeience to the name of
a Choja king with the exception of Koch74 who has recently been proved chenganan, to ha\e been a histoncal figure, as the grandfather of VijayaJaya, the fiist

some during

Choja inscriptions aie not foundation

cnptions

merely
references
in

iccords of
to

grat

The

specific

stone temp*

karrali,

somewhat

period are ai they may also in cate the re-erection in stone of earliet bn
this

erected

curious,

foi

Chohs
in

"

Further, there

is

also

of the imperial no indication

temples and, occasionally, an temple in stone

It

entirely

>

then emotional outpourings that any Chola king of the eminence of Parantaka I or Aditya I was the author of the temples
they weie visiting
is

may be
from

useful at this point to

quok

evidence

aichaeological excavation i, such as those of Kavenppattmam, Uraiyur

In this connection,

it

Kanchlpuiam,
least

80

to

show

that

brick

stru-

peitment to draw attention to the reference

ctures weie veiy

common
later

in this

region at
If

to

for

timppadivam singing and grants made it undei Parantaka I 79 or even earliei

Aditya
I,"

from
to
it

the

3rd centuiy

BC

one
ere-

adds
ction

several

references

to

undei

suggesting

that

the

hymns were already popular or weie being

popularised and were being included as part of the diilv worship An earlier reference
to

Plates

81

of buck structures as in the Kui^m and also the significant Mandakt82

Tiritppadiyam

singing as

part

of

the

ppattu record pointedly referring to Ee non-use of brick, etc, it is not difficp to see that brick was the common materEt

OUS CONFLICT IN THE TAMIL COUNTRY

77

>nstruction with the

possible at key points in a stiucture from very times and continued to be so even
the

use

of

size 01 design for

86

none of them
is

feet squaie or rises to a

more than 20 height of more than

is

two storeys

This

particularly true

of

the use of stone became

ir

more

practice

period of

more than

would otheiwise lemam cornplemaccounted for by way of secular and jus edifices, while all over India and
^ears
ics
,

even those cential shnnes in huge temple where there is haidly any complexes, evidence of inscriptions eaielir than the
the or late Chola period when dravida style of architectuie had leached

middle
its

nearer home, country, of Buddhist and Brahmanical stru-

in the

Andhra

optimum development

were

erected

ather places, 33 not to u temple,

Nagarjunakon^a including the Ash^abhuja

speak
the
81

in

Looked

at

fiom

all

these angles epi-

of several
fifth

lukundin
A

structuies of

cen-

itself is inadequate foi explaining the diverge factois and elements involved in a process of change in the

graphic evidence by

referred

to in then copper plates

ling a

shrine for

Ganis'a

of a people socio-ieligious organisation Histroical writing has necessauly to take evidence and into account all kinds ot
coi relate them by way and verifying data from
of

he
i

tradition of using stone must have with the Buddhists and Jams for habitation the natural caverns were

different

cross-checking sources
unscientific to isola-

Again,
treat

it

would be

highly

nd made
n

suitable

It is

also significant

any part of

this subcontinent in

these caverns the Brahmi inscriptions

distinct

terminology 86 mdihe drip ledge, roof, fronts, etc

in

architectural

and disregard the general trends while trying historical development throw light on a few opaque phases
tion

in to

structural additions

to the

caverns,

from
s

carving the stone into different

On
taken
of the

the basis
a

of

all available evidences

Hence, it would be wrong to assume lone of the temples in the Chola coun,

together,
initial

tentative

reconstruction

couise of e\ents
in

may

be offered
faith

earlier

than the

10th

century
in

AD
the

After the

spread of the Jam

the

at least must have

d
f

come up

as represented

penod

of the

Brahmi
,

Architecturally, of Kochchenganan one examines the size and style of the Chola temples more closely, it would

strength inscriptions, the Jams and influence around the 5th century A D

increased in

when

the the Dravida Sangha

was
70

esta-

ne clear that the uniformity in size and was due not particularly to the prece
as
ie

of a single style leading to a homoto many group of temples but also

by one blished in Madurai in 470 AD* the centre of a netVajranandi, probably as work of proselytisation, supported by lulers of "non-orthodox", non Biahmamcal predileThe Pat.ahputra ie theKalabhras Jam monastery evidently formed one of the the work of for Jam establishments
ctions,

earhei unpretentious structures being This would explain delled in stone either act that no Chola shrine sung by

early

to imposing ayanors or alvars has claim

propagation

78
If

PURABHlLEKHA

PATRIKH

after

epigraphic records 5th-6th centuries and before 8th-9th

the

absence of

The same
background what began
religion

process

affected

the

Jain

religion deeply, firstly

centums
before the

is

any indication,

then the

penod

and
as

by relegating it to the secondly by influencing

cult adoptin;

8th-9th centuries must have wit-

non-believmg or atheist

nessed a peuod of great changes due to the renewed attempt at the spiead of a Brahma1;

into a highly theistic

puranic

elements
its

its

worship

nical

socio-religious oidei

as seen

fiom

the

temple as

central institution

and tb The Jaiti

Pallava

those of the
indicate
a

copper plate recoids, followed by Pandyas some of which seem to

clear
revival

of

pationage

to

became as much a part of the new order a other sects by adopting the same stratificatioi in their socio economic organisation am became
indistinguishable

Brahmana
was that
that
lesult

The main difference was not thiough Vedic religion Brahmanism assumed ascendancy as a
settlements
it

except by
their

thei

scriptures and mythology from meal counterparts

brahma

of a process of accultunsation and

assimilation

The Tevvam

represents only

one element, although a major one, for the popularisation of Puranic lore through the concept of bhakti which resulted in the

Jainism took a second lease of life as were from about the 8th-9th centuries At
i

temple developing into the pivotal institution of the socio-religious life of the people This

and received re-mforcements from time time from Karnataka In the earlier penod they seem to have wielded considerable
to

influence

development was but gradual and apparently

reached
centuries
its

urban aieas such as

Kanchi,
Ii

culmination
all

in

the

9th-10th

Kavenppattipam, Karur and Madurai

when

lehgious

activity

oriented towards

the

agamic worship
variety of local
lated
in

In this

puranic religion process the rich

cults got assimi-

was and

the later period they retired to the rural areas, to be content with the benefits

ol

royal

patronage but with no political

mflu

ence

and popular

the

capacious fold

of the

$aiva
Conflicts, howevei, did not cease
gether, for, with every
alto

Vaishnava

sects

of the Brahmanical order

Divyapi abandham
reflect

The Temram and

this process of assimilation and the leading role played by the Bhakti movement it, without which it could not have leached

successful end

re-mforcement fioni Karnataka, followed by a fresh endowment from a local patron or a mightier power, the rival Brahmanical sects must have opposed the Jams with a fresh attempt at
supercedence

Foot Notes

or

IOUS CONFLICT

IN

THE TAMIL COUNTRY

79

Ibid

map
'Kuraij^li
in

Champakalakshmi,

Studies

Indian Eprgiaphy, Vol

III,

Tirukkattampa]}i 1975 p 89 II,

VII,

an ancient

Jama monastery

of

Tamil

Nadu',

Vedal (5/7,

92),

Vijappakkam (5/7,

56),

Tirakkol (577, XIII, 297),

Tirumnlai (SII

XIX,

89)

Kll^attamangalam (M
tions),

Sampath, "Jama Inscriptions of gattamangalam"

in

Seminar on Inscrip-

pp

157-159 Pancha Pandavamalai

(/

IV,

pp

13637)
193738),
ChittamOr (201 of!902)

Toijdur (5/7,

XIX,

80 and 81),
of 1936 37)

PaJlichchandal

(446 of

gOjavanjdipuram (251

306 of 1936 40
SII
Ibid,
Ib'd
,

VII,
VII,

1015,

300

ff

of 1939-40

847 (Nandivikramavarman)
III)

846 and 848 (Kulottunga

403 of 1922
222 of 1911
7
of 1899
(in tamil),

Nataaa Kasmathan, Multawiyar

139 of

Madras, 1976, pp

80-82

193738,
,

132-138,
II,

140

141

of 193738

ARSIE
5/7,
I,

1937 38, Part

13

Para 3

ARSIE,

1937-38, Fart

II,

para

3
II

50 of 1913,
209,

ARSIE,

1912-13, Part

210 of 1941-42
Jain Monastery at

Congress,
Ibid

R Venkatarama Ayyer, The Forgotten 1948, p 140

1083
9,

Tiruppajlimalai, Proc

of Indian History

IPS, IPS,
I

(from

Kayampatti)
Literature in Tamil,

KV

Ramesh, Ed Jama
cit
,

New

Delhi, 1974, IDS

No
also

13

577,

No 7] Mahadevan, op XIV, 35/39 (428 and 431 of 1914),

KV

Ramesh op

cit

Nos

10&1I,

No

23 for

another 9th century

330 to

Va^luttu Inscription 332 of 1908, 63ofl6LO, 725 to 732

,

of 1905 [5/7, XIV, 120128],

KV

Ramesh, op

cit,

Nos
577,

29-32
V, 341
,

see also

Champakalakshmi, op

cit

TAS

I,

pp

193 195

244 of 1950 51
)

Champakalakshmi, op
54 of 1910

cit,

p 68

ARSIE,

190809, part

II,

para 5

80

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

36
17

of 1908

561 of 1911

38

50nf
vl
SI!
,

19^1 32

29

XIV, 41

40
41

XIV,
V,
1',

129,

K V KV

Ramesti, op

at

Nu
16

12

R\mesb,opcit

No

Sll

405&406,

KV

Ramesh

identifies

him with Varaguna

II,

of

No

18

42
43

5/7,

310 of 1960-61
Pajaiyarai,

Ap,m, Tcvaiam,
Pen) a Puranam

Verse

44
t5

TirvnavukkaraSar PuiSnam,
(388 of 1914,

294

IPS
S77

land?

324 to 326 of 1960-61,

327 to 331
,

of 1960-61)

46
47 48 49

XV, 45(215 of 194041),

,

KV

Ramesh,

op

cit

No

22

ARSIC
f/n
1

1942 43, Part

A
I

1'iimpakalalrshmi,

"An Unnoticed

Jain

Cavern near Madu-aniaitdm

Journal

of the Madrm

Uni\erslty

50
51

Mihadevan, op at
Champakalakshmi,

No
,

76

& App

V Ramesh
fig

op at,,

Nos

and 45

JMU

Vol XLI,

1969,

52 53

Ibid

El,
8

IX, pp

229

ff

54
55 56 57

of 1919

TV

Mahalingam, Kanchipuram

in

Early South

Indian History

Madras, 1969, p 42

Penya

Pmanam
,

36 of 1903 SII

VIII,

309, 35 of!903

SH
op

VIII,

308, See also

Bhakti
58 59

movement and
II,

Religious Persecution in Tamil

Nadu"

R Champa kalalcshm.. .he Indian History Congress, Calicut, 1976

Sll

357

TV

Mahalmgam

ctt,

133

SII S

II,

p 172
197)

60
61

Bilasubramamam, Early Chola Temples,

I,

242-43

Mackenzie Manuscripts, Vol

3U6 ot 1939 40

Ed

TV

Mahalmgam

Madras,

1972,

Ms No

19-Sect.on

62 63
<54

300 to 305 and 307-310 of 1939-40

Penya puranam
SII,
V, 320

Ttrunavukkaratar Puranam, V-I62

65
66.

67

Penya Puranam, Dandi Adigaf Puranam, VV S Ponnusamy, The Thyagaraja Temph-Ti

Idij,

4 18

1072,

pp

29, 30,

Madras

68

p 30

US

CONFLICT

IN

THE TAMIL COUNTRY

Perlya

Purdnm

ffittMQ Nayaftar Puranam

city

Natarajan, The

of

the

Cosmic Dance
9ff

or Puranam, Vv Perlya Puranam, Murti Nayan

358

of 1959 60

KR

Snnivasan

in

Jama

Art and Architecture, Vol

II,

Ed

Ghosh,

New

Delhi,

1975,

p 208

Appar, TevMm,
Velanjen Copper

Sambandar, Tevaram
Plate

Also Tirumaflgai AJvar

I,

of Parantaka

recently

discovered by the Tamil

Nadu State Dept

of

Archaeology
373 of 1925, 99 of 1929 and 139 of 1935
Vellaivaraijan,

Pannuu Tirumurai Varalm, Annamalainagar,

32-3

1962

SH

III,

93

Indian Archaeology,

A Renew

SII,

I,

pp

144-155
the

K.R. Snmvasan, Cave Temple of

Indian Archaeology,

Mam
their times,

A Review
Delhi,

S
I

and Sankaiatarayauan, The Vishpbnfitfis

1977, p 147,

Mahadevan, op

clt,

Nos

10,11,40,

Also

KV

Raman and Y
all

Subbarayalu Also Douglas

See

SR

Barrett,

Balasubramaniam, op at, 39 and Sculpture, London, 1974, pp 37 and Early Chola Architecture

for a description of

the early Chola Temples

11

A HERO-STONE INSCRIPTION
C R Srinivasan

FROM MADAVALAM

Great impetus is being given in recent days to the study of Epigraphy The efforts

which are being made

to

popularise

this

cms There are only nine lines height of writing The first five lines are engra ved above the sculptuial representation of a
warrior in basiehef

subject by the Department of Archaeology,

defiant

attitude,

commendable As a result of this, a number of heio-stones strewn come to lime all over Tamil Nadu have
Madras
are highly
light

holding probably a
the

bow

in

his

left

hand,

uplifted right

hand holding
other
side

dagger
are

or an arrow

The

four lines

Even

teachers

like non-departmental men have taken a keen inteiest to

written to

the nght

of the
at

warrior
all on
bent

There seems to be no
the left
at the side

writing
leg
is

promote the study of Epigiaphy in their own limited way Thus I had the opportunity of

The

left
it

slightly

knee-cap and

seems

to

have

been

coming across the piesent

inscri-

placed
affoid

ption from a school teachei who was also kind enough to supply me the photograph

on a raised position in order to a firm grip on the ground to wield

the
the

weapon
hip
is

The trunk which

stooping towards
left

is

bent

al

of the

The inscription undei review is engraved on a heio-stone found neai the AngakSi i^varamudaiyar temple in Madavajam, Tnuppattur The two reTaluk, North Arcot District
inscription

on

my

request

and

indi
fronl

cates

the action

The waruor faces

There are
sides

with a slight right side profile unidentified articles at the

the feet of the

some
both

of

warnoi

The

figure

closely

which were copied here by the Epigraphy bianch of the Archaeological Survey in 1957 belong to Bukka II and Bhupaticords

resembles the figures carved some of the hero-stones of Chengam which are illust
rated in

'Chengam Natfu-karkaJ'
language

U^aiyarof the
they are dated
pectively

in

Vijayanagara dynasty and Saka 1319 and 1337 resthat the

The

of

the

inscription

is

One of them mentions

Tamil and the alphabet Vattejuttu

graphically the record
7th century A
res in
4)
is

Palaeo
the

temple served as anjijian pugahdam (refugee These colony) to the temple seivants, etc

assignable to

two recoids are

in

no way helpful either

D Some palaeographical featu deserve mention here The consonants

Vi&aiya
(

mtiepretmg or understanding the record under discussion

lines

1 ),

Kulampafryat
2-3),

line

and

Mandnpalji (lines

Kulam

pddiyar,

Velan (line 4)

and

Alvaiilamakknl
respective

The
stated to

slab

bearing

the

inscription
in

is

(lines

7-8)

remind

us

of the

measure 805 cms

length, 90

modern Tamil

characters

Consonants

mj

RO STONE

INSCRIPTION FROM MADA.VALAM

ch (line 1), which are compaiable with 2 found in similar early inscriptions, be instanced to prove that the iccoid
illy
2

Dr Nagaswami, who has edited these two inscuptions, further holds the view that Hvaiavaiman and Paiames'vaiavanma
1

belongs to the 7th century A D close affinities are evidently seen bet-

are diffeient kings as inscuptions of these

kings are distinctly and differently

after

named

this record and the Bairakuru epigraph

le

same

ruler

The
\\

the 12th inscription is dated in Ichchuvaiayear of the king Vijaya

also on the grounds of availability of lecoids of Isvaravarman iiom Hanumantapuram in the Salem Distiia

them and

mar
i

the (I6varavarman) and recoids of Vela[n], d servant of Kulampddia cattle-iaid at Man<Japalh and the
the hero-stone by the heioes

Dr date of livaravaiman Nagaswami is of the opinion that Kvaiavarman and Mahendiavannan of the Pal lav i
Regarding the
dynasty weie veiy close in point of time and he admits the possibility of then lulmg
the region either jointly 01 successively While editing the Velui inscuption
i>'

3ttmg up of

lakkat] of TodavaJ Alvar

Two
1

inscription^ from
to

belonging

Chengam Taluk, Mahendravaiman and

Vyaya
than

Narabimhavaiman, comments that the

K D Swam in
existence
<
i

it

in his llth yeai_and the other belongto the leign of Isvaravarman, with its

numbei of similar heio stones in undaionnd Noith Arcot testifies to the distuibed state
of the

wntten m portion damaged, though rent hands, both mention a ceitain

legion dui ing the

is

8th 9th centui\'

certainly

The present lecoid

to

datable

mpottarasar, clearly indicating theteby these two ruleis were not far lemoved

me

Chalukya Vikramaditya names the

defeated

century and is much eailiei to the Vejui inscuption of Narasimhavai.iuMi Needless to say, we have to edited by him
the 7th

Pallava mlers

by him

as

admit

the last isimha, Mahendra and Is"vaia, $ being mentioned once as I^vauipota-

the theoiy that thet,e Vattt-'uttu records do belong to the impenal Pal In as

and not

to the

Ganga, Nojimoa

01

Dana

The

insistence of the

aming
enance

the luler of

Chalukya souices only as I6vaia and the

Until we ^t subordinates of the Pallavas moie evidences, we have no othei alternative except to assign these recoids to the imperial Pallavas and, in doing so, the
to be either assigned lo present record has 01 we must accept

inscuptions in Jependently

ring to iSvaravarman and Parames'varalan in the same Chengam Taluk show I6vara and ParamesVaia were two
rent Pallava rulers
it In the light of this
evidence, the identification of Ivara histoiians ParameSvara by earlier

Paiamevaravaima_n

the theory that ISvaravatman was one of the co-regents of the undei aged ruling king, a feature that is commonly seen in the Chnla

be viewed with caution It is likely, R Nagaswami, that uggested by Dr endravarman entertained IsVaravaiman
ild
L

house

The two

place names Mandapalli and

identified

Kulampadi cannot be

Madavalam

"

us

joint ruler during the lattei

part of

reign,

the find-spot of the inscription is undoubtedly a later name derived fiom Madavijagam

84

PURA3HILBKHA

of the text provisional leading

1

is

given below

Ko-Vitaiya
ft

Ichchuvaraparumarku padi-

2
3

irantfavadu Mantfapa}-

lip-wsuk-koij^a nanruk-

4
5

Kujamba^iyai ^evakarVela[p]
e$u[tta] torn

]duvittup-pat|a[i]]

To[pva]-

7
8

lA[vai=i
latnakal
[kal]

Foot Notes

A R

/>,,

1957, No's

B 129-30

EC

X, Mulubagal,

No

211
IJ>71

Chensan Nadu Karkal,

Nos 97 and 78

4 5

/M,pp

IV-V
p
120

BI, XXXII,

Maijdapalli in possibly the

same

as

modern Matfavajam,

the findspot of the above epigraph.

