Democracy Without The Democrats: M.Fadjroel Rachman

M.
Fadjroel Rachman
Democracy Without The Democrats

(Freedom, Democracy and the Welfare State)
Jakarta, 2006
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Democracy without The Democrats

by M. Fadjroel Rachman First English version published in September 2007 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Indonesia Office Jalan Kemang Selatan IX No.1A-B Jakarta 12730/INDONESIA
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced without permission in writing from the publishers. Translator: Dinna Wisnu, PhD. Cover Designer: Tarlen Handayani and Andar Manik Layout Designer: Abdul Kadar Printed by: CV. Dunia Printing Selaras
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Forewords
s a German political foundation, committed to the values and principles of of social democracy, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is very pleased to support the publication of Fadjroel Rachmans book Democracy without The Democrats: On Freedom, Democracy and The Welfare State in English language. The title of the book Democracy without Democrats reminds us of political scientist Kurt Sontheimers description why the so-called Weimar Republic, the first Republic in Germany (1918-1933) was not able to preserve its existence: Because there were not enough democrats to defend it. The choice of the title, therefore, is obviously a reflection of Fadjroels anxiety on the process of democratization in Indonesia. His book stresses the importance of consolidation, of continuous development and the full commitment of political actors to the values and practice of democracy. The fear that democratization may become stagnant instead of further being consolidated is supported by various thematic issues in the compilation of his writings. The issues are golput (White Group), the position of the student movements, civil-military relations, corruption, anti-democracy actors or the lack of provision of basic needs to the people. This book reminds us of the dangers of the failure in democratization. The cases of outstanding democrats like Munir and Nirmala Bonat show that democracy may never be taken for granted and has constantly to be defended. For this, it needs democrats.
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The problems of democratization in Indonesia are actually similar to other democratizing countries, developed or developing countries. Liberal Democracy only in terms of being able to speak or cast vote freely without the improvement of living conditions, will not win the hearts and minds of the people. Democracy must be eatable by the ordinary people, not only beneficial to a group of elites. Democracy cannot exist without a social dimension, it hast to guarantee also economic and social rights to all people. And Fadjroel shows with many examples that this stage of democratic development has not yet been reached in Indonesia. However, this book does not only speak about fear, but also about hope. Fadjroel gives credit to the social thinkers in Indonesian history whom many of us may have forgotten or denied. Thus, at the end of his book he promotes the principles of freedom, justice and solidarity and the values of social democracy. As an idea, social democracy has not yet become the mainstream of political thought in Indonesia. However, as a practice it may have started to blossom. Regional governments are keen to set their own policies and strengthen government protection of workers and farmers against unlimited and untamed market forces. So it may be that Fadjroelss vision of a consolidated, social democracy in Indonesia is becoming a reality. Therefore, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Indonesia wants to make the arguments of Fadjroel Rachman available to a broader audience, also on the international level. Jakarta, August 2007 Erwin Schweisshelm Resident Director Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Indonesia & Timorleste
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Introduction
ocial emancipation and individual emancipation are the goals of all our efforts to fight for democracy! In response to the stimulating challenge of the politics of emancipation, Democracy Without The Democrats collects most articles of the author that were published in Kompas Daily and a number of other mass media, and presented in seminars and discussions. The themes are indeed diverse, covering political, social, economic and cultural issues. Since these articles were written as separate pieces, readers will find a number of repetition and sharpening of arguments on certain themes. The articles should also be viewed as attempts of the author to keep digging, revising, and even rejecting a number of conclusions from other authors. It is only by learning from our mistakes, through trial and error, and falsification that we would achieve progress in knowledge, democracy and humanity. Democracy Without The Democrats, the title for this compilation of articles, is a polemic on problems of democratic transition and the so-called White (New) Group in Kompas Daily. Problems of democratic transition? Didnt the political elite claim that there is no longer problem of democratic transition after General (Ret.) Soeharto stepped down? Indeed this is where the problem lies. When a democratic transition is simplified to an event of a mere stepping down of a leader, watch the rage of disappointment among the people after seven years of a total reform movement (1998-2006). The voice of disappointment then surfaced significantly as a symbolic political
power called the White (New) Group which won the 2004 legislative election and beat five presidential/vice presidential candidates in 2004. The White (New) Group was the voice of symbolic political struggle that chose not to use their rights to vote, and to firmly represent the genuine voice of the total reform movement. The author expects Democracy Without The Democrats to provide a contribution that would formulate the idea of democracy in Indonesia. And of course, more importantly, to formulate a praxis of substantive democracy, and to create a welfare state as an antithesis of the totalitarian and fascist-militaristic New Order State. Thanks to Kompas that allowed for the holding of polemic of democratic transition and the White (New) Group for months. To mention a few: Jacob Oetama, St. Sularto, Suryopratomo,Tony D. Widiastono, Budiman Tanuredjo, Irwan Julianto, Sri Fitrisia Martisasi, Bambang Wisudo P, dan Windoro A.T. In addition, there are the discussion buddies to wrestle the ideas with at Pedoman Indonesia, among others: Riawandi Yakub, Farhan Helmi, Irfan Setiaputera, Theodores Y. Kokeritz, Andar Manik, and the many more friends whose names could not be listed because of a very long list. And certainly special thanks to Effendi Gazali dan Donni Gahral Adian who kindly provide introduction for this book. Also for Erwin Schweisshelm, Resident Director, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Indonesia & Timorleste, Mrs. Mian Manurung, and Penerbit Koekoesan (Rieke Diah Pitaloka and Donni Gahral Adian). The author can never sufficiently thank Poppy Yoeska, Mahatma Yudhistira Kusuma Putera, and Krishna Satyagraha Kusuma Putera, who patiently and lovingly accompany him. Once again thank you to all the readers in Indonesia. M. Fadjroel Rachman
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Table of Contents
Forewords....................................................................................... iii Introduction.................................................................................... v Table of Contents............................................................................ vii Prologue Iron Democracy.............................................................................. xiii Chapter I Democracy and Human Rights Democracy Without The Democrats............................................... 3 Indonesia: Towards Democracy and Social Emancipation............... 8 Five Years of Semanggi Tragedy, Sacrified Victims......................... 13 Radical Voters, White Group (Golput), and Active White Group...... 18 Social Opposition and The Middle Class ......................................... 23 White Groups, Winner Of 2004 Election.......................................... 28 White Group, Conqueror Of Five Presidential Candidates In 2004... 32 Individualizing Democracy.............................................................. 37 Fascism and Corporatism Of New Order......................................... 41 Towards Revolution Of Democracy. .............................................. 46 When Israel Kills Children................................................................ 55
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Freedom From Death Penalty............................................................. 58 Mr. President, Please Catch Munirs Killer.......................................... 61 I Dream Of Soeharto Being Prosecuted................................................64 Chapter II Politics and Reform Republic Wihout Public (Critic for Prof. Dr. Olle Tornquist) ...................71 Please Return Indonesia To Nirmala Bonat......................................... 75 Under Opposition Flag ........................................................................78 Critic Me, You Will Be Fired.................................................................82 Welcome TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Indonesian National Armed Forces) Under Departement Of Defense..................................87 Behold Dasasila Bandung (Bandungs Ten Principles)...........................93 One Hundred Days Of SBY-Kalla.........................................................97 Together We Reshuffle Cabinet.........................................................101 Footsteps Of Golkar Party......................................................................105 Nation State: A Never Complete Project................................................108 Celebrating The Death Of Reform.........................................................112 Welcome Impunity.................................................................................115 Letter For Mr. Bush...............................................................................118 Wrong Road To The Original 1945 Constitution.....................................124 The End Of Fake Bluffing Drama...........................................................127 Annul PP 37/2006! ..............................................................................131 The End of Fake Deterrent Drama.......................................................136 Political Party, For Sale.......................................................................140 Welcome to the Independent Candidate..........................................144 Chapter III Economy and Society Peoples Earth, Corruptions Earth .......................................................151 Betrayal Of Intellectuals.......................................................................156 Palace Intellectuals and Merchant-State ...............................................160 The Collapse Of Our Morality...............................................................164 The Awakening Of Merchant-State.......................................................168 What Is Going On, Merchants Leading Political Party?..........................173 My Beloved BUMN (State-Owned Corporation), My Poor BUMN..........177 Footsteps Of Corruptors........................................................................182
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Table of Contents
Learning From New Order Intellectuals...................................... 186 Together (With Anyone) We Still Suffer .......................................... 193 ABRI Multifunction: Politics, Territorial, and Business.............. 196 Hunting The Wealth Of Soeharto Inc. ............................................. 205 Chapter IV Culture, University Student Affairs and Literature Confrontation Of Two Cultures....................................................... 211 233 Years Of Silence............................................................................ 217 Quo Vadis Humanity and Our Civilization................................. 221 Scientifico Critical Democracy....................................................... 225 Student Movement, Movement Of Political Values......................... 237 Four Years of Trisakti Incident :Political Leadership Of The Youth... 242 Criticism: Challenges For Indonesian Students................................ 247 Celebrating Differences, Celebrating Liberation............................. 251 The Last Spring Of Two Totalitarianism.......................................... 256 Criticism At The Heart Of Democracy........................................... 265 Concentration Camp, Ideology and Us.......................................... 269 Chapter V Participatory Socialism and Welfare State The Third Way Giddens and Indonesia........................................... 277 Openening A Democratic Way To Participarory Socialism............... 283 Sutan Sjahris and Politics Of The Welfare State ............................... 310 Latin America Against Neoliberalism.............................................. 320 Participatory Democracy and New Political Leadership.................. 324 Post Developmentalism, To Social Distribution.............................. 333 From Predatory State To The Welfare State .................................. 342 Criticism and Freedom Must Be Defended............................... 349 Fadjroel Rachman, Activism Of A Young Intellectual..................... 360 Fadjroel Rachman, Figure and Thoughts ....................................... 364 Epilogue Shouting (for Democratization) Without Frustration..................... 371 Sources of Writings.......................................................................... 375 Short Biography................................................................................ 381
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Prologue
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Iron Democracy
By : Donny Gahral Adian *)
emocracy, genuinely, works according to the logic of exception. Simply recall the ancient democracy of the citystate Athens. There, democracy was not a mere geography of mind, but also of body. This means that physically there were groups that are not part of the demos circle. They were children, slaves and women. According to body specification, the demos members were those who are male minimum 18 years of age (until the year 403 BC when the minimum age was raised to 20 years old). The population of Athens alone was roughly 100,000, among whom 10,000 were foreigners, and over 150,000 were slaves. Among the citizens, those aged 18 and beyond were 30,000 individuals. If the numbers were right, then the demos members were just 10-15% of the population. The logic of exception in a democracy also applies to the Roman Empire. Rome did provide citizenship for non-Rome citizens, especially after its massive expansion to Mediterranian. Yet the center of power remained at the city-state of Rome, which would be the origin of the Roman Empire. For this reason, not all citizens could take part in every meeting that was held as small forum at the heart of the city. This means the majority of citizens living far from the city were automatically excluded from the demos. This is not to mention the domination of senate power which shaped democracy as a privilege of a few elite. After the collapse of the Roman Empire, Italy splintered into smaller political units. Those small units later turned into city-states like Athens in Ancient Greek. City-states like Venice, Florence, Siena
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and Pisa also adopted a democratic model of government. Leaders were elected on plurality basis for limited tenure. Just like Athens and Roman Empire, the membership of demos were limited to the nobles and landlords. Such privilege did not last long. Eventually those from the lower socioeconomic classes were included. Yet even then, with such inclusion, the number of demos members remained very small relative to the total population of the city-states. For instance in Venice at the 15th century, the demos members were only about 2% of the total population. The tradition of exclusion was later fixed by the representative democracy that developed in Europe at the end of the 16th century. The representative democracy was no longer divisive, but rather embracing as many votes as possible from various interest groups. Democracy as a tradition of governing model was then penetrated by other tradition developed by political philosophers of Europe: the tradition of freedom. It means that the basic freedom of human being became a central theme of democracy. Democracy was no longer viewed as only a model of governance but most importantly as an eternal guardian of basic human freedom. The combination of democratic tradition and freedom tradition produced something new. The justification for democracy shifted from a mere procedural to moral. In a democracy, coercion is repressed to point zero because the spirit of freedom at the heart of democracy demands each person to be treated as an equal moral subject. Something was considered good not because of certain religious and philosophical doctrines but rather because of voluntary consensus. Democracy indeed obtained its legitimacy as: first, a method of change found by people that is ever most peaceful; second, a supreme guardian of basic human freedom, and third, a process of opinion formation that involves as many citizens as possible. Constitution became a critical instrument of civilization that democracy wanted to enact. The constitution guarded principally the rights of every citizens to be treated equally before the law. In short, the law was non-partisan. It protected the basic freedom of all citizens with no exception. The law, for instance, did not support the values of one group by sacrificing the freedom of political expression. It was
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Iron Democracy
only through law stern to the episteme of anti-freedom that democracy was able to function civilly. Without it, democracy is vulnerable to becoming a temporary means of the majority interest group; an interest that may stand against the tradition of freedom which might treaten the centuries-old intimacy of tradition of democracy and freedom. The work of M. Fadjroel Rachman, Democracy Without The Democrats, also challenges the logic of exception in a democracy at the level of body. In a democracy, he argues, we cannot put an emphasis on one group and undermine other groups. To him there are five major arenas that are connected to one another and important for the consolidation of democratic society. They include civil society, political society, rule of law, state apparatus and economic society. The five, Fadjroel said, are inter-supportive and inter-connected. The five arenas are inter-connected in a system. If one is in trouble, the rest of the system would suffer. The task of democrats are indeed to fix the obsolete spare-parts of democracy. Correa, the new President of Equador is the most obvious example from the south. In many occasions he always initiates a reform that would make politicians more accountable to the voters. A member of Congress should directly represent a district and not indirectly elected by political parties. In addition, he also initiated a mechanism that allows for the firing of state officials. He also strongly condemns the toughening of oligarch in Ecuador. Combatting corruption became his main agenda. It is clear here that a political society is not suddenly eliminated but instead fixed to be made more accountable. A political society is no longer seen as an obstacle but rather an opportunity for freedom. What should be eliminated is not the political entities but rather the anti-freedom attitude. Such attitude, for instance, may consolidate into what we know as the politics of violence (physical or symbolic). The politics of violence in its various forms revokes the basic human freedom, be it directly, indirectly, openly or discreetly. The politics of violence was manifested in the sweeping of bayonets, also in the act of adding the word PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia - Indonesian Communist Party) after G30S (Gerakan 30 September The 30 September Movement) in every history book. We may feel the presence of such politics, reject it, approve it, or without realizing it adopting it
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in our daily lives. The politics of violence seeps in from the ceiling of politics to our daily lives. Democracy must consolidate through law that is firm towards the politics of violence. The consolidation of democracy would limit the legitimate political struggle to persuasion only and its practice within the corridor of basic human freedom. Political struggle through violence would inevitably undermine freedom and allow for the formation of new authoritarianism. A firm law would prevent the growth of politics of violence and slowly create a new market for political players: the market of non-violence. We are witnessing how radical groups begin to leave behind violence and adopt persuasion. A gentle power replaces a strong power. From the suburb of Solo, at Ngruki school of Koranic studies (pesantren), even Ustadz Abu Bakar Baasyir declared non-violent way for his followers. This is why the role of democrats is important. They are needed by democracy to suppress the growth of violent politics by continuously voicing the values of democracy and institutionalizing them in politics. The democrats are responsible to institutionalize and preserve the values of democracy from those who simply want to use democracy to release their dark agendas. Democracy is like a torch whose fire is guarded by the democrats. So, who are these democrats? We will never know. No one could boast as the legitimate representative of the democrats. They are everywhere. They surface and disappear along with the pace of history. One thing for sure, everytime they speak, democracy is in danger. The spirit of freedom is about to be dragged from the heart of democracy. The democrats never stand idle for they are the protector of a way of life that has been tested by history for thousands of years. This book Democracy Without The Democrats by M. Fadjroel Rachman is not pointing to anyone but rather pointing far into the horizon. Democracy is not factually but rather ideally should be filled by the democrats. Such norm must be applied seriously. That is the humble yet nonbinding message from M. Fadjroel Rahman. Happy reading! *) Donny Gahral Adian, Intimately studying legal issues, ethics of politics and religion in democratic society. His writings are ubiquitous in many mass media. xvi
CHAPTER I
DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Democracy and Human Rights

(Critics to Megawati Soekarnoputri, Syamsuddin Haris, and A Sonny Keraf)
ell, eventually the future of democracy is in the hands of the people, not political parties (Syamsuddin Haris, Potret Partai dan Masa Depan Demokrasi, Kompas , 8/9). Therefore, lets prepare those leaders through healthy political education, at least through a school called society. Do not continuously blaspheme (A. Sonny Keraf, Partai Politik dan Pendidikan Politik, Kompas, 11/9). Then, I will not search for who commits mistakes since in practical politics what people do is finding scapegoats...and I will act quite extreme towards those who express thoughts with bad way (Exclusive Interview, Megawati: Banggalah Menjadi Bangsa Indonesia dan Jangan Cari Kambing Hitam, Kompas, 11/9). Is it true? Theory of democratic transition firmly states that civil society and political society should not nullify one another, or being chosen exclusively without the other. Instead they support one another as a given (necessary support) and are inter-connected (primary mediation). The two, civil society and political society, are two of the five major arenas to consolidate modern democracy. If one is eliminated then there wont be any consolidation of democracy, hence it is impossible to complete the phases of democratic transition. Such phases of transition are the conditio sine qua non towards a democratic system that is widened and deepened within the five arenas of consolidation of modern democracy. The approach developed by Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stephan (See Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation, 1996) on the
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problems of democratic transition and consolidation, using the cases of countries in Southern Europe, Latin America and post-communist Europe, provides an inspiration to handle the problems of democratic transition and consolidation in our country. Yet first we must be clear about the phases of politics of democracy in this discourse. First, the phase of authoritarian-totalitarian that is anti-democracy; Second, the phase of democratic transition; Third, the phase of widening and deepening of democratic system). Every phase has unique elements of individual, institution and values, including management strategies that are also unique, cannot be mixed or applied uniformly for every element and management strategy. The phase of democratic transition requires discontinuity from the phase of authoritarian-totalitarian that is anti-democracy, while the phase of widening and deepening of democratic system requires continuity with the democratic transition. The simple example is this. It is impossible for Soeharto to be an element that executes the phase of democratic transition and the phase of widening and deepening of democratic system. This is because the phase of democratic transition requires discontinuity from the phase of authoritarian-totalitarian that is anti-democracy. Of course in this perspective the institution and political machine of Soeharto such as Golkar Party and other corporatist institutions of the New Order also cannot become the prerequisite for the growth, let alone the preservation and the leading of the phase of democratic transition and the widening and deepening of democratic system. Hence, to not include Soeharto and his political and economic cronies, both as individuals or corporatist institutions, in the phase of democratic transition and the widening and deepening of democratic system is not at all a matter of blasphemy or finding scapegoats. Theoretically and practically it is impossible to seize, defend and widen the ideas, forces and the power relations of democracy together with the elements of the previous authoritarian-totalitarian phase. We should not be naive and ignorant because when the idea of democracy was introduced to a social system, the idea will be confronted by political struggle between the political power that wants to support, neutralize, or kill it. It means, strategically, democracy is
under the condition of protracted democratic war as ideas, power or power relations. Of course, we are not subordinate to power or political power, but democratic power and political power become strategic prerequisites that mediate the execution of democratic ideas. Without that medium, democratic ideas remain a discourse in lecture rooms, study groups, or in educational institutions and research institutes of government, private entities or political parties. Not useful and harmless! Back to Linz and Stephan, what must be consolidated in the phase of democratic transition? Who and how to execute the consolidation? These two questions are inseparable. There are five major arenas to consolidate modern democracy: (1) Civil socity; (2) Political society; (3) rule of law; (4) state apparatus; (5) economic society. These five arenas of democratic consolidation are not separable, they support one another as a given (necessary support) and are interconnected (primary mediation). The issue brought up by Syamsuddin Haris between the arena of civil society and political society as mentioned at the beginning of this article turns out to be impossible to nullify one another or to be chosen exclusively from the rest. It is also impossible to provide necessary political education to the society or even to political parties that were the main element of the authoritarian-totalitarian phase, as written by A. Sonny Keraf. Certainly Sonny (an official at the Education and Training Institute of PDIP) would not act firmly against the old elements because the foundation of PDI-Ps political power depends on Golkar Party and the individuals from TNI/POLRI of the previous authoritariantotalitarian phase. Consequently political education stops at the mere level of ideas, not at the level of practice, or more precisely not at the praxis of the ruling political party. Indeed, the interest, ideas and values of civil society are the major generators of political society, as well as economic society, state apparatus and rule of law. But civil society cannot replace all of the modern function of political society such as the function to design and execute constitution and regulations that determine the progress (or setback) of the other four arenas of democratic consolidation, the
management of state apparatus, the enactment of rule of law, etc. Yet, it is also true that political society would need the legitimacy from the civil society in order to conduct all of its possible functions. Civil society also needs the necessary support of the constitutional legal supremacy that would secure its legal rights (civil, politics, economy, social and culture) and the state apparatus that would protect and uphold those rights if ever violated. They also need the necessary support of the economic society to secure the freedom and the livelihood of the civil society. Without an economic society that grows and distributes economic prosperity through an institutionalized market where regulation and deregulations are optimally made by the political society, respected by the civil society and enacted by state apparatus, then the consolidation of democracy will never happen. Based on the phases towards the democratic system mentioned above, we can easily say who executes the democratic political power, including who which with blood, jail and death would seize and protect democracy, employing democracy as a way of life or guiding principle. The answer is: the democrats. Who are they? According to the phases towards the democratic system, then it is impossible for any elements: individuals, institutions and values that lived and ruled in the anti-democracy authoritarian-totalitarian phase to lead, protect and develop the phase of democratic transition and the phase of widening and deepening of democratic system. Prof. Dr. Thomas Meyer, in Cara Mudah Memahami Demokrasi (FES, 2002), specifies the theoretical and practical positions of this. Democracy can only last when there are enough democrats. [The democrats are] a number of individuals who know, understand the institution and the opportunities that could be reached by democracy, who believes in democracy with their head and mind, and who gives democracy life with their commitments. Let me emphasize that without the democrats certainly democracy cannot last. The mistakes of Syamsuddin Haris, A. Sonny Keraf and Megawati Soekarnoputri are the following. (1) They did not state the distinctive phases towards the widening and deepening of democratic system; (2) They did not state the distinctive arenas of consolidation
in democratic transition, or even in the widened and deepened democratic system; (3) They did not state the distinctive elements such as individual, institution or values in each stage towards the democratic system that is widened and deepened through democratic civilian government. Consequently, the three cannot establish the direction, who and which institution are appropriate to execute the phases of democratic transition and widening and deepening of democratic system. They made it seem as if the democrats and the democratic institutions and the anti-democrats and the anti-democratic institutions are the same. As if there is no difference between Soeharto, his followers and the political institutions that support the authoritarianism of the fascist New Order and the the democrats who toppled them. As if there was no political struggle or even protracted democratic war that must be won, that engages ideas, power and power relations. As if the idea of democracy is disconnected from attempts to develop and fight for the democratic power and power relations. As if the phases of authoritarian-totalitarian, democratic transition, and widening and deepening democratic systems are mere illusions of radical democrats. I think, the central perspective of this article, have clearly distinguished the fact that the democrats and democratic institutions are significantly different from their opponents. This is because empirically, after five years of journey of total reform (1989-2003), the significant difference between the pro-democracy and antidemocracy has been growing and found its new meaning. It turns out that it is a mere illusion to believe that we can build and maintain democracy without the democrats.
Indonesia: Towards Democracy and Social Emancipation

(Responding Megawati Soekarnoputri, Sonny Keraf, and Syamsuddin Haris)
here is no compromise between totalitarianism and democracy! shouted Benito Mussolini with a thundering voice, Il Duce Fascist from Italy (George Packard, ed, The Fight is for Democracy, 2003). Therefore we too responded with a loud voice, There is no compromise between democracy and totalitarianism! Democracy is the main opponent of totalitarianism or fascism; both the Left Fascism (Communism with a single ideological project. Dictatorship and one-party state) and the Right Fascism (Nazism of Hitler, Military Regime, Religious Regime, or the Fascist Dictatorship of the New Order with similar projects: single ideology, dictatorship and one-party state). The democrats are people of history, who were born of struggle and crisis in history. They experienced historical dialectic in prolonged wars of democracy that must be won, and that involved ideas, power and power relations. It must be won because democracy is a prerequisite for social emancipation: a project of individual and social liberation that creates autonomous and authentic human being, free from any social, economic, political, cultural and gender power relations that allow for the sucking, repression and insulting of people by people. Totalitarianism kills justice and freedom. The New Oder State is totalitarian, or more precisely a fascist dictatorship of the New Order. It is therefore imperative to disconnect with the New Order or else we would reproduce it as a fascist dictatorship of Neo-New
Order, a hybrid regime of the New Order State. This is why: (1) the direction; (2) the arenas and; (3) the political elements of democracy should be made more clear as the big picture of our struggle towards democracy and social emancipation. Just as in Democracy Without The Democrats (Kompas, 16/9), I once again reemphasize the political direction of our democracy: (1) the totalitarian phase that is antidemocracy; (2) the democratic transition phase and; (3) the widening and deepening of democratic system phase, also the impossibility of democratic transition phase and the subsequent phases to be defended and led by the totalitarian element of the New Order State since they will reproduce the direction, arenas and elements of the totalitarianism. It means that for every opportunity, they will immediately take over the five arenas of consolidation of modern democracy: (1) civil society; (2) political society; (3) rule of law; (4) state apparatus and; (5) economic society, and reproduce them as the pillars of the fascist dictatorship of the Neo-New Order. This is the reality today, amid the fact that the essence of the democratic transition project is to establish a new state, a democratic state that is an antithesis of the New Order state and the develoment of the political community and new constitution as an antithesis of the politics of community and the totalitarian constitution of the New Order. Be grateful thy democrats for we are destined by history to give a rebirth to Indonesia! We clarify the theoretical perspective and the praxis of this article, which is that the New Order state is a totalitarian state, a main enemy of democracy. Let us listen attentively to the words of its main supporters who want to flip the direction, arenas and elements of democratic transition. This was mentioned by one of the presidential candidates in the Convention for Presidential Candidates of the Golkar Party: There is no other way for Golkar Party but to win the 2004 election. Golkars victory will immediately improve the all-weak condition in the government, economy, welfare and security. This is because it was not Golkar that rules the country but other political party. Golkar had governed for three decades; economic development went well and prosperity improved. (Kompas, 17/11, page 6). We can consider the perspective of this presidential candidate
at the Convention of the Golkar Party representative of Partai Golkar as a whole. It is not hard to track to source of such statement knowing that the candidates were the major political and economic cronies of Soeharto. So what we are facing are not simply individuals from the New Order who voluntarily want to be detoxified in the recruitment process of PDI-P. This is an ineffective excuse from Sonny (Kompas, 18/9). Instead of neutralizing the poison of the New Order, it was PDI-P that was poisoned. Why? Because what they are facing is the fascist dictatorship of the New Order, a new breed of fascism that was born historically in Indonesia, different from the ones in Germany, Italy and Spain in 1920-1945. Fascism is defined as a system that rejects democracy, rationality, and parliamentarism, also upholds high totalitarianism or limitless power of the state. The characteristic of the New Order fascism suits the definition made by Carl Friedrich in the Encyclopedia of Social Sciences (Vol. 5 and 6, 1957) such as: (1) the presence of dominant, comprehensive and closed ideology; (2) one party that adopts totalitarian ideology; (3) a system of military and civil intelligence that monitor and terrorize the lives of citizens; (4) a single control of all activities of civil society; (5) a technocratic nature and a system of monopolistic capitalism that strike the freedom of labor unions to organize, mass depolitization; (6) a corporatist regime that divides the society into functional groups, creating a functional state [See M. Fadjroel Rachman, Manifesto Perjuangan Manusia Baru: Kritik Ekonomi Politik Terhadap Kediktatoran fasis Orde Baru, Defense Speech before the Provincial Court of Bandung against the August 5, 1989 Movement of the Technology Institute of Bandung, Verdict 3 Years in Jail (1989-1992) from Sukamiskin-Nusa-kambangan, Bandung, January 1990]. The difference between facism of the First World (Nazy Party in Germany and Fascist Party in Italy) and the fascist dictatorship of the New Order are especially with regard to the structure of the economy, the origin of inception, the political structure, the functions of the state, and the rationale of their being. In the economic structure, for instance, the German and Italian fascism were core capitalism,
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neo-imperialist, finance capitalist as the ruling class, growing from a competitive capitalism to monopolistic capitalism. Meanwhile in the fascist dictatorship of the New Order, the economic structure was satelite capitalism, neo-capitalism, bureaucratic capitalism as the ruling class, growing from colonial capitalism to satellite capitalism. More precisely, the fascist dictatorship of the New Order was the face of capitalism with the status of semi-feodalism and semicolonialism, while the German and Italian fascism were the face of monopolitistic capitalism with racism and imperialistic statuses. The New Order State was a fascist and a totalitarian regime whose nature was historical, structural and empirical in Indonesia. Is it too much to view the New Order State in the perspective of fascism? My stand is helped by the writing of Daniel Dhakidae in his book Cendekiawan dan Kekuasaan: Dalam Negara Orde Baru (GPU, 2003). Fascism, according to Daniel, could be viewed with the idealist and Marxian approaches. Daniel called the New Order State a Neo-Fascist Military Regime of the New Order, Golkar as the Neo-Fascit Party of the New Order while Soeharto is the Fascist. There is no quite significant difference between the Neo-Fascit Military Regime of Daniel with the concept of Fascist Dictatorship of the New Order that I advance as an effort to understand the New Order State. I put more emphasize on the totalitarianism and corporatism of the regime while Daniel emphasized more on the military factor. Even to Golkar Daniel wrote, ...Golkar is ABRI (Indonesian Armed Forces) in a civilian face, and ABRI is Golkar in a military face (page 262). Daniels research convinced me empirically that the New Order State cannot become the basis to develop democracy in Indonesia. The feeling of loathing of Radhar P. Dahana (Kompas, Mari Miskin Bersama, 2/10) is our common feeling of loathing. Radhar is a reflection of our conscience. Yet, how could we deal with fascism and totalitarism with the moral solution of Radhar and Megawati, or to detoxify and/or live in the hybrid regime ala Sonny and Syamsuddin? The Nazi Party and the Fascist Party were dissolved and were not allowed to live to this day while their high-ranking officials were prosecuted and punished. The democratic transition
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in Czechoslovakia under Vaclav Havel issued Czech and Slovak Federal Republic: Screening (Lustration) Law, (Act No.451/1991, October 4, 1991), which essentially banned the functionaries of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia from the district to the national level (the members of presidium, central committee, Peoples Militia, National Security Corps, and others) to occupy certain positions up to five (5) years from October 4, 1991 to December 31, 1996, e.g. as a president, members of parliament, constitutional commission, supreme court, mass media, state-owned corporations, and others. They did not dissolve the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, just decreasing its strength and political power in the five arenas of democratic consolidation for five years. My research on the democratic transition in the Philippines, Cambodia and Thailand also found several legal actions that surely must be done. For instance, the Philippines extended a right for the President to ban Marcos from returning to the Philippines, to protect and promote the interest and welfare of the people. (Marcos vs Manglapus,Oct.27, 1989, JN. Nolledo, The 1987 Constitution of The Republic of the Philippines). Aquino also formed Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) to hunt the plunder of Marcos, his family and cronies, even when it was only worth 10 billion US dollar (compare it with Soehartos 60 billion US dollar). Cambodia legalized the Anti-Khmer Rouge Law (July 7,1994), where its article 8 stipulates that all assets in the hands of Democratic Kampucheashall be confiscated and become national assets. The constitutional rule of law is an arena to uphold justice in the democratic transition, whose essence is to unravel the mental foundation and the unjust structure of crime against humanity and democracy, today and tomorrow. If not, crime and goodness will remain mere opportunities or destiny. In Krisis Kebebasan (YOI,1988) where Albert Camus smartly wrote, Todays criminals [of democracy and humanity] are no longer poor helpless children who asked to be pitied for their deeds. Instead they are adults who have potent alibi: philosophical, that could be employed to justify various goals, even to conjure up a murderer to be a judge...yesterday a crime was prosecuted, today it dictates the law.
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Five Years of Semanggi Tragedy
Sacrified Victims
he victims were the culprit because they deserved to be sacrificed. Hear how Pol Pot, who was estimated to have killed 2-3 million people of Cambodia in 1975-1979, answered Nate Thayer, an American journalist, As you know, most of the world thinks that youre responsible for the death hundreds of thousands of innocent Cambodians who didnt deserve to suffer. Pol Pot answered, Im going to tell you clearly. I would like to tell you that I came to carry out the struggle, not to kill people. Even now, and you can look at me, am I savage person? My conscience is clearI want you to know that everything I did, I did for my country, (Chandler, David P., Brother Number One: A Political Biography of Pol Pot,1999) Pol Pot was confident that he never intend to kill, he simply fight for his country. For such a smart excuse, Pol Pot considered himself innocent for any deaths. Even Pol Pot asked Thayer in return, Is there any written proof or statement showing that I ordered the killings of Cambodians, my own people? When Pol Pot died, April 15, 1998, the cadres of Khmer Rouge told the journalists, The people are happy, Pol Pot died. No more Khmer Rouge, no more bad reputation. Yes, all that the culprit received was bad reputation, while the victims are mere victims of injustice and were inevitable. The culprit lived at the wrong time and place, God and history was unfornately not on their side. There are no victims of political or war crime who are leaders, and their followers. Even more impossible to expect them to be the
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victims if the crime ends in the prosecution and incarceration of those committing violation of democracy and humanity. What most shattered our soul when looking at the recent condition of humanity and civilization is similar to what was mentioned by Albert Camus, the winner of Nobel Prize in literature from France, that every crime against humanity does not just have leaders and followers, but also their own philosophers, philosophies and intellectuals. Back to the recent civilization, the US and UK destroyed Iraq. Before that, the US destroyed Afghanistan, regardless of how much the cost was, hundreds even thousands of lives of its soldiers. This is also to include the chance of Iraq becoming the second Vietnam for the US and UK today. This is a just war, and the US does not need any advice or permission from anyone, stated George W. Bush. Bush and Blair did not consider it necessary to ask for advice and permission from the victims: women, children, babies and other civilians. Although it was later evident that behind the campaign of just war against global terrorism there was the twisting of information on Iraq and the agenda of war for oil, political, economic and cultural hegemony for a new imperalism by the US-British coalition, the capitalism continues. Does Bush care about the collapse of his smart excuse on a just war? Nobody cares. The world is too tired with the various wars and smart excuses. Since the beginning of human history, anyone always claims any war as just, regardless of the religion or ideology, losing or winning. There is no victims of political or war crimes. Those are simply the illusion of the radical humanist-moralist. War and victims are mere statistics and a collection of smart excuses. This works for Pol Pot, Mao, Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, Mussolini, Bush, Blair, Saddam, or Soeharto. Remember General (Ret.) Soeharto? 32 years in power, with millions of his political opposition jailed, dead or missing without trace. Soehartos fate is surely much better than his victims: he is never prosecuted, never jailed. Do you want to hear his smart excuse? In Pikiran, Ucapan dan Tindakan Saya (1989), ...we must conduct treatment, firm action. What kind of firm action? Well, we must use violence.
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It was such ignorant excuse that justified the killings of millions of people and the incarceration of students, farmers, the poor, including the tragedy of Trisakti May 12, 1998 and Semanggi on November 13 five years ago that happened under the era of B.J. Habibie, Soehartos successor. A number of students who demonstrated to challenge the Special Session of the MPR was shot by security officers in Semanggi. There was no accountability whatsoever. They remained victims. In addition to the excuses to secure development, the economic growth was impressive while political stability became the rationale for any acts of violence (both the open or the discreet ones) during the fascist dictatorship of the New Order, that is with the Golkar Party as its political machine. If Soeharto never felt guilty, so did the Golkar Party. In the Convention of Golkars Presidential Candidates, the functionaries of the Golkar Party loudly voiced their determination to restore the golden years of the party during the New Order era. Other functionaries argued that the deficiencies of the Golkar Party are unfortunately always associated with the New Order. This means that the New Order and the Golkar Party do not need to hold accountability to anyone on anything, even Soeharto was not guilty. He was simply giving a bad political image to the Golkar Party. To the Golkar Party, the political violence and the smashing of democracy for 32 years were mere political deficiency. Even that should only be associated with the figure of General Soeharto. Nothing more, and there is no need to spell out who the victims were. There were no victims of political violence, just inevitable victims. Even the PDIP-P accepted this, considering that the current political power can only be stable with the coalition of the PDI-P and the Golkar Party. Consequently, new political violence are emerging and are going against students, the youth, women, mass media, and the general public. Who dared to openly talk against or even to build coalition with the individuals or the corporatist institution of the New Order on May 1998, or when the student and people movements toppled the fascist dictatorship of the New Order? All of the supporters of
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the New Order faced downward, trembled, and left behind all the attributes of the New Order. Have we forgotten that on that day of freedom we freely breathed the first air of independence after the suffocating and dark 32 years? Yet five years later (May 1998-2003), there was a setback. The people power in Indonesia and the victims who ended the rule of Soeharto and the New Order on May 1998 started to get cornered. When they demanded legal and political accountability from Soeharto, his family and cronies, the high-ranking officials of the New Order including the political party and its main functionaries that was the political machine of the New Order for 32 years (the Golkar Pary, also PPP and PDI), they were accused as non-democratic, lacking in civilization. The people were cornered to feel guilty when they called out the victims of the Trisakti tragedy: Elang, Hery, Hendriawan, Hafidhin; of the Semanggi I tragedy: Wawan, Sigit, Teddy; of the Semanggi II tragedy: Yun Hap, Dani; also of the Tanjung Priok, July 27, August 5, 1989 in ITB, May 13-14, and the victims of other political violence. Erich Fromm in Memiliki dan Menjadi (summarized by Sastrapatedja, page xxx-xxxi) explained this symptom. According to Fromm, there are four human psychic mechanism when people form relations with the society and solve problems: masochism, sadism, conformity, automaton, and destructive-oriented. Modern peole tend to become automaton people, people who cannot be themselves, who are ignorant. The active form of such attitude is: (a) the agressive reactive and defensive orientation that occured when his vital interest is threathened; (b) the destructive violent-sadistic orientation that uses violence to control and conquer others; (c) the desctructive necrophilic orientation, which is the hidden tendency for violence behind all sorts of rationales. Where is the psychic world of the perpetrators of political violence such as Pol Pot or the politicians who participated in the political violence in our country? It stands near the automaton physic mechanism and the destructive necrophilic orientation (that destroys things and loves death), creating smart excuses to rationalize violence and repression and to victimize the victims. Isnt the social
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characteristic of such physic mechanism is an ideal condition for militeristic fascism and new fascist dictatorship? Therefore if there has been an increase of political violence by the state and society: the vertical violence (the state versus the society) and the horizontal violence (the society versus the society), also the tendency for totalitarianism and militarism in the bill on Indonesian National Armed Forces, the law on terrorism, the law on broadcasting, the law on political party, the law on election, the law on the election of president and vice president, the competition of New Order figures to enter the legislature (the DPR or parliament and DPD or the council of regional representatives), the executive and judiciary, etc., dont this indicate that the New Order is restoring itself? A restoration of the New Order a Neo New Order a combination of extraordinary political power. When political leaders and politicians participate in committing crime against humanity and democracy, they have smart excuses to justify their actions. They will put themselves as victims, much more than the real victims will do to themselves. When the victims start to feel guilty and reject the political violence that they have experienced, when the society praise the perpetrators and blame the victims, also act cynically against the family and friends of the victims, when new political parties happily coalesce with the perpetrators and the institution that committed crime against democracy and humanity, the perpetrators will, for the sake of keeping their power and money, throw out the smart excuse, For democracy and reform! Therefore it is time that we softly whisper, just as Bertrand Russel did (Pergolakan Pemikiran, YOI, 1988), The world is full of injustices, and those who obtain advantages from such injustices are also those who are authorized to provide rewards and punishment. Rewards are provided to those who can find the smart excuses to support the injustices, and punishment are provided to those who try to eliminate those injustices. It is the victims who are wrong because they deserved to be sacrificed.