MADAVALAM

INSCRIPTION

A CHALUKYA ALUPA INSCRIPTION FROM JAMBANI

A NEW CHALUKYA-ALUPA CRIPTION FROM JAMBANI

J Sharma

his

interesting

Kannada
7th

inscription of
,

emperor
described

Vmayaditya
in

Satvastaya,
lithic

who
style

is

century A D is being biought to the notice of the i s for the first time here,\vas discovered

cond

half of the

the
-

usual

as

'PinhiTivallabha

mahaiajddhuaja-parame&vam-bhatarm Next is mentioned his feudatory

(Banavdsi tajiakeye)
a couple of
1

lateDr P Guiuraja Bhat

supplied

who had

Alupendia-Chitiavahana's mle over 'BanaSince we already Badami Chalukya copper-plates as well as two AJupa stone from K>ga, a (Chikamagilur inscriptions
vasi'

me

with an estampage and

photographs
his

know from

undated inscription is engraved rectangular cionc autfate, the text written in 18 nregularly formed lines,
letters

District)

that

not

only

Chitiavahana but

the
le
j

aie

not of uniform size

slab,

also

top of the
text,

just

above
fish

line

weie placed in charge of the Kadamba-man<Jala by their

his

father Gunasagaia

are engraved
the

the figure of a

Chalukya overlords, we can safely conclude

that by
refers in

hsh

facing right,

twin

'Banavasi'
fact to

the

being

present msciiption

imily symbol of the AJupa

the well

known Banavasi
the

dynasty
12,000
division

members describe themselves as scions Pandyan stock right from the beginof the 8th century AD onwards

which

is

same

as

Kadamba-manddla

he
tied

inscribed
Siva

slab

was discovered near

fai

We know fiom the Shiggaon plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya issued in 707 A D and
edited
that

temple in a forest not

village in

by

my

revered teacher

Dr

GS

Gai

Jambani, a

the Sagai Taluk

Chitiavahana Alupendra

had married

moga
graved
i

District,

Karnataka

The recoid
characters
foi

in

aichaic

Kannada

KumkumadevI, the sister of Vijayaditya The Jambani msciiption is the only known
msciiption of Chalukya Vmayaditya containing a refeience to his son-in-law Chitravahana
It is, howevei, not AJupendia whether Chitravahana had married

language which are regular to which the inscription

the second half of the
as
stated

the

belongs,

ly

7th

century

known

above, the top of " slab carries the Mina-ldnchhana" of

Though,

Kum-

kumadevI

s-Jupas of South Kanara, the inscription

lly
refers
itself to

time the present inscription was caused to be engraved

at the

the

universal reign

nvi-rdjya)

of

the

Badami

Chalukya

Immediately aftei referring to Chitravahana the inscription mentions a certain

86

PURADHILEKHA PATR1KA
Interestingly

Babhruvahana as the administrator of Kodak which is most probably the same as modern

enough

it is

stated in

the

Mangalore which even today bears the second name KLuiJIa If the "vahana" ending in
the

imprecatory passage that those who flout the provisions of the grant recorded in
the slab

would have
and

name

of Babhruvahana

he

the

may be AJupa
It

any indication, taken as being a junior prince of house

is

the four villages

Gauda

destroyed in effect of Tanagundura, Isavura, Badavi Of these places,

is

Tapagundura

the

same

as

the

ancient

is

certainty with tlie

not possible to the purport of

make
the

out with
inscription

the modern Tajagunda Sthanakunduru, which has yielded interesting 5th century

Kadamba
classical

inscriptions

written
is

in

chaste
as

and
a
as

help of the available estampage photographs Theie is a refeieuce to

Sanskrit

Badavi

the same

certain

Pa>di

Virarasa of Pubaittyura,

who bears

a.secondnsime(dvitiya-namadheyari)
Gosas>i was commonly names of those persons

Vatapi-adhishthana, the well-known capital the Bija pur District of of the Chalukyas The other two places, Isavuia Karnataka

Dharma-Gosasiga
to the

and Gauda,

cannot be identified

the

appended who had

The inscription some lands at

the

peifonned the gosaha&ra ceremony seems to legister a gift of

the
village

The record present state of our knowledge ends with the usual imprecation in Kannada
that the flouters

of the grant would incur

Jabem which

is

the sin of having destroyed

same

as

Jambagi,

the findspot

The

one thousand brahmanas and one thousand tawny cows

at the holy

donors
which
a

were the residents of PannirpalJicould either stand for the name of

or
refer to a unit

place of Varajiasi

village

consisting of 12

villages.

Text
i*]Sri

Vmayaditya

Satya[s"ra]-

2
3

ya

rl-pnthivl-vdlldbha

maharajja]-

dhi'aja-parames'vara bha^arar [pn]-

4
5
6

thivl

rajya

keye Alupendra-Chitrava[ha]rajya

nar-a Banavasi

keye Ba[bhru]vahaVira-

nar-a

Ko^al-aje Pubattryuraia Paijdi

rasa Dharmma
temuitiya ra

gosasiga-dvitiya-namadheyan

tamma

g 9
10

mati kon^u Putti-

lagereya keldgam muru baliyu

tamma
4*

pukojiyumam Jabem[lalgu]-makottar-ppanm-

11

legga-nirtsi

ALUPA INSCRIPTION FROM JAMBANI

rppalliya anvokkalo[l]

Gaudada Taijagundura Isavura

Badaviya nalku-giamavan-alida [ma]-

hapataka
Bara?aSiya sasirvva parvvaru
sasira-kavileyuma konda doshd
[pa]-

taka pancha-mahapataka

>tes

Soraba

Plates

(U
37 38

XIX, pp

146 ff) and Shiggaon Plates

(7, XXXII,

pp

317

ff

and

plates)

EC
El,

VI,

Kp

XXXII, pp

317

ff

and plites

13

JAUNPUR STONE INSCRIPTION

S R
Goyal

OF ISVARAVARMAN

The stone
was found
in

slab

beaimg
outei

this inscription

raja

Hanvaiman

while

Wanavannan (known
the
son

the

wall

of the sou-

date

611

= 554 AD),
of

of

thern gate of the Jama Masjid of Jaunpur

I6varavarman and fathei

3aivavarnian,
family

was discovered and first published by General Cunningham in his Archaeological

It

was the

first

The dynasty of
tly

Maharajadhn aja of the the Maukhans was

the

eviden

Suney Repot ts, Vol XI, pp 124 f, Plate XXXVII, No 1, and was ic-edited by J F
Fleet
in IIJ

a sept

of

Malavas,

foi,

according

to

the Mahabhatata the

Madia

king Aiva

the Corpus Inset iptionum Indicanim>

pj)
is

pati got

Vol

278
in
it

ff,

Pkle XXXIT-A The

state

one hundred sons,called the Malavas, through his queen Malau as a result of
the

inscription

a fairly good
is

of

boon gianted by Yama Vaivasvata

to

pieseivation but
a

only a

fragment of

much

larger

inscription

Nothing

has

the king's daughter Sdvitri," while, according 4 to the Haiaha the Maukhans inscription,

been

lost

at the

top and at the ends

of

weie the descendants of the hundred sons

the lines

However, "from thuty-eight to

seventy-two

aksharasprobably
lost

the

larger

whom the king AsVapati the grace of Vaivasvata 6

obtained through

number,
each line,

aie

at

the

beginning
that

of
'

and also an indefinite numbei

last line
is

of

lines

below the

extant

Jaunpui

Since the fiagmentary portion of the recoiddoes not contain any name

The

available portion not contain any date

of the record does

except that of I6vaia\arman Fleet assigned

it

to that ruler,

though

it

is

only

fair

to

add that he was

Line 2 of the Jaunpur inscnption refeis
to the lineage of
this

somewhat

doubtful on

Mukhara

(i

Maukhan)

For he also states that the point lacunae in the inscription "are so extensive,

kings

(Mukhaianam
line 4 speaks

bhubhujdmanvavdye)

and
as
is

of the king Is\aiavaiman

the son of his predecessoi

lost

whose name

that it is impossible to say whether the histoncal information given them refeis to Ifivaravarman or one of his descendaut "

(tasya

dikshu

vitatamalakirttei

Some yeaisago
disagieement
that

D C

atmajo
it

is

nnpatu= liven avatmmti) Howevei, known fiom the Asngadh definitely

Sncar expressed

his

with this view

the

He

argues

as the victoiy ovei

of MahardjSdhiraja Sarvavarman 8 that I^varavaiman was the son of Maharaja

seal

narrated
7

Adityavarman and the grandson of Maha-

the extant poitions of the lines and 8 of the Jaunpur recoid has been

Andhiakmgs

ascribed to

Is'anavaiman in

the verse 13

NE INSCRIPTION OF ISVARAVARMAN

89

of iraha inscription, the victories document should be assigned c

7

flourished in the middle of the sixth century A D But the discovery of the Indrapala

irman 01 one of
ee
>

his

successors

pur records has pioved that the

last

known

Though we admit
the
it

that the

member of

natuie of

Jaunpur record
or one
of his

likely that

was engraved duung

that, so

Vishvukupdm dynasty, viz was II Uttama^raya Vikramendravaiman Saka the year 488 (=565 A D) ruling in
the

of
,

Isdnavatman

Theiefoie, after

analysing the whole data

nts
ies

yet described in the extant por5 ff aie concerned, they should ;d to iSvaravarman only
y,

we

feel

far as the

of the Yisruiukuijdin records, Rama Rao" has placed the death of Madhavavarman

Janakaya

in

518

AD

And
in
his
this

as this

lulei

crossed the

(jodavan

48th
event

regnal

it is

true

Andhias were defeated ,cnption,the

iv

Jhat,

according to the

does not necessit take that this victory _did not lvaravaiman ng the leign of king 8 states ha recoid itself expressly varman "occupied the thione after

aiman, but

year (Polamuru giant) fits also be placed in or about 518 AD It well with the suggestion that the Maukhan-Vishnuku?din clash took place in the of Isvaiavarman (who mav be plared
reign
in c

should

of
554

510-35 A D ) and not Kdnavarman (whose

after the accession

known

date

is

AD)
desSecondly, the Jaunpm mscuption two other achievements of the

the Andhras" etc g the lord of It means that Ihradhipatim etc) during the reign of

occuiied

cribes

the nan and Isanavarman fought The author only as a prince

mg

mpur
i

record, therefore, could very this achievement to IsVaravarman, whose reign this victory was The history of Andhra is also
this

Maukhari king (apparently the both defeated the Andhra invader) for him indicate the same period
rtis

same

who

of which

In line 5

by

the

troubles caused said that he allayed the of cruel (kruta) people

lines 9

while

approach and 10 speak of

legion

his success

agreement with his influence e mler who extended iver Narmada was Madhavavarman
,

conclusion

in the Himalayan

which

was

full

Visumithe great monarch of the

stieams' (gin-sat^ of swollen 'mountain mountain of snow 'cool watevs of the and adnbhuva^cha Ma-pay asah)

(praley
laih

to the Polamuru masty According he crossed Ins 48th legnal year Godavari with a desire to conquer rn

benzoin' wateis 'fragrant with

(prapvwhThe phiase
occurring

snatam

Aila-gan<!hibh,h)

>

The first Indrapalapur regions ruled up to informs us tha* he sant-sahla*eva or Narmada (Revd Shandy a bhuvo bharttur-Madhavathe chronology to
also
)

dhara-margga-vmngat-agm histoucal line 6 is of no

kanM
it

Fleet for the view of of erence to the city

that

importance, contains a

According

by

DC

Dhara is not correct te spark only means the phrase Probably 18 But from the sword nf fire issuing g Hn.alayan victory m the

Sircar,

Madhavavarman

90

PURABHlLEKHA
is

legion

similar

important achievement

It

reminds
of

one of
I,

Jivitagupta

Gupta dynasty, 13 As of the Malava-janapada of Rajas than mnavarman, the son of I^varavarman, fought
against
I,

the third king of the Later

sway "from the neighbourhood of the (river) Lauhitya up to (the mountain) Mahendra, the lands at the foot of which
his

I^varavaiman

have

Kumaiagupta, the son of Jivitagupta and Jivitagupta I must been contemporanes Now, about
I

aie impenetrable thiough the groves of palmyra trees (and) from (Himalaya) the mountain of snow, the table-lands of which are embraced by the (nver) Ganga, up to
the

western ocean ""

As he leached
i

up

Jivitagupta

the
states

Aphsad
that
his

Adityabena
afraid of
(that)
\\ith

inscnption of enemies were

to the

Lauhitya
it is

as the

e the Brahmaputra as well mountain Mahendra e the Eastern

i

full
is

him 'even though they stood on mountain (Himalaya) \\hich is cold the water of lushing and waving tonents of snow M I
Significantly

Ghats 18 ,

quite likely that he conquered

it is

the

Bengal coastal region also,

in his prabasti
its

not mentioned

Jivitagupta

separately probably because author wanted to describe only the

also

ctedited

with

success

agnnst some
shores that

limits of the

enemies
weie

who "stood on
with the
(and)

seaside

foui

conquests of his patron dnections

the

cool

flowing
\\ere

and ebbing
coveied
with of

curients of watei

The

similarity between the achievements

the branches of plantain tiees seveied by the the tiunks of elephants roaming thiough
'

Jivita Ya^odhaiman-Vishnuvardhana, described gupta I and IsVaiavarman, as

lofty

groves

of
also

Maukhans are

The palmyra-palms known to have obtained

lfi

for the

some success against people living on the seashore during the leign of livaiavaiman, Haraha inscription boasts that among

m the Mandasoi, Aphsad and Jaunpur insciiptions, is too striking to be In view of the contempoianeity ignored
icspectively
rulers and the tact that two of them viz Jivitagupta I and Is"varavarman were ordinal y kings enjoying the titles KshitUa chudamam andMahardja respectively while Ya^odharman-Vishnuvardhana was a
,

of these

defeated by I6anavirman, befoie he occupied the thi one were

the enemies

who were

also the

Gaudas who were compelled by

leave (dry) land foi all time to

him "to
sei
1B

come

and to take shelter in (the wateis of) the

Thus several
of
in

significant accomplish-

ments
century

the Latei

Guptas

and

the
sixth

Maukhans

the fhst half of the

Samraf, this may be best explained by the that assumption emperor Ya^odharman Vishnuvardhana was the overlord of Is'vara varman and Jivitagupta I and that Later Gupta and Maukhan uilers participated in
the campaigns of the Malava emperor when he fought against the Hunas (the krurn people of the Jaunpur inscription and

were similar But that is not all Another luler of the same peiiod, namely

YaSodharman-Vishmivdrdhana (known date

king of the
antaivedi

532 A D) not only defeated Mihirakula, the Hunas (whose arnval in the

probably the Sulikas of the Haraha iccord), invaded the Himalayan region (mentioned

could easily be descubed as the approach of a krura people who affected the happiness of mankind) but also extended

both

Jaunpur and the Aphsad inscnp and conquered the eastern coastal region (either on his way to Kamarupaor
tions)

in the

TJR

STONE INSCRIPTION OF ISVAIUVARMAN

his

91

ig

march
It is

towards the mountain

could go on

military

expeditions

to far

endra)

significant that the

Andhras

Conspicuous by

then

absence both
It

m
is

Aphsad and Mandasor records

therefore,

distant regions In later times, when their respective successors attained impeiial status, these victories could easily be described

quite likely that they were I^anavaiman after ited by the pimce ollapse of the empiie of Yas'odharrnan-

won by them m their own capacity Such examples are not altogethei unkno\vn
as
to

history

Accoidmg
-

to

the Piithivlidja-

nuvaidhana
Thus there appears to be nothing in the
pur
Lined

inscription

which

cannot
that

be
the

by the

assumptions

nes

descubed
it

its

extant

poition

achieved during the leign ot

an (whether
ig his

Uvarawas wnttep and engraved

bathed sword at the confluence of the Gang a and the ocean and enjoyed the Gauda land As shown by Da^aiatha Shaima this should be taken as a refeience to the success achieved by the Chfihamanas m Bengal under the banner of then overJoid Vatsarajavijaya,

Duilabhaiaja

Chaharaaua

his

reign or not) and that IsVaiavarman

Similai seems to have been the PiatihaiaJ case of IsVaiavarman (and also of Jivita-

he feudatory of the Malava empeior was the status of Jivitagupta I of

gupta

I)

This suggestion,

if collect,

would

necessitate

^ater

Gupta
explain

dynasty

These assurap-

a thorough revision of the eaily history of the Maukhan and the Latet Gupta

also

how

these pattv uilers

dynasties

Notes

Fleet,

CH,

III,

228

Ibid,

p 229 Mahabhaiata (BORI)

III

281

58 p

Sircdr,

D C

Select

Inscnpfui",

386

For

'Were the Maukhans an Offshoot of study of this problem vide, Goyal, SR, Rajasthan', Proceedings of the Rajasthan History Congress, Ajmer the Malavas of the Punjab and
a

detailed

session,

1972,
cit
,

pp
p
115

16 ff

Fleet,

op

229
Inscription

Sircar

DC,
,

'Maukhan
ft
fl

fiom Jaunpur', Journal of Indian

History, XLII,

pp 127

ff

El,

XIV, pp
VI,
,

JAHS
Cf

PP

17

JIH
,

PIHC

1965,

XLIII, pp p 79

733 ff,XL!V, pp

683

ff

tt/fC

1965,

pp

78

ff

This was suggested

first

same translition (JIH,

by R XLII,

G Basak
p 130)

UN

C Sircar gives (Histoty of Notrh eutein India, p 109) this sense (Studies Roy also takes the word dhnia

67 ff ) without making any reference to either Basak or History and CultuiL, PP "the sparks ot fire issuing (from Pandey has translated the passage thus Recently 339) and Las connected I, 1973, p manifold <p;ed and gate" (PIHC the hooves) ofhoises of

Ancient

Sircar

VC

it

with some military

action taken

by or against the Sulikas

92

PURABHILEKHA

1]

The author of

this

paper

locates

the

Malava-janapada

of the

Later

Guptas

in

Rajasthan

We

'Rajasthan

the Original

Home

of the Later Guptas'

I tmtmis

of

Jipte

History

Con^

Ajroer,

1975,

pp

24 32

14

Fleet,

o/i

ci/

205

15

W,
Sircar,

16

M,
op
cit
,

XL11, p

129

Cf also Sefccr tanplwitf, p 388,

fo

17

Fleet,

148

18

Sircar,

Stotap/iflw, p

419, n

19

Sliarma,

D,

firij

Cta/w/i

D}Wfw,pp

2526

1AHAS AMU ND PLATES

OF
Balchandra Jain

VARAJA

YEAR

11

are at present Pujan, Additional Tahsildar samund Tahsil of the Raipin district

plates published here

S S

The weight of the three plates is 692 gms and that of the nng and seat is 505 gms The total weight of the plates with ring
and
seal is

lya

Pradesh

They

are

said to

have

1197

gms
all

by him from a smith of an in the same district The plates me through Shn S S Yadav,
irchased

ing Officer (Archaeology) of Raipur, nination and bludy They are edited the kind th peimission of both
ers

28 lines of wilting on side of the first plate is blank, while that side of the third ius only two lines of writing The
the

There are
three

plates

The outer

inner side of the

side

first

plate

and the

first

mentioned

above

of the

each as
charter consists of three rectangular
plates,

second plate have seven lines against the second side of the second
first

plate

and the

side of the

third

plate

each

and
1

7 5

cm

measuring 9 cm in These plates in height

1

containing six lines each

The

plates

are

smooth

their

edges are

together by a copper ring passing

a squaie

hole of about
at

cm

m the
is

neither thickened noi raised to give protection The record is a very good to the writing

)f

the plates
the
left

a distance of about

state

of pieservation
caiefully

It

:s

neatly

written

3m
in

side

bronze seal

and

to the

The seal is copper-ring shape and measures 7 5 cm in

seal

The characters are engraved of the box-headed variety of the Brahmi

script of the fifth
size

century A

D The average

Unfortunately, the figure and the

of the
1

letters,

n the
tilled

have been damaged due

about
i

cm

which are well-formed, is Medial an is tripartite, medial

cleaning

The

seal

Lakshmi standing, facing anked by elephants pouring water

,

shows front, on
are a

denoted by a semicucle and adding of a dot makes it t the final form of t occurs
is
,

in lines

20 and 22

As

regards orthography,

to the

left

and

right

sides

m6s.6ankha In the lower half of lines and is the legend in two 1

the representation
lear

the consonants following r are doubled chaturvveda IF line 1 1 and some cases as

dharmma

m
and

line

15,

is

denoted by

of&kumbha which

as in

dhiknta in line 26, the wnter has

sh,and. / for }h in

used

s for &

some

cases.