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Radical Voters, White Group (Golput), and Active White Group
adical voters are the last hope of the democrats to save the chance for democratic politics towards democratic transition in Indonesia. And this is if, and it seems certain that, the 2004 goes well as planned, in the legislative elections (electing members of DPR, DPD, DPRDI, DPRD II) and in the presidential and vice presidential election. If there are efforts to postpone the 2004 election, it will be very difficult to do, let alone to abort the election. According to article 119 of Law No. 12/2003 on The Election, a postponement will be done by the President as suggested by the Electoral Commission (KPU, Komisi Pemilihan Umum) when elections cannot be held in 40% of the provinces or if 50% of the registered voters cannot use their rights to vote. Radical Voters Who are radical voters? Radical voters are voters in the 2004 election who stand by the most basic (radix/root) criteria of democracy that is the prerequisite of democracy (conditio sine qua non), the criteria that provides a comparative standard to the actual performance of democracy, one that can guide us towards the ideal democracy, which is, (2) the upholding of human rights (DUHAM, civil, political, economical, social, cultural, women covenants and others; (2) the upholding of constitutional-democratic law that is just
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and impartial; (3) the rule of law in politics, economy, social, and others; (4) the separation of power (legislative, executive, judiciary) that allows for a check and balance; (5) the regular and free elections that allow the majority of citizens to vote and be voted; (6) the economic prosperity with social welfare for all and no exception. Radical voters then apply those most basic criteria of democracy to the political reality in Indonesia so that in the 2004 election they only and can only vote for candidates who qualify, both for the legislature (DPR, DPD, DPRD I , DPRD II) and the president and vice president. They (1) are not involved in any violation of human rights; (2) are not involved in collusion, corruption and nepotism under Soeharto, Habibie, Gus Dur and Megawati; (3) are not political party or functionaries of political party and its corporatist organizations that was the political machine of the fascist dictatorship of the New Order; (4) are not the political party or individuals who support the involvement of the military/police in politicis and/or business; (5) resides in the electoral districts hence, for instance, a legislative candidate from one political party must be denied access to become a legislative candidate from Kabupaten X (subdistrict X) of Bandung for reasons of domicile in Jakarta; (6) support women legislative candidates amd young legislative candidates in order to allow for a regeneration of political leadership. Without generation change, democratization will not last long. If we solely rely on a change of mind, it is evident that by less than 5 years the supporters of the fascist dictatorship of the New Order have fully recovered, participated in 2004 election with various political party names. Radical voters are realistic because they consider, (1) the institution of democracy, such as elections, as should and can be radicalized until they reach the basic criteria of democracy; (2) the electoral procedures, such as the laws and institution, which are mostly non-democratic, as must and could be clashed with basic political interest of the society; (3) the element of participants as well as the players of the democratic institution (elections, political party, legislative, executive, judiciary) as must and may be followed and
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filled by democratic politicians who meet the basic criteria of democracy. White Group (Golput) and Active White Group Where is the position of White Group? The majority of Indonesian students, and may be also a big part of the middle class, will apparently not going to use their political rights, be it the right to vote or the right to be voted in the 2004 election. The arguments are the following. First, election as a democratic institution has been manipulated as a means to legitimize the killing of the democracy itself, or the killing of the most basic criteria of democracy. Through an electoral procedure that undermines peoples sovereignty and the elements of electoral participants whose majority are anti-democracy, both their political parties and the legislative candidates, the election has become a tool to legitimize the re-ascendancy of the fascist dictatorship of the New Order, or the strengthening of the hybrid regime of fascist dictatorship of the Neo New Order. Second, the democratic transition phase could be completed only if the element of the fascist dictatorship of the New Order as well as the Neo New Order regime are no longer in power. Unfortunately in todays political reality, it is very difficult to beat the PDI-P and the Golkar Party. Third, there is not a single political party or presidential/vice presidential candidates who are willing to execute all items of the reform agenda, including to prosecute Soeharto, his family and cronies, to seize his loot which is roughly US$ 60 billion US, to prosecute the generals who violated human rights and were involved in the Trisakti, Semanggi I and II tragedies and other tragedies, to refuse the military/police doing business. The argument of this White Group supporters is also realistic and sensible, but instead of being passive, it will be much better if they become an active White Group by contributing their intellectual and networking skills, both politically and economically, all over Indonesia in the campaigns for radical voters who are still willing to use their right to vote. The simplest way is to help disseminate
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information about the mentioned criteria of democracy by posters, demonstrations, discussion, seminars, campaigns in mass media and internet. If this is done in all over Indonesia by engaging all networks of students and the middle class who support the White Group as well as the radical voters, then the White Group, the Active White Group and the radical voters could provide some qualitative contribution to the process of going towards democratic transition. Of course, those who are White Group will remain as the White Group, but the Active White Group could educate the radical voters, except if there is a political break-up like that happening in May 1998, then surely the options or alternatives of their political movement would differ. Wouldnt the political momentum be different if the Golkar Party, the Caring Work of the Nation Party (PKPB) and their splinters win, or when Tutut Soeharto becomes the strongest presidential candidate? Or when Megawati-Akbar Tanjung becomes president and vice president? Political break-up could happen at any time. Therefore the radical voters, the White Group and the Active White Group, are not mere (1) political issue, but instead, (2) means to consolidate the political power of the democrats and (3) the embryo of democratic political power for 2009 and 2014 or in the political break-ups. Celebrating Democracy Therefore, the 2004 election is a democratic celebration where the power of ideas and politics are competing to enact the democratic political power or the anti-democracy political power. Thus, the right to vote and to be voted should be used rationally, both for the users or for those who decide not to use them. Those who do not want to use them and become the White Group should become the Active White Group, which is those who contribute their thoughts, energy and political power to educate the radical voters or to campaign for the radical voters. So, those who are the White Group should remain the White Group and develop this group. Yet the Active White Group needs to
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commit itself to educating the voters to become radical voters, very critical voters, so that the voters will not become objects of manipulation of the anti-democracy political power. In the future, at least in 2004, it will be the White Group, the Active White Group and the radical voters who determine the quality of democracy in Indonesia. Hopefully all political parties and politicians who are antidemocracy and anti-humanity would be blocked in the 2004 election to become members of the DPR, DPD, DPRD I, DPRD II, even to become president and vice presidents. Thanks to the work of the Active White Group and the radical voters.
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Social Opposition and The Middle Class
khmad Dani, the lead of the music group Dewa, supports White Group! Is Baladewa, the fanatic fan of Dewa also White Group? Lets not forget that Maia from Ratu group also chose to become White Group. Then, will the fanatic fans of Ratu be also the supporters of White Group? Who knows, because White Group is not a political party, it is not a mass organization. The White Group (Golput), the Active White Group, and the radical voters, are the reflection of conscience and intelligence that bounce off a light in the midst of political darkness in Indonesia. They become ghosts for those who need political legitimacy against power even if it will only be used to repress, exploit and insult the people and those who obtain fortune from the 2004 election. Why be afraid of the White Group, the Active White Group and the radical voters using their political rights to not vote or to vote radically while doing radical democratic education on public? (Pemilih Radikal, Golput dan Golput Aktif, Kompas, 7/1/04). What happened that Dani from Dewa firmly said, Why am I the White Group? What kind of election can be expected from a country whose government is filled with large-scale corruptors...What kind of democracy can be expected from people who are mostly poor...wouldnt it be very easy for the corruptors to practice money politics? Listen to Maia from Ratu, The 2004 election will not produce a better Indonesia in the next five years.
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The Middle Class and Social Opposition Dani of Dewa and Maia of Ratu may be a representation of the middle class in Indonesia. They are educated and rational, they have nearly perfect information on the most recent things in Indonesia, both those available domestically and internationally. Of course it is not easy for political parties to rely on political manipulation in order to deceive the middle class like Dani and Maia, unless if the members of the middle class is also part of the machine of political manipulation against democracy; one that simply want to sell the big name of Soeharto or Soekarno, or spread promises, facilities and public money. Such machine of political manipulation against democracy also includes the political parties that sell the piety of individuals but ignore the social piety to the point of being insensitive to discrimination and gender violence and minority rights. How many people is part of the middle class like Dani and Maia? When politics gets a new meaning, like the idea from Foucault, wherever there is power, relation of subordination, there is resistencemust also recognized that the forms of resistance may be extremely varied,(E. Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, Verso, 2001), it is useless to form a uniform challenge against such middle class. To them, there is always a form of repression, social subordination (political, economic, cultural, gender, etc.) in every social relation. Therefore the answer is one: it must be challenged with the politics of social opposition in order to produce new social relations that are democratic and emancipative. Why? Because politics is now understood as a product, reproduction and transformation of social relaitons, the politics of democracy is the product, reproduction and transformation of social relations that are democratic. One of the form of the politics of social opposition is the politics to challenge the fascist dictatorship of the New Order with all its forms of social, political, economic and cultural reproduction that now have become the hybrid regime of Neo New Order. Such politics of social opposition could be called the politics of radical democracy, i.e. democracy that based itself on the basic criteria
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of democracy. Democracy becomes a project of emancipation or liberation of human being from repression, exploitation, and humiliation by other people or by the system of social history such as feodalism or capitalism that we are now facing. First source is the middle class that commits social opposition. By reflecting on Dani and Maia, my assumption is that this group will include people with high school diploma and those currently in college or already have higher education degrees (diploma, undergraduate, master, and PhD). In DKI Jakarta, of the total voters in 2004 Election, which is about 6,461,572 people, the mentioned category is comprised of 797,498 people. Social opposition, certainly with various excuses that crippled Soeharto in May 1998, Habibie, and even Gus Dur, came from this group. The form its opposition varies, from street demonstrations of students, professionals, women and home-makers, to its culmination of conquering the parliament building. Roughly speaking, those involved were nothing more than 200,000-250,000 people. In East Java, of 26,506,574 voters, the middle class in this category is 877,167 people. Meanwhile in Bali, of 2,468,001 voters, the middle class category is 136, 908 people (data processed from Kompas, Peta Politik Pemilu 2004). Quantitatively speaking, the White Group, the Active White Group and the radical voters that became part of a social opposition is not more than one-third of the highly-educated middle class. This means that just by looking at their numbers, they will not disturb the number of voters that will participate in the 2004 election. But their quality will of course be scary for the political parties that manipulate democracy considering that this category of middle class also believes that democracy is the only way to take to achieve the social emancipation of human being. Map of New Political Power If the White Group, the Active White Group and the radical voters only stop at the point of being a mere sporadic political issue, they indeed will not mean so much in the changing map of political power in Indonesia. They will only be meaningful and become a new
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alternative if they become (1) the meeting point of the idea on social opposition against the idea of anti-democratic politics; (2) the meeting point of the social opposition power against all anti-democratic power and authority. It is from those two meeting points that they become the strategic target of democratic politics in Indonesia, that is as: (1) a means of political education of democratic ideas; (2) a means of consolidation for democratic political power; (3) an embryo of democratic political power in 2009 or 2014, or during any political break-down that happens following the victory of a pro status quo political party in the 2004 election. Realistic, rational and radical Are the White Group, the Active White Group and the radical voters radical because they focus on the middle class? Certainly not, because they are simply trying to be rational and realistic with their capability and resources that they have. An optimism on the future of democracy and the way to democracy apparently must take a short-cut given the enormity of the anti-democratic political power, including their political economic power to transform the 2004 election to help legitimize and consolidate the fascist dictatorship of the New Order and to strengthen its political reproduction as a hybrid regime of the Neo New Order. Radical democracy, protecting a new hope; is it a social emancipation with no compromise? How to justify this? Albert Camus on December 4, 1955, in order to pay tribute to President Eduardo Santos, the editor of of El Tiempo who was kicked out of Columbia by the ruling power (Krisis Kebebasan, YOI,1988), wrote a smart speech titled Respecting an Exile. He said, When justice was left out forever, the life of the nation will be chaotic and full of misery, and the innocents will be crucified every day...[Therefore,] every challenger of the authority, those fighting fiercely against such repression, will absolutely win the solidaristic support of others...New hope that there are still people who are loyal in maintaining the purity of liberty...refusing compromise, even when it is only temporary, even
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if it is aimed as a tactic, with the regime or any groups that justify the repression of liberty, even if only for a bit and a tiny dot.
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White Groups, Winner Of 2004 Election
umarsih, mother of deceased B. Realino Norma Irmawan (Wawan), is grateful because White Group wins the 2004 election. The reason indeed was because Wawans mother (Wawan was a student of Catholic University of Atmajaya who was shot to death by military apparatus in Semanggi I tragegy on November 13, 1998), was the one who energetically campaigned the White Group. In every meeting, including in traditional markets, I persuade voters to be White Group, because there is not a single political parties and candidates for president and vice president in the 2004 election who fight for the victims of the New Order, the neo New Order and militarism, she said. Such firm statement was made during the formation of National Movement of May in Action, at the National Library (4/ 21). Mothers of Sigit (another victim of Semanggi I) and Eten Karyana (victim of May 13-14 riots) were there. They represent the mother of Yun Hap (victim of Semanggi II) and the victims of Trisakti May 12. Exactly on April 5, 2004, the voting day, thousands of victims of condemnation (some of whom currently live in the office of National Commission of Human Rights in Jakarta) loudly said, We are White Group, because there is no single political parties that fight for us. In the word of Sumarsih, White Group rejects anyone who seize lives and put injustice against victims on the back burner. The voice of victims is the voice of White Group!
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White Group Phenomenon The victory of White Group should be regarded as a bigger surprise. It does not have any campaign schedule from KPU (Komisi Pemilihan Umum, Electoral Commission), no advertisements on media, it was even banned by law to organize mass, it does not have any financial support from the state or businesses. It was even out of the radar of survey institutions and partisan political analysts. White Group also never hire survey institutions or conduct polling to improve its existence. White Group always works sporadically, with limited resources, by taking advantages of any public exposure, even when it is continuously smacked by political parties, survey institutions, non-governmental organizations and partisan political analiysts. In reality, White Group beats all political parties that participated in 2004 election in Jakarta and nationally! White Group, Winner of 2004 Election The number of White Group supporters is 34,509,246, which consists of registered voters who did not come to voting booths 23,551,321, plus the disqualified votes 10,957,925. Its percentage is 23.34 percent of total registered voters. This number is bigger than votes earned by the winning political parties, such as Golkar Party 24,480,757 (16.54 percent), PDIP 21,026,629 (14.21 percent), and PKB 11,989,564 (8.10 percent). According to KPU Decree No. 23/2004, the number of registered voters for legislative elections of July 5, 2004 is 148,000,369. According to manual counting of KPU since April 23May 4, 2004, the number of voters who use their rights to vote was 124,449,038 (83 percent), the number of qualified votes was 113,498,755 and the disqualified votes was 10,957,925 (8.81 percent). This is the biggest gain of White Group in the history of 9 elections in Indonesia since 1955. In 1999 election, the size of White Group was only 10.4 percent, while in 1995 election, which until now was recorded as the election with the highest number of White Group, was only 12.34 percent. In DKI Jakarta, the barometer of Indonesian politics, out of 6,461,572 registered voters, White Group received the
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highest point of 33.20 percent or 2,144,971. The political parties received less. PKS or Prosperous Justice Party 15.24 percent (985,031), Democrat Party 14.06 percent (908,246), PDIP or Democratic Political Party of Struggle only 9.00 percent (581,806), and Golkar Party 5.56 percent (359,122) (Data from KPU on Summary Political Party Votes for National Parliament in DKI Jakarta province). It could be that White Group will gather more members by more than 50 percent in the upcoming presidential election, that is if the track records of presidential and vice presidential candidates are questionable to public, just as they are now. KPU may use White Group to legitimize its work, that it is technically and administratively doing its job, because KPU cannot force voters to come to voting booths or ensure that voters are not punching wrongly during the election. On the other hand, KPU will deny these 34,509,246 people as White Group, Active White Group and radical voters. At best they might be apologetic by saying that this is the consequence of lack of knowledge of voters on new election methods, use wrong addresses or have moved to new addresses, or have geographic difficulties. Social Opposition White Group stands at the forefront of radical democracy, where democracy is understood as, a system that creates the economic, political, and cultural conditions for the full development of the individual. (Erich Fromm, Escape From Freedom, 1994). Then, how to understand White Group? First, White Group is a vote of confidence on the future of democracy and at the same time a vote of no confidence on political parties or presidential vice presidential candidates of the 2004 election. Second, White Group is a rallying point of social movement that executes social opposition. The social movement is basing its opposition on various social, political, economic and cultural issues. Third, White Group holds political legitimacy (de facto power) while the Neo New Order state only holds legal legitimacy (de jure power) from 2004 election. Fourth, if the de facto power is consolidated and
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communicated with good planning both at local, national, and international, then the Neo New Order state will not have political legitimacy and will not last long. Soeharto was toppled about 6 months after 1997 election, where Golkar won over 70 percent of votes and the Armed Forces/Police (TNI/POLRI) received 100 free seats in Parliament. Defending and Developing Democracy The pre-legislative election thesis of White Group, 2004 election is a means to legitimize and consolidate the fascist dictatorship of New Order and establish its political reproduction as hybrid regime of Neo New Order, cannot be falsified. Now, to satisfy their disappointed voters, a number of political parties announced political opposition in Parliament, compromising with political parties that represent New Order, New New Order and militarism. Consequently, what happens is a decay of democracy. Unlike the social opposition that directly challenge the state, White Group based itself on public through various social movements and by siding with victims. If social opposition successfully become the means for (1) democratic political education; (2) consolidating democratic political power and social movements, then social opposition would become an embryo of democratic political power in future 5-10 years and would be useful to satisfy the needs of five arena of democratic transition, (1) civil society; (2) political society; (3) economic society; (4) rule of law; and (5) state apparatus. Hence White Group and social opposition would become the basis of development and defence of radical democracy against political power that wins the 2004 election. Citing Antonio Gramsci (The Gramsci Reader, 2004), White Group and social opposition are attempts to develop war of position from and in civil society, facing anti-democracy state, before executing war of maneuver to uphold democratic political hegemony in the five arena of democratic transition.
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White Group, Conqueror Of Five Presidential Candidates In 2004
hite Group wins again! After conquering all political parties in the legislative elections last April 5, White Group is expected to once again conquer five pairs of presidential candidates in the upcoming July 5, 2004 presidential election. All of these are done with only a slogan White Group Yes, Presidential Candidates No! It receives no facility, they are not allowed to campaign and receives no financial contribution. Contrast this with the fact that Mega-Hasyim had received a donation of 100.4 billion rupiah, SBY-JK (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Jusuf Kalla) received 60.3 billion, Amien- Siswono 22 billion, Wiranto-Wahid 49.4 billion and Hamzah-Agum 2.75 billion. Of course this is the amount reported to KPU (Komisi Pemilihan Umum, Electoral Commission), who knows how much more were not reported. Even if there were facilities provided by the state or private sector to political parties and presidential candidates, White Group remains undefeated! 2004 White Group is new White Group, the winner of 2004 legislative and presidential elections. Old White Group is the White Group that was born out of the idea of Arief Budiman in 1971, which only attracted approximately 10 percent of voters. Even then Arief has repented in this 2004 election. What is the difference between New White Group and Old White Group? 2007 White Group is new White Group, winner of 2004 legislative and presidential elections. Old White Group is the White
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Group that was born out of the idea of Arief Budiman in 1971, which only attracted approximately 10 percent of voters. Even Arief had repented in the 2004 election. What is the difference between the New White Group and the Old one? Democratization of Democracy First, Arief Budiman thought that the life of fascist dictatorship of New Order and militarism is over and that Neo New Order is non existent. So Arief voted for SBY JK in the past July 5 presidential election even though SBY-JK and the four other presidential candidates refused to detach the poltiical, economic and cultural structure in Indonesia from the hegemony of fascist dictatorship of New Order and militarism and instead establish the hybrid regime of Neo New Order. Arief thought Indonesia is already democratic. Arief made that statement in a hot debate with a writer in Kupas Tuntas Trans TV, Tuesday evening (July 6). Is it true that Indonesia is already democratic? Arief Budiman was wrong in analyzing this. He did not see the 2004 legislative and presidential elections as being manipulated to be a means to legitimize and consolidate the fascist dictatorship of New Order and to establish its political reproduction as a hybrid regime of New New Order. Arief was hit by mystification of democracy for he looked at the mushrooming political parties and direct election as signs of democracy. Arief was not careful in observing individuals, political parties, regulations and political agendas of democratic and antidemocratic politics. Did Arief forget that elections in democratic transition is meant as a procedure to consolidate democracy? Its goals are clear: to reorganize and refill the five arenas of democratic transition (civil society, political society, economic society, state apparatus, and rule of law) with new values, practices, institutions and individuals, the substantive democrats. This first problem is part of democratizing democracy.
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Opposing Democracy Second, Arief Budiman did not realize that New White Group is a strategic choice to: (1) conduct democratic political education, in addition to revealing their political rights, they also state their economic, social, cultural and other rights. So if the current election only secures political rights, the New White Group voices other democratic rights that are supposed to be secured by the state and not just promised by legislative and presidential candidates. Democracy is about the daily life and death of citizens; (2) organize oppositional political power that is based on individual rights and social movement, directly controlling the authority from its early stage of being an embryo. So the 2004 election becomes a struggle of political power between the democratic New White Group versus the anti democratic power (pro New Order, pro militarism, pro Neo New Order); (3) organize the embryo of democratic political power to defend and develop democracy. With the winning of New White Group in 2004 election, Arief should have realized that New White Group wins the political legitimacy (political power de facto) while political parties or president elected through election only win the legal legitimacy (political power de jure). De jure political power will not last long on the face of de facto political power. At this point, New White Group becomes the one and only oppositional political power in Indonesia whereas the political parties are busy forming coalitions and selling support/votes using peoples name. This second problem is part of the oppositionalizing democracy category. Criticizing Ideology and Positivism of Democracy Third, the voice of voters (White Group or not) is a fact of social relations as well as a historical fact that cannot be simply tallied by number of units by KPU or through quick counts of research institutes. KPU and research institutes (national and international) do not care about the different voices of the opressed, the victims, like Nirmala Bonat or Sumarsih Arief [mother of Wawan, victim of Semanggi I
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tragedy, November 13, 1998, when General (Ret.) S.B. Yudhoyono served as Chief of Sociopolitical Staff in Indonesia and Chief of Territorial Staff in the Armed Forces (ABRI, Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia). This number also hides the fact that Megawati and SBY are two architects of military martial law in Aceh that sacrificed thousands of civilians. Democracy was not the means of emancipation for the victims and the oppressed but rather a means to legitimize and strengthen the oppressor-oppressed relations and the social relations (political, economic, cultural, gender, and others) that exploits, represses and humiliates human being. Ersatz (quasi) democracy becomes a place to hide for manipulators of democracy and had become an ideology of oppression including through positivism or saintism. This third problem is part of the category of criticizing ideology and positivism of democracy. Identifying the Voice of White Group The willingness of New White Group to bear enourmous responsibility, to defend and develop democracy as a way of life and to defend the future of Indonesian citizens is inevitable. Since New White Group is a democratic political struggle whose roots are in (1) individual rights and; (2) social movement rights, then the identification of the voice of White Group thoughout Indonesia should be done carefully. This is to ensure that the attempt to organize strength and day-to-day and future democratic political power would be effective and efficient. This is to ensure that communication and solidarity among individuals and social solidarity function well. For instance in Jakarta. We recognize the supporters of White Group such as Mother Sumarsih Arief along with members of Association of Families of Victims of Violence Committed by State (Paguyuban Keluarga Korban Kekerasan Negara), also Mother Yati and thousands of victims of condemnation, victims of July 27, 1996 who were neglected by Megawati, also students, youth, journalists, urban poor, home makers, professionals and individual artists like Dhani Dewa and Maia Ratu.
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Also included are Gus Dur and family. Although Gus Dur just participated as White Group in the presidential election, his reasons should be supported, that is with regard to discrimination against the disabled. Yet Gus Durs participation in White Group appears manipulative since he still told members of PKB and NU to vote for Wiranto, who is Soehartoist and was involved in Trisakti-Semanggi tragedy. Consequently, Golkar Party used such support from Gus Dur as a campaign tool in mass media. And obviously the White Group suffered from such act. Siding With Victims Once again the White Group had beaten all political parties in past legislative elections and would also beat the five presidential candidates in the upcoming presidential election! 34,509,246 members of White Group in the April 5 legislative elections were 23.32 percent of the 148,000,369 registered voters, or 30.41 percent of valid registered voters minus the White Group voters. Who else, including Arief Budiman, could doubt the New White Group in its struggle to land three basic critics against the ongoing ersatz democracy in Indonesia? Three critics: (1) democratization of democracy; (2) oppositionalizing democracy; (3) criticizing ideology and positivism of democracy, the three of which are the basis of New White Group to transform true democracy as a facility to empower human being: individually and socially. Yes, a democracy that sides with victims, the oppressed, not the oppressors. The liberator is the victims, the oppressed, not the oppressors!
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Individualizing Democracy
he personal wealth of Megawati, presidential candidate from PDIP, increased by Rp. 15,248 billion while that of General (Ret.) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, presidential candidate from Democrat Party, increased by Rp. 1,162 billion in three years. Meanwhile the increase of personal wealth of vice presidential candidate Jusuf Kalla is even more spectacular. Just within a few months (early 2004 during nomination process to August 31, 2004), his wealth increased by Rp. 81,849 billion. Megawatis wealth per August 26, 2004 is Rp. 75,058 billion, while before, on March 23, 2001, it was only Rp. 59,809 billion. Meanwhile SBYs wealth in 2001 was Rp. 3,490 billion and in 2004 it becomes Rp. 4,652 billion. Jusuf Kallas wealth in 2001 was just Rp. 121,199 billion, and by early 2004 it was Rp. 122,654 billion, which is an addition of Rp. 1,455 billion. Yet by August 31, 2004, Jusuf Kallas jumped dramatically to Rp. 204,504 billion plus US$ 14,928. Hamzah Haz, current vice president, back in 2004 he reported to KPKPN a wealth of Rp. 17,337 billion and US$ 199,000. Vice presidential candidate Hasyim Muzadi owns Rp. 7,696 billion. All of these data is based on the report and audit of KPK (Komisi Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi, National Commission of Corruption Elimination). Lets be happy. All of our presidential-vice presidential candidates are rupiah billionaires. Of course, dont they deserve to own and receive abundant increase in wealth for such high-ranking positions in this Republic? As President, Vice President, Coordinating
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Minister of Politics and Defense, Coordinating Minister of Welfare and Head of PBNU. A Living Like Presidential-Vice Presidential Candidates Actually, all is much more modest than the abstraction of vision, mission and programs uttered by those presidential-vice presidential candidates. The public in this Republic only demand for what their rights, be they civil, political, economic, social, cultural, gender equality rights and others. When the public read the increase in personal wealth of these presidential-vice presidential candidates in the past three years, they immediately compare it with their own day-to-day reality. Dont the public as individuals also have the right to own and set targets of increase in personal wealth in similar percentages? How to get it? If the presidential-vice presidential candidates deserve to have such abundant wealth, why dont they? There are cynics who said, They said we are in economic and moral crisis, they said we are trying to save the United Republic of Indonesia (NKRI, Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia), they said they want to be peoples servers, yet how come their wealth increases by billions rupiah before the people they want to save and serve even have theirs? What is in the head of the public is just as simple as that. That is the social reality that people search, feel and taste everyday. Is this just a dream, to live very decently like those presidential-vice presidential candidates? Doesnt our homeland have enough to meet the needs of all its citizens? Regard this. The average increase of personal wealth of these presidential-vice presidential candidates is about 25 percent, except Jusuf Kalla whose wealth increased by 68 percent in just a few months. Of course it is difficult for me, or the 40 million unemployed and 120 million poor whose income is less than US$ 2.00 per day (measure from World Bank) to even dream about having abundant wealth like these presidential-vice presidential candidates. Yet, cant they even imagine that in the next five years they could increase their wealth by more than 25 percent, or exceeding the wealth of the presidentialvice presidential candidates? Is democracy that naked, not as beautiful
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as the vision, mission and programs of those presidential-vice presidential candidates? I think the demands of democracy is indeed as naked and open as this. If presidential-vice presidential candidates and legislative candidates have the rights to live decently and own abundant wealth and live prosperously, of course every citizen deserves to live decently, prosperously, and own abundant wealth too. Does your personal individual interest match those of SBY or Megawati? If not, you have the right to choose not to vote? Opposing Deindividualization of Democracy The project of individualizing democracy is an enemy of the recent tendency to deindividualize democracy. Democracy today has become mystical, full of non-sensible measures, democracy is equalized with election, free market and neo-liberalism, and citizens are counted by their compliance to political parties, popularity, family descendence, and wealth, also by the number of thugs or security units ones owns. Presidential-vice presidential candidates equalize democracy with slogans written on streets. They do this while hiding the size of their wealth, or the length of time they keep the jobs, or the number of innocent victims killed during their tenure. Is it true that all are happy and joyful? Apparently we live in lies from day to day and we are thinking that that is the way life is. I am quoting Doctor Zhivago, the masterpiece of Boris Pasternak, the literature Nobel Prize winner from Russia, who, with the same spirit with Dr. Soedjatmoko when speaking in Etika Pembebasan (Ethics of Liberation) (1984), said, This is the worst disease of our time. I think the cause is first and foremost moral. Most of us must live constant life, one that repeats systematically. Your health would clearly be affected, if day to day you say things against what you feel, humbling yourself before things that you dislike, having to be happy with something that produces nothing but misery. Your nerve system is not imaginary, it is part of your body and your consciosness is present in reality just like teeth on your jaw. You cannot continuously violate it without getting any punishment.
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In psychological languate, Erich Fromm, writer of Memiliki dan Menjadi (Owning and Becoming, 1988), argued, People could adopt themselves to slavery, but they react by destroying their intellectual and moral quality. Five Dimensions This is the point where the project of individualization in democracy becomes meaningful and enlightening. Citizens are back to themselves, to their fate, or in the words of Vaclav Havel: living in truth! Retracing the longing to human dignity, the longing to become full individuals with individual and social rights. If this project works, then individuals would live and breathe life into the new five dimensions that grow a genuine democracy, not an ersatz one that we currently live in and nauseates us. First, the existential dimension (process to restore individual as measure of all in social reality, that people live for themselves). Second, the logical dimension (process to restore social reality for what they are, and releasing or criticizing all attempts to stop this). Third, the moral dimension (process to make every individual a model of defender of his/her own individual and social rights). Fourth, the political dimension (process of birth of embryo of democratic political power and strength that could reorganize all social relations that sucked, repressed, and humiliated human being). Fifth, the emancipation dimension (process of birth of better living hope, life in freedom, justice, humanity, enlightenment, and solidarity with other human being in the world). This is the genuine vision of democracy: to be human, and be oneself!
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Fascism and Corporatism Of New Order
wo presidents of Indonesia, General (Ret.) Soeharto and Habibie was toppled by student movement by less than two years. Soeharto was toppled on May 21, 998 and Habibie on October 20, 1999. Why were they toppled? The two are the representation of the New Order that is anti-democracy. What are the characters and origins of anti-democratic New Order and how were they developed and reproduced? This question is critical to explain why total reform and democratic consolidation are currently meeting a dead end. A number of theoretical categories was proposed by political scientists to see the being of New Order. For instance, Dwight Y. King called it a new patrimonial regime or a bureaucratic authoritarian regime. Herberth Feith called it a repressive development regime while Harold Crouch called it a bureaucratic miliary regime. Those experts in general argued that the New Order regime is a mere continuation of the tradition of old patrimonial authoritarian political culture (especially the Javanese culture), where power and authority were hold by a few or even one individual. The explanation failed to understand the sophistication and nuance of authoritarianism and the character of repression of the New Order regime. It also failed to explain the connection between the New Order state and the economic structure where the regime uphold its power. One must realize that the formation of New Order state, with Soeharto as the single holder of power, happened within
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the context of development of global capitalism. To explain the character and origin of this New Order state, we employ a theoretical category of fascism-development, or fascist dictatorship of New Order. The fascist-dictator was Soeharto! Fascism in Indonesia, with its various masks, like Guided Democracy ala Soekarno, and Pancasila Democracy ala Soeharto, had developed its roots in all aspects of lives of our society. Unlike fascism during the Old Order, the New Order fascism is far more repressive and totalitarian. Character of Fascism and Corporatism of New Order Fascism is defined as a system that rejects democracy, rationalism and parliamentarism (Table 1). It upholds high an unlimited power of the state. The character of totalitarian New Order fascism is not far from the character specified by Carl Friedrich in Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, Vol. 5 and 6 (1957). First, it is a dominant, comprehensive and closed ideology. It cannot be denied that Pancasila, the Soehartos version, in 1980s was made a single principle for all political and societal organizations. Second, one political party adopted the totalitarian ideology. Golkar or Golongan Karya (now Golkar Party) as the ruling party and the two other marginal political parties PDI and PPP were the adopters of Pancasila ideology Soehartos version, which was closed and totalitarian. Third, a military and civilian intelligent system that monitored and terrorized peoples life. The New Order regime had extra constitutional and extra judicial agencies such as the Kopkamtib (Komando Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban, Command for Restoring Security and Order), which later changed its name to Bakorstanas (Badan Koordinasi Stabilitas Nasional, Coordinating Agency for National Stability). In universities, students regiments (Menwa) have their own intelligent division. Fourth, there are single control of all civilian activities, such as mass media and SIUPP agency, and all sociopolitical organization under the Political Party Law and Golkar, Mass Organization (Ormas), and Referendum. Fifth, it was technocratic in executing development and monopoly of capitalism, striking the
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freedom of labor to associate, depoliticizing mass (floating mass) and coooperating with international capitalism (capital, portfolio, and TNC/MNC). Sixth, it was corporatist, a regime that divides the society into functional groups so that it did not have to connect directly with the society, was only willing to talk with the representatives of those corporatist groups. These representatives must be approved and in accordance with the interests of the New Order regime. All the mentioned characteristics have made the New Order regime an anti democracy regime. It is the corporatism of New Order that killed all autonomous activities and organization of civil society, which is the characteristic of democracy. The character of corporatism and the corporatist groups have made the power of New Order regime a totality, where actors and institutions like Golkar become an intact unit, a machine that crushed democracy. In addition, the character of these corporatist groups is characterized by limite units of constituents, single umbrella organization for its monopoly on certain interests, obligating membership, regulating membership hierarchically and approved even created in order to be controlled by the New Order regime. In short, such corporatist way was a forced control, or a cooptation that maintained the interests of New Order regime. Corporatist groups appeared representing peoples voice while it fact they were mere hand extension of the fascist New Order regime that forced its interests to society. The corporatist group that was created by the New Order regime are still effective today with all its development and reproduction. KNPI for youth, SPSI for labor, Korpri for civil servants, HKTI for farmers, HNSI for fishermen, KADIN for employers, HIPMI for young entrepreneurs, Dharma Wanita for wives of civil servants, PWI for journalists, Golkar (now Golkar Party), PPP, PDI (now PDIP) for political parties, and other similar groups. With such corporatist method, control becomes more effective and efficient. If one would want to form groups beyond this frame, it will certainly be striken by the New Order regime for reasons of violating rules, being subversive and deserving to be jailed, kidnapped or even killed.
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Prospect for Democracy If we fight for democratic regime and total reform agenda, then the system that built the fascist New Order regime must be uprooted. It is impossible to have a democratic regime without a cut-off with an anti democracy regime, especially when the anti democracy regime has the character of fascist-corporatistm like the New Order regime. Such uprooting should include all the corporatist elements that supported the regime, including Golkar Party. Is this democratic? One interesting example, the Nazi party of Hitler, even Neo Nazi party, is banned from participating in democratic system in Germany through its Constitution Federal Republic 1949. The reason is because it was proven, through its fascist regime, as an anti democracy party. Read its article 21 section 2 carefully, Political party, which based on its goals or attitudes that pertain its loyalty, disturb (obstruct/ reduce) or eliminate the basic order of free democracy or threaten the persistence of the Federal state of Germany must be declared unconstitutional. For that reason, it is not wrong if in our new democratic Constitution all political parties or institutions that are legally proven to be anti democracy be banned and purged from our system of democracy.