94

PUEABHILEKHA

Tambia

is

written

for

tamiaand smghafor

The name of mahasamanta

raja, the

Indrabala

snhham

lines 11

and 28 respectively

The language of the record is Sanskrit Except the benedictory and the imprecatory
verses at the end, the composition is

of king

Chief Minister (sarvadhikaradhiknto) Sudevaraja, is mentioned in line 26,

prose

but unlike in the Kauvatal plates, he is not the present record styled as a dutaka

The legend
plates does

on the

seal

attached
the

to

the the

issued fiom ^ripura, king Sudevaraja, son of Durgaraja, by described as a paramabhagavata, on the ninth

The charter was

not mention

name

of

the

father of the

donor-king nor his kula

the third day of the month of Karttika year of hts isign and iccords the royal grant of the village Khalapadraka situated in the

Eight records (including the present one) of King Sudevaraja have come to light so
far out

of which

two are known to

Srlpura

have

bhoga of Dakaii to i chatunedm Brahmana, Madhavasvamm of the KaSyapa gotta and

been

issued

from

and

five from

&akha for the meats of his The donated village parents and himself was made free from all taxes It was granted
the Vajasaneya

Sarabhapura, one record is incomplete The seals of the Khanar and Aiang plates
inform that he was the son of Manamatraand grandson of Prasanna (or Prasannamatra as

with

all its

mdhis and upamd/iis, not to be

known
and
was
the
fathei's

from coins)
Kauvatal

The present
plates
state

plate*
his

transgiessed by

The

regular find irregular troops residents of the village were asked to

that

name was
by

Durgaraja
scholars

Hence,
that

it

pay the bhoga and the bhaga to the donee

.accordingly

suggested

Mana

The
plates

inscription was engiaved

on
as

matra and Durgaraja are identical * King Manamatra had a second son named Pravara
the

by

GoUtsimha

described

an
is

6 rajaknoWn from the Thakurdiya and

Mallar

aksha&alika (keeper of the records)

also

who

plates of the

latter

while the

Mallar

plates

to have engraVed the Kauvatal 1 3 and plates of this king and the Thakurdia

known
3

of Vyaghraraja clearly state that Pravara was a son of Jaya Because the plates of the

the Mallar
It is

plates

of PraVararaja

king Vyaghraraja,younger brother of Pravara, were issued from Prasannapura, this

Jaya
is

noteworthy that the donation was

identifiable witH Jayaraja, son issuer

of Prasanna
plates

made

to a

Brahmana of

the

Ka^yapa gotra

and

of four

sets

which does not find mention

record of this family
gives

m any

of copper

other

discovered

from Arang, Amgura and

Mallar

Similarly, the record

He

is

further identifiable with Manaraatra

interesting

habitation of the

information regarding the chaturvedm Biahmanas

fifth

alias

South Kosalam the

century

AD

Durgaraja, father of SudeVaraja and The genealogy of the family Pravararaja can be tabulated as below

SAMUND PLATES OF SUDEVARAJA

95

2
3

Narendra
Prasanna or Prasannamatra
Jayaraja

or

Manamatra Durgaiaja

Sudevaraja

Pravararaja

Vyaghraiaja

The family was mling from Sarabhapura, ura and Piasannapuia The name of the ly was Amararyd-kula as mentioned in
Vtallai

three

chaiters

issued

from Sripiua9

Of
this
in

the geographical

plates of Vyaghiarajd

Possibly
in

inscription,

3npura

names mentioned in is modern Sirpur

8 queen of Bharatabala was

bom

this

district of

ly

(Amaraja-kula-ja)
Indrabalaraja, the sai va-

the Dakail

Mahasamanta

wadhiknta of king Sudevaraja has been titled with PdnduvamSI Indiabala, dfather of Tivararaja known fiom his

Mahasamund tahsil of the Raipur Madhya Pradesh The location of bhoga could not be deteimmed Khalapadraka may be identified with modem K.halan m the Raipur district The place was known as Khalvatika or Khalavatika
the
^

in the 14th- 15th

century

A D u

Text 12
Seal
1

Kram-adhigata-rajyasya vikram-otkhata-vidvishah[i*]
Srimat-[Sudeva]rajasya

[sthnam

jagati

^asanam (nam)

[i

']

First Plate
1

Om

13

svastit'

15

^ripurad-vikram-6panata-samanta-makuta-chu(chu)damani-prai
l.

l
3

bha-prasek-amva(mbu)-dhauta-pad
na-hetur-vvasu-vasudha go-prada[h

~yiigalo
]

ripu vilasini-sima[m*]t-o[d*]dhara-

4
5

nuddhyatah
viditam =
i

^ri-MaM-Durgarajah(ja)-putra-^ri

paiama-bhagavato mata-pitn-pad-a Maha u

-Sudevaiaja[h*]

l?akan-bhogi(gl)ya Khalapadrake prativasmas= samajnapayati

6
7

asm vo yath = asmabhir =ayam graina[h*]Tn

yavad ^

(Tn)dasa(^a)pati-

sadana-suk ha-pral!ishta(tha)karo

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Second Plate
8

First side

9
10
1 1

= avatishta(shtha)te tavad = upabhogyah pratihata-gbor-andhakaram jagad = a-chata bhata-pravestyafs*] = sarvva-kara-visarjji= s =

sa-nidhi[s*]

opamdhir
=

tafh*]

mata-pitroi

atmam4 =

rhq

puny-abhivfiddhaye Kasya(ya)pa-gotia

J2

Vajasaneyi-Madhava chaturvveda svamine tambra(mra)-6asanen = atisn(sn)shthah(shtah) [i*]te yu' 6 yam =evam = upalabhya a(a)jna ^ravana-

vidheya(ya)
13

bliutva yath-ocha(chi)tam
vats[y*]atha[i*]

bhoga-bhagam = upanayamtafh*] sukham

T
[1
]

piati-

14

1(1

bhavishya

ta^

= cha bhumipalan = anudar^ayati

Second
Plate

Danad =vi^ishtam = auupa-

Second Side
1

15

lanaja[m]
%

pura(ra)ija
['*]

,i,mam}

tasmaCd

51

-]

dharmmesu(shu) niichita-dhiyafh = dvija-

pravadanti

dharmmam

16

ya suvisu(^u)dha(ddha)-kula-^rutaya data(ttam) eva gostu(ptum) [!*]

Vyasa-gita (tam)-

bhuva(vam) bhavatu vo matit =

17

Tad=bhavadbhir =apy = e6a(shd)dattn = anupalayilavyah(vya)[l*I

18

=ch =

atra ^Io[ka]n

= udahaianti

[I

I*]

Agnei=apatyam piathamam su-

19

20

varnna[m*] bhQr =vvaishnavi suryya-suta^ = cha gava[h*i] dattas =tiayas =tena bhavanti loka(ka) yah =kdfichana[m*] gan = cha mahln = cha dadyat M[2*]
Ihird Plate
First

Side

21

[Shajshtim varsha-sahasra(sra)ni
tta

svaigge modati

bhumidah

[1*]

achchhe-

22
23

chcha(ch-a)numanta chcha(cha) to(ta)ny =iva narake vaset M[3*] Bahubhir=

rajabhis

vvasu"

dha datta

= Sagar-adibhih
[11

[1*]

yasya yasya yada bhumis =

ta-

24
25

sya tasya tada phalam (lam)

dhish^hira
[1*]
i)ti
1

4*] Svadattam paiadattam

mahi[m*] mahimatam
1

=va yatnad ^raksha yuSreshtha danach = chhriy = onupalanami

n

(m
26

11

[5*]

Sarvva(rvva)dhikaradhikrita-^ri-maha samanta-Indraraja

Third Plate

Second Side

27
no

Pa(Pra)varddhamana-vrjaya-rajye samvatsara(re) 3 Kartuka

dma

a6a(sa)nam - utklrijnam

akka^ahka

Golasmghena

,AMUND PLATES OF SUDEVARAJA

g?

JE/,

XXXI, pp 31416
XXII, pp
15-23

Ibid,
Ibid Ibid

XXXIV, pp
XXXI,
p

53-54

315
15
ff

Ibid,

XXII, pp

JOIH,
/
,

XXXlV.pp
pp
47

216
ff

ff,/, XXXIV, pp

53-54

XXXIV,

Bamham
lekha

plates

(/,
III, is

XXVII, po
183-192),
possession

132 ff,

C/M,

PP

82 ff)

Mallar Plates (Bhlrafiya Purabhi-

Patnka,

pp
in

one
of

copperplate containing the incomplete charter of the family

of Bhaiatabala

Shn CL

Pande of Malkr

Bonda,

Rajim and Baloda

the

plates

The name of
as Hakitij

Bhoga mentioned

the Kauvatal plates

as

is

written

on an erasure
charter

It

was read

but the correct

name may be pakan

the present

Khalari sione inscription of Han-Brahmadeva, VS 1470 (r//, IV, pp

575ft)

From

original plates

and photograph

Expressed by symbol

The reading The reading The redding

in

the original

is

Ma
j>a

which has

to

be corrected to

Aft?

-[AM S]

in

the original
the original

is

[AMS]
[AMS]

in

is

sya

NOTE ON THE INDORE PLATES PRAVARASENA II

15

GS

Gai

In

the

August

issue

of the

MarathI
Mirashi

was located to the north of Narmada

an

Journal 'Navabharata',

Mm

Dr

VV

which was not included

m his

territory, mad

has published an article entitled 'Fresh Light on Gupta History' based on the recent disco-

the gift of a village which

was

situated

in h

own
II

territory

Vidarbha

Dr

Mirasl

dynasty

very of a single coppei-plate of the Vakataka It has been by Dr Nagu, Indore

that this
single

shown
plate
1

plate

forms the

first

was made by Pravarasen when he had invaded the terntoiy of h enemy and when he was camping there afti
states that this gift

of the incomplete set of the Indore plates of Vakataka king Pravarasena II dated in his 23rd regnal year This first plate
supplies

conquering

it

He

further

states

that

tl

Vakatakas and the Guptas rose to powi about the same time and while the empire

<

the

early

portion of the Vakataka

genedlogy

describing

Pravarasena

and

Bhavanaga, the chief of the Bharas'ivas, and states that the grant was issued from the camp

Guptas was to the north of Narmad that of the Vakatakas was to the south that river The two families were on friend
the

terms in the beginning and had even

lished

estai
th.

Tnpuri (Tnpun-vasakat) which is identified with modern Tewar situated at a distance of

at

matrimonial

relationship

in

6 miles
district

from Jabalpur, th headquarters of the of the same name m Madhya Pradesh

Prabhavatigupta,daughter of Chandragupta I was married to Vakataka Rudrasena II Bu

From

the other plates of the set

we

learn that
the

towards the end of the reign of Kumaiagupta (c 414-455 AD), son of Chandragupta
1

the object of the inscription

was to record

grant of a village (possibly Vibakharyavatakd) to certain Brahma^as resid'ng at Aiamaka

estrangement between the tw families and Pravarasena II (c 420 50 A c

invaded the
or

there

was

Gupta

territory

the Daha

and, while describing the boundaries of the

Gepuraka, Aramaka, Kobidanka, Kos'ambaka and Anjanavataka are mentioned Of these, DrMirashi has identified two places, viz Kofombaka and Anjanava^aka

gift-village, the places

Chedi region, north of Narmada, ani after registering a victory over him, issue
the present

Indore plates in his 23rd

regn
t

year

in

area 443 A D

And, in

older

with

modem Kosamba

which
2

is

support his view that the authority of Pravar< sena II extended to the north of Narmad.

situated 6 miles to the south of Tirodi in the

Dr Mirashi
3

refers to

the

two stone

mscnj

Balaghat

District of
5

Madhya Pradesh and

So Pravarasena
II,

tions,

found
to

at

Nachne-ki-Talai and Gan

in

Ahjanwadi,

miles to the south-east of

north of
refer

Narmada

Kosamba
while

Madhya
a
II

Pradesh,

whic
c

respectively
at

Vyaghradeva,

subordinate'
(c

camping

Tnpuri or Tewar, which

Vakataka Prithivlshena

470-90 AD

ON THE 1NDORE PLATES OF PRAVARASENA of

II

99

Narendrasena
II

and

grandson
1

of

Hunair

yyasya

varasena

ihivisbena also state that the

The Balaghat plates of commands of

bhim
-

sarnagatasya

samare

dorbhyam dhara kampita

avartta-karasya Satrushu
states that the

rendrasena were
sala,

honoured by the rulers of Mekala and Malava So, according

all

Dr Mirashi
Skandagupta
the

above three
by

Dr Mirashi,
cataka

the three kings of the

verses refer to three

victones achieved
first

viz Pravarasena II, dynasty, rendrasena and Prithivlshena II invaded

In the

verse he piefers
6

reading

Gupta territory to the north of the mada and established then authonty over
le

suggested b>

yuddhy=amitiami = cha jivta Dr H R Divekar in place of

part of

it

And
pillar

he states that a veiled

6

Pushyamitiami = cha jivta read by Fleet And, according to him, this verse states that,

rence to this conflict tan

ita

is to be found in the mscuption of Skandawhich has the rollowing two verses as

when Skandagupta

tried to restoie the fallen

stone

fortunes of his family, he had to spend a whole night lying on the baie gioand but
ultimately he conquered the enemies who had powei and wealth and placed his left foot on
the foot-stool

by Fleet

Vichahta kula-lakshmi stambhandy=

odyatena
kshiti-tala-s'ayaniyeyenanitas = tii

the

foim of the heads of the

yamai

samudita bala

koshatn-Pushyajmitiams' = cha jitva

enemy kings The second verse states that when his(i e Skandagupta' s) fathei had died, he ic-established the mined fortunes of his
,

lineage by conquering

the enemies with

the

kshitipa-charana-pithe sthapito vama-

padah divam = upete

ordei to convey strength of his aims and this news of victoiy, he went to see his

Pitan

viplutam vana-

mother v\ho was m tears just as Krishna, when he had slain his enemy (i e Kamsa) betook himself to see his mother Devaki
Since this
father,
i

lakshmim
bhuja-bala-vijit-anr=yyah pratishthapya

verse
,

refeis

to the
I,

death of his

Kumaragupta

Dr

Mirashi
first
i

bhuyahl
jitam = iti

thinks that the event described in the

verse

pantoshan=mataram

sasra-

must have taken place earlier, towaids the end of Kumaragupta's

while
this

reign,

nettrfim

second

verse

describes

about

hata

npur=iva

Krishno

Devakim =
abhyupetah

his fathei

Skandagupta's obtaining the kingdom after 's death The third verse, which 13

badly
is

damaged,

refers

to

Skandagupta's

conflict with the

Hunas

In addition to these two verses, there

bird verse (partly preserved)
ord
itly

)ta

m the same which refers to the conflict and evithe defeat of the Hunas by Skandaand which reads as follows -

Posing the question as to

who

the

enemy

mentioned in the first veise could be Di Mirashi says that the present plates of
Pravarasena
II

provide the answer, since, as

100

PATRI

stated by him, this

Pravarasena had invaded

to-

the

Gupta terntoiy noith of Narmada

that region and they do not attribute a victory to Pravarasena II in that area, mi
less against

waids the end of the rejgn of Kumaragupta I and while his milita'v c np was fixed at
Tnj^iul ui Tt-wai,
f
1

Kumaragupta

as thought

of

Dr Mirashi

And none

of the recoids

^<rt
1
.

-rt

<ri->nt

Thus, according to hin

iluayvery of the

Pravaiasena II himself mentions about Theiefoie, we have to infer conquests

the expiession

ft.

present single pUte at Tndoie, foimmg the fust plate of the set of Puvarasena II, throws

valuable

ght on

Gupta- Vakataka histoiy

We

aie

agiee with

son y that it is not possible to Dr Mnashi's view mentioned

Tnpun-vasakat that Piava sena II had gone to Tnpuri winch was ancient and holy place of pjlgi image, pointed out by Di Mnashi himself, which was located in the territory of
,

relative

Kumaiagupta

and,

while

staj

above, either with legaid to his inteipretation of the expiession Tripuu-vasakat found in the newly discovered plate or with his interpretation of the two verses from the Bhitiu stone pillai inscription let erred to by him to

there, issued the present giant registering 1 gift of a village in his own temtory

view

is

strengthened by lines

1 1

and

12 of

grant which state, according to Dr Mira that the giant was made at the victon
place of leligious woiship (vai/ayike dhai 8 s thane) Hence his view that Pravarasen

support his view

Let us examine the same

In the first place, the mere fact that the grant of Pravarasena II was issued when he was staying at Tnpuri or modern Tewar to the north of the Naimada is not enough to say that he had conquered that region from

invaded

and

conqueied

the

territory

Kumaragupta I to the noith of the Nairn comprising Dahaja or Chedi and, while military camp was at Tnpuii, he issued
present grant,
military
is

not tenable
the
-

Had

it

bee

the

Gupta

king Kumaragupta

and

that

camp

in

enemy's

territory

they were on inimical terms at the time of the

grant
in

Theie is absolutely no evidence either any records of Kumaragupta I or of Pravarasena II to indicate that there was On the other hand, nvalry between them
the Vakatakasweie

vijaya skandhavate, jt skandhavaie, 01 vijaya katake, would been used instead of dhaima-sthane In

expression

like

very example given by Dr Mirashi from Karhad plates" of Rashtrakuta Knsh^

to

on extremely good terms with the Guptas from the time of Samudragupta till at least the end of the reign of Kumaragupta I, though they enjoyed some

support his view, the expression use< Melpati - samavasita - inmad-vijaya-katal

soit of subordinate position undei the Guptas Even the records' of Pritluvishena II, of Pravarasena show grandson that it was II, Narendrasena (son of Pravarasena II ) and Pnthivishena II who occupied some territory

maya which shows that Melpati wis a tary camp (vijaya kataka) unlike Tri| which was vijaya - dhanna tthana In
-

Talegaon plates of Rashtrakuta Knsbi who was camping at Manne after mvai
the

10

to
the

the north of the

Narmada belonging
their authority

Ganga terntoiy, the expiessiou use Ganganam =upqn vijaya-skandhdvare JA&

to in

Guptas and exercised

nagare Therefore, the expression Try vasakat used in the present Indore plate-

fE ON THE INDORE PLATES OF PRA.VARASENA

II

101

^varasena

II

does not

mean

that he

con-

the territory of

the Guptas

The

death of Kumaragupta I If the comparison of Skandagupta and his mother to Krishna

of Gupta temtory north of the must have taken place only after the period of javarasena II, i e during as Pnthivlshena II a rendrasena and
[

^denced by the records of the

Secondly, Dr Mirashi's the two verses from the

lattei

and Devaki given in the second verse quoted above has any meaning at all, the enemy who had arisen against the Gnpla powei after the death of Kumaiagupta I and made it tottei to its foundations must have been some
relative of

Skandagupta thiough

his

mother,

interpretation Bhitari stone

possibly her bi other

illar inscription

of Skandagupta quoted by
is

Since the expression armtiaihb=cha used in the first verse is in plural, this enemy seems to have invited the

jU to support his view

also not acceptable

1 '

ccordmgtothelate Dr D R Bhandarkar, e first two verses mentioned above from e Bhitari inscription refer to one and the me event or victoiy of Skandagupta and his

to help him in his attempt But who could this relative of Skandagupta be"? In this connection Di Bhandarkar invites our