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Table 1. Comparing Fascist Regimes
Notes Economic Structure Fascism of First World Central Capitalism Fascism of Development Peripheral Capitalism (Semifeodal and semi-colonial capitalism) Neo-capitalism Bureaucratic and military Capitalist Colonial capitalism that is going towards peripheral capitalism 1) Crisis of domestic capitalism, separate from global capitalism. 2) Reintegration with global market 3) End of 1960s-1980s
1. Power hegemony 2. Dominant class 3. Development Stages Causes of Emergence
Neo-imperialism Finance-capitalist Competitive capitalism that is going towards monopolistic capitalism 1) Crisis of Capitalism (Great Depression) struggling to control world market. 2) World War II forming new international division of labor 3) 1920-1945 (World War I and World War II) 1) Extreme nationalism 2) Racialism 3) Anti liberal, anti communist and anti socialist 1) Means of repression and mobilization. 2) Right Nationalist Party 3) Intelligent, military, semi-military of political party (SS in Germany) 4) Intimidation, terror, banning, kidnapping, jailing, persecution, killings, etc. 5) Labor, students, journalists, Leftist groups, intellectuals.. 6) Little bourgeoisie (middle class that is sidelined from competitive capitalism)
Political Structure
1) Quasi nasionalism 2) Corporatist-technocratic 3) Anti liberal, anti communist and anti socialist 1) Means of accumulating capital, repression and mobilization. 2) Semi political party from both civilian and military. 3) Intelligent, military, task force, bureaucracy, paramilitary (Menwa). 4) Intimidation, terror, banning, kidnapping, jailing, persecution, killings, etc. 5) All citizens and institutions outside of the state. 6) Ersatz Bourgeoisie (bureaucratic capitalist from bureaucracy and military) and the middle class. 1) Stability of development 2) National security 3) Threats of liberalism, communism, socialism 1) Developmentalism
State 1) State function 2) State apparatus 3) Machine of repression 4) Ways to repress
5) Targets of repression 6) Mass basis
Rationales 1. Repression
2. Ideology
1) Nationalism/racialism 2) National security 3) Threats of liberalism, communism, socialism 1) Fascism and Nazism
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Towards Revolution Of Democracy
usillade of bullets whipped the body of Benigno Ninoy Aquino once he stepped his foot on his beloved country Philippines. On August 20, 1983, a day Ninoy was planned to return from his exile in the United States (US), turned out to be his last day. The world witnessed the event with wide eyes possibly with disbelief on how Ferdinand Marcos and his fascist-militaristic regime nakedly displayed ways to defend power and personal, familial economic-political interests as well as those of his regime supporters. Because a king (dictator) must made himself feared as such, and has no worries over the condemnations that he does, so long as he unites and makes his people loyal, said Niccolo Machiavelli.1 Yet rebellion will surely emerge, according to Albert Camus, when all bitterness and pain become unbearable, beyond peoples ability to bear. The next days after Ninoys assasination were days of death that Marcos alone weaved at Malacanang Palace. For the first time the world, through television screen, witnessed a revolutionary process happening before their eyes. A mass revolution that is spontaneous and not solidly organized. How is this possible? The impossible happened in the Philippines, Marcos was toppled by February Revolution through People Power. This people power was supported by the middle class as the back bone the professional, teachers, students, middle-class workers, middle class entrepreneurs all were wearing yellow shirts
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and waving yellow flags, going in procession as street parliament. They demanded the stepping down of Marcos and government reform, as witnessed by Felix B. Bautista, chief editor of Catholic magazine Veritas, an alternative media that could not be coopted by Marcos. Veritas is a description of courage and belief that free media is the media needed by democratic society, one that places critics as the main promoter of peoples advancement and the free individuals within it. This is because during the 16 years rule of Marcos regime, the Filipinos can only read anything that Marcos wanted them to read. Journalists were intimidated, jailed, and during 1983-1985 about 25 journalists were killed or missing without trace.2 We, around the world, witnessed the last episode of a dictatorship regime. With anxiety we watched millions of Filipinos women, men, even children making living barricades, armed with prayers on their lips, crosses in their hands, protecting 800 reformist military rebels that were about to be crushed by Marcos troops. Hand in hand they blocked tanks and troops that were instructed to kill anyone who blocked them. Then, who would have thought that Corazon Cory Aquino a regular house wive with no experience, could lead a campaign of civil disobedience that crumbled the dictatorship of Marcos, the world class thief who sucked dry the wealth of his country to enrich himself, his family and his supporters. Since then numerous dictators fell from power. Nicolas Ceaucesco from Romania also fell after Marcos. Then Eastern Germany, Eastern Europe and Soviet Union were in disorder. Indeed there are still plenty more dictators in this world, from Asia, Africa, Latin Merica. Yet how long can they remain in power amid demands for democracy, freedom and human rights that is part of historical waves all over the world? It is like King Canute who spoke to an upcoming flood and asked for it to stop. Civil Society vs. Totalitarian-Militaristic State Totalitarianism is the beginning of all dictatorship, a humiliation of human being and common life. It is totalitarian in mindset and
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way of act. Because it is a belief of an absolute correctness of a way of thinking, consequently any development of humanity and creativity that demands for freedom in thinking and critical attitude should become a corpse that noone should mourn. Democracy is a totalitarianism. Democracy is the enemy of fascist-militerism and bureaucratic authoritarianism. Democracy is the opposite of a dogmatic way of life and an admirer of absolute truth. As far as we enter the mind and experience of the writers of The Democratic Revolution: Struggles for freedom and pluralism in the developing world, there is no other word that bothers them most than totalitarianism, either in the form of military regime or single party (Right or Left ideology, and various forms of sectarianprimordialism). This book has a life because the writers were directly involved in the bitter effort to fight for democracy in totalitarian countries. They acted with a full belief that democratic and plural society is a conditio sine qua non for the growth of human being and society that are free, tolerant, creative and just. Yet to them, the fight for democracy and to uphold peoples sovereignty and civil society is not a mere fight to topple an authoritarian regime, regardless of the forms. The toughest challenge is to defend it, to give it a living power and new meaning. It is at this point that their experience as summarized in this book becomes important to us. As revealed by Henriette (Dette) Pascual, who was the executive director of external affairs at NAMFREL (National Movement for Free Elections) during the rule of Marcos, the pioneer of Peoples Revolution, through NAMFREL all Filipinos and the world came to know the various manipulation that Marcos and his supporters did during elections in the Philippines. NAMFREL also reported vote robbery that supported the winning of Corazon Cory Aquino. Dette Pascual acknowledged, After five years the Philipines regained its freedom through bloodless revolution. Now we come to realize, it is not enough to love freedom and to fight for it. That is because the effort to defend it is also a big responsibility. We must be accountable for the freedom that we love and fight hard for. The Filipinos had proven themselves capable of organizing to topple
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Marcos dictatorship, hence today we, together with various civil mass organizations, devote ourselves to defending and strengthening the building of democracy of our nation.3 It was for the sake of education process and maturation of democracy after the fall of Marcos regime that Dette Pascual and colleagues continued to defend the existence of Evelio B. Javier Foundation (EBJF), an organization that was formed to strengthen democracy at the grassroot level by conducting education projects that are designed to train leadership candidates who are honest and rooted in the society. The name of this institution is taken from the name of governor of Antique province who opposed Marcos and was active in the campaign to support Cory in the 1986 Philippine presidential election. Javier was attacked and fusilladed with bullets by six masked and armed people in the middle of crowds, few weeks before the February Revolution exploded. His murderers are never known to this day, let alone persecuted. In adition, Dette and colleagues from NAMFREL have founded KABATID (National Womens Movement for Nurturance of Democracy) that dedicates itself to improving peoples awareness of the opportunity and responsibility that every citizen must bear in a democratic society. To them, democracy is not a mere establishment of legislative, executive and judicial institutions, filled with new people that replaced the old rulers. Democracy is a way of life and thinking, it is the way of life. History bitterly teaches us of how the toppling of Louis XVI in France Revolution had given birth to dictators like Robesspiere (also Napoleon Bonaparte) that act on behalf of the holy call of France Revolution, Liberty, Fraternity, and Equality. Robesspierre established a government of terror that abolished the children of its own revolution. If we look closer to various countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, it becomes clear that the fall of one dictatorship is always followed by the awakening of new dictatorship. For this reason, civil society that is established by members of society without states intervention through its free organizations must be developed and supported at all cost. A number of sectors in society such as labor, farmers, fishermen, women, mass media, urban poor, and others are the sources of civil society. Such free organization
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would become the medium and the back bone of the maintaining and development of democratic attitudes and way of life. Maria Rosa S. De Martini, head of Conciencia, developed this women organization in Argentina (1982). It works on social education and to push their (women) participation in democratic process. Maria says, The form of government and democratic society is like a baby, it must be fed, educated, maintained and strengthened. Conciencia, which means conscience or the process of developing awareness, attempts to mature the democratic life of citizens, which so far are used to living under militaristic-authoritarian government, educating them in principles and values of democracy by developing an understanding of history and national constitution of Argentina. The Conciencia action is based on the principles, 1. Democracy is a valuable concept, hence it must be consolidated and defended. 2. The society will not appreciate and execute anything that are not valuable, or whose value is unknown to them. 3. Women plays the most important role in disseminating and planting the values. 4. Democratic education is the most important element for disseminating the values of democracy that must be carried by every member of society. 4 Democracy and scholarship We all live and build history in a real world. We also develop and gain knowledge in it, and our knowledge is indeed about the real world. Human being are practical organism in the real world. The life and advancement of scholarship too are inherent in the real world. What unites human being directly with the world and the real world is social practice. There are four practices: economic, politics, ideology, and theoretical. The four social practices certainly are processing and having dialectics in real society. If a practice is a process of transformation (production process) from certain determinate raw material to determinate product; a transformation is affected by determinate
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human labor or determinate skill using determinate means of production. Hence what was revealed by Karl Raimund Popper that an epistemology is often times considered separate from social life (social practices). All these while it is actually an activity conducted by real peple on real cognitive process and real content in real world, what we are holding on. Popper showed that there is an equality betweeen the principle of democracy and a methodology of scholarship that is critical and rational. Popper also provided demarcation of criteria between scholarship and non-scholarship. An empirical system (scientific) also with empirical experience. For instance the proposition, tomorrow will rain or not rain as not empiric, and not a scientific proposition because it cannot be falsified. Meanwhile the proposition tomorrow will rain or tomorrow at 8:30 am will rain is considered meeting the requirement of being empirical proposition because it could be refuted, or fallible. The second proposition is considered more informative than the first proposition, because its empirical content is higher. This scientific methodology of Popper is often called problemsolving methodology because it is always formulated from empirical problems and could be refuted empirically too. Its methodology could be schematized in simple way, P1-TS-EE-P2, where P1= initial problem, TS = tentative solution (proposed theory), EE = error elimination (critical evaluation, critics with observation and experiment), with the goal of finding and eliminating errors, P2 = new situation created by critical evalution or tentative solution of initial problem. Therefore scholarship/science, in the word of Popper, starts from a problem and ends with a problem (which has broader scope and is sharper in its claims). Compare the physics theory of Newton with that of Einstein, or the physics of Galileo that cannot even explain the rotation and revolution of earth against the sun and why things on earth are not thrown out of it. A simple question that was not solved by Galileos physics and yet easily answered by Newtons physics.
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Critics or critical evaluation in the Popperian problem-solving methodology frame is imperatively needed for the advancement of scholarship and to prevent absolutism in mind and action in social practices. Critics, are the strength of main motive for every intellectual development (theoretically and social development). Without critics, there is no rational motive to change theory and to change or transform the society. Therefore the method for growing scholarship is a method of critics. Forced by critical approach, which is an approach that acknowledges that all of our social practices (political, economic, ideology and theoretical) are always temporary. Before the theory or practice dies in tough empirical exam. That is why theory and practices are always temporary, never final, and never absolute. Therefore critics are aimed at finding our mistakes, and we are fully aware of the possibility of making mistakes in theory and practice. For this reason we always need to be always willing to critic and be criticized, to examine and be examined, with the hope of finding mistakes and learning from those mistakes. Such way of thinking and acting will not be welcomed by the dogmatic, absolutist, totalitarian, and militaristic people. Clearly now we understand that the enemy of democracy is also the enemy of critical and rational scholarship. Popper in Conjectures and Refutation said, Dogmatic attitude is clearly related with the tendency to verfy rules and schemes, attempting to implement and verify it, even to the point of ignoring refutation. Meanwhile, critical attitude is the willingness to change our rules, to examine them, to refute them, to falsify them whenever possible. This suggests that we may identify critical attitude with scientific attitude, with dogmatic attitude that we have described as pseudoscientific.5 Isnt scientifico-critical-democracy like this long for critical human being, who is rational, humble, tolerant, and giving priority to critical evaluation as the motor of advancement of democratic society and scientific progress? And totalitarianism, that gives birth to militarism, fascism, and bureaucratic-authoritarian government, actually only gets its legitimacy from cynicism and ignorance to human being and life.
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Illusion is an absolute solution, never wrong, an absolute truth, in every aspect of individual and social life, which of course is anti observation. The result will be formed through a closed society, that is irrational and totalitarian. The life of state and society becomes nothing more than a slaughtering house for new ideas and human being. Courage to use ones intelligence These writers and fighters of civil society had explicitly described their experience before our eyes. My appreciation to them is just as high as that to other heros of science such as Galileo Galile, Copernicus, Newton, Einstein, Edison, Darwin, and others. Their martyrdom, who died in the battle to enact democracy, is just as valuable as the martyrdom of Giurdano Bruno who was burned by inquisitors. Sometime I wonder how was their state of mind and feeling, so looudly fighting all risks (torture, jailing, terror against family, and killings). They seemed to undermine them all. Look at the cold dead body of Dele Giwa, editor in chief of Newswatch magazine whose half body was destroyed by bomb explosion from a package sent by the military dictator Major General Ibrahim Babangida, ruler of Nigeria, on October 19, 1986. Giwa had become a martyr for what he believed, that the holy mission of mass media is to reveal truth and to fight for the rights of society to obtain information. Ray Ekpu, Giwas best friend who replaced him as editor in chief, wrote, Our desire to conduct an investigation was rooted in the belief that we must uphold high the right of people to obtain information, that government must be accountable to the taxpayers. We insist to defend peoples rights and freedom as stipulated in Nigerias Constitution, and we are also convinced that freedom is a fundamental element of human rights, that violation of those rights in Nigeria is a violation of universal rights that is acknowledged by all human being.6
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Reflecting on the experience and the sacrifice of those who died, as well as those who still continue to fight for democracy, I learn (and we all should learn from them) that scientific rationality and real societal rationality is located in critical approaches. Scientific objectivity and real societal rationality is solely based on the tradition of being critical. For this reason, it is with critical light that we transform our society to a civil society that is rational, open, tolerant, and democratic. In this sense, through the reform we make the society sovereign in economic, political, and cultural (education and theoretical practices), guided by critical approach and critical tradition of science. Dare to know, dare to act, and dare to live.
Footnotes: Machiavelli, Niccolo, Sang Penguasa, Gramedia, Jakarta, 1987. Diamond Larry, Revolusi Demokrasi: Perjuangan untuk Kebebasan dan Pluralisme di Negara sedang Berkembang, YOI, Jakarta, 1994, page 190-217. 3 Ibid, Diamond, Larry, page 69-95 4 Ibid, Diamond, Larry, page 37-68. 5 Popper, K.R., Conjectures and Refutetations (Harper & Row, New YorkLondon, 1968), The Logic of Scientific Discovery (London, Huchinson, 1968), Gagalnya Historisisme (LP3ES, Jakarta, 1985), The Open Society and Its Enemies, Vol I&II, (Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1966). 6 Diamond, op. cit., page 236-261.
1 2
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When Israel Kills Children
ts an unforgivable crime! If there is a religion, God, ideology, or national, racial or group interest that justify killings of children, then cursed is such faith and interest. The brutal killings of 37 children, mostly toddlers, in Qana, South Lebanon, by Israeli bombs on Sunday (30/7) is an unforgivable crime. Killing is A Crime When six million Jewish people were massacred by Hitler, our human solidarity came to its peak. These victims, the Jewish and others, are human being just like us, skeletons wrapped in blood, flesh, tears, sadness and happiness. But when the government of Israel spoke on behalf of the Jewish nation to kill human being without regard, the children, women, and elderly in Palestine and Lebanon, just as brutal as when they were massacred by Hitler in Germany and Europe, we were haunted by a question: why is the victim just as uncivilized as the perpetrator? Is it because the demarcation between good and bad crosses the heart of all human being? asked Solzhenitsyn in The Gulag Archipelago. Israel colonizes Palestine and massacres Palestinians, and now they massacre children in Qana. Hitler, Stalin, Taliban, and Israel execute state terrorism on behalf of race, ideology, religion and nationalism. Certainly not all Jewish want to massacre people or to be in war. Part of them denounced the uncivil Israeli government. The
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same is true with the Palestinian, Arabs, Lebanese, or Hezbollah. Not all of them want war although they continue to demand the rights for the Palestinians. When part of Israelis and Hezbollah people, who love violence and death (necrophilian), commits war, they are wrong for taking away life and causing misery to human community. We need no holy scripture to say that Israel is wrong for killing the Palestinians and Lebanese and for committing aggression of their land. Hezbollah is also not free from wrongdoing if they use the Israeli civilians as targets of its missiles. There is no hesitation to say that both parties were wrong for justifying peoples death for their own respective goals. In fact, there is no war that justify the elimination of Israel or Hezbollah from the face of the earth. Of cource what is just is the returning of Palestines land to the Palestinian, and to coexist peacefully with Israel. It is obviously a crime against humanity if war continues to be executed by both parties. If there are those who intend to participate in war, either at the side of Hezbollah or Israel, such act is part of an effort to perpetuate crime against humanity. War is a crime because killing people is a crime! Where is the human solidarity and common sense in the current world where people kill other people? Cant our humanity climb to manage the Jewish dilemma, the victim-perpetrator dilemma? I confirm the mistake of the idea of justifying people to take other peoples life, on the name of Meinkampf, Communist Manifesto, Bible, Koran, Psalm, Old Testament, Weda, Zionism, nationalism, socialism, democracy, or whatever it is. Global Democracy It turns out that the earth is flat. Imbalance of global economy, politics, and military directly lead the world to a common point of destruction. The wars in Lebanon, Iraq, Afghanistan, and the emasculated United Nations are not immune from this imbalance. Even the ideal to develop justice, freedom and equality through global democratic movement is now torn because the United States and its allies manipulated it as a banner to attack Iraq, Afghanistan, and
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other countries that do not want to comply with their economicpolitical interests. On behalf of manipulative democracy, millions of people are killed and suffering around the world, including in Indonesia. The big lesson from current world political turmoil is a must. First, revitalization of global democracy, reformulating the ideal, the institution, the programs of substantive global democracy, not the one that is manipulative in the midst of diverse global life. Pushing hard for global equality in economy, social, and finance. If the G-8 countries continue to control 51 percent of global industrial output, 49 percent global export, and 49 percent assets at IMF, then wars and destruction will be the end. Second, revitalization of the United Nations, using this institution as a representation of world democracy where each member country has equal vote. Ideally it would be a world government with full participation from world citizens. It would no longer be the tool of superpower countries to consolidate their power, as currently reflected in the Security Council. Third, revitalization of human solidarity, recognizing and minimizing crimes against humanity whose roots are ironically in the idea and belief that twist the uncivil attitude of perpetrators to the victims. Consequently our sympathy to the sacrifices of Jewish people during Hitler had become a human irony that kills solidarity and global trust. The worst part is, the Jewish is now considered an enemy of religion, God, and nations. Such human anomaly had now spreading in Indonesia. Of cource we need to fight against this. Believe me, when people is killed, be they Jewish, Lebanese, Palestinian, Indonesian, especially when they are innocent children in Qana, then we too are killed. The victim the Habil is ourselves, our humanity!
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Freedom From Death Penalty
e must revoke the right of state to impose death penalty! Let death be the right of God, not the right of state and human being. The right of state and human being is to defend life and existence, point simple. Such firmness is crucial because in the future, the state as a faceless monster would again demand new blood: Fabianus Tibo, Domingus da Silva, Marinus Riwu, Imam Samudera, Amrozi, Ali Gufron, and a number other death penalty convicts from various cases in Indonesia, from killings, politics, terrorism, to drugs. Acting as God State and human are acting as God, small god, or Gods representatives in the world when claiming to have the right to end ones life. An absolute doer who is protected by such absolute idea are not supposed to be allowed to exist anywhere in the world, not even in Indonesia. The pillar of democracy is human rights. Every individual has the right to live (Article 3 of Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations, 1948) and Every individual has the natural right to live. This right must be protected by law. Noones life should be ended arbitrarily (Article 6 section 1 of United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 that is ratified as law by government and Parliament in September 2006). Our Constitution, article 28A of 1945 Constitution also states, Every individual has the right to live and to maintain life and existence.
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Therefore on behalf of the Constitution and ratified international agreement, President Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono could have politically stop the death penalty against Tibo and friends, Imam Samudera and friends, and other death penalty convicts from other cases. He could also have, together with the legislature, include the idea of elimination of death penalty in the Constitution and to revoke death penalty altogether from all legal products such as KUHP (Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Pidana, Criminal Code) and other laws. If it turns out to be enough evidence in any cases, the maximum sentence should be life in jail, rational and human. Are we ignoring victims of the crime? No, not even a second that the faces of the victims and the irreplaceable loss of father, mother, family and friends are gone from our deepest sympathy. Whoever they are, be they the victims of Bali bombing, Poso riots, or other events that take away peoples life. But we reject death penalty as proportionate revenge against the killings they ever did. Death penalty cannot, and will never can, be a means to uphold justice and humanity. It is a means to give pity, but without pity. This is not easy and full of agony, but Suciwati, wife of deceased Munir, a women with two young children, strongly rejected death penalty for her husbands killer. Murder, with whathever tool and goals, is a crime. Such crime would even be more perfect and planned if the state executed it through death penalty. With the prosecution in court, to the preparation of shooting squad, the last meal and prayers led by religious leader for the convict, death penalty becomes a perfectly planned crime. It is time for us and the state to stop being God for human being! Lifetime Sentence Every decision has the risk of possibly making a mistake. Even theory of physics of Eisntein calibre is still hypothetical (tetative in nature), it could be wrong, and should be falsified. Karl R. Popper said, Elimination of error leads to the objective growth of our
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knowledge. Then absolute decision, especially that pertaining to human life, becomes irrational, lacking in conscience and is inhuman. When the convict is killed, the chance to correct the mistake of, if any, court verdict is eliminated. Rehabilitation, even if it was written on the gravestone of the deceased would mean nothing. Lifetime sentence should be enough for people. To be haunted by mistake for the rest of life is actually very cruel, if the public and victims family still demand proportionate revenge. For the convict, this will be a monumental point in life and an enlightenment for those who are still alive that murder, even for the sake of justice, is a perpetuation of crime against humanity in the face of the earth. It would indeed be a joy for a nation that could free itself from the perpetrators and the absolute idea to impose death penalty on human being. Uncivilized imperialism on mind must be ended. That is the essence of human freedom, a prerequisite for democratic struggle. Of 118 countries, by October 1, 2004 in Asia, it was just the Philippines that eliminates death sentence in legal and practical system. Even 24 countries include this in their constitutions. They let go the idea of human being acting like God, taking life and making absolute decision over the fate and future of human being.
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Mr. President, Please Catch Munirs Killer
r. President, Munirs killers are now at large in this country. Now they are certain that it is legal to kill people, when laws could be manipulated. To kill is right, as long as the fact, truth and laws could be engineered and the dominant power protects it. Killing Munir as a political thorn is the beginning of an arrogance, which later poisons the public with various versions of truth, then they will kill anyone, for any reasons, in the future. Mr. President, Pollycarpus is not alone. The verdict from the Provincial Court Judges of Central Jakarta December 20, 2005 said, Pollycarpus committed criminal act by planning a killing...with friends or through conspiracy that ended up with the loss of life of other individual. But Pollycarpus, according to Supreme Court October 4, 2006, was not proven as a killer, which means the conspirator of Munirs killers are still at large in public. They peek and choose their next victims. Who knows, me or you, Mr. President. A Republic of Fear Mr. President, this republic has become a republic of fear. Killers laugh at those who seek justice, Munirs wife and children, parents and family of Munir, his best friends and symphatizers inside and outside the country. Fear of thinking freely, of expressing and voicing opinions. Such freedom is indeed resented by every totalitarian regime and practice. Through military repression, fear is engineered in a
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vulgar way, for 32 years under Soehartos New Order, with thousands killed, jailed, and made missing to this day. Soeharto gets perfect impunity, and is happy with family at his old age. Meanwhile the fear of conspirators of Munirs killers that are still at large is a mere subtle fear. Its threat is not immediately apparent, but it robs freedom in an absolute way. Since its risks are incalculable, Munirs killers may roam on behalf of NKRI (United Republic of Indonesia), national security, political stability, even religion and reform. Mr. President, if we strongly criticize this country, it is not that we do not love this country. It would be extremely stupid for Pollycarpus or Munirs killers to think of us wanting to turn this country into disarray that we deserved to be killed. We love this country, but we also love justice, freedom and humanity. Without those values, this country becomes a barbaric country, not a place for human being to be its citizens. A republic is a place where the basic rights of free citizens would be protected, the right to live! The Republic is home for free citizens and life! A Test of Our History Mr. President, you once promised to settle exhaustively the killing of Munir as a test of our history, whether our history already appreciate equality for all before law. A presidents promise becomes a hope for every citizen given that a president, a decision maker with authority and necessary equipments to meet what was promised. A president is an executor of his promises. Unmet promises, those that are failed to be made reality, are not promises. They are illusions! Of course an honest president is not an illusionist. Mr. President, a test of our history is a falsification, an extremely tough examination to cripple the hypothesis that the law only sides with the ruler and employers. Our anti-democratic history have ended at this point of Munirs killing. Promises with no proof will never be able to stop this barbaric history. It is action that authenticates falsification. If it is fail like today the the old hypothesis is right, the law sides with the ruler, employer, and Munirs killers!
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Mr. President, this very day, with such big authority of being a president, repeating the recommendation from human rights fighters including Suciwati, wife of deceased Munir, you could form an independent presidential team with strong, clear and detailed mandate to follow-up the verdict from the Provincial Court Judges of Central Jakarta, including the findings of Fact Finding Team of Munir Case that you founded. Names like Ramelgia Anwar, Oedi Irianto, Yeti Susmiarti, even Muchdi Purwopranjono (Fifth Deputy of National Intelligent Service) were listed there. Mr. President, trust me that disappointment and repeated fear of citizens will erode public trust in you, the presidency, and other state institutions. Doubts, infirmness, and ignorance including the handing over of Munirs case through regular mechanism had sent a sigh of relief to Munirs killers, and they were celebrating after Pollycarpus was freed. To kill is easy and fun! Mr. President, to lead means making promises and meeting promises. To lead means creating hope and making it social reality. A leader materialize truth and promise as social reality, without doubt even if it sacrifices power. To have doubts in meeting promises, or to consider promises as mere sweet words on lips, is to bury leadership. Mr. President, Munirs history is now in your hands, whether it will be a history of justice or injustice. It will all depend on your quality of leadership and courage.
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I Dream Of Soeharto Being Prosecuted
addam Hussein was sentenced to die by hanging in Baghdad (Sunday 11/5) for crime against humanity, for ordering the killing of 148 members of Shiah community in Dujail village in 1982. Imagine, only 148 people were killed! I was stunned thinking that in Indonesia there are many more people have been killed, jailed, or missing without trace to this day, and how much public money is lost during Soehartos New Order was in power. Transparency International (March 25, 2004) placed Soeharto in the first rank of ten most corrupt leader in the world, with a value of corruption of US$1535 billion. I dream that Soeharto, that ruler of New Order, sits at court as a convict of crime against human rights and corruption, just as Saddam Hussein. This especially comes at the time when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) on the second anniversary of his government have called on people to comply to law and use conscience. This was mentioned in the event of National Nuzulul Koran 1427 Hijriah in Asy-Syuhada Mosque in Pamekasan, East Java (10/9). This was further strengthened after President SBY restated that the upholding of law is the task of the Presidential Working Unit for Reform Program Management (UKP3R, Unit Kerja Presiden untuk Pengelolaan Program Reformasi). UKP3R was firmly defended by SBY with Presidential Decree No. 17/2006 amid opposition from Golkar Party and its Chair (Vice President Jusuf Kalla), its Deputy Chief (Parliament Speaker Agung Laksono), Executive Chair of PP
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Muhammadiyah (Din Syamsudin), and Executive Chair of PB Nahdlatul Ulama (Hasyim Muzadi). Yet SBY persisted, UKP3R must be placed in the context of government management. (Thursday 11/9). So, what else to wait. Lets enact law! Lets fight crime against human rights and corruption! In that prosecution of Soeharto, public prosecutor reads the complete allegation with all needed evidences and witnesses that are listed based on effective and efficient research and investigation. Police and public prosecutor practice law professionally because they are ensuring that this Republic is a legal state (machstaat). They persevere, unchallenged by material temptation or power pressure, just like the prosecutors and judges in Baghdad. They are not at all trembled by threats of murder from Saddam Husseins supporters. Judges, and Soehartos lawyer, appear enthusiastic because the historic dutiy will provide a sturdy foundation for the future of the Republic of Indonesia. Family members of victims were of course anxious in that court. They relive again the memory of the deceased, the missing, holding tightly the best photos of victims. Anxious and hopeful, justice and truth are on the victims side. Normalization of Politics The prosecution of Soeharto will create a cut-off of democratic and anti-democratic value, institution, individual, and practices. This is because outside of court, reform is already dead. The winner is the normalization of old politics, politics of New Order. Wasnt Soeharto granted perfect impunity by SKP3 (Surat Ketetapan Penghentian Penuntutan Perkara, Decree to Stop Prosecution) as approved by the Attorney General? The political party founded by Soeharto, Golongan Karya, always agree to misuse power over the seven-time period of its power, a full arbitrary power. The executors of military repression, the frontliner of totalitarian Soehartos New Orer, ruled very strongly, including in new political parties. For that reason, the practice of opposing freedom of thinking, expressing, and voicing concerns is broadenng vertically and horizontally slowly but surely, for
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instance by banning school textbooks that only write about the event of G30 S (Gerakan 30 September, September 30 Movement) without mentioning PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia, Indonesian Communist Party), without open court, and without scientific research. This attitude is supported by hostile banners and graffiti Beware of New Communist Awakening in Indonesia. Such sign is very easily found for instance in main streets of Bandung and Jakarta (on Ir. H. Juanda Street in Central Jakarta, the banner is placed not far from the Office of State Secretary). Even, if the reader is careful enough, such sign also appears nearly every day in letter-from-readers column in various media. They also attempt to call themselves Anticommunist Group by forming IRAK (Islam Radikal Anti Komunis, Radical Islam Anti Communist) that supports the stopping of Soehartos prosecution. Last, through an attempt to nullify Law No. 27/2004 on Commission of Truth and Reconciliation (KKR, Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi) at Constitution Commission (Kompas, 10/ 14). Planned and systematic. A new terror against freedom and democracy! Communism has died, very dead, it becomes decayed jokes in former Soviet Union, Eastern Germany and in all over Eastern Europe, but in Indonesia the corpse is being effectively awakened in all history books and in public in order to terrify people. How well is publics intelligence and democratic freedom being sacrificed for antidemocratic political power? The return of (1) ideology; (2) political power; and (3) economic power by conservative and anti-democracy agents is the normalization of old regime of truth. Saving Freedom and Democracy With the prosecution of Soeharto, peoples trust in statesmen/ women is restored, on legal state rather than power state (machstaat). Every crime of corruption and crime against human rights must be prosecuted, whoever the perpetrator is. Impunity is a perfect crime. When we let go of this, crime grows like a Leviathan, eliminating the value of justice, equality, freedom, populism, humanity, and solidarity in the republic. It will at the end eliminate its citizens! That is how we
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are supposed to look at any prosecution of crime against humanity like that agaist Saddam Hussein, a confirmation that noone on the face of the earth has an arbitrary right to kill other people. The right to live and to have freedom is the basic right of human being and is universal, it is not only protected by one country but by all countries and all world citizens. I dream, in a court room sitting together with thousands of family members of victims of human rights violation, hoping with hundred million citizen sacrificed for decades because of corruption committed by Soehartos New Order. I join heart with the victims whom for decades lose hope seeing the perpetrators roaming free, holding back anger. Just like the victims of political and economic crime of Saddam Hussein in Baghdad. After prosecution, this country will have two big books, officially published by the government of the Republic of Indonesia titled: Crime Against Human Rights during Soehartos New Order and Corrupt Crime of Soehartos New Order. The subsequent sentence of this title: It Will Never be Repeated Again. Certainly this dream will materialize if the Attorney General seriously heal Soeharto with the most recent sophisticated world medical treatment. The Decree of Supreme Court No. 1846K/Pidana/2000 clearly said, requiring public prosecutor to provide medical treatment for the convicted until he is completely healed, with public funding, and after his recuperation the convicted will be brought back to court. This is after searching for other alternative legal treatment with academicians and practitioners, for instance by doing in absentia prosecution. For this reason, the task of public prosecutor is not just to visit the sick, to check and to provide treatment to Soeharto every two year, listed on July 15, 2002, February 4, 2004, and May 11-18, 2006. It is also not to joyfully accept the decision of the Sub-Provincial Court of South Jakarta dated September 27, 2006, which could not be followed-up, and to pass on the request for cassation to the Supreme Court in the case of pre-prosecution conviction of SKP3 of Soeharto. I realize that after two years of SBY-JK in power and eight years of the toppling of Soehartos New Order, democracy is not functioning linearly. The struggle for democracy must be planned and systematic
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in order to block all anti-democracy values, institution, individuals, and practices from returning to the heart of the Republic. The prosecution of Saddam to save feedom and democracy is a given in Iraq, one that should not have happened under the occupational regime of the United States and under the control of George War Bush that we oppose and who are opposed by Americans, which is proven by the loss of Republican Party from the anti-war Democratic Party. The same is true for us. Soehartos prosecution is a given to save freedom and democracy! This is so we are not trapped in the dead-end of political normalization like today, whether we should follow the stream or be apathetic? If this was the only option left, then Soe Hok Gie was right, it is better to be be exiled than to give up to hypocrisies.
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CHAPTER II
POLITICS AND REFORM
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Politics and Reform
Republic Wihout Public (Critic for Prof. Dr. Olle Tornquist)
tephen (16 years old, a middle-school student) is my inner hero today. Before hundreds of audience at Atmajaya University, on January 17, 2004, he sincerely (certainly with unimaginable inner struggle) admits using drugs with needles since 14 years old and is suffering from positive HIV at the age of 16. Is there any of our political elites who could be as honest as Stephen did, admitting corruption and violation of human rights? Yet, we questioned the meaning of Stephens admission. There was obviously a feeling of pity, also tears, even some others quietly condemned Stephen as criminal and sinner. Stephens face is the public face in Indonesia today, infinite and not at all important. Only sensation of pity and tears. After that, people or the state is back taking care of themselves (state qua state). That is our Indonesia, a conscious reversal of a dream to manage common life or Res Publica has become a mere dream to take care of oneself or Res Privata, yet on behalf of public. Where is the public? Our eyes and ears catch their presence as victims (civil, political, economoic, social and cultural), or as human without intelligence who comply to political parties and leaders, be it because of the big name of their parents like Soeharto or Soekarno, or because of the glare of trillions of rupiah looted from public. The most recent example, the controlling of state fixed asset all over Indonesia by PDIP, Golkar Party and PPP (Kompas, 1/30, page 7) was valued at Rp. 15 trillion. This amount is certainly small compared to the public
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asset looted by Soeharto and family, US$ 60 million, which remain untouched by law to this day. Elite versus Populism Would it be possible to have Res Publica Indonesia as a reflection of engineering of public interests and needs if the democracy that we are executing is an elite democracy? Election is institutionalized, complete with regulations and political parties, yet only as a tool for the elite political parties to govern, the public remains their objects. Fake assumptions are then created. If a figure could formulate vision, mission, strategy and programs (short-term, mid-term, and long-term) on his own and then offer them and let them be accepted by public, then that figure is a presidential/vice presidential candidate or a national leader. Consequently former generals, children of former rulers during Old Order and New Order, even top-notch intellectuals are all competing, meditating alone in their rooms to prove their capabilities. This is the desease of elite democracy, building illusion while eroding and manipulating criterias of democracy by robbing public rights, formulating all vision, mission, strategy and programs of leadership for the republic, also robbing public rights to formulate Democratic Constitution and National State Budget (APBN, Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara), also Regional State Budget, and others. What is the antithesis of elite democracy? Popular democracy, democracy that returns to its basic dream: peoples sovereignty. Leaders in popular democracy are just executors of all dreams that are formulated by public. For this reason we know about Peoples Constitution produced by the Philippines (1987), Thailand (1997), and South Africa (1997), or even we recognize Public State Budget or participatory budget, in Brazil, or in the province of Porto Allegre (Brazil) and Kerala state in India. It is also tested in several villagelevel administrative community in the Phillipppines (barangay), subdistrict/city and province.
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Fooling the Public Even 2004 election treated the public as people without intelligence, people who cannot determine their interests, politically, economically, socially and culturally. Look at article 93 section 1 of Election Law 2003 that really insults public astuteness, robbing public sovereignty. The article says, Votes for electing members of DPR, DPRD Province and DPRD Subdistrict/City will be valid if: b. The punching on the political party symbols and member candidates for DPR, DPRD Province, and DPRD Sub-district/City is located on the assigned column; or c. The punching on the political party symbols is located on the assigned column. This means, if the public just punched member candidates, it will not be valid. This is what they call open proportional system, yet in essence it rejects public to vote for candidates from their own electoral district because it may allow for: (1) intervention of poliitical parties and elite leaders to nominate themselves in an electoral district where they will definitely win; (2) revoking of public soverignty to represent their votes democratically in an electoral district. Floating Democrats The task of democrats will certainly be easier if the democratic political power is already domminant during the democratic transition stage. Yet the reality is the opposite. Prof. Dr. Olle Tornquist was right that democratic activists are fragmented, spread, not organized and almost have no connection with the people. They look similar to floating democrats, (Kompas, 1/31, page. 8). This means, in this country, the political architecture that was founded by fascist dictatorship of New Order for 32 years and was continued by Hybrid Regime of Neo New-Order for 5 years had successfully form a republic without public, that is by, (1) detaching the state from its public; (2) detaching political parties from the interests of their public; (3) detaching the leaders from their public;
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(4) detaching democrats from their public and; (5) detaching student movements from their public. In addition to launching tough critics against all political movements of the democrats and the attempt to organize the society, like Tornquist suggested, we, the democrats, must also look at this democratic transition project in the right direction, arena and element. This is where Tornquists weakness lies [see M. Fadjroel Rachman, Demokrasi Tanpa Kaum Democrat (Kompas, 9/16, page 4) and Indonesia, Ke Arah Demokrasi dan Emansipasi Sosial (Kompas, 10/16, page 4)]. The directions are, (1) totalitarian phase (fascist dictatorship of New Order and hybrid regime of Neo New Order); (2) transition phase and; 3) phase of broadening and deepening democracy. And then, the arena that should be organized and consolidated are five (5) arena of democratic consolidation: (1) civil society: (2) political society; (3) economic society; (4) state apparatus and; (5) legal supremacy. The elements are not individual or functional institution of the fascist dictatorship of New Order or its metamorphosis during the reform era. If Tornquists suggestion simply stops at the organization of society in civil society, then democratic transition project will also fail. Because the other four arenas are also determining the output, and are interdependent, they cannot be chosen exclusively from one arena only. In addition, it must be made clear that every attempt of democrats to consolidate themselves or to organize the society should regard every political momentum such as 2004 election not as a mere (1) political issue, but rather as; (2) facility to consolidate democratic political force; and (2) as embryo of political power for 2009 and 2014, or during political break-down like in May 1998. This is because we are fully aware that the fight to enact democracy in Indoneia today is about life and death to transform this republic without public into a republic with public or Res Publica Indonesia.
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Please Return Indonesia To Nirmala Bonat
irmala Bonat is the culmination of failure of democratic consolidation in Indonesia. Nirmala and family victims of social, economic, cultural and gender repression of fascist dictatorship of New Order and hybrid regime of Neo New Order along with hundred millions of other Nirmala are subjects of social emancipation as well as machine of social change. Six years ago in May 1998, they were the inspiration of social opposition that ended in the toppling of General (Ret.) Soeharto. Six years later, the victims became victims again, sacrificed victims on the altar of democratic transition that failed to be consolidated for the victory of social emancipation. Nirmalas body is our social body that is ironed by injustices in Indonesia. Her employer in Malaysia is a mere direct perpetrator, but those who used Nirmalas social body to torture body and soul were the ruling elite in Indonesia who considered democratic transition as a momentum to celebrate repression and new looting of their people. Democratic consolidation that is supposed to be a golden gate of social emancipation for victims had turned to be a nightmare for victims. Other culmination of democratic consolidation is the full return of fascist dictatorship of New Order, complete with the individuals, political parties, capital, and back bone mass organizations. Its current political reproduction is the hybrid regime of Neo New Order. Even when possible, Soeharto the fascist might be put back to the throne after six years of exile.