Hunas

attention to a stanza in the Junagadh inscription of this Skandaguptd. in which it is stated

cendmg

lemies, who,

the royal throne atter subduing the among others, included the
a formidable force as

that "he forged an older with an effigy, viz

Garuda, which rendered devoid of poison

the Serpent (bhujaga) Rulers" (bhujagandm

unas who formed

entioned in the third verse quoted above Bhandarkar has dispelled the notion held j some scholars that the reign of Kumara/

mdna

nirvvishim

darpotphananath ptatiknti-Garud-djndih ch - avakartta) As bhujaga is

The misfortune ipta I ended in disaster 'ertook the family only after his death as
;arly stated
e

with naga, both synomyous meaning 'serpent' and as royal Naga families were
in existence

the second

verse

(pitan

as Garuda was

during the Gupta period and an insignia of the Gupta

vamupete) and
has shown that

not during his lifetime

this

disaster

must have
I

one dynasty, conclusion that

comes

to

the

irresistible

there was a rebellion set

up

ken
i

place during the brief rule of Ghatot-

chagupta who

succeeded

thethione and who seems

Kumaragupta to have met

ith his death in the battle

fought with the

the Hunas And, m this younger brother Skandaguptd who id to flee and even sleep on bare giound foi trie nights fought bravely on behalf of his

by the Naga rulers which was quelled by We know that one of the Skandagupta queens of Chandragupta II was Kubera-Naga of the Naga family and similarly the queen
of Kumaragupta
I

emies including
ttle, his

might hdve been a

Naga

princess whose biother might have revolted after the death of Kumaragupta I This

and ultimately achieved victory -sides the Hunas, one of the principal of emy Skandagupta appears to have been near relative of his on his mother's side,
other
ssibly a Naga ruler of importance who Volted against the imperial lulers on the
J

would explain why Skandagupta is stated to have impressed his Garuda signet on the
bhujaga lulers or Ndgas and also to have gone to his mother who was in tears just as Krishna lepaired to his mother Devaki after slaying his enemy, e Kamsa Thus Skandagupta ascended the throne after re-establishing
i
,

102

the fortunes of his family which had fallen

From

the above discussion, it

tic

when
gupta

his
I

elder brother succeeded

It

Kumara-

clear that there

may

also be pointed out that the

last line

of the

first

verse quoted
sthapito

above, viz

is nothing in the inscnp of Skandagupta to show about the traB l e of Kumaragupta I, that the Gupta P ov

kshitipa-charana plthe

vama-padah has to be interpreted, following Dr Bhan(i

was

tottering

after

his

death
to the

only

^
]

Ghatotkachagupta came
by Skaodagupta

throne
it
1s

daikar, as 'his

Skandagupta's)
e
,

left

foot

that the fortunes of the family

were resto
^

was placed on the royal-stool', i pied the throne and rested his
the foot-stool

he occufoot on

And,

therefore,

left

of the thione
interpretation

which forms an integral part This differs from Fleet's

which
this
is

possible to agree with Dr Mirashi*& that the first verse quoted above

from
vvh

Bhitarl inscription refers to the

event
tnei

followed
also

by

Dr
to

took place during the reign of

Kum aragup

Mirashi

So

verse

refers

and

that the

enemy

referred to

Skandagupta's obtaining the sovereignty as in the case of the second verse quoted above

Pravarasena

II

Foot Notes

CII

V,

pp

38

ff

and plate IX
to be the

Kohmbaka
pp 48 ff)

seems

same

as

KoSamba mentioned

in

the Tirodi plates of

<

Pravarasena Ll

(i

Ibid
Ibid

pp

89

ff if

4
5

pp 79
III,

Ibid,

1888,

pp

52 ff
fnst
,

and plate VII

Vol
I,

6
7

An Bhand Or Res

pp 99

ff

Dr Mirashi's suggestion about a veiled reference to the uutl) CIT, V, pp 79 ff,, ibid pp 89 ff of Vakafcaka Narendrasena in the Bamhani piates of Bharatabala (ibid pp 82 ff ) is no longer ter in view of the recently discovered Malhar plates of Surabala Vol III, (Journ Ep Soc jg
,
,

pp

wherein the expression narendra clearly refers to king UdJrn^avaira which was another and not to Vaka^aka Narendraiina
S

name

of

ura

CII

V, p

38
ff

/,IV,pp 278
XIII,

10 Ibid,
11

pp 275

ff

Dr Bhandarkar's views are expressed m the forthcoming jointly by Dr B Ch Chhabra and myself

revised

volume of Gupta Inscriptions

16

INSCRIPTION

KANNADA HERO-STONE IN MADRAS CITY

Madhav N

Katti

The hero-stone
vered

inscription
1

was disco-

by

me
is

in

the

Kalakshetra Campus,
city

sculptuied on the same panel along with the heio and the entire scene is very impressive

Adyar within
stone

the

Madras

The

hero-

and of a

a dressed, sculptuied and inscribed sandstone slab measuring about

itself
2 5

Fiorn bottom upwards, laie type neai the hero's light leg, an animal (ox) is shown with the mouth open as if crying on
the death of
its

111

height,

1mm width
slab

and

10m

master

There are two more

thickness
one

The

contains three panels

bearing the inscription

is

below the other, the first from the top and the second which larger containing the sculptured scene The

animals (oxen) one to the right side above the animal fust mentioned and one near his
left

knee

Evidently, this depicts that the

thfe cattle, in

hero died aftei rescuing

raid

a cattle-

third

which

is

undressed
it

is

meant
is

to

be

burned under ground as

inscribed

presently

The

In between his two

there
face
is

portion occupies a space of aoout

legs,

near the feet

1m x

020m
first

a kneeling figure with a downcast If It is not clear if it is of a female

it is

At the
the
it

instance, I

would place below

it is

of a female,

possible that

it

icpresents

as descriptive particulars of the sculpture

the wife of the hero

sati after the

who must have committed

It

provides a

rare

whose

memory

the stone

The hero in specimen was set up is por-

death of hei husband

if it is

could
This

also

be of his attendant,

male

hayed standing with a

right

bow

in his left

hand, his

hand holding

His legs indicate firmness

a dagger tied to his waist The face wearing

type of portrayal is unique and probably is the fust of its. type amongst the hero-stones

discovered so far
is

Near

the left foot,

there

moustach and beard has a majestic appeaThe hair of the head is tied into a rance
knot
right

strap
for

The quiver with airows is tied There is a cross shoulder from behind on the chest The body is bare except
garment which
is

to his

piobably of a male, indicating the seivant of the heio who also must have died aftei the death of Ins master
figuie,

one more

Innumeiable
also

inscriptions provide

evidence of

the fact that in a n jmbei of cases the servants

died aftei the death of their masteis

a tight lower

the regular

The figuie, on the pattern of the period of a very dynamic whole, appears to be that Enemy's arrows are also and strong person etc shown piercing his body, head, left arm, that the hero resisted much before
,

Near the shoulder on both sides, there are The figure on two figures (apparently male)
its right hand the right side has a chaun The figure on the left side has its left hand

indicating

ie collapsed

There are seven more

figures

no more preserved, which probably The entire sculptured a chaun

also held

panel

is

PURABHILEKHA PATRlKA.
104

poi tid>ed extremely well and provides a veiy laie example of the heio-stone sculptuies of
the

to a

By its featmes it can be assigned pcnod penod from the latter half of the 9th cen" iur> totLctr^haU" cf -Lv 10il* cciuu
,

Kannaand probably a local administrator dambalji was evidently a settlement of the Kannada speaking people, in the Tamil
country and has

come

to

light for the first

T|

*mu thiough
with
the
called

this record

can be

identified

present day Kannada-hajli

(also

The
wilting in
a

inscription

contains thiee lines of

Kannada
itself

and can by

chaiacters and language be assigned to the same

Kannada-palji) in Knshnagin Taluk, 4 Ponyam-gadu must Dhaimapuri Distuct

penod
The record
states

have been a foiesty area near the village Kannada-halli, as suggested by the term kadii
(in

that

yara, son of

described as palai odeganda Sandeyasetti, died in a cattle-raid at Ponayamgatfu which

in Kannada [m]bajh, aftei reaThe fight Kottali (Kottah mutti) must have tVcca place in the Poi'vamgida area within the junstiction of Kannadambalh

ated

Ponyam-gadu), and must have been situwithin the jurisdiction of the latter There could have been a village by this name
its identity is uncertain Kottaji must have been a hamlet in the vicinity of Kanna^a6 It may be recalled hajli in the same District

was situated

but

ching

that the

inscribed slab was collected

set

from

and the heio must have continued

till

his fight

Dharmdpun Distuct and

he leached Kottali, where he must

have

collapsed after

much
is

resistance palai ode-

up in its present place (in the Kalakshetia campus) The area comprising North Arcot, Salem and Dharmapui
i

Districts

has yielded several

Kannada

As the hero

described as

inscriptions of the
their

ganda (palar-ode ganda)* he must have been

a petson of considerable importance, a leader

Rashtrakuta rulers and feudatories who had their sway over

during this period

this area,

Text
e

Svasti[i*]SrI

yara Sandeya-settrya

mafgan

'

7 ]

2 Kanna(Ja[m]ba[}]}rya PonyamgadotJ] tu[ru*]go[lo][J*]

3

satta Palarode-ganda Kottaii

mutti 8

Foot Notes
1

am

thankful to

The

letters

criptionsof the period of Rashtrakuta Krishna III, vide In this word ode nuy denote the same meaning as odeya

Shn Menon, Director, Kalakshetra, Adyar, Madras can be compared with. Mavajli inscription of the Rachchaya-Kadamba and a nunlbei of ins 7, Vol XXXVII, p 336

4
>

Alphabetical^ of villages, Govt of Madras 1972, p 227 1 hough it is not found in the Alphabetical Lut of Villages or caanot be
the representatives ol the Dharaapuri District, of the vflFage Kottalam near Kannada hajji

located

in

the

available

maps,

who
the

attended the conference, rcpcrltd abcut the existance same Disinct, which could be the village Kottali

mentioned in the record Thenrst part of the word

is

damaged and the

split as'

letters

could he read as

Cheffi or Beji<

Thus
'*

the

name

The
Drs

could be Che^tyara or Bejiyara entire expression could also be

yarasan Deja setliyamaian,'

whuJ^
'

'ease
'

father of the hero could be Deya(Deya)-setti also

8

'

he fl^me otthe A
'i

GS Gai,KV

Ramesh, S

Ritti

and Shn
I

K R

while the paper was presented, for which

am

Srimvasan offered some very useful suggestions,

thankful to

them

A HERO-STONE INSCRIPTION FROM MADRAS CITY

(FULL SLAB)

A HERO-STONE INSCRIPTION PROM MADRAS CITV

(INSCRIBED PORTION)

"T

HE REGNAL YEAR
N Sethuraman

A.

Icmg ascends

the

throne

He

rules

kannu
Pillai

orae years A few years before

Joints

his death'

either his son or his brothei or

In the year 1922 Swamikannu Indian Ephemens published the which is a valuable book to find the equivalPillai

relative (normally his sister's son) henLient The heir-apparent is called the
r

ent

Chi istian dates from

1st

centuiy A

to

2000 A

pnnce 01 yuvaiaja When the senior dies, the yuvaia/a becomes the monarch ie kingdom He too follows his piedeii

mens and found

Theeailiei scholais consulted the Ephethe dates of the inscriptions

yeais,

3r.
l"i

This system was

piactised by
ihc

the

With the help of the regnal

mentioned

Indian

kings

like

Pallavaa,

mthe

Tccuids, they fixed the

Lultyas, Cholas, Pandyas, Hoysalas and

Vijayanagara

kings

of the king the date of the inscriptions, they followed the Indian calendar system Howevei, to fix
the accession date, the scholais followed

accession yeai Foi the purpose of calculating

Trie
is
L
.

inscriptions belonging to these kings

the

isti valuable information regarding their

Some of
cyclic

or

the inscriptions contain the years, astronomical data, etc

which one year The scholars thought is equal to 365 days that the length of one ruling year was equal
Chnstian calendar system
in

inscriptions of the Pallavas, Chalukyas, Paijdyas and the Hoysajas furnish -egnal years also With the help of the

to that of a Christian calendar yeai or

one

las,

solar year [On this basis the accession dates of the Choja and Pandya king and of the

>iioxnical data, the equivalent Christian of* the respective mscnption can be id. If the regnal year is given, then we ict the same from the date of the inscnp-

kings of other dynasties weie

worked out and

published

Latei
that

discoveries of inscriptions piove

and deteimme the accession year

>

of the

the

Hindu kings did not follow

the

Christian year or f he solar year for the purpose of calculating their regnal years The

Trie
tidal
L

ets

Hindu kings followed the Indian system based on the position of the like Sun, Moon, Earth and the Stai
of conveitmg the

Hindu king counted

basis

his

regnal year
star

on the

of his accession

For

example,

method
into

astronomical

loyed

first equivalent Christian date was by the German scholars like Warr-

suppose a king ascends the throne on 1st As per the Christian January, 1001 calendar system or the solar year ( as

AD

employed by

earlier

scholars)

the

king's

jCielhorn, Hultzsch and Jacob This was Robert Sewejl and Swamir followed by

second year begins on 1st January, 1002 A D Hindu kings did not follow this method

106

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA
the

On

day of

1st

January

1001,

star

the Tamil

Uttuaftddi was cut rent in the iuklapakiha ofmonth Tai As pei the Indian

system in which one regnal year contained approximately 354 to 384 days depending upon the occurrence of the accession
this star

calendar system, the king's second regnal year must begin in the next year from the date on which the same star Uttirattadi is
current

the

respective

years

Following

examples support this theory

Kielhorn determined the accession date of Kulottungachoja between the 14th March

the

Sukla-paksha of the Tamil

month Tai The date falls on 20th January, 1002 A D Thus instead of 365 days, the first
year of his reign contains 384 days Similarly his thud yeai begins on 9th January, 1003

and

the 8th October, 1070

In

all

his

calcul-

ations,

he applied the

Christian

calendar

contains 354 days only

A D and thus the second year of his reign Hindu kings followed

system or the solar year for necessary deductions to fix the accession date of the king Let us see some examples of the later
discoveries of inscriptions

1)

An

inscnption

from

of his

41st legnal year to 6th June, 1111 AD

Surangam which belongs to this king is dated 352nd day The astronomical data as worked out in the AREp conespond

Year

41,

day 352 = 6th June, 1111

AD
D

Therefore Year 41, day Therefore Year l,day

l

l=20th

June, 1110 A

= 20th

June, 1070

AD
is

As per the Christian calendar system, 20th June 1070

year which
2)
is

the

first

day of the

first

the accessson date of the king

4

to 18th June,

The Penna^am 1099 A D

inscription belongs to the king's 29th year, day 382 corresponding

Year

29,

day 382= 18th June, 1099 A D

1

Therefore Yeai 29, day

Therefore Year
1,

=2nd

June, 1098 A

day l=2nd June, 1070 A D

If we apply the Christian calendar sysrem then the second case furnishes 2nd June 1070 A D But the first case supplies 20th June 1070 A D Thus there as the accession date of the king This proves that, for necessary deductions, the Christian calendar is discrepancy system or the solar year must not be employed Now, let us apply the Indian calendar

system

As per the Snrangam Year 41, day 352=6th

Therefore Year 41 day
1

inscription

June, 1111

AD

20th June, 1110 A.D

_,

YEAR
that his 41st

iU

/es

year

started

from

Pushyawhich was cunent

Year
29>

in

the

month

ot
H1

Yin

this date star Pushya untmthe Tamil month of Am It lat thefiist day of the 41st year nds to the occurrence of stai Pushya Similarly the snth of Api of 1HO of the first yea r must couespond to the month in lence of star Pushya

e 1110

On

day

= Star Pushja

thu

month
l

>f 1070

ch

is

The data fall on 13th June. the correct accession date of

inscription, thefiist

ARI of 1098 Theiefoie ^ eai 1 da\ the month of \ni of Itns The latter data fall on 13th June, 1070 \\ huh Both leuoids coninni is the accession date that 13th June, 1070 was the accession diu of ICulotungachoJa. I and Pushya wi\ hii The iccoidb pro\e that the accession stai
= Star

of

Pushvam

Indian calendar system alone must bt employed to fix the accession date ol a Hindu kiny

>er the
is

Pennadam
falls

We

will also see

another e\ \.nole reified

of Rajlnduchola
I

29th year

on 2nd June 1098

to the accession

date

stai iate star Punarvasu ended and Star Punarvasu was also started

Kielhoin fixed the accession d.Me ot thisknm between the 27th March and the 7th Iul>
1012" With the help of the later dibco\ tries of msciiptions we can find out his exact acce7 to ssion date Ennayiram inscription belongs
the king's 30th year, 27th day The AREp of this iccord to 25th June, equated the data

m the previous

day

1st

June

of bis ottunga counts the beginning the 2nd e i r from the next day date Punarvasu ended ly on which commenced This proves
,

Pushya 29th regnal year

starts

from

the stai

1041

Accordingly

1041 Yeai 30, day 27 = 25th June, 1 = 30th May, 1041 Year day 30, Therefore

Theiefore Yeai

1,

day

30th May, 1012

first

.apply
ay

1012

then the Christian calendai system, date which must be the accession
the
itself

day of the

first

yeai falls

on

other insertion* from E.nayiram 1036 the data to 16th September,

belongs to

112 year 25, day

Accoidmgly

1036 Year 25, 112 = 16th September, l=28th May, 1036 Therefore Yeai 25, day 1012 1 = 28 th may, Therefore Year 1 , day

per the previous cord supplies 28th the second

_

s rd the the king king's record,

accession

date
V

May

ea

^^ ^
falls

on 30th May,

1012
fand

discrepancy
ugeftll to

1-*LJ

*T

JT

Year
Therefore Year

30, 30,

day 27=25th June, 1041 day 1=30 th May,

1041

PURABHILEkHA PATRIKA
108

30th

May
the

Mingadua
and
first

m the month beginning of Mrigasira of Rohi*I and year is equal to the ending 1012 which An of 1012 The data fall on 19th June, As per the latter record
Year
25,

of 1041 belongs to the month of fiist day of begins Therefore, the

Am
30_th

on which date

star

Rohim ends and

Am

yeai is equal to the ending of Rohim of 1041 Similarly the first day of the the month the beginning of Mrigasn a

is

the

accession date of the king

day 112= 16th Septembei,

1036

Theiefore Year 25, day

1= 28th May,
a)

In the year
the

month

to 1036, May 28th belongs of Aniand on that date star

The

regnal year and the day of the record,.

b) Astronomical data

Rohini ends and Mngasira begins Similarly of the ending of Rohipi and the beginning of 1012 is the the month MrigaSua

These are straight

able to find out the
i

cases
first

where

we

die

Am

first

day ot the

fiist

to 19ta JUT*

101?,

king

This agrees
In

year which corresponds the accession date of the with the previous case
star

day of the fiist year the accession date Here the day of the

record

the lespective regnal year

helped us
In

to find the

accession date of the king

the cases where

both the cases

Rohmi was current

even on the previous day of the respective But Rajendrachola counts only first day
the junction of Rohini and Mngasira This pioves that the accession star of Rajenalso diachoja was Mngasira only This can bs veufied with the aid of another inscnption

we do not have the day of the deduregnal yeai we have to make necessary ctions in such a way so that we can get the
shortest mteival

m which
let

the accession

date
case

from

For example of Kulottunga II

occuis

us take the

of Kulottunga

Robeit Sewell fixed the accession date II between the 26th March,
July, 1133
10

An inscription from Kalahasti belongs to Rajendiachoja's regnal yeai 23 and day 4 The other data aie star Pushya and Thursday
From
this

and the 14th

Swamikannu

Pillai

surmised that Kulottunga' s reign commenced

recoid

we come

to

know

that the

4th day of his 23rd year was a Thursday on which date star Pushya was current His 23rd year must begin in the month Afli of which the 1034 and also from a day

between the 9th May and the 17th August 11 Robert Sewell and Swamikannu Pillai applied the Christian calendar

ssary deductions

system foi neceLet us revise the accession

ending of

Rohmi

and
It

Mrigasira must occur

the beginning of occurred in the early

inscriptions,

date in the light of the later discoveries oJ applying the Indian calendai

system

1034 morning of Monday the 17th June, which was the fiist day of the 23rd year The fourth day was Thursday the 20th Jtme
:

The Bdpafcla inscription The data king's llth year

1065, Asha<}ha

18

belongs to
are

thi'
yieai

Saka
(

Amavasya, Wednesday iRobel

on

Pushya was current In This agrees with the Kajahasti record with the all the above cases we are supplied

which date

star

Sewell equated thi-S'data to 14th- Jiuly, 1143 The data are given as per theTelugucalenda

system
<Jha

lunar system
ih'Telug'u

following details

Amavasya

is

Accordingly Asha equal to the Nev

NAL YEAR

of Tamil month Adi New Moon in nth Adi of 1143 belongs to the king's Therefore, Adi New Moon of ear and it falls on equal to the 1st year ilv 1133
,

26-6
4-7-1

133= 1st

rcgnil von
tci
i!
1

U a Kulottungnt between the 27m JUHL ,iv

holo.

D both

dov-,

IIK!,M\C
c\cim'iV
o\

13

The Thirukkodikaval
s

inscription
is

to KulSttunga II and
,

dated

m the

The above

u
2

Kaikataka ba

7,

Monday and Ava-

as lepoited by AREp equivalent date 5th July, 1UO The stai [y .igiees with

kings followed the OLc ssion stai to count tlun

In rny book Tht Clh>fu\
shed,
I

K^
ti
i

n'
M
'

occuued

aftei

Milhuna

New Moon,

have

it-const utit.J tlu

1

Kaikataka apirapaksha Accordingly

mKnkataka
be
,ciis
in

the Oth

of 1133 ap.ua paksha As per tegnal year

Chola kings on ihcbi h of tl-c dar system The iccon tiULtio

i

s-

^
i

v
i'i

to
J

identify the

Cheja-Plndv^
T

R",

IM

Mithuna ended and Karkataka of 11J3 AUali nte'l 01.2615 Tune

l etc 1 Rajadhnaja above book mav be icfuied

01

mr>iv

tLi

26th June urruil upto 26 57 Therefore equivalent date

otes

instead ot Uie star

/;/,ix,p2i8
/lA //^, 1947 4b,
1

No

108

//>/</

1^28 29

No
3

234

//</, 19 47-48 p

tonhrms

this

M,IX

P
I

217
'

Xfp

917

No

341

/W</,No 335
326 S/f,,XVU, No

/,X
1

H8
137

Ibid. XI, P 291 Ibid,

1930 31,

No

61

18

NEW INSCRIPTIONS
Shobhana Gokhale

FROM KANHERI

Kanhen is approximately 10 kms to the east of Bonvali, the suburb of metroThere aie nearly 100 politan Bombay
Buddhist caves
scriptions
interesting
activities

slabs

was lying in the valley

I,

in

front of
to

the cemetary

therefore,

suggested

the caie-taker of the caves

Mr V

Vani

theiein

Tne architecture and inhave contnbuted veiy

to explore the valley with a view

to discover
it

new

inscriptions

and
efforts

surprisingly,

was
weie

mfoimation about the Buddhist Here was a India in western

found that the

fruitful

of

Mr Vani

great Buddhist establishment

inscriptions

and the new

light

historical value

and nearly 15 new inscnptionr of have came to light

which have come to

prove
teachers of
tions,

that

Kanhen
It
is

was
foi

an impoitant
the
first

seat of

learning
get

time that we

The inscriptions commemorate the famous Kanhen Out of fifteen inscriponly six

nearly about fifteen

names of teachers
stupas
is

or

seven could

be

read
light

m whose memory the commemorative

were erected

satisfactorily

They not
is

only throw

At Kanhen there
is

a large

on the ancient Buddhist monastic institution but

it

cemetary cave where there

a large

number

for the

first

time

that

we
is

This of stupas in dilapidated conditions cave is facing west-ward large cemetary Due to heavy rams the front portion of

get evidence

for

the teachers'

tradition in

Western Indian

caves

Western India

honey-combed by caves but so far

got only five

we had

damged PalaeographiBrabmi insciiptions may be As dated between 550 A D and 700 AD

the cave
cally
is

names of

seriously

teacheis,

three from

these

Kuda,

one from Kondane, one from Karle

these inscriptions, regards the palaeography of a is written the it is worth noting that

It is noteworthy that the Kuda inscription mentions one female teacher Pavajita Padu-

manika

She was the

sister's

latter

southern variety with the right vertical

Them Bhadanta
Agimita

Satirmta,

daughter of and Bhadanta

with angular bend

a ring
letter

Medial
is

is

Medial u
jha
is

also ornamental

shown by The
,

shown with an angular stem

Four of the newly discovered

inscriptions are taken

Kanhen

The of the looped southern variety medial e is indicated with its upper curve
na
is

up here
I

for discussion.

extended
In
1975,

At

Kanheri

one

inscription

records

when

I visited

Kanheri,

that

Them Arya
inscription
is

Vi^ayasena was a
as follows

observed that a large number

of well-cut

The

[SCR1PTIONS

FROM KANHERI

in

Thera>am A[r]yva-Vijayasejiajiam tevijajiarn

mental

states

It

may

be

described

is

Paftchangika Jncina
1
1

arahamtapam thubha
i

1)

Vitai ka,

2)

liihtlKt,
5)

*)

Pun

the Brahmanic tiadition a Biahmm well-versed in two Vedas is named as

4) Sukha,

Ekiigiata

and a Biahmin who knows three called as a Tnvedi, and a Chaturvedi un is an expert in four Vedas In
h
is

III

istic tradition, a

monk who has attained

that one not only an At \>\a, Mahdn and Aihat but he was well-wsed in Shatlahhifiulna

The

third

insciiption recoich

monk was

.nowledges
6)

One
a

as Tevif/a (Vinaya of the Junnar inscnptions

is

named

and Piatisambhuld The

1

insciiption teads a^

feii to

Tevijjci

2
3

Therauam hantanam
[sam]bhida
-

Ayva

Mahapam
thubham
is

i-

chlulabhiriaiunn

piti-

ccordmg
six

Vinaya Text, the following knowledges

levitation

to

pattaivam

Shadabhiinana, as discussed above, kinds

of six

Jddhi =

The heavenly Ear

The Dhammnpada
achieves the
six
final

describes that a

monk

Knowing
reading)

otheis' thought (thought-

emancipation not onh by knowledges but also bv seeing JatiLUiuya

Fieedoir*

from a soie

constitutes

Aihatship

Recollecting

one's

pievious bnths

(26 41

423)
is

Knowing

othei people's lebirths

The same monk

in six

not only well-versed

Certainty of attained

emancipation aheady

is

knowledges but he has been desciibed e one who has Pntisambhulapcitta.,

i
,

attained four kinds of Patisambhula

There

ccordmg to Anguttara Nikaya* nows his former thtee births is

monk

aie four kinds of Patisambhida 1) Aihapati-

called a

sambhida (analysis of meaning),

putisambhidd

2)

Dhumma-

patisambhidd
II
texts),
^)

(reasoning of text) 3) Nnuti (mtetpretation of lehgious

(illu-

Ptitibh'ina patisiimbhida

nothei

inscription

which

is

broken

mination)

as follows

(la)ijam

into

[ara]hantanam jhaymam thubham'i

Buddhist to philosophy ^cording It never means vaguely meditation technical term for a special religious of order a certain 'nee reached

These are the foui powers of penetration the heaits of people and could be achieved by At hats only

IV

The
1

fourth inscription reads as follows

Theranam Bhadanta Dama-

pam apagammam thubha

PURABHILEJ HA PATR1KA 112

The mscuptions
and
unique
>D

to provide the earliest

,n

evidence

the

histoiy

of

Palaeographically be dated between 550 A D and 700

is

the inscriptions

may
It

AD

Buddhism

western India

The word:
'

worth

examining
of

the
in

causes for
this

the

M,

ft'""'"*'8
tiaditiou
at

Jnayi

and
,

upheaval
pel lod

Buddhism

particular

indiuit Ui, .stab

leaiheis

^M.

At

Kanhui
to be

The
>

discuss well known Insertions is LOO time that ue gc! , is toi the first
heie but here

nn tndition' of

teacheis

from the Math,,

The majontiy

of the

mscnptions

of

Kanhen belong

to

2nd lid century

AD A

few of them are of the 5th century A D

westein teacheis' tiadition in ictcieiice to the weie great scholats in teachers The India Buddhist studies and a
d-fteient

and a small number of inscriptions belong These new mscnptions to a latPi penod
suggest that

Buddhism might have

its it

received
religious
eclectic

benches

of

oithj featu.e
i-

is

that
title

all

the teachers aie

the loyal patronage lo continue

activities
spirit

the honontic

Aihat

and

of the eaily

might be due to the Rashtrakutas

i h- ?

.!

,1

feii-m r n> -I.ITeirMt

like^F/flVH/tfefytf caves in western Indian

at

and

TlK Kanhen
inscriptions

mscnption of Pullasakti

The

who was

Kanheri record the constmction ofchaitya,

Some of etc Mhaia, paths, podhi doors, them have been donated by oidinaiy people such as traders, of different occupations
goldsmiths
theie

feudatory of Amoghavaisha I records a donation to the Buddhist ViMta of which was utilized at Kanheri, a part
a

foi purchasing

books
of

This

fact

indicates
at

the

continuity

educational tradition

and even blacksmiths, etc

fai

But

Kanheri and theiefore

teachers oi high

was so

no reference to teacheis'

we get names of religious rank in Buddhist

tradition

hierarchy

Fout Notes
Luders

Lttt,

Nos

1060,
Pali

1045,

1065,

1041
(1558),

2 "

Anguttaia Ntkaya

Edtition, Nalanda

184
to

Davids
denote's

TSRS
the

Pah English Dictionaiy attainment of Arhatsh.p and

It 'is

According

Buddhist philosophy, the word

the third of the

fom

different stages

to be

undergone

by

a bhikshu

believed that a bhikshu

who

attains the stage of

a

anfigSmm

will

merit Arhafship

m
4

one of the highest heavens

I,

and

will

be freed from rebirth as

human being

El,

371, Ibid,

II,

192

UO O ?o
k i

>~0

55

s
EC
|TJ

55

00

GARH1 MATAIMI INSCRIPTION

KANISHKA

(I)

B N

Mukherjee

Kharoshthi

epigraph,

inscribed

on

trasa Majilakasa Kimaijosna-putrasa

of stone, was found sometime back lound at Garhi Matani, 13 miles east

Rovimasa [danamukhe' 7 ]

ipbellpur (Pakistan)
iorted
to

Prof

AH

Dam
some

The above
follows -

text

may

be translated as

have
this
it

studied this record

tograpn of
ation about

epigiaph and

'Year 20, of the

Gieat

were kindly supplied

L Basham present author by Prof now being edited with the help of
hotograph
le

of Kings, Son of God, Kaiushka

fiist

King, King on the

,

day of the month of Jyeshtha (May 7 June), (this is the main gift ) ot monk

Buddhavaima
epigraph which are written the
this
is

9
(
),

Bosavala's sonMajilaka,

language of
Prakrit
in

North-

and Kimanosha's son Rovima

The
clearly

object

of
It

the

inscription

is

not

majority of Kharoshthi inscriptions north-western part of the Indian

stated
us,

above by

might have, as indicated recoided some gift of merit

attributes
full

tment The palaeography of the script e favomably compared with that of

anikiala inscription of the year 18 inty seems to be the most important
a

The epigiaph
titles

imperial
dated on

to Katiishka

The

recoid,

the first of Jyeshtha the

first

of the

year 20,

is

of the
iCnption
ie

style of writing

betrayed by

question
consists of three lines,
,-

refeiring

known Kharoshthi to Kamshka dated in

a

inscription
that

year

There
inscription

is

Brahmi recoid dated

in the

same
(I)

year of his reign

is

can

be read as follows
20

already

Moreover, Kamshka known to have reigned for

at

Sam

Maharayosa

(should

be

least

23

years

Hence

the

information

Maharayasa)

Rayatirayasa

Deva-

putrasa Kamshkasa

furnished by our epigraph does not by itself add anything to our knowledge about the

Jethamasa varumasa shamanasa Bosavala-pu-

divase prathame Butha-

theless its date,

Neveiduration of the period of his reign First Jyestha of the year

20,

may

be of some interest

if it is

compaied

114

with the

date of the

Kamra

inscription

of the same year

(i

e
,

year 20 of the era of

year 20 Kanishka
8

lefernog

to the rule of Vasishka

This in-

Kamshka)

Thus
in

in the

(I)

scnption

is

dated on the 13th of Jyeshtha

had a co-ruler

Vasishka

Foot Notes

Macron over

and o

is

not used

in

this

article

KOQOW, ffl
1

II,

pt

I,

Kkmhtki

Imftws

wfi tk

Exception o/

Ike

of

Asok

pi

XXVII, no

BN
\A

Molckerjee,

"Kamra
pp

Inscription

of

VajWka

(Vasishka}",

MmMvm

hMn *

VIII,

no

2,

114f

GARHI MATANI INSCRIPTION

PARTS
II

and

III

GARH1 MATANI JNSCRiPTION

PART

PHULBANI COPPER PLATE GRANT OF RANABHAIMJADEVA, YEA R-9

Smt S
Tripathy

set of tin ee thick, oblong copper plates iscoveied while digging earth at the Harekrishnapur in thedistnct ofPhulis

engiaver
preseived

The legend on the

sci ipt

seal

is

well

The

used in the plates belongs to the

The Headmaster
School
ate to the
/ation,
,

of the

Gopabandhu
handed over

at the said village

Indian alphabet eastern variety of the and similar to those of the other records of
the

Onssa

State

Museum

for

donor

$ri

Ranabhanjadeva of
'

the Bhanja

through the District Welfare Phulbani The text of the Inscription

in the Inscriptions

The language dynasty of Khinjali-man<Jala wntten partly in mcoirect is Sanskrit,

verse

ofOnssa, vol

vi,

and partly

in

prose.

The
is in

intro-

contains
led by

the

Bhanja

inscriptions

ductoiy portion of the inscription

verse

me
the
first

These verses are also found grants of the donor and also in

in

the

other

his

predeceverses

lie

measuiement of

and second
third plate

ssor's charter

The fashion of quoting

are 17cm x 10cm each

The

size and measures Lparatively smaller in The three plates aie held tox 10cm

fiom the mti eduction of one's predecessor's charter became conventional m the Bhanja family The most interesting point m regard
to
its

by

copper ring
is

to which a royal seal

palaeography

is

the confusion between

,

ring 4 5cra ring

is

soldered

The diameter

the medial sign of u and

characteristic of not only

and

which

is

8cm The oval shaped seal the emblem of a crescent moon, a coubull and between these two emblems
is written as Sri Ranabhanjadeva[here are altogether 60 lines of writing which are distributed as follows

the lecord under

all

notice but

also

of piactically

Oilman

jend

The inscuptions of the mediaeval period foim of medial u is wntten in many places of for medial u Similar is the case with the
plates
i

medial
b and

plates

inscnbed on the inner side has containing 14 lines, the second plate
st plate is
>s

and There is no Tah occurs for

i

distinction between
final
t

in

lines 6

and 24 and
t

ta for

in lines 10

and

14

Final

on each

side, the third plate, fiist side,

;s

/nting
clear

and the second side, 9 lines of writing on the whole is neatly carved

and theie are a number of misdue both to the composer and the

We find two different occurs in line 51 foms of a, one by a small stroke on the right danananside of the alphabet, e g sammana a full stroke parallel dita 16) and also by
(L
to the alphabet e g
,

Safaharakala (L

1)

116

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA.
In point of
the

inscription Oithography Onssa Museum plates 2 ChitonKntanta 1), (L donor sime of aie written as glut <L5) and kntam (L 39) t u Si \\ Ay hntuntu C l"ia><>}'ri and
the closely resembles the
1
i

of A^Jghosha and grandson of Tosavena Ghosha The donee belonged to Baihaspatya gotia
9
(

and

is

said to have migrated

and Pancharsheya Pravaia from Barendu-

raanJala

irfiiiintd

his been \u iten

as
vfl/Jia

as sambJiu, u
t

dli<uia uiid

(LI)
(1

)fl/hte

(L

16),

vic/zJ

as

vz/z

as

Taimaas Tamvia (L 31), Navame NumamL (L 58) and utkunna as utkinhi

24-)

such as (L V3) TliLie aie some eirors foi U/zo (L 3J, $/ for w (L 6), yz for ii (L 9), foi iim! t (L H) to for tta (L 16), tf;z for dn
(L
/;

56)
in

Aintwaia has been wntten foi

10

final

He lesided at first in Pundiavarbecame a icsident of DiomalapuThe grant was made in the ninth It was regnal yeai of the king Ranabhanja inscnbed by the goldsmith and mei chant Jayanaga, son of Pandi, and sealed with the The occasion of the grant was royal seal Vishuva samkranti Another chartei of the donoi's 9th regnal year was issued on the
ndaia
occasion of Soma-grahapa (Lunar eclipse) which has been wrongly mteipieted by the

line

Vi&at^a

is

used

many times

""

auihois
(ic
--.

as

'V

oi

issacof 'be "la-'t^

Samagieua

in the

legnal yeai of the

f

jadeva as

king Ranabhani/ayaidjye Samvatsate Namame

Theie are altogether 13 copper plate chartei s issued from Dhntipura so fai dis-

The inscription opens with an invocation Hara and then describes the genealogy of the Bhaiija kings who ruled from their capital
to

Out of these, eleven including the present charter weie issued byRapabhanja During his 9th regnal year he gianted
coveied
three

Dhntipma It iccords the grant of a village named Koka^i, situated in Tulasidga Vishaya
at

coppei plates
If
is

one
giants

mteiestmg to

including the present note that these

thiee
diffeient

on the bank of the nvei Amvada comprised in lOmiah-mandala The village was giantad

were

engiaved by

engraveis family follows

R^naka Ranabhanja to a Brahmana named Bhattaputia Damuni Ghosha son

b\

and the same Their genealogy may be drawn dS

to one

who belonged

Gona

or

Gonaka (Aksha^ahn)

Pandi

Sivanaga

Jayanaga

Padmanabha

Sivanaga,

who might

be

the

eldest

son of

Pandi, engraved an undated grant of gatrubhanja, the fathei of the donor of the present chartei

16th, 22nd,24th and 26th regnal yeais Theie was another goldsmith named Devala who

and the grants of Ranabhanja's

engraved the grant issued in the 58th regnal

year of Ranabhanja and whose genealogy
is

AMI COPPER PLATE

GRANT OF

SRI

RANABHANJADEVA, YEAR 9

117

nown He was
er

also the engraver of the

issued

by

Ranabhanja's

father

lord of Ubhaya-Khinjali which has been interpreted by scholars as the northern and

'bhanja in his 15th regnal year Gona ronaka, the Akshahalm^ who was the
r

southein banks of the river Mahanadi

The chronology of
jah-mandaia.
still

of

Pandi

also

served

sngraved the Baud grant of Ranaa which was issued in his 54th regnal

the Bhanjas of JChmremains a subject of great

controveisy and the date of the Bhanjas who ruled from Dhntipura has not yet been deter-

mined properly
he genealogical list of the royal family oned in this grant is the same as in
records of the donor
this

We

get the

Recoids of two kings of branch of the dynasty are so far known It seems probable that this branch to us was wiped out from the Baud-Sonepur region
by the

Somavamis

ang genealogy
Sri Silabhanja
Sri

within a century

There aie some peculiauties regarding the religious leanings of Ranabhanja Originally
the Bhanjas were Saivites The eaiher jecords of the Bhanjas contain the invocation of Siva

Satrubhanja
Sri

Kanaka

Ranabhanja

andtheruleis assumed the religious

title

of

anabhanja used the title of Kanaka us 28th regnal year After his 28th rega.r

PaiamamaheSvara But the Bhailja ruleis of Khmjah - mandala embraced Vaishnavism

although the traditional invocation to Siva in their recoi ds continued Rauabhanja has used

we do not

find
till

ce of his rule

indicates that there

itical

any records or other a his 54th regnal year was some sort

from outside his kingdom these years Probably he was busy in g with some neighbouring kings and
trouble

unavamSis who were then extending mgdom towards Baud-Sonepur regions

s also to
[e
[

and extended

some extent successful in his his kingdom which is

both religious titles of ParamamaheSvara and Paramavaishnava in his charters The pecuhanty is that he changed his faith from Saivism to Vaishnavism and reversed to the faith of his forefathers who were Saivites, at the end In two of his grants issued in his 9th icgnal year he has been described as PaiamamaheSvara, while the present grant

issued

the

fact that he used the royal title hdraja and declared himself a sovereign wo grants issued in 54th and the 58th

by the

years
,th

His last grant was issued in regnal year which shows that he
for

embraced Vaishnathe close of his reign, that is in his 54th and 58th years, he was again Paramamahebvara But he has
reveals that he
this yeai

same year

vism during

Towards

used

the conventional invocatoiy verses in

atleast

>

His kingdom sed the Baud-Sonepur and Daspalla of Orissa as known from his msas The charters of his family are all red from these regions He has been
58-yeais

praise of Siva-Nataraja

m all

of his grants

The rulers of Khinjali-mandala, who luled from Dhntipura, had the same invocatory verses in piaise of Siva-Wataiaja except

one by

ed

as

Ubhaya-Khmjalyadhipati, the

Satiubhanja, fathei of Rapabhanja, who was a Paiamavaishnava Although he embraced