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Certainly Soeharto deserve it, right? Dont corruptors, major violators of human rights, perpetrators of corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN, Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme), and Soehartos political players also feel that they have the right to be presidential-vice presidential candidates? Intellectuals, legal defenders, religious figures, media, and the Electoral Commission (KPU, Komisi Pemilihan Umum ) are supposedly ready to argue about presumption of innocence and reconcilliation for Soeharto. Just because he is sick according to the Association of Indonesian Physicians (Ikatan Dokter Indonesia) then it is sufficient to justify him asking his children, former assistants, political party, money and cronies to be in 2004 election. Is democracy a commitment of its political representatives? Instead of repenting, they are proud to be his cronies. Presidential candidates and democratic figures are connected to his family, even building coalition with political party that was his political machine. We also should not be surprised that one of the strongest presidential candidates praised General Pervez Musharraf who committed military coup in Pakistan in 1999 as a democratic defender. Other failure, the five pairs of presidential-vice presidential candidates are already making peace with heavy violators of human rights, dark conglomerates, Soeharto and family who looted US$ 60 billion of peoples money, agreeing the halting of reform within the National Armed Forces (TNI, Tentara Nasional Indonesia) and National Police Force (Polri). Therefore, dont expect the National Armed Forces/National Police Force to nationalize their business assets, unravel their territorial command from Kodam, Koramil, Babinsa, or to reorganize the National Armed Forces under Minister of Defense and to be led by just Joint Chief of Staff, and National Police Force under the Ministry of Internal Affairs. All are far from ever happening. In the past six years we came to realize that democratic transition has dropped to a mere absurd caricature of democracy. This is not because of an apology that democracy is the best form governance among the worse, but transition in Indonesia have turned democracy into the worst form of governance of the worse. For this reason we
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have to return and reclarify our commitment that democratic consolidation is for social emancipation. Quoting Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stephan (1996) there are five arena of modern democratic consolidation, (1) civil society; (2) political society; (3) rule of law; (4) state apparatus; and (5) economic society. To us, democratic consolidation is not just to reorganize those five arenas to be in accordance to democracy, but also to place new players who are fully committed to values and practices of democracy, especially the enacting of universal human rights civil, politics, economy, cultural, social, gender the heart of democracy. Because in this point Nirmala Bonat is present as a falsification for the thesis of Indonesias democratic consolidation. What is the meaning of 2004 election? Election in democratic transition is meant as a procedure to consolidate democracy. Reorganizing, and refilling the five arena of democratic consolidation with new values, practices, institutions and individuals, the democrats. In reality, 2004 election was manipulated as a means to legitimize and consolidate fascist dictatorship of New Order and strengthen its political reproduction as hybrid regime of Neo New Order. It is clear for us now that if democratic consolidation is just marked by election, then the output will be a mystification of democracy. Are we pessimistic about the future of democracy in Indonesia? No, so long as we have the commitment that democratic consolidation is a historic task of social emancipation for hundred millions victims like Nirmala Bonat. They are the activator and inspiration of genuine democracy. The oppresor are just manipulators and obstructers of democracy. Is White Group with 34,509,246 supporters in Indonesia and 2,144,936 in DKI Jakarta which is one form of social opposition that is born as a rallying point from various social movement, aware of this historic task? I am nevertheless convinced that the future of democracy in Indonesia is very bright, if the democrats fight for consolidation of genuine democracy, i.e. democratic consolidation for social emancipation. This means an end to the misery of victims like Nirmala Bonat, and the end of oppresion by manipulators of democracy.
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Under Opposition Flag
emocracy without opposition is cemetery democracy. Without critics, alternatives, and life. When Megawati Soekarnoputri, executive chair of PDIP (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle) said, The political stand of PDIP is in opposition to the government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the public asks, is there any new development in our contemporary politics? Political practice is the only way to measure how big is the distance between political attitude and political reality. Megawati and Akbar Tanjung, in National Coalition that consists of Golkar Party, PDIP, Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), Partai Bintang Reformasi, Partai Damai Sejahtera, which were beaten by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono-Jusuf Kalla (SBY-Kalla), now loudly yell opposition. Yet, the supporters of National Coalition falls off one by one. PPP went on its own path in Parliament meetings (DPR/ MPR), following Peoples Coalition with Partai Demokrat and Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in order to win the speaker position in Parliament, but it failed. After Vice President Jusuf Kalla were elected the Executive Chair of Golkar Party, this party quits being an opposition. After the legislative elections, PKS yelled that they will be a political opposition in Parliament. Yet that intention quickly stops following its support for SBY-Kalla which later won as president-vice president in 2004 election, and even more after Hidayat Nur Wahid was elected Speaker
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of MPR (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, People Representative Assembly) and it was supported by the Peoples Coalition. PDIP as opposition, is it feasible? PDIP was left by its supporters to the point that it lost in the 2004 legislative and executive elections. And then it was left by its ally political parties, confused and not knowing what to do although it has 109 seats in Parliament. The National Coalition was not a substantive programmatic coalition. It was a mere forum to win Megawati-Hasyim Muzadi, and they lost. Now, alone without any substantive program, without organization and without modern, effective and efficient leadership of political parties, only relying on Soekarnos charisma through Megawati. Based on such political practice, then the oppositional political stand of PDIP as voiced by Megawati would apparently end with the same fate, without principal program, without organization and without effective and efficient oppositional leadership, and without shadow cabinet. It is hard to expect an emergence of tough and respected opposition leader in Indonesia, like Tony Blair, leader of British Labor Party who opposed the Conservative (Tory) Party led by John Major. Tough, smart and consistent as leader of the opposition, complete with its shadow cabinet, and radical reform program of the welfare state. Look closely at what he said, I wasnt born into this party. I chose it. Ive never joined another political party. I believe in it. Im proud to be the leader of it and its the party Ill always live in and Ill die in. If sometimes I seem a little over-hasty and over-urgent, its for one reason only: I cant stand these people, these Tories, being in government over our country, (John Rentoul, Tony Blair, Prime Minister, Warner Books, 2001). Marked by a full belief on the principle that politics is, and should be always about the service of the public. This is why the Labor Party continues to be an opposition for 18 years! That is before Tony Blair became Prime Minister at the age of 43, 1997 to now. Tony said, For eighteen years, eighteen long year, my party has been in opposition.
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It could only say, it could not do. Today we are charged with the deep responsibility of government. Today, enough of talking, it is time now to do. Increasing bargaining leverage How about Indonesia? Only in days and months, not 18 years, all oppositional political stands quit in the middle of the struggle. Ultra-pragmatic approach from every political party have made political stand a mere political rhetoric to increase the bargaining leverage of political parties and the individual officials. The following are a number of problems that hinder the emergence of substantive and effective opposition. First, the culture of totalitarian, monolithic, and ultra-pragmatic culture during New Order regime. Golkar (now Golkar Party) was a single party throughout the rule of New Order, plus PPP and PDI (PDIP celebrates its anniversary based on the birthday of PDI from New Order period), that acted as the political stamp of Golkar. This the character that marks the attitudes of political parties from New Order period in their management of political parties, and the political stand of no principle, no consistency, up to this day. Second, because political parties are mere stamp of procedural democracy, consequently the ideological and programmatic platform that differentiate political parties are ignored. It is replaced by political rhetoric. When there is oppositional political stand or coalition, it is only to increase the bargaining leverage of the said political parties, or the leverage of individual party functionaries. Third, because transitional political agenda is stuck, the majority or public opinion ends up accepting such irresponsible political stand along with the existence of political parties that collect votes in every election. Party officials are convinced that politics are a mere arena of intrigues, tactic of manipulation, appropriation of money and power without any connection to the struggle for freedom, justice and democracy or to serve public. Fourth, looking at 1999 and 2004 election, with multi-party system, it is hard to become an election winner. Political parties that
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pass electoral thresshold should have clarified its principles and party programs in the legislature in order to broaden its basis of support. In reality, iti is only clarifying their political position as facilities to trade votes for money and power. PDIP supported Agung Laksono as Speaker of Parliament (DPR), so that it could win the seat of leadership in the MPR. This alliance was left in cold by Agung when he was elected Vice Chair of Golkar Party. Fifth, because of open proportional legislative election system, legislative candidates are about the positioning of political parties, the political stand of party representatives has nothing to do with constituents interests. Noone ask why several months ago their representatives in Golkar Party and PKS were in opposition and now they become loyalists of SBY-Kalla government. Direction of Politics and Substantive Opposition Politics and power are only facilities to commit to humanity and life in truth. That is the way and goal that Vaclav Havel believed in (Living in Truth, 1987), hence politics becomes the science of the good man, to be happiness, (Aristoteles, Nicomachean Ethics, 2001). If politics are based on values of humanity, freedom, justice, happiness, at least there would be five new dimensions in the tradition of democracy; First, existensial dimension (individualization of democracy, individual interest as first and last measure for every activity in social reality); Second, logical dimension (restoring social reality, not representation of ideology to repress); Third, moral dimension (individual as model of defenders of political, civil, economic, social, gender and cultural rights, server of public interests); Fourth, political dimension (birth of democratic politics that replaces all social relations that exploit, oppress and humiliate human being); Fifth, cultural dimension (because it roots in value system, then it will produce pluralistic, rational and open culture of democracy).
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Critic Me, You Will Be Fired
ired! Fired! Fired! That is the single solution to face the dissention within PDIP with Reform Movement of PDIP (GP PDIP). Consequently, 12 figures from GP PDIP were fired, including the founder of PDIP Roy BB Janis, and a young female figure from Partai Murba Noviantika Nasution. Even Reform Star Party (PBR, Partai Bintang Reformasi) , the version of Parliament Deputy Speaker Zainal Maarif. did more, firing the partys executive chair, the famous Zainuddin MZ. Prior to that, there were firing within PPP (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, United Development Party) and Golkar Party. Meanhile Partai Demokrat (PD, Democrat Party) elect a military leadership within it to soften tension within the party, because official officers were firing one another. If firing is the smartest solution to handle internal opposition in political party, apparently procedural democracy is threatened. This is becaue Golkar Party, PDIP, PPP and PD are four biggest political parties with largest number of seats in Parliament. Golkar Party 128 seats, PDIP 109 seats, PPP 58 seats, and PD 57 seats. Similar fighting also happened to PKB (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, National Awakening Party) which got 52 seats in Parliament. It even involved the kiai langitan (highly authoritative and venerated Islamic teacher) of Nahdatul Ulama. The case of PKB and PAN (Partai Amanat Nasional, National Mandate Party) that won 53 seats in Parliament was rooted in the figure of Abdurrahman Wahid and Amien Rais who acted as king-maker. Firing, new authoritarianism
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and temptation for military leadership are nowadays latent threats for political parties and public. Halting Internal Opposition The wave of democracy penetrates all private and public spaces in Indonesia. Everything sacred becomes secular, everything ideological becomes non-ideological, everything private and public are criticized. This symptom shows that the widening of democratic practices will inevitably goes into deepening in every area that they successfully penetrate. Democracy that pertains to private rights and social rights erode and challenge individual values as well as practices, and social relations that are not democratic, that do not reflect values of humanity, justice, equality, populism, freedom and solidarity. This wave of democracy is the one that challenges the values, institutions, individuals and policies, every social practices in Indonesia, including political party practices like PDIP, PPP, Golkar Party, PKB, PD, PBR, PAN, and others. One of the manifestations is internal opposition. But how do political parties deal with it? First, PDIP, PPP, PKB, PBR and Golkar Party, for instance, show an authoritarian face, even iron fist dictatorship to achieve party unity; Second, the executive chair or king-maker becomes the central player in political party, members of political party do not have to think because the executive chair and king-maker think for them. Political party members must act as wanted, or else risk being exiled and fired. Third, absolute compliance to the executive chair or king maker produces officials, cadres and politicians who are not independent, yes-man/yes-mam, only manipulate to defend seats and money, of course on behalf of people; Fourth, in addition power nerve makes an executive chair or king maker able to do anything, including to violate party code of conduct. This involves big names that become brand of political parties, such as Megawati Soekarnoputeri, Abdurrahman Wahid and Amien Rais. Fifth, nurturing yes-man/yes-mam cadres, officials, and politicians and promoting favoritism to find loyal support.
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Consequently, supporters flatter their superior to win attention and clash with one another for the sake of the king-maker of executive chair; Sixth, flexible-conformist figure, who is low in gravity of values and intellectualism, becomes a leader and official of political party. Most of them are business politicians like Jusuf Kalla, the executive chair of Golkar Party and Aburizal Bakrie, Arifin Panigoro who leads GP PDIP, Soetrisno Bachir and Zulkifli Hasan, executive chair and secretary general of PAN; Seventh, redeveloping a leadership that is militaristic-hierarchic-nepotistic, just like Golkar Party under Soeharto. The appointment of Colonel (Ret.) Hadi Purnomo, in-law of President General (Ret.) Soesilo B. Yudhoyono as the executive chair of PD proves this new tendency. Normalization of Old Politics The presence of authoritarian political parties, business politicians, yes-man/yes-mam politicians, and military leadership are signs of a new phase of democratic wave going towards culmination of substance being halted by conservative, feodalistic and authoritarian political power. This power of old politics is rooted in balance and non-balance of economic-political interests: (1) fraction of international capital; (2) fraction of National Armed Forces/ National Police Force capital; (3) fraction of state-owned enterprises capital; (4) fraction of domestic indigenous conglomerate and nonindigenous conglomerate capital; (5) fraction of micro, small, and medium capital. Now, the economic-political stability of SBY-Kalla is only an image that is on the brink of falling, before these various fractions of capital are clashing. To prevent this, we need restructurization of capital fractions that reflect more democratic economy. All of these political symptoms are not at all signs of growth of new political project, such as towards creating political parties that are young, independent and democratic. Instead, it is a process of normalization of old politics as fortress of restoration that contain the howling wave of democracy. Anti-opposition/criticism attitude (internal and external) is one sign of the process. In order to defend
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old power and political values, they create a closed, hierarchical society with pseudo loyalty. Criticism and New Politics Dogmatism is the biggest enemy of scholarship. Meanwhile, dictatorship/fascism/authoritarianism is the biggest enemy of democracy. From Karl R. Popper, in his books Logic of Scientific Discovery (1968), Conjectures and Refutations (2002), The Open Society and Its Enemies (I&II,1968) or Popper Selections (1985), we learn that it is through the most sharp critic that scholarship can develop. Criticism with error-elimination would enable the unraveling of mistakes from previous theories, and opening the way towards progress. Popper said, my schema works through error-elimination, and on the scientific level through conscious criticism under the regulative idea of the search for truthThus the elimination of error leads to the objective growth of our knowledge, (Popper Selections, page 77). Popper explicitly said that the practice of public policy is also a practice of scholarship as it contains empirical prediction. For this reason the two are tentative hypotheses that comply with critical evaluation. Even arts, like Special Prayer for Death by Tisna Sanjaya, is a form of critical evaluation or public criticism. So there is no reason for Political Officer of Bandung city government to burn it based on Regional Regulation No. 23/2001, or that Provincial Court of Bandung legalized the burning of this piece on Wednesday (6/1). It is only through creative freedom that criticism grows abundantly, because...liberty is the possibility of doubting, the possibility of making a mistake, the possibility of searching and experimenting, the possibility of saying no to any authority literary, artistic, philosophic, religious, social, and even political, said Ignazio Silone in The God That Failed (Bantam Books,1959). Therefore opposition/criticim to public life is just as valuable as opposition/criticism in scholarship. The two acknowledge fallibility in every decision, and through the mistakes we learn and obtain the subsequent progress. Through critical evaluation/criticism and opposition, we end dogmatism and dictatorship/fascism/
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authoritarianism, going toward new politics that is anchored in human progres, scientifico-critical democracy and open society. Because once again democracy without opposition (internal and external) is a cemetery democracy!
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Welcome TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Indonesian National Armed Forces) Under Departement Of Defense
ndonesian National Armed Forces (TNI, Tentara Nasional Indonesia) should ideally be under the Department of Defense (Dephan), while the National Police Force under the Department of Internal Affairs, argued Juwono Sudarsono, Indonesias Minister of Defense. Actually the term ideal is no longer necessary because it was one of the transitional political agenda for ABRI (Indonesian Armed Forces, Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia) six years ago when reform in Indonesia was launched. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati, did not take the demilitarization agenda inherited from General (Ret.) Soeharto as a priority. Consequently, the energy of reform is exhausted for issues other than the main problem of eliminating militarism and enacting democratic values, regulations, institutions and practices. In the midst of this opportunity, militarism ripped its clothing, from extra-constitutional practices under Soeharto with dual-function of ABRI to become constitutional practice through TNI Law and Defense Law. Is the new spirit mentioned by the Minister of Defense will end up in efforts to unravel all practices of militarism that goes deep since Soekarno, made more sophisticated by Soeharto, and finalized by new executive and legislature in national regulations? President General (Ret.) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) offered a different vision in Dialog of Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates organized by KPU on June 1. SBY is still convinced that Commander
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of Armed Forces is most suitable under the President as Head of State. Of course SBY is the one who has most authority to determine policy on TNI. At most the suggestion from Minister of Defense will be regarded as an input. Where is the actual starting point of militarism in Indonesia? Four Pillars of Militarism Is the problem only about placing TNI under the Department of Defense, and then the problem of militarism that choked political practice in Indonesia will end? Is this issue only related to the anxiety of Minister of Defense who said, TNI Law and Defense Law only give an authority to Minister of Defense to formulate strategy, policy and provide administrative support. For deployment and staging of troops, the TNI Commander will be directly under the supervision of President. If this is the only problem, then militarism practice will go on in Indonesia. The thesis that wanted to be developed, i.e. that civil or former military who ruled in Indonesia, then militarism will remain intact. How is this possible? Because militarism as a doctrine and system receives basis of support from the four pillars of militarism in Indonesia, i.e: First, functionalism. There is nearly no public position that is vulnerable to be controlled by active military member during the New Order, but now the TNI Law provides a new basis of legitimacy for active soldiers to do the same, i.e. to become structural officers in departments or institutions under departments. Second, territorial command. During New Order, this is the most effective repressive power that civilians feared most. From Kodam, Korem, Kodim, Koramil, Babinsa, they can do anything in the name of stability and security. On campuses, these territorial commands took advantages of Student Regiment (Menwa) to monitor students activities. During New Oder most intelligent activities on students was recruited from this Menwa. In addition, in TNI Law, there are a number of efforts to maintain the function of territorial command, especially in a number of TNI functions of military
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operation other than wars that actually must comply with civilian political authority. Third, TNI business. If we look back, it appeared to have started from the process of nationalization of Dutch businesses during Soekarnos era. Until this day the web of TNI (Polri, Indonesian Police Force) business is the strength of strategic capital in Indonesia aside from foreign capital, state-owned enterprises capital, conglomerate capital. If we follow the political economic history, the political involvement of any strategic power group always starts from capital domination and attempts to increase its accumulation. It is not hard to pick up this thesis. Until now TNI asks for protection of its business activity and to make it stay legal, although it is clearly violating attempts to reform it. Article 76 (1) of TNI Law clearly accomodates, within 5 (five) years since this law is adopted, government must take over all business activities owned and managed by TNI, be it directly or indirectly. Who could guarantee that TNI will relinquish its business that continues to grow like octopus tentacles, letting go of its wealth voluntarily to the state? Is it true there is a warranty that all TNI businesses will be reliquished fully, or whether its wealth would be made disappeared, reduced, or intentionally made bankrupt through various ways, and turned into private business owned by individual civilian. It is very easy to change status of business, to change its name, in order to replace the original businesses in this country of corruptors. If TNI genuinely respects democracy, certainly all of those businesses would be returned back to the state, right? Fourth, the position of TNI under president and the position of TNI Commander as political decision-maker in cabinet. This is the source of the problem mentioned by Minister of Defense Juwono Sudarsono. TNI Law clearly states in article 3 (1) in time of deployment and usage of military power, TNI is positioned under the president; while article (2) says, in terms of policy and defense strategy and administrative support, TNI is under the coordination of Department of Defense. This is instead of the fact that in order to modernize countrys defense system and also to accomodate democracy within TNI, TNI is supposed to be under the coordination of Department of
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Defense while the position of TNI Commander should be eliminated and replaced with a Joint Chief of Staff whose leadership would be rotated among the Army, Marine, and Air Force. Change of TNI and Defense Laws Certainly attempts to place TNI under the Department of Defense must be welcomed as one of efforts to unravel the pillars of militarism (also known as TNI dual-function) in Indonesia. The first challenge is that this effort requires the Department of Defense to tear down the vision of elected President SBY. When this first challenge is taken care of, it would be easier for Minister of Defense to discuss the subsequent steps with TNI Headquarter and all Chiefs of Staff. Having an internal agreement within TNI with a new vision on TNI position from the president will ease the Minister of Defense/ government to organize efforts of change in TNI and Defense Laws as the main steps to democratize TNI. Yet, as explained above, the main task of TNI reform is an effort to unravel all pillars of militarism that is very much rooted in Indonesia. If we do this with half-heartedly, with ridiculous compromises, even without clear direction from the executive and legislative branches as demonstrated by Megawatis admnistration, our democracy would stumble back to point zero. For this reason, if we agree to rewrite TNI and Defense Laws, then the four pillars of militarism mentioned earlier should be fully eliminated, there is no need for any non-sense compromises. In order for the process and result to fully represent publics voice, deliberation or change of these laws should engage the public as much as possible. Do not give an impression of secretive deal and forced change, like what happened with the most recent adoption of TNI Law. Therefore we can all later call the two laws as Democratic TNI Law and Democratic Defense Law, not the opposite. This is so all of us, TNI and people, can say goodbye with a big relief to militarism in Indonesia, and we would no longer need to spend energy quarelling about the dichotomy of military-civilian, or
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about former-military-officer presidential candidate. Because, when there is no more basis for militarism in Indonesia, civilian supremacy would become the motor and active defender of the development of social democracy in Indonesia.