1 18

PHULBANI COPPER PLATE GRANT OF RANABHANJADEVA - YEAR 9

SEAL

FIRST PLATE

INNER SIDE

II

COPPER PLME GRANT OF

SRI

RANABHANlADEVA

YEAR 9 iere seems to be no nvei

119

avism he used
rses

the conventional invocx.

of this

name

at

m praise of Siva in his other grain

avism
is

these kings were not antagonistic 10 01 Saivism and patronized all the

Bolangu or BaudPhulbam The othei place names mentioned m this chartei aie Tullasidga Vishaya and
piesent
distncts of

m the

>vere

sects prevalent during that peuod also highly respected by both So they did eligious communities

Kokati Gidma Tullasidgd or TullaSrmga has been mentioned as a vishaya in othei

charters of Ra^iabhanja

He

granted atleast

these conventional verses in their ents even aftei they embraced Vaishe

up

thiee villages within this vishaya This may be the Baud P S identified with Tutursinga

of the Distiict ot
called

Phulbam There

is

a village

river

Amvada mentioned

this ins-

n cannot

be identified correctly as

Kulukoti m Phnmgia P S near Baud which may be identified with Kokati giama of our inscnption I edit the plates below
fiorn the original

Text
First Plate

Inner Side
-

6m

svasti"

Samhaid-kala-hutabhug-vikarala-ghora-sambha(mbhra)nta
-

kmkara5

kri(kn)tantal

bhmn-Andhak-asura-maha [nitanta*]-bhmnam(nnam) H = prabhairava[m ] Kara vapurabha (i bha)vatah

i

gahan-atapatrah(m)

tad

patuh
tapah

6
i

Durvara-vatam-rana-piatipakshi(ksha)-[paksha

liatha

rahana-

suprasrita pia-

Bha[n'

]ja

naradhipatayo
kule

va(ba)havo
-

va(ba)bhu(bhu)viu
-

- udbhu(dbhu)
mal-aichchit-

tayo(ye)
5

= trabhuvi

bhu(bhii)ri saha]

sra-samkhyah [i*] Tesha[m amghn(nghn)-yugalo va(ba)lava[n*l

sakala

bhu(bhu)tala-pala

maul

i-

- nnpo =
-

bhutah(bhut)

Sii-Si (gijiribhaaiadevath"]
-

piakata-pamu7

S ha-ra^rnl^mi)-chakra

nndda(tdda)nt-aii

hndayo = smih(sya)
= anila[h^
"

pita

nnEpa* ]syah

Gambhi(bhi)ryena
8

payomdhih [s*]thiiatava bhu(bhu)mih lano = pama sa8

va(ba)lin

te[

jo^

]bhi[r*l =)a(jva)

matayahi

iubhn

(bh.a.) r
5

ya5bhi[h

^asi(^)

(')

atma saiva-jagan-mana[hH
dhih tasy - atmaja[ h"

sthitataya datt-a(a)va10.

ka^o

vi(vi)ya[j*]-jatdh
l

grl-gatrubhanja ity

= atula

Sva

|11

(ga)mbhuvata(t)

'3

120

PURABHILEKHA PATR1KA

SECOND PLATE

FIRST SIDE

SECOND PLATE

SECOND SIDE

BANI COPPER PLATE GRANT OF SRI RANABHANJADEVA, YEAR 9

11

121
-

Anyonya

mada

mana
1

raihta

samuddhata nnpa

chakra

chaturanga

va(ba)la-

kshobha-chah12

ta-dhaia-manda[ la" ]-gaja tuiaga khura-nndda(rdda)iana-piasai ad-alula vitam" na-samchchanna-jany-angana-gaia-sVandha-vedika-svayamvai-aydtta

dhu(dhu)h-

13

parini(ni)ta-jaya-

Secoiid Plate

First Side
-

14

lakshmi

samanandita
"*

paura jana-ma(ma)nasah firimad-Bhanja

bhu(bhu)patih
-

i*
[

purad = Dhriti]

15

pura-namnah
vadano(na)-

Sa(Sa)rad-atnala-dhavala-kara

yaSah

patala-dhavall(h)ta

dig-

16

6
i

Auavarata-ptavnt[t ]a-sammana-dan-anandita-sakala-jano(nah)
9

Andaja-van^a

(mia)17

prabhavah Parama-Vaishnana va(vo)

kula-

mata-pitn

padanudhvata[ h*

Bhanj-amala-

18

19

Khmjaly adhipati[h*] samadhigata pancha maha avda(bdo) tilaka[h*] Ubhaya Raijaka-SrimahasamantA - vaadita Stambheivari lavdha (bdha) -vara-prasadah
B
I

20
21

Ranabhanjadeva[h*] antaku^ali ['*] Ih = aiva Khjnjah-mandale bhavishyad-raja-raja(ja)nak

langa
-

kumara(

ra

)matya

mahasamanta
-

vra( bra

)hmana
5
i

pradhana[ n*

-anyanS
-

(mi) = cha

22

dapdapaSika - chata-bhatta(ta) dhati(ti) vo(bo)

^ati yati samadiSayati(
)

vallabha

jatiyanah( n

yath-a[ r*

]ham manaya'
8

23

ch = anyatah
-

B
i

sarvatah

^ivam

asmakamh

vi(vi)di(di)-

tam = a24
25
stu

bhavatdh(tam) [i]

Tulasidga

visa( sha )ya

pratl(ti)va(ba)ddha

Amvada

nadi

(di)-vimala-jala-vi (vi)-

=
ii

(chi)-prakshalita-tata-K6kati-grama[6

*]

chcha (cha)atu[t*] sima - pra(par)yantah

12
B

mdhya
26
nl(m)dhi

11

upa5

sahi(hi)tam(tah)

Visuva^amkrato

mata -

13

pitra atmojasva

puny

a-

Second Plate
27
28
bhiva(vri)ddhaye sali(li)la-dhara
1*

Second
"
8

side

pura

ssareija vi(vi)dhma
"
6

Varispa-

1"

tyenagotra

u"

Pamnchansaya-pravara

Varendri

maijdala-vi( vi )ni( ni )rggata-

PURABHILEKHA PATIUKA
122

THIRD PLATE

FIRST SIDE

THIRD PLATE

SECOND SIDE

(LEAN I COPPER PL\TE GRANT OF

SRI

RANABHANJADEVA, YEAR 9
-

123
s

29

Puada(ijdra)varddhana
5

vastavyafvya^ya*]

puna[h

Diomalapundaia-vastavya

(vya)[ya*]

30
31

Bhata(tta)-putra-Darnunighoshi $11 A['J ghosha-stur To Jhen i^o10

sha-naptiiktena

|B

vidhi-vidhanena savidheya[m

<rruvia(mi iHaSuv[sa]piatipadi-

32

to=ya[m]
kanda[t]
tavan
6

ii

Parampirya kul-avataiema

yavad = Ved aitha-vidunena yatha kanda

33

prarohati(nti)

s,d(ia)saneaa pa(pia)ti(ta)na(no)si(sln) sahasrena vjrohasi

if

34
35

[d]

= v-i(bu)dh.a

(dhva) pararddhan^cha parato(tah)

vam

avataieji = apy

= asmad=

attarodhad" = dhaimma-gauiavach = cha na

kenachit =sn?y = api va(ba)dha karaniya 9 Palamkrishta' mahlm da18 n

Tatha ch = oktam

dhaima-Sastreshu

'

36

dyat = sa - vi(bi)jam sa(^a)sya svarggam(igge) mahiyate ()

i

medim(ni)[m]

1!

(')

Yavat = siarya-kntalske tavat =

Bhu(blm)mi-hartta tath-an>ach =
8

37

Veda-vakyasraayo jihva vadanti ri(n)shi-devatah

cha a-

(')

38

ho ma hara ma haia [] Yath =apsu evam

bhu(bhu)mi mi)-kri(kn)tam dana[m]
Vi'Vi)shnu[r] =

pati(ti)ta[m]^akram tau(tai)la-vmdu[r]= visarpati'

39

sa(^a)sye sa(Sa)sye piarohati(ti) [] Adityo

Varuuo

Third Plate

First Side
tu

4Q
41

Via(Bra)hma Soma(m5)-Hutaiana[h*] Su(SuJlapams= nti bhu(bhu)mida[m*] (")

1

bhagavam(van)= abhmandaBhu(bhuJmi-dita kule

[A]sphotayanti pitaia[h]
jata(tah)

pravalganti(ti)

pita'maha(ha

>[h]i

42
43

[sa]

[nas=]tiatabhavishyatl(ti)[]
[i]

Va(Ba)hubhi (bhi)r= vasudha

2

da(da)ta(tta) rajanai"

Sagar-adi(di)bhi[h

'

Ma

rudaphalasakaya paradattEshu pahta

[']

Yasyayasya yada bhu(bhu)-

44 45
46 47

ml(mi)s tasyatasya vasundhara[m] [']

vi(vi)shthaya[

tada phala[m] [] Sva datta[m] para-dattam= va yo

knrai(rai)[r]

= bhu(
)

bhu

)tva

pitnbhi[ h

saha

pachyateh'i

(n)

Hirauyam= ekam

gar

m= ekam
8

bhu(bhu)mi(me)m(
yava-

- apy = aiddham= an g u]am[i] haia[n= narakam =

ayatih

d-

(ii) ahuta(bhuta)-sam P lavah(vam) 1= cha bhu(bhu)mim prayai

Bhu(Bhu)mI(mi)[m] yah

piatignhaa(h v a)ti

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA
124
ni( ni )yato( tarn sa( sva )rga-

48

]Ubho( au) to( tau chchhatit Karate haiagdmm6h(iidii) []

' '

punya-karmano(^au)

4y

yate bhu(bhu)mi(nii)[m

manda-vu(bu)ddhis=tamavntali[i*]sa va(ba)ddhau(ddh5)

\aiuadih pd*ais = tuyag-yo-

50

ni(ni)bii(shu)

jaynteh

[M*]

Ma

paithivah

kadachi(chi)[t*]

= tvam
]

vra(bha)hma
vishaml

(_hrna)svam
51

mdiidsa=d= api

(pi) ['*]

ano(nau)shavi(

dham - abhau(
(

bhai )shajyam etat halahalam

via(bia)-

vi)sham[ n"

Avisham

m=

i)ty

= dhu[h*]

Thud
52

Plate

Second bide
hanti vra(bra)hmasvam

hmasvam

visha[m<] uchyatep]

Visham=ekakmam

putia-

pautn(tra)ka[m]ii

Lo-

53

ha-chu(chu)rnn-as(^)ma-churijnan=chavishan=

cha jaraye[n']= naiah

9

[i]

Biahmasvam

54

tii(tn)shul5keshu kath*] puma[u*] jva(ja)raml(yi)shyatih

[H*]

Vajapeya-sahasrapi
v
!

A5vamedha-4atani(m) chat'*]
55
-

gavaip-koti(ti)

pradanena bhu(bhu)mi-hartta na ^udhyatih(ti)t'

Iti

kamala -

dal-

amvu56 57
vindu-lola[m*]5ri(i5n)yam-anuchlfchi)ntya rnanushya-ji(]i)vitan =cha[i]sakalam i(ra =1)-

dam = udahn[ta]n = cha

ttayau (yo) vilau(lo)pya[h]
Vijaya-rajye samvatsare

vu(bu)dhaih(dhva) na hi

purushauh(shaih)

paia-ki(kl)[r]

[ii]

58

nama(va)me

utkt(tki)ina(rnna)n

cha VanikalkJ-suvarnua-

59 60

kara-Jamagakena Paijdi-suta(tena)[i] lanchhitam mahdrajakiya2*

mudreija

Foot Notes

Orissa Historical Research Journal, vol

Ibid

xi, r.p

152 59

2
3

Ra^abhanja's 28th regnal year has been discovered from the village Kankala Recently in the Phulbani District and acquired for the Onssa State Museum, Bhubaneswar We do not find any new information from the reading of the grant except the grant portion
a grant of

4
5

Expressed by a symbol Punctuation is superfluous

Delete Visarga

6 1
8

Do
Delete Anus\aia

JLBANi COPPER PLATE GRANT OF SRI

RANABANJADEVA, YEAR 9

The second
Yd
is

letter

is

superfluous

inserted

below

Read mdhy upa

Read

hkmMiMya^
mand=cha

Read mm-pitrofs

Read

jya//?a

^ad

Pklaknshl'm

Read
After

Uiii/

whim there

is

floral

design followed by the two

<tew

THE PALAEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF 21 THE ARANG COPPER PLATE OF

EHIMASENA

II

Nisar

Ahmad

The Suras

are

known
It
is

coppei plate which is measures 10"' x4"

only by this one in numbei and

issued

the

senes of
similar

Khoh
style

very

coppei plates reveal a c of writing These

lines'
,

by Bhi-

epigraphs have
as

"notches or simple

masena

II,

the

sixth

king of the dynasty,

the

head-marks of their characters

characteristic occurs
the

the

182 Quota year (501

at

AD)
is

found

Arang

which

The plate was 22 miles east of

lattei

this epigraph

They show
the

change from the Gupta to

style

Raipur This place also yields the documented

relics

Malwa or Rajasthani
general

of the other dynasties The copperplate

13 lines, 9

The

palaeographical

of writing features of

"contains

on the obverse and 4

these copper plates

on the
letters
is

leverse side
2

The average

size

of

follows
simplified

3/16"

marked by Dam are as "These inscriptions preserve the of the medial vowels and style
though
the middle
valley

do not show the forms associated with the

In the opinion of Hualal, the characteis of this epigraph "belong to the Northern
class

kutila

writing,

forms survive in the open-mouthed na, the

looped na,

of

alphabets

of

the

type,

which,

and the
8

tailed

ma, and bent

seen

according to Fleet, may be called the standard alphabet, with northern characteristics,
of central India from

right verticals are occasionally

m"

ga,

pa and

towaids the end of the

As regards the palaeographical characteristics of the Arang copper plate,

ma

5th to the middle of the 6th century

the palaeographical
writes
peculiarities,

AD" For

'The vowel
and a
is

sign

for

he merely occurs

Dam is also right m his observation that "U curves its base downwards to the left",
Ta "has a
attached to
'

flat

top" and
left"
9

Sa has a hook

&n

(line 2)

short vertical

sometimes denoted by a stroke after the consonant

the

it is joined, at other times by a top curve, especially when combined with sa or pa (lines 2,3,5,10 and 12) Final forms

to which

But the
conclusive
ted

rest

of

his

findings are

not

He

says that

"Cha has

the poin-

of

ma

occur in lines 6,7 and II'

there

beak as well as the broad type" but is not a single letter which can be
the real 'broad
type'

called as

Da and
backs" as

Dam
masena
II

groups the Arang plate of Bhiwith the inscriptions of the

da do

not "have the rounded

illustrates

he observes and
are
ta

Panvrajakas

and

but infact they

the

discovered "fiom the

Uchchhakalpas* Vmdhyan belt, where

angulanzed Again we do not notice of "the Deccani type with a curved hook

5TICAL

STUDY OF THE ARANG COPPER PLATE OF BHIMASENA

II

127

ie

right of a sloping vertical"

him
of the
,

Also
is

his

observation
is

the right vertical the right vertical

the
u
(II

hook

at

the foot of
is

in the

middle
is

medial

bulged form
of the

far

(II

1)

For

hook
2)

added with

it

leaf shape

a slanting

stroke

do not agree with Dam that ght notch on the base line" er of surprise is that the ;vhich has a notch in its left iply said m the text to have but in the plate he illustrates
i'

Consonants
Gutturals

Ka Ga
ded
left
,

has stiaight

veitical

and

curved
(II

horizontal bais pointed

is

downwaids

A 3)

vith

further writes that y a a loop added optionally taut the reality is that rfical
is

10

He

flat-topped with right limb extendownwaids and a foot mark at the

almost evervwheie and not points out that "both firm bases with two uprights but optionally their bases are we can add that sometimes Lastly, we do anting base that "va is triangular with ping' but with furthei addr netimes it has firm base and
also
i

generally toot-mark is extended on both the sides (II A 4 m-v) but sometimes more extended either mwaids (II A 4 u) or outwards (II A 4 )
i

Palatals

Cha is beaked type However, its three arms join yaneties can be noticed (i) botb the head mark at one point and beak is formed at the left of the base (II A 5 i),
(n)

mark with

forms a long loop

>n

lapses was that was examined along with pper plates beanng similar characteristics and hence all

for these

both arms join separately with head the beak at the left base (II A 5 and (111) the left arm joins the right 111, ivj, aim which touches the head-mark It has a rounded body (II A 5 n)
Ja constitutes there arms
slightly
Its

ate

lowei

arm
a

11

>f

d d
>d

the out
M11

Arang copper
Moreovei,

plate
is

bends down The vertical of ja is generally curved (II A 6 i, m) but also

straight
(II

this

rarely

6 n)

insciiption of the locality And, therefoie, a fresh

Lingnals

;ographical

study

is

made

top and tick on the right has an angulai back-like foimation with its curve open to right and

Ta has
7)

flat

(II

Da

the leg lengthened

NO.
els

downwards

(II

8)

h'as

open mouth and outei cuives

are used in this epigraph

extended
Dentals

d u
s

The formei

(II

9)

is

composed
the
left

turned, outside at

appended and the left curves by a horizontal bar with

prolonged

Ta has two arms with Of this at least

its

five

right arm varieties

PURABHILEKHA PATRIkA
128
d) Both arms They aie kit from the head mark with curved arm straight and the right arm both arms are curved (II A 10 vm), (11) A and originate from the head-maik, (II in the upper 10 vi), (111) right arm joins left arm and they aie snaiglit pait of the which is cuived A, 10 v), (tv) right aim
i

can be marked
originating

left

aim

Among
[II

the right

the looped ya two varieties arm can be noticed as [i]

i]

curved
ni-viii]

18

and

[n] slanting

[I[

18

Ra
[II

is

shown by a
i-v]

straight vertical line

A
La

19
is

(II

angular with

joins

drawn the upper part of the left 10 iv vn) and (v) right arm straight (II the uppei part of the left aim joins in the
in

firm
[II

base

and
1-111]

hook

elongated vertical with equal arms

20

and

both the arms are curved (II

A 10 n)
it

Va
ii-vin]

of triangular shape except that in one case [II

is

[II

A
21

21
i]
i

Da
except
single

has double cuives

(II

11 i.u.iv.v)

the case
(II

of
11

du where
in)

has

The triangular form has a long loop va has either sloping base [II A 21 u,
or
firm base
[II

of
ivl

curve
is

21

in, v, vi,

Dim

of the leaf shape (II

12

again three shapes can

i,

Hen vn] be traced out [t

11)

Na

is

of the looped variety (II

both
[n]

verticals

meet

at a point [II

A 21

n,vi

13

i-iv)

both

verticals

meet
[111]

at

two
A.21 V]

point
joir

[II A 21

m,V]] and

right

vertical

Labials

Pa
flat

is

angular with equal base [II A 14 i-vi]

arms and

near top of the

Sibilants

left vertical [II

Ba

of square type with the notched [II A 15]

is

left

arm
and
its

&a

is flat

topped with right arm elongati

[II

left

arm with foot-mark

22

r> ]

Bha

is

of the angular variety with

left
it

double curved
lengthened

arm
is

and

right

arm

line

two shapes head-mark [II A 16 [1] right arm starts from left limb arm the and joins [11] right i, in-vi]
Here
used
in the

Sha has equal arms with a horizon joining both at the middle [II A.23
1,11

equal armed shapes can be marked

Sa

is

Of
[i]

this letter

fc

both arms

middle of
has a

its

upper half
[II

[II

16

11]

the head-mark at one point and the arm with small tail at back [II A 24 i,v,v
[II]

final

Ma m

tail

17
is

iii-vm]

For
at

light

arm

joins at the
left

middle of
the

a horizontal

stroke

added

the

upper curve of the

arm and
[II

top of the right towards left [II

to

arm of

the letter extending

17 n]
also

and
[II

sometimes

arm with a small tail aim joins [III] right

upper curve of the

at
at

back

A 24 m;

the middle of

the

right

and

left

17

i]

Semi-Vowel^

Ya
ni-vm]

is

tripartite

But

all

[II

18

i,

arm and the arm has an angular back [II A 24 iv] at [vi] both arms meet the head-mark point and the left arm has an angular
left
[II

except one

[II

18 n] have loop at

24 u]

B OGRAPfUCAL STUDY

OF THE

ARANG COPPER PLATE OF BHIMASENA

loop cha
is

II

12?

this epigraph, this alphabet is I'ized to have the broadened hook t is used atleast in four shapes

joined by a small stem to the letter The conjunct ncha is made by an angle opened to left as well as with a rough triangle
at the right of the meet with the base of the angle To make the compound letter /M, two lines ongmate at one point making an angle from the light end of the bottom horizontal stioke of the letter ja and then a hook coming from

and an ornamental stroke

lit

arm and firm base [II A 25 i] left arm and firm base [II A 25 11], left arm with slanting base
left
all

triangle which

-ill], in

these three varieties the

not extended down

I

beyond the base, round bottom and hook slightly

the right side joins

the

right

slanting line

down below

the base [II

A 25 iv]
With
initial JV

Compound
t idl Gutturals

Letters

The conjuncts formed with

n as the

first

conjuncts made with initial k are 1 i], ktva [II B 1 n], ksha (II B 1 in]
(II

element are nda [II B 6 i] and nya [II B 6 n). In the former the chaiacter da is made by two strokes, which form an acute angle

1 iv)

the

a slanting stroke is added to the lower half of the vertical line of

r ka
lie

To make
stroke,

the

conjunct ktva, a
or,

and the upper stroke is attached with the right corner of the base of na Of the second the letter, ya constitutes two curves, the lower one bigger in length and, the upper curve joins the right corner
opening to right
,

Is attached with k ta,

in

other

of the base of na
With
initial

used at the right of the

Dentals
initial t
[II

ilf of the vertical line of the alphabet nvert it into the compound letter kta,

ied

more downwards than the

The conjuncts formed with

tka
tia (II
[II

are

vertical

then two small lines, one horizontal other slanting which form an angle, ended with that stroke The letter

tpa fll

B 7 ], B 7 w],
i

tta (II

B7
B

11),

tna

tma

(II

v),

tya (II

B B

7 m] 7 vi)*

(II

B7

s two

7 ix)

of the vertical
tal

horizontal strokes iomed at the line and then both the

connected by a small For kshma, the letter ma is line ;d at the right corner of the conjunct
strokes are

the right which served as one of the constituent parts of the second element of the conjunct and

tva and tsa (II B 7 vm), For all the first five conjuncts arm of ta is extended downwards

vn),

then the remaining components of the same are appended with the extended stroke Thus for tka a cross bar is added to the extended

conjunct gra

is

formed by a slanting

downward

limb,

tta

has a slanting stroke

ttached

to its right leg (II

2)

coming from the left and that joins the right extended arm forming an acute angle, to

it ial Palatals

make tna
[II

~y

are chchha
5)

3),

ncha

(II

B 4)

(II B

For the former a double

the extended limb is looped at the bottom, the compound letter //ra has an angle to the base of the extended stroke and added

PURABHTLEKHA
130

PATRIKA.

KEy TO

TAB/.F

A
N
1

!/

ira.

u-

5"

tb
nyofro

b J*

7J8

n Tt*

to

u do

Vrt

15
o.

Hi
fiia> lyi**

Sktx
fwa.

17
/8
11

m
yo-

ivta,

we
-

Stv Stk*
Kvno-Kvri

Smi,

Sya Sri

y^

y^ y e y^4 y

va

2/ va.

sa

Sec

S^ S*

Sft

5t

IDEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF THE ARANG COPPER PLATE OF BHIMASENA

II

131

A
>

PALAFOGRAPHICAL TABLE
B
(

N
1

II

|||

tf
1

"

Vlf

V*H

ft

3
'

f
-H

f
rp

^
TI

n
E

CD

E.

ft

-3)

u Q
71 fl JJ
clyl

r cr^
nJ

f
fl

nJ

ff

y /y
A/ ZV
I*
L>

n:
th
it

PURABHILEKHA PAIR
opens to he ad and for
lo\\u part of the
tliL

the conjunct tma

UK
\\

letter

ma

is

attached
is

it

uh

extended jrm

Ya of tya

formed
size,

b\ t\\o

cuives, the lowei one biggei in

left

which meet at the

lettei

For curve joins ta ta is tinned to

point and the uppei tia, the n&ht aim of the

left an*-!

ma is appended rmkes a curve a then an arch - type stioke is added to The ya of n&ya is composed of t curves and added to the right aim of
lowei

pait of the letter

the

In nya

loop

wheieas &a
centie

joins

the

loop of na at

extender! at a

of

its

head

To make length forming an angle of 90 con |u nets tva and tsa, the letters va and sa
the
are attached
ta

With

mmal
10 n],

Labials

with the right

arm of

the letter

The compound letters beginning with da ddha (II B 8 i), ddhya (II B 8 11), dbha (II B 8 in), dya [II B 8 iv], dra (II B 8 vi) and J\ (II B 8 vu) Of ddha, the letter dha is made by a vertical joined at the right end of da and an arch added to it at the left
are
</

[II B 10 i], p pra [II B 10 in] and I Foi ta is added to (II 11) pta, The ppa right corner of the letter pa
[II

The conjuncts are pta

B B

inscribed by extending limb of the letter pa

downwards the
arm

rij

and then an angle

isexti

attached to

it

In pra, the light

ded downwards and then a stroke sligh

slanting joins it from the left ra as the second element of the
letter

If this

element
viz
,

occurs

m
it

conjunct of

The

let

three

letters

ddhya,

becomes some-

what

of

triangular

compound
types ra and
is

letter

used

In the shape dbha, bha of both the With dra and dva, the letters

bra

it

drawn

in the

compou same way as

has

its

shape as a semi-vowel
Semi-vowels
r

^a are attached to the right

letter

With

end
(II

initial

of the

da

The

letter

ya, represented
is

as the last element of the conjunct

formed

The conjuncts with initial B 12 i), u/a (II B 12 n), nma

(II

are

rg

(II

12 n
r/w,

by two curves

rtha
(

B 12

iv),

rbha

(IIB12v),

(II

B
is

12

vi),

(II

The conjuncts with B 9 i), nta (II B 9

(II

rya (II B 12 vn), rvva (II

12

vi

initial

na are nka

and isha
r

(II

12 ix)

In

all

these conjun<

n),

nno

9 iv),

nma,
(II

mfa(IJB9m), (II B 9 v), nya

For nka, the loop of na is extended downwards vertically and then a cross bar is added to it To make the compound nta the of
9 vn)

(HB9vi), and niya

shown by a small straight vertic line drawn at the head of the second elerne of the conjunct but in the cases of rg
t

and

rtha,

it

is

added on the top of

for
rjja
it

right arm,

and

is

connect!

loop

na
the

downwards slantingly m south-west direction and then an oblique

is

extended

with the right end of the

upper horizon!

arm The compound

element
/

stroke

is

added
its

at the

right

The

letter

nda has

letters

with
lya

loop extended

aich which opens to right

nna constitutes
loop
is

down making an The conjunct double loops For nma the

the
(II

fir

are

Ipa (II

13

i),

13

and
is

lla

(IIBlSui)
/

Here the second

its

lett
tl

extended downwards and then the

joined with base

at

right

corner of

PALEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF THE ARANG COPPER PLATE OF BHIMASENA

II

13?

The conjuncts with

3

14

i),

vn

(II

14

11),

va are vya and vva (II B 14 111)

initial
is

tka

[II

i],

tva [II

7 vm],

dya

[II

8 v],

dra

[II

e
i

again the second letter the right end of the base

appended

nta [IIB9n],Z>/a [II vya [II B 14 i] and

third

B8 B Il] r/m5 [II B 12 stha [II B 17 n]

s

ddhya [II B 8 11], vi], dva [II B 8 vn],

vi],

Its

h initial Sibilants

form is preferred for pa [II A 14 n], sa [II A 24 v], tpa [II B 7 iv] and sra
[II

The conjuncts with the initial i are &cha Sra (II B 15 n) and ilo (II B 15 111) 15
1),^

17 v]

with this element the second letter

iccted at the base of its right

is

arm
with
the

The fourth form, a downward vertical, is added on the right of the middle arm of And for ja [II A 6 in] and jna [II B 5]

The compound
il

letter
16),

made

ma

[II

17 iv] a stroke,

which
is

is

directed

sh

is

shta (II
is

od element
s

and here, too, the added to the right end

upward

base
s
i],

the right The fifth form, a slightly curved or bent stroke open to left, is added

from arm

the

base,

added with

The conjuncts with

are sta
[II

as

the

first ele-

for the

letter

nda

[II

i]

[II

17

stha [II
[II

17

11],

Here we can also

mention

that for

17

in],

sya

17

iv],

sra

Here again and sva[IIB17vi] second letter is joined with the initial s he lower end of its right arm
17 v]
initial

adding medial a to the conjuncts no single rule was adopted, neither was it based on the We know initial letter nor on the last letter that for the letter sa (II A 24 v) a flourished
slant

hook
is

open
bar
the

to

right

directed
[II

from

north east
attached
the
letter

used but for stha

The conjuncts beginning with this letter hma [II B 18 1], and hvn [II B 18 11] and also the second letter is added to h
5

a horizontal
at

sa

and a vertical of the right arm of Was the stroke of medial

top

17 n] stroke are

right

base

a
to

als

appended with the conjuncts according the last letter 9 But we also find that,

The medial a

added here in five base of the i] a hook added to the 11] horizontal bar and a vertr vertical, troke are connected by making an angle and attached the right and in] flounis
1

although for the conjuncts sra [II B 17 v] and sva the medial a stroke is from northeast, for the letters ra [II A 19 n] and
va (II

A 21

iv)

it

constitutes a horizontal bar

and a

vertical

stroke attached the right

slant
>

north
I

east,

hook open to and iv] a

right

directed

vertical

stroke

turned to used
II

For the medial i a flourishing curve left and extended downwards was
11,

v] a bent

according to the shapes of the letters, The stroke open to left

d
r

form
ya

is

used for ka
[II

[II

A
10

3 n],
1],

9 (II A 5 iv, II A A 13 n, II A 14 in A 23 II II A 21 vi,

II

II

II

A 10 iv, A 16 iv,

II

II

A A 18 iv,
1

1 11,

A 4 n],
ill],

<fa

A 8],

ta [II

bha

16

[II A

18 m],

ra [II

A 19-u],

11, IIBSiv, B 12 11, ix, IIBlSui, IIB16, II B 17 m) The medial t is formed by a small circle

II

A 24 vi,

134

and
right
II
II

a stroke

fust

noith-\vest direction

the going slantingly and then extended to

(IT

[II

A
is

12

1]

and ye [IIAlSvi]

The

''medial

loughlv
10 v,
II

honzontally
iv,

A
IT

in,
v,

HA 14
B
15

II

16 v,

18

three types with two limbs, one flourishing stroke directed from the noith west and an angle of 90 formed
ai

written

A 20 h,

11)

The mednl u is written in three shapes i) hook open to left 11) vertical and in) a The hook is added with ku curved line
[II

3 iv],

?M
iv],

[II

4 m],

1u

[HA10.V1],
vi]

mill A
vertical

19

n/vM[II

B
at

small

by a horizontal bar and vertical stroke, added to left and n] two flourishing strokes directed from the nc^th west and m] an angle and a horizontal stroke, both added The first form is at the left of the letter seen in kai [lIA3v], tai [II A 10 vi] and The second shape is vai [II A 21 vn]
,

stroke
vertical

is

added

the
['I

base of the
17 vi], sa

noticed
occuit>

m
in

yai

[IIAlSvn]
letter &chai

Its

third type

ngbt

of

ma

the

[IIBlSi]

[HA
when down
used

24

notice

We can and dt\h\a [HB8n] another foun of the vei tical stroke
vii]
//

to he used for

in

case

of nu

(IT

13 in)

the

end of the
the

vertically
at

The
Side
11

loop is extended cuived line is

of the base
in]

The medial O has its three forms two angles each at a side (n) an angle at right and a flourishing stioke on the head directed fiom the north-west and (in) an
1)

light
[II

of
it

angle added to
straight towards

left

and

hook

extended

the letter da

A
u
is

for

making

down

du

The medial

formed by a double
11 iv]

arm of the
letters

letter
(II

attached with the right The first form is used

m
to

hook
&u
[II

facing in the opposite direction such as

in the letters du, [II

bhu

[II

A,14

vi],

A 4 v), do (IIAlOvm), nno (ILBlSni)

go

(\l

vii

The second
(II A

A 22 n],

bhu

[HB12v]

shape occurs in dho(ll

12.n),jo

18 vin)

and
The medial e has two forms i] an formed by a horizontal bar angle of 90 and a veitical stroke, attached to the left and n] a flourishing stroke diiected from The fust is used for g the north west

Id

(II

20 in)

Thud form

m
au

the letter

ma

[II

17 vin]

is known The medial

at left

an angle added and two flounshing strokes at the head one directed from the north-east and
constitutes three stiokes,

the other

from

north-west

This can be

A 4 iv], ne [II A 13 iv) pe [II A 14 vj], me [II A 17 vii], se [II A 24 viu], chchha
[II

maiked

in the letter

pan

(II

A 14 vi)

[II
[II

B 3], tye [IIB7vi], B 12 i] and rthe [II B

is

nye [II B 9 vi], rgge 12 w] The second

[II

form

noticed

in

ne

9 in],

dhe

The medial n is added at the light of the is a hook open to right It is seen m letters vn(ll BJ4 n) and hvn (II B 18 n) Ia
base It

Foot-Notes
Vide

my

paper,

The
pp

XXIII,

No

Date of AraAg Copper Plata inscription of BhitnasSna II-A Review, 301

ff

4,

335

ARANG COPPER PLATE OF BHIMASENA AEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF THE

II

135

IX, p 342

Dam, W/oii
p
p
155

hlmn^i

JW,
,

162

155

p
pp

163

163-4

/fi/rf
,

pi

xiv

10

ff,

XXV, p
to

268
this

Thanks

my

friend

Dr

P Veima for going through

paper

LEGENDS ON THE COINS OF M U K A-S ATAVAHANA AND HIS PREDECESSORS

22 CH
1

PV
an

Parabrahma

Sasti

Fmdspot
In course of our epigraphical survey
the

Narahan,

officei

the

Postal

Dep
1

Karimnagar, secured several coins

finds

as surfa

Karimnagar
to

district,

had the

opportunity
the right

Munulagutta ( bank of Godavari near the

survey the hillock called hillock of the sages) on

village

These coins longed to the Satavahana period bearing gends such as Sin Chhimuka, Chhimi
site

this

ancient

Satava, Satavaha and Sdtakathni Another

ries

Kapparaopet m the Peddapalli taluk Though we could not discover any epigraphic mateual as such on the fiat top of the
hillock
a
at

with legends Rand Gobhadasa and

is

Re

Sdmagopasa

also found in this collectu

we could cavern on the

an
altitude

notice four

rock-beds

Excepting a few coins of the last mentior chief, which are of lead fabric, all the r<
including

steep edge of the hillock, of about hundred metres,

some of
They

this chief,

are of pc

Very near this cavern we could pick up a few Satavahana coins and some microliths There are some more caverns on that steep edge of the hillock,
facing

the

river

square The present pa rectangular in shape is intended to highlight the importance the corns of Chhimuka-Satavahana

and copper

are

either

Coins of Chhimuka- Satavahana

which we could not reach

These findings,
the

make

it

clear

that

the

antiquity of

place goes back to the prehistoric period and continued upto the Satavahana period though not later With regard to the rockcut beds, on the basis of similar caverns
with beds noticed m the districts of Madurai Tmnevelly and other places, as reported m the early Annual Reports on South Indian

They comtams

are the

six

m number

Only one

legend [-Ho] Sin Chhimuka,

n Chhimuka sdta[va] There! another the full legend might have been Ratio
-

Chhimuka-Satavahana Their measurement the sides is between 1 4 and 1 6 cms T weight vanes between 1 25 and 2 13 g

Out of

the

six

only
five

one

com

is

of

pi

[1907 to 1910 and 1927], it is Epigraphy assumed that they were retiring places for the
ascetics,
its

and the remaining

Physical descnpiion

of copper fabric

likely

of the

Jama faith and hence

name Munula-gu{ta,

Obverse

On
Adjacent to the hillock on its northern side, on the right bank of the Godavari there
is a vast area called Kota-Lmgala, where ancient mounds, pottery, etc are noticed in abundance Quite interestingly my friend Sri S

the

obverse

the

coins

bear
c
ti

symbols of Elephant facing left, four with trunk hanging and two with
upraised
latter

The
is

fabric
slightly

and the

size of

former type
type

different

from

INS

OF CHIMUKA SATAVAHANA
I

137

Of

the

the

formei type one com contains back of the elephant the well

on

the

potin

com a
left

tree with three visible

is

branches on the

noticed before the

/eloped symbol of rlvatsa, the lemamthree being without that symbol Only
,

The legends on all coins are on elephant the back of the elephant and they read

85] Sin

Chhimuka

1
\
1 \

com

[with tiee symbol], Potn

2
3

Sin Chhimuka Sa
[Si]n

Chhunuka SatafvdJ
above oider

I coppei
J

4
vei&e
1)

Sin Chhimu[ka\
the

[above Snvatsa]

Taking

Thiee petals of the Ujjam symbol, two svastikas, and anothei single
petal
to

that palaeogtaphy

Histonans hold geneialiy of the legends on stiay coins cannot conlnbule any significant factor
Obsetvations
in

the light

deciding the
to

chionology, although

it

is

2)

damaged, but Uj]am symbol and one svastika aie noticeable

,

possible

some extent

the

case

of

3)

damaged

but Ujjam symbol sui mo-

unted by ciesent and svastikas aie

noticeable
4)

But when the mscnptional palaeogiaphy featuies appeal so conspicuous that they cannot escape even oui casual n otice
there
gethei
is

Ujjam symbol and two

5th

svastikas

times

no reason to ignoie them altoEven dated lecoids aie somebe redated to on palaeogiaphic

The
i

and

6th

coins

having

the

considerations

Now we
of

aie

having before

phant

with

laised trunk

seem

to

be

us the letters
needless to
of

together of a different series as their size d weight (32 grams) and the palaeography

state that the woids

Chhimuka himself It is Chhimuka

the legend

indicate

Obverse

Chimuka are the Prakrit variants of Simuka In the Naneghat label inscription As these coins as Simuka it is found are found on the surface of the site,
1

On

the back
the

of

the
its

mbol-hke nd above

triangle with
it

elephant some base upwards

archaelogical

stratigraphy need not be consi-

dered

legend runs in an arch,

their study now remains with the epigraphists Thus, I justify

The other part of

neb. reads Sin

>

Chhimuka Sata
ere-

verse

Ujjam symbol surmounted by

six

ent
at

and

svastikas in

smaller size than

presenting this paper before myself in The features which eminent epigraphists stated as follows call oui attention may be
1

of the above gioup

The

letter

Chhi

in all the six coins

is

written with two

(5)

distinct

loops in
vertical

Obverse

Same

as

and

legend

the bottom,

with a bold
is

This
everse

feature

noticeable in

the

Ujjam symbol surmounted by

cre-

Brahml characters

only upto the

ent and four svastikas

beginning of the Christian era

138

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA
2

The

lettei

ma

in

mu is
the

not so conspilabel

are forced to bring

down

these characters of
first

cuous even

in

Naneghat

that of Nagamka inscriptions 01 early It is a late featuie of the

second half of the centuiy B c that is, nearly two centuries than the As"okan edicts
to
,

Chhimuka

the

later

Brahmi chaiacters
3

In the

second group of two coins

in

Secondly, the provenance of these coins

of the founder of the dynasty

we

notice that the horizontal cross

the

Kanm-

stioke
slight

the

letter

ka exhibits a

a
is

upward bend in one case and downwaid bend in the othei, which
again

late

featuie

of

eaily

nagai district adds one more evidence to the fact that the early kings of the family had then home this part of Andhra This fact has already been proved by the discoveiy of

Brahmi
4

the coins of

Sin Sadavahana, a predecessor

The

medial
the

retains

n and chhi downward elongation

i

in

si,

of Simuka, at 3 distuct and

,

Kondapur

the

Medak

Andhra

with upward curve, a feature assignable to 2nd and 1st centuries D c

after

That part of Hyderabad which the modern districts of Medak and Nizatnabad, Kanmnagar are
in

which

it

took a leftward curve

spread, along the river Godavarl, seems to be the homeland of the Satavahanas

at the top
5

Elongated
cuously century B

bottom end of

right of the which is conspinoticeable fiom the 1st

to the
?a

cm ve

or even later
inscription

as

in

Rudiadaman's
Basing

on

these

palaeographic

features

Coins, which are believed to be of low denomination cannot be supposed to have migrated beyond the territory of their This becomes more so in issuing authority the case of the founder of a dynasty who must have spent the eaily part of his career as a subordinate ruler or general undei some
soveieign king, holding a limited area as his

which

belong to a latter period than 2nd century B c and earhei than 1st century A D n is leasonable to ascube these
decidedly
,

own

principality

It

is

quite reasonable to

coins of
the line,

Simuka Satavahana, the fiist king of to some time later than 50 B c

believe that the present Peddapalh taluk the Kanmnagar distuct of Andhia Pradesh, the findspot of these coins, /vas also included

m
Scholais like

the

home

territory

of

Chhimuka

Sata-

Dr

Sircar

have already
a

given their opinion in palaeogiaphic features

furnish fuither

this The iegard pointed out above evidence to the same view

vahana It is also notewoithy that extensive Satavahana sites at places like Pedabankuru,

Dhuhkatta and the ptesent

Kota-Lingala,

Simuka's period
limits of vast

now wavenng between the range Some scholars even now

is

have been recently discovered and excavations at the former two sites are in

believe that he

Aoka
century
10 wn

was a junior contemporary of and place him m the fitst part of 3id

Some piogress coins have been

out

thousands of Satavahana unearthed at these places

are
likely

and thousands more

to

come

BC
dates

Ii

respective of the records of

As

com pai able

this context,

we

of sixty

said before, the present collection coins is only a surface find

4S

OF CHIMUKA SATAVAHANA
the

139

In

present

collection

theie are

more

types bearing the legends (a) [Ra\(b) [Ra~\no

Gobhadasa and

Samagdpasa

These are of copper fabric and squaie in shape with side 1 5 cm and weight
appioxirnately
sti

had their capital at Vidia as evidenced by the Besnagar Garuda pillar inscription set up by Heliodorus, the Messengei of the Yavana king Antialcidas during the reign of Bhagabhadra* The
later rulers

some

38 grains

All

king
fifth

is

identified with

are

die-

Bhadaighosha, the
In addi-

uck
the

king of
to

tion

these he had

the gunga family the the

names

of

Three aiched hill, bow and anow, and tree in some cases Legend [-] no Gobhadasa
obverse

On

Andhraka, Aidraka, Bbadiaka, of which the

fust cates

name
his

Andmaka
association

significantly

indi-

with the

Andhra

Reverse

is

blank on

all

these coins

The

icography of these letteis is decidedly icr than that of the Simulca coins (impre-

He might have seived as viceroy countiy in the Andhra province under his father Thus i rm LJ.CI "CI.L 1.0 luCntjij ^juunLidtci of our coins with that fifth 3unga Icing Bhadraghosha
several
1

No

6)
square,,

01

Bhagabhadia

According

to

Some copper and some potm,

1 5, cm, weight between 50 and 76 giains These coins are m three kinds accoiding to then obverse symbols Some

authonties this king is supposed to have ruled some trme before 100 B c

Although

hrs

regnal

accordrng to the
association with

contain

six-armed
,

perrod rs very small Puranas, owrng to his Andhrades'a and probaly

circle,

mangle-heacoins
in

wrth

its

ded symbol

and

anow On some
also

caieer he

we
to

contiguous provrnces, in his early became popular in the Deccan

notice
the

svastika

addition

above

On

the thud variety

tree

we

Secondly, the empty reverse may also indicate that he issued those corns while he

notice

six-armed

cucle,

and

bull

was a prince

Legend

Rand Samagdpasa
reveise
all

About
coins

the

other series,

that

is,

of

On

the

these

have

iding a
is
is

nandipddu (01 tinatna) symbols surdouble circle in the centre

in this case

Samagopa, we aie reminded of another krng Samabhaga, the penultimate king of the same >unga family, who inled dming
the

palaeography of the legend

eaihei

than

that

on the Simuka
,

The Puianas

The letters ga with angulai iop round bottom and pa with long

ma
left

ical are

some

of

the

eiily features

quarter of the first century B c also state that Simuka came to powei after defeat ng the Ka&vas and the 5 Therefore it is not remaining Sunga kings un'easonable to assume that Simuka succeefirst

ded the
These two types
le

last

rulers ot

the

>unga family
seveial
scholars,

[a]

and

[b]

areascrrthe

The Kanvas,
entire Jsunga

as

held

by
ih^ir

to

some

rulers

who preceded

could not establish

authority in the

According to the Paianas we w that the Sungas and the Kanvas e their predecessors Among the lormer
ivahanas

kingdom The lattei were strll exercisrng power rn the provinces of Vidi&a and the south These coins of Gobhadra

140

PURABHILEKA PATRIK A

.'

)F

CHIMUKA SATA.VAHANA
furnish the numismatic

141

amagopa thus
ce
in this
statical

regard Samagopa, though with Sambhaga, the ninth

papei it is worth recalling the importance of the hillock called Munula-gutta situated by the side of this site,
this

Before concluding

might have been a neai successor to

/e

where,as already said, theie are some rock-cut beds in a cavern and some Satavahana coins

have a still stronger evidence The Satavahana (No 87) has exactly the everse of that of Samagopa (No 7 ) On
symbol,
bull

were collected by this author Unfortunately the coins are not in a state of good pieseivation and their legends cannot be deci-

>veise also the triangle-headed

lea,

and a

tree before

a standing

hei

the
1

symbols borrowed by Satavahana This symbolism of Samagopa com of Satavahana furnishes the
,

phered properly excepting the letteis Si, n and sa, above the elephant symbol It is well attested by Jam liteiatuie and tiadt7 the members of the that early tion, It is not Satavahanas patronized Tamism
unreasonable to ascribe the

isive
litical

evidence

for

the

change

over
his

Jam

vestiges

power from Samagopa or

to

hate successor

Satavahana

of the Munula-gutta to the time of The Telugu muka, or even earlier

Chi-

name
the

'nginally the early Satavahanas, namely, Satavahana of this unique com and

Munula-gutta must be also

rock-beds in the cavern
Conclusion
1

as old as

published by Prof V V Mirashi, Jimuka served the Sungas as subordi-

It

hey were holding their original prmci-

m the present Kanmnagar, Nizamabad,

k,

time that Simuka, king of the Satavahana family, is made known to the scholarly world by his own
is

for the

first

the

first

sovereign

and Adilabad

districts of

Ap

with 2

material

capital at an or the
e

some

place like
site

present

Kondapur, on the bank

The palaeography
,

of

the
first

legend

not unlikely that ;oastal-Knshna-Godavari region with

It is

Godavari from each other

which are about 200

kms

being decidedly of the B c early theories

century
regaid

this

aka^a as sub-capital was also included terntoiy as indicated by the Guntupalh 6 Subsequent to their becoming lp hs to the incieasmg sign rulers, owing of the kingdom they might have
,

3rd or 2nd are century B c proved to be untenable Simuka is to be placed some time after 50 B c
,

which place him in

3)

The
in

find

the

Kanmnagar
rulers

spot of these coins being the district,

fact that the

d the capital to Pratishthana, partithe invasion of the foreign y to check

the Sakas
ie

indigenous

Satavahanas were the of Andhra is

based

and others Dhanakataka

is

well founded
4)

Krishna bank

about
is

280

kms

The

tradition

on

the

Kota-Lmgala, the findspot

whereas
Pratishthana

of these

literature, that the

early

Jam members

more than

ms

distant

of the Satavahana rulers patronized Jamism is also proved by the

142

PURABHILEKHA PATRIK
cavern with rock cut beds on
the

Samagopa

is

identifiable with

Samd
01 hi

Munulagutta

near

which

these

bhaga, the ninth Sunga king

near successor
certain

coins are found

are

These rock beds

be
the
retiring

Therefoieit seem

supposed to

that the

$ungas had
also

thei

places

of the Jama ascetics where

in 6]

authority jn

Andhia
of

they used to practice Salleklia

their last

stage

of

The
coins

life

similarity

symbolism on

th

of

Samagopa and Sin

Sata
th

5)

Gobhadra
coins
is

of the othei

seues

of

vahana points

to the fact that

identifiable

with

Bhadiafifth ruler

Satavahanas were thepohlial succ

essois

ghosha or Andhraka, the

of

of the

family of Samagopa

the

Sunga

family

Similarly

very likely the

Sungas

of

foot Notes

Arch
Select

Sur

W
VII,

Ind

V, pp 60 ff
189

2
3

Inscriptions,

JNSI
The

Vol

pp

l-4,/M,IX-2pp
Unity,

5ff

4
5

Age of Impend

p 98
tarn
1

Kaijvayanams =tat5= bhfityah Suhrmaflath prasahya

^unganamch = aivayach=

ch=* eshatn

kshapayitva balam tada"

Pargiter,

Dy of

Kali

Age, p 38
3,

Dr R Subramanyam Gunjupalh Brakmi

Inscription of

KhUranla

(A P Epi Series

1968)

JBBMS

X, pp 129

ff

BOOK REVIEWS
escriptive
(rit

Catalogue of the Prakntand

non-inclusion

of

Gauriihankai

Huachand

Inscriptions in the Epigi aphv Galleiy,

Museum
Price

by Shyamalkanti Chakia-

Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1977, pp 20,

Rs 1500

which most dependable book on Indian paldeogiaphy, in the list of books on palaeogiaphy at p 16 is a senous omission
Lipimcila,
is still

Ojha's

Bhaiatlya

Ptachma

the

The

Indian

Museum, which

is

one of

wo
a

The

htgtsl museums of India, posselarge numbei of hthic lecoidsand

Catalogue selves

the puipose of

illustrating the gieat value of the epigiaphical

r-plate chattels
re- organised

which

mateual deposited
TliL,

the Indian

aie

Museum

displayed

galleiy which came into

fifties

nee
als

in

the

The

number
takes

publication of a full catalogue of this inateual at an eatly date is the minimum

that

scholars

and seahngs runs

the

into thousands

can rightfully expect fiom the

it

Indian

Museum and
to take

those,
;

present

of twenty-two
stone
i

catalogue inscriptions, seventeen

do well

the authorities would up seriously and place this

in

hem
jgs,

inscriptions

and the
seals

rest

-plate

grants,

and eleven

and

important mateual before long

the hands of scholars

foui

of them being

Haiappan

AJA.Y

MITRA SHASTRI

"his
,

),
i

booklet, running into just twenty (inclusive of 6-page bibliography and gives a brief account of the epigraglyptic

Hindu
Delhi, 1979,
tions
,

displayed in [useura togethei with information about npt, language, date where given, proice,

and

records as

Published by

Iconography by S P Tewan Agam Kala Piakashan, New

price

pp i-xiv-f 117 and 38 Rs 100

illustra-

registration

number and
and

size

In

cases short notes

pecuhaiities are added The

showing palaeoscriptal

The publication of Hindu Iconogiaphy,

based on authological verses,
literature,

ical

deve-

art

;nt

plates

aie

good
of
the

and epigraphs, heralds the

Indian academic arena, of
eiudite scholar

arrival,

he
ri

charts showing

development
given
at

on the young and

and Bengali

scripts

re

useful from the point

of view of

who is happily aware of the need to declare a moratoruim on over-indulin minute and and genealogical
is

eneral leaders
t

gence
cal

hair-splitting chronologidetails

of Indian history

would
where

have been
the

useful

to

give

nces to
is

Journals 01

other pubh-

the inscriptions

and

seals

and

break new ground by subjecting the copious epigiaphical source-materials available to fiesh study and newer interpreta-

and

keen

to

gs in question originally

appeared

The

tions

As

the author has himself

modestly

144

PURABHILEl HA PATR1I
his
initial inspi-

pointed out, he has denved Kiti"n toi his miiden venluie fiom an aiticle viaten many year, ngo by that veteran Indol^yi'-t

The author Shn Tewan has put it bcholaily public m deep debt The productio oi the book is of a good standaid an
does not leave

SivaiamirauitLi

much

to

be desired

It

ma

In
aiiiuoi
t

li.

ml

ji\.-u-ij clrptr-i

VP

1"5),

the

diaws the attention of

in

hia

leadeisto

pointed out that diacntic been used to gieatf types should have the proofs lead more can and perfection

houe\ei,

be

u- lathei c-yptic

invocations which aie to be

fully,

met with
phs

pre-Gupla hteialme and epigiaIn chapiei 2 (pp 6-11) aie presented

the inttmsic

though these defects have not reduce woith and ment of this laudab

ventuie

the iconogiaphic gleanings

to the

we

get

from the

K V RAMEbH
-

benedictoi> verses in the epigiaphs belonging

(pp 12-59) Gupta period and 4 (pp 60-75) aie respectively devoted to
Chapteis
the

copious

iconographic

details

that aie
as

The Imperial Pandyas Reconstiucts the Chronology

MathernatK by and publi

available in

Hindu inscriptions

as far

the

pnncipal deities Siva and Vishnu aie conceined In the last chapter (Ch V pp 76-95) the author quotes, translates and discusses a number ofveises which stand ample testi,

hed by N Sethuiaman, Kumbhakonam,197 pp 2^2 Price Not given

Shn Sethuiaman, whose

earlier

woi
tl

'The Cholas-Mathematics Reconstructs

mony

to the ingenuity of poets

who

exploit

the well
principal

known Monographic
deities

attributes

of

Chronology' the present reviewers had tt privilege of reviewing in the previous numbi
of this journal, has brought out another woi of great utilitarian value, viz 'The Imperi

for

enriching the

saga of

useful bibliography, an Sanskrit poetry equally useful word index and 38 well produ-

ced illustiations are appended to the book

Pandyas - Mathematics Reconstructs tl Chronology' The approach here is basical the same as the one so successfully adopts
bv the author
It

Tewan's book should serve

as a

beckoner

in his efforts to

to such scholastic aspirants as are interested

in,

the earlier contributions to

impiove upc Choja chronolog

blazing new trails The author has touched only the periphery of what is certainly an In particular, similar useful unlimited field

must, however, be noted that, unlike in tl case of the Cholas, the epigraphical maten

left

behind by the later Pandyas

is

much

le

works could be and should be written on

iconographic information we plenty from the regional languages, The Jama, Hindu of the South particularly
the regional
in

copious and
efforts

much

less helpful,

bence, great

credit attaches to

Shn Sethuraman's

piese

get

and, to a

much

lesser

inscriptions of the South

degree, the Buddhist contain numerous

The problems peitaming

to the

chron

such interesting prose and verse compositions which, when studied in the fashion of Tewan, could well bring to light many
significant regional differences

logy of the later Pdndyas aie so veiy bafflir that not many scholais have made bold
tackle the subject after the pioneering effor

and

subtleties

kanta Sastiy

of that redoubtable master- historian, Nil The present work of Sh

145

accession of

Ravivarman Kula^e khara, and

funned,

by,

Ijhe

epigr,^ an$

the

the sequence

ifailmg science of Mathematics, ost welcome addition to the meagre research

^^sa

ntmgs

available

foi;

the hfttwy pf

the

of the occupation of the nprthern portions of the Tamil countiy by him, are skillfully dealt with by the authoi His arguements in favour of his postulation
th,at

the five anointed kings of the Papdyan k.rngdom were m concealment at the time

pf

MaUk

and
fflfotf

Kafir's

invasion of the Tamil

and his readings to, s$ a^$e age-old r? lethods of study, w^rev?: t^ej feund be unhelpful or outttloded," and to adopt close scruninhibited methods instead
>

are persuasive and He is also effective in c^rry conviction refuting the theory that Sundarapap^ya was

Coimtrj in 1311 A p

a parncide
clu^ion
is

In fact, his well founded conthat there

ny of
e

his

work on the Pantfyas shows

that

was cordial relationship between VIrapaijdya and his brother Simdaraand that the brothers were loyal pandya
to
theiif
till

iducmg
iter

has factually succeeded in considerably the lower and upper limits of the eriods in which the the accessions of the

father

Maravarman
mentioned

Kula^ekhaia
ruler's

right

the last

natural

death
In
arriving
at

Pandya

rulers

must have occurred

the

conclusion

that

The author does not deal with the Toblems of the chronology of the early
'ajidyas,
if

details

obviously because of the scancity he has, therefore, of dates

,

Sundarapandya was the illegitimate son of Kula^ekha-a, Shn Sethuraman has critically examined the accounts given
Rajarajan

icrforce
if

confined himself to the chronology the Paijdyas who held sway between

190 and 1380

liscussion
'arjidyan

AD He commences with a on the probable date of the civil war (c 1166 A D ) and proceeds

by the Muhammadan chroniclers such as Amir Khusru, Ziaud Dm Barm and wasaf, pointing out the conflicting and contradictory nature of their statements taken the help of Gangadevi's

He

has

Madhuia-

hence to discuss, reign by reign, the probable All ates of accession and termination
he available imformation such as pra&astis, oyal titles, astronomical details, etc are
,

vijayam in ordei to show that the Pandyan power was not extinguished even after the Madurai Sultanate was routed by Kampana

of Vijayanagara

narshalled together in postulating

lates

revised

The
text,
list

numerous
the

chronological
places

tables,

The

credibility

of

his

urther strengthened because

if

findings is of the usage

mseited at the
as also

appropriate

in

the

appended

chronological

very

recent epigiaphical

discoveries

of revised dates of the Pandyan kings add clarity to a subject which is otherwise

For the convenience of the reader, ihn Sethuraman summarises his discussions a a nut shell at the end of each chapter Some important episodes such as the

heavy reading material Nevertheless, the author does indulge at times in digressions

and the narration

the cluttering

is

sometimes marred by

of too

many

facts

But, in

146

PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA
Sethuraman and subject the epigraphs from
those
legions
to

which deals highly technical work,

dry
subject

with
the

such a

as

chronology,
is

a fresh
'

chronological

absence of

style

and flouisih

no desidera-

appraisal
i

tum
In

conclusion, the reviewers

i

would

like

The

reviewers

would

li

^ to

stress here

to

congratulate

Shn

Sethuraman

on his
of a

the gieat need for subjecting the inscriptions

painstaking and penetrating analysis

of other
to

ruling

dynasties

of

the

South

very

difficult

subject

and

for
1

bringing out

similar

painstaking

sciutmy

from a
the

this reliable

source Dock
to

He has succeeded

ch'Onological angle

The histones of
are
so

in presenting

the world of historians a

South Indian

kingdoms

fatefully

much

better

and

imporved chronological

intertwined that a partial

revision

of the

picture of the later

Papdyas

dates will rendei histoncal correlations

difficult Scholars

more

woiking on the chronologi-

cal history

of Karnataka and
to

Andhra would
from

K V Ramesh C R Srmivasan

do

well

take

their

cue

Shn

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