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Behold Dasasila Bandung (Bandungs Ten Principles)
o people of Asia-Africa pay close attention to the critic of Albert Camus, winner of Nobel Literature 1957 from France, on Dasasila Bandung? Maybe Camus is the first international intellectual who critic Dasasila Bandung. He started of praising it, Nations of Bandung group have rescued the Europeans from the shackle of imperialism and death. Later he cynically continued saying, ...their stand on killings in Hungary [attack of Soviet Union] is unforgivable...The moral superiority of those nations as nations who have experienced imperialism in the past becomes vain in just a few days, (Krisis Kebebasan, YOI, 1988, Original document of interview Demain, February 21-27, 1957). Is the stand of people of Asia-Africa congruent with the official stand of their government? Camus had no chance of reading Sutan Sjahrirs lecture in Second Asian Socialist Congress in Bombay on November 6, 1956 titled Socialism Today (Sosialisme Sekarang, Sikap magazine No. 1-5, January 9, 1957 February 6, 1957). Sutan Sjahrir strongly condemned the practice of communism in Soviet Union, ...which created dependency of satellite communist countries to Soviet Union...Poland and Hungary, which were ruled by dictatorship of the communists...want to return to democracy that enable the formation of more than one political parties. The voice of Sutan Sjahrir, the voice of one Indonesians, the voice of one people from Asia-Africa. Sutan Sjahrir served as the Prime Minister of the Republic of Indonesia from November 1945-
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1947, and then he became an independent intellectual. He further wrote, so long as the communists are loyal to Lenins teaching, then it would be hard for them to develop democracy...Lenins theories are to justify the killings of labor and farmers and to establish new place of exile for their class enemy along with those categorized as accomplices of their class enemy. That was what happened in Hungary, condemned strongly by Sutan Sjahrir. Dasasila Bandung and its practices How humane and smart is the inner voice of one people from Asia-Africa compared to the official voice of government of nations of Bandung group. Is the interest of Asia-Africas people still different from the official interest of their governments since the 50 years of Asia-Africa conference? We observe attentively the 10 principles known as Dasasila Bandung: 1) Respecting basic human rights as well as goals and principles stated in United Nations Charter; 2) Respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations; 3) Acknowledging equality across all races and equality of nations, big and small; 4) Refraining from intervention or meddling-in in domestic issues of other countries; 5) Respecting the rights of every nation to defend itself independently or collectively, according to the United Nations Charter; 6a) Not using collective defense regulations to act on behalf of certain particular interest of one big country; b) Not using pressure against other country; 7) Not using any actions or threats of aggression against territorial integrity or political freedom of any nation; 8) Settling all international conflicts with peace, such as through agreement meetings, arbitration or legal settlement or other peaceful means as chosen by relevant parties, according to the United Nations Charter; 9) Advancing common interest and cooperation; 10) Respecting international laws and obligations. For 50 years, how was the behavior of the 29 countries that initiated it? First, for decades the majority of them had practiced antidemocracy politics: military junta, fascisim/totalitarianism, authoritarianism. The examples are: Indonesia, Philippines, Burma, RRC, Thailand, Cambodia, Iran, Iraq, Vietnam, Saudi Arabia, Lybia,
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Ethiopia, Sudan, Liberia; Second, they attack and conquer one another. The examples are: a. North Vietnam and South Vietnam became Vietnam. Vietnam once occupied Cambodia; b. India fought with Pakistan on Kashmir; c. Syria occupies Lebanon, RRC occupies Tibet; d. Indonesia occupied Timor Leste; Fourth, they were being recolonized, for instance Afghanistan and Iraq by the United States and allies; Fourth, they assisted occupation. For instance Japan and the Philippines in the case of Iraq and Afghanistan; Fifth, poverty and social gap in all Asia-African countries. Practically speaking, Dasasila Bandung is an empty historical document that is never respected even by the initiators. Of course, we remember its best achievement, spreading the spirit of anticolonialism and anti-imperialism, and pushing independence in dozens of new countries such as Aljazair, Nigeria, Democratic Republic of Congo (previously known as Zaire), Cameroon, Tanzania, Somalia, Gabon, Republic Congo, Uganda, Zambia, Togo, Mali, and others. Poverty and Colonialism If the initiators of Dasasila Bandung compete to betray it, after 50 years, what else are left important? Asia-Africa Senior Official Meeting at the end of March 2005 in Jakarta, according to co-chairman Ayanda Ntsaluba from South Africa, First, reform of the United Nations; Second, collective support of a sovereign country of Palestine; Third, working together to eliminate poverty; Fourth, pushing dialog of culture and religion. There is no agenda about the fate of people in Iraq and Afghanistan, or simply to condemn strongly the occupation of the United States. The official voice of the government of Asia-Africa once again zeroes the similar misery experienced by Hungary when attacked by Soviet Union. This is on top of zeroing the misery of people of Iraq and Afghanistan, also people of Lebanon who are occupied by Syria, people of Myanmar and Aung San Su Kyi who are oppressed by military junta, although the five countries are initiators of Dasasila Bandung.
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And then, isnt Asia Africa capable of building a new economic order that could compete with the global capitalist economic order of free market? The emasculated United Nations, the halted independence of Palestine, global poverty, and cultural hegemony, came from the injustices of this global economy. Isnt the poverty of billions of people in Asia-Africa need an immediate action since this is about life and death? We know, 300 multinational companies control 25 percent of world asset, 6 percent of which has total sale of US$ 111-126 billion, and the wealth of 25 million richest people in the United States is equal to the income of 2 billion world citizens. According to UNDP (1992) the wealth of the 20 percent richest people has increased globally, 70.2 percent (1960), 73.9 percent (1970), 76.3 percent (1980), and 82.7 percent (1989). Meanwhile the wealth of 20 percent poorest people continues to decrease, from 2.3 percent (1960), 2.3% (1970), 1.7% (1980), and 1.4 percent (1989). Indonesia faces 53 percent of its 220 million population living under poverty line (World Bank), 40 percent of labor unemployed, foreign debt US$ 130 billion, paying the principal debt of Rp. 46 trillion, interest of Rp. 24,375 trillion (2004), paying the interest of banking recapitalization Rp. 41,275 trillion (2004). Being the first in Asia and sixth in the ranking of worlds most corrupt country, Transparency International (2004) declared Soeharto as the most corrupt political leader in the world, looting US$ 15-35 billion of public wealth. The Awakening of Asia-Africas People Learning from Albert Camus and Sutan Sjahir, at the 50th anniversary of Dasasila Bandung, it must be marked by: the awakening of people of Asia Africa. Now it is time to focus on concrete subject, the soul of Dasasila Bandung: people of Asia Africa. Ideally, there would be Asia Africa Conference program of government, and Asia Africa Conference program of civil society. The result would be a declaration, an agreement and an action plan that represent the interest of people of Asia Africa such as labor, farmers, artists,
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culturalists, academicians, youth, students, urban poor, women, environmentalists, and others. Civil society is important actor in building democracy nationally and globally, in addition to state/government and market. The synergy of the three actors is very much expected, together building the world with the values of humanity, justice, populism, freedom, and solidarity. The history of Asia-Africa also the future of the world is now in the hands of Asia Africa people. If not, history would become nothing more than cemetery of dreams!
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One Hundred Days Of SBY-Kalla
bdullah Puteh, governor of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD) is the highest executive officer detained for corruption charges within the 100 days of SBY-Kalla administration. If fight against corruption is the icon of change of SBY-Kalla, then the first 100 days that ends at the end of January 2005 seems far from what the public expected. We barely hear the handling of old corruption that involved high-ranking officials of New Order including Soeharto and family. Corruption for the past six years of Reform Order is also halted here and there. Its public role is also not clearly seen because there is no systemic program that involves the public to prevent, monitor and fix corruption. Suddenly natural disaster and tsunami strucked. In the midst of grief, all aids, and new billions of US dollar debt flowing from abroad, hundreds of billion rupiah also flew in from domestic donors. Who would guarantee that these would reach the deserving ones? It is hard to deny that when the pulse of grief is gone from publics heart, the future will come as an epidemic of disappointment for victims. This is because corruption and socio-political-economic violence are the latent character that remains and grows well to this day among our economic-political elite. Acehnese are silent victims for decades, who care about them? Caricature solidarity without social justice, this is what appear in the midst of misery, poverty and ignorance that become the best friends of the majority of public in this republic.
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Social tsunami and democracy The sweeping natural tsunami hit NAD and North Sumatera, but the sweeping of social tsunami had for decades hit the majority of our public. Social tsunamis in the form of social, economic, political, cultural, gender injustices, and others. How would the contemporary economic-political architech of SBY-Kalla administration, facing the 100 day, explain social tsunami that seems without end in this republic? First, falsification for thesis about the already ongoing consolidation of democracy, especially as marked by reproduction of old economic-political power, its supra structure is full-complete with individuals, political parties (old and new), capital, values and mass organizations, of course with social relations that are product of capitalism with semi-feodal and semi-colonial character as its infrastructure. Second, democratic transition phase, which requires transitional political agenda to minimize old economic-political power, turns out to be different from the fall of just one dictator like Soeharto but it could mean the fall of other leaders that has direct and indirect connection with old economic-political power during the past six years. Democratic transition becomes permanent so long as they continue to control the five arenas of democratic consolidation: civil society, political society, economic society, rule of law, state apparatus. Democratic consolidation is not simply to reorganize the five arenas, but to place new players with commitment on democratic values and practices, especially the ones that uphold universal basic rights, civil, political, economic, cultural, social, gender, and others. Third, so long as democratic transition is not met meaning that the old economic-political power is still ruling and controlling the five arenas then democratic consolidation is not happening yet. This is why this new perspective refuses the idea that democratic consolidation happens if there are at least elections and various political parties participating even political parties that are discriminative against gender and anti democracy can easily pass qualification or there were two-time elections (duplo) as suggested
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by Huntington that enables change of power without blood being shed. Fourth, the process of fall of political leader in democratic transition especially in Indonesia at the very least is a combination of two variables, that is mass political power or public opinion and legislative legal legitimacy. Yet if the involvement of (old) legislative is dominant, then democratic transition becomes longer because there is a pull-push of political interest in the legislature that moderates the transitional political agenda of mass. Democratic consolidation will be easily achieved, as Cory Aquino in the Philippines or Vaclav Havel in Chekoslovakia, if it is the strength of mass politics that determine (mass action) hence de facto legitimacy is more determinative than the de jure one. Fifth, when public, new political elite or new political parties consciously restore the old economic-political power, then the writer, alerted by Karl Popper in Conjectures and Refutations (Routledge, 2002) who said , If the majority (or public opinion) decides in favour of tyranny, a democrat need not therefore suppose that some fatal inconsistency in his views has been revealed. He will realize, rather, that the democratic tradition in his country was not strong enough. In reality, our democratic tradition is not strong enough, which is why Vaclav Havel issued Czech and Slovak Federal Republic: Screening (Lustration) Law, (Act No.451/1991, October 4, 1991) in order to suppress old economicpolitcal power so that democratic tradition could be built by new economic-political power. Hence old dictatorship and its supporters would no longer become an alternative for the majority or public opinion. Challenges of Genuine Social Change El desencanto (disappointment), is a virus that was raging in Latin America in 1979-1989, affecting radical democrats in Spain, Portugal to Brazil. Watching the dying project of democratic transition and consolidation, and the return of old economic-political power to power throne. The same el desencanto virus have also infected radical
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democrats lately. Social reality should be understood as a mirror of social dialectic, not something that is dreamed objectively to happen. Within this social dialectic, radical democrats anchor their praxis of work, committing genuine social change as prerequisite of social emancipation that uproots all kinds of social relations that is exploitative, repressive, and humiliate human being. Dont the current social reality give new hope, even though it feels slow and needing very hard work to create genuine social change. We have an immense social-political capital during the struggle of transition towards democratic consolidation in the past six years. Initial prediction, it was sufficient to just topple Soeharto, transition and democratic consolidation could walk hand in hand together, but this is rejected by social reality. Yet the objective social dialectic as chain of challenge and response ala Toynbee could still be understood as long as rationality and the spirit of change guide our step in producing new creativity and innovation. It is indeed not easy, hope and dissappointment are mixed with it, victims and perpetrators switch places, money and power become destructive hammer for dream of genuine social change. History is never linear, old economic-political power returns to power just like the wave of political tsunami destroying the fragile fortress of democratic consolidation. This is the objective condition. As an initial warning of failure in project of democracy, the subjective condition to defent it is located in individual, mass action, social movement, and social and political organizations just mention any mass movement that has strong and firm commitment on values and practices of democracy. Because, in the note of Noam Chomsky (Understanding Power, 2003), it is only through popular struggles with intellectuals involved in it freedom, justice and enlightenment could be sucessfully actualized and continuously expanded in public and individual life.
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Together We Reshuffle Cabinet
ogether we suffer! That is the general feeling of the society after being hammered by two times increase in fuel price. The middle class was caught swearing in front of their TVs, losing nearly half of their real income. The lower class becomes people from stone age, living below poverty line, fighting to get direct cash help. Hoping for prosperity behind election booth of 2004, but what comes is the most bitter misery. Poverty expanded from 36 million (2004) to 15.6 million of poor families, which is equivalent to 60 million individuals. Open unemployment increased to 10.9 percent of 103.97 million labor. Therefore, social discrepancy becomes increasingly latent (M. Fadjroel Rachman, Bersama (Siapapun) Kita Tetap Menderita, Kompas, 15/ 10. Corruption is ubiquitous that it tripped the Supreme Court and its Chair, Bagir Manan. Worse, peoples misery is responded with policies that have no empathy. Allowances for DPR increased Rp. 10 million per month, budget for presidents office increased 57.7 percent to Rp. 1,147 trillion, budget for vice presidents office increased 145.0 percent to Rp. 179.2 billion, then domestic and foreign creditors cheered because their debts were paid in full Rp. 125 trillion, the fraction payment and interest. Hence the sacrifice and death of Waginem (80) and Kasipah (80) is useless.
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Liquidation or reshuffle? Extra-parliamentary opposition think that the current condition is similar to 1998 hence the choice to liquidate government through people power or accelerated election immediately took center stage. Objectively speaking, the momentum of economic trouble is not equal with the 1998 condition, where economic growth was minus 13 percent, inflation roughly 82.4 percent, depreciation 708 percent, or more precisely there was stagflation. Now economy still grows 5.54 percent from the targeted 7.6 percent, inflation 6.39-14 percent and rupiah exchange rate at Rp. 10,000. At least economic momentum still sides with the government. In addition, although the popularity of SBY-Kalla took a deep plunge, it is still above 60 percent, which means 44 percent of voters still have hope, and their tenure is still for four more years. The choices of extra-parliamentary opposition apparently hasnt found its momentum, whether there is any other choice for Susilo B. Yudhoyono (SBY) but to reshuffle United Indonesia Cabinet (KIB, Kabinet Indonesia Bersatu)? Certainly there is, which is to maintain KIB as is, it doesnt matter if the ministers have no achievement, have no creativity, and become burden for public life. Even SBY could say I dont care on the misery of his own voters. Just like Coordinating Minister of Economic Affairs Aburizal Bakrie who considered his achievement (Koran tempo, 11/9) in this past one year as a 9 in value, where 10 is just for God. Yet defending KIB has its own obvious consequences. SBY is digging the grave for his own administration. Escalation of misery and latent anger would explode like it was in 1998. When that momentum comes, there is no other way to go back but to step down like Soeharto did or to run away like Ferdinand Marcos. Turnaround Strategy Cabinet reshuffle or reorganization of government is the only option left. Turnaround strategy is still possible to do when social and political capital are still in the hands of SBY, popularity is still
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high, peoples hope still exist, and tenure is still four more years. Unlike Soehartos leadership in 1998, all social and political capital is depleted that liquidation strategy becomes the option. More precisely, the cost of cabinet reshuffle is cheaper than the cost of liquidation. Reorganization and turnaround strategy end in the changing of organizational structure, sharpening of function, firing or reposition of old ministers, and increasing the capability/professionality of new ministers. In addition, restating the organizational goals of the goverment with the principles of transitional democratic government, which (2) brings prosperity to people; (2) distribute prosperity; (3) abolish corruption; (4) enact human rights (civil, politics, economic, social and cultural). Where is the role of political parties? A direct presidential system by the people may undermine the role of political parties and the formation of expert cabinet to achieve that goal. This is an important momentum to emphasize, now is a presidential cabinet, formation of cabinet is the prerogative right of president. Sacrificing peoples fate by trading favors with political parties or national and global capital oligarchy must be seen convincingly as a tyranny against the people. The fate of Waginem, Wadiman, and Kasipah is the fate of citizens, just like the fate of presidents or vice presidents and ministers in KIBs parents. There is no difference in this republic! This is the time for political parties to optimize its general function in the legislature (monitoring, legislatin and budget), certainly with the same goal of providing prosperity for people, distributing prosperity, abolishing corruption and upholding human rights. For SBY this should be easy because the reshuffled cabinet would become an expert cabinet that is pro-people (not pro oligarchy of national and global capital, or neoliberalism), which means restating the consistency of campaign promise a year ago. Consistency is a main character of leadership. There is still time to turnaround publics feeling of Together We Suffer in to Together We Prosper, before this fire in hay burns us. With peoples vote, SBY is the determinant, not political parties,
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not DPR (Parliament), not ministers in KIB, even not Jusuf Kalla and Golkar Party!
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Footsteps Of Golkar Party
wo thumbs up! Superb! General (Ret.) Soeharto received an award of Anugerah Bhakti Pratama from Golkar Party.
The New Order dictator! Said Prof. R. William Liddle, professor at the Political Science Department of the Ohio State Univesity, Columbus, United States in Revolusi dari Luar (Penerbit Nalar, 2005). Soeharto was the former chief of board of trustee of Golkar during New Order. Golkar supported Soeharto 100 percent for 32 years, seven time of presidential tenure, regardless of whether Soeharto committeed violation against human rights since 1965-1998, killing democracy, occupying East Timor, or even shot and incarcerated students and lay people. For 32 years Golkar is Soeharto and Soeharto is Golkar! For seven years of reform, Golkar Party always reject any historical association with Golkar and Soeharto. The term that Golkar Party used to cut-off itself from all crimes in politics, economy, human rights and anti-democratic New Order. Now, after returning to power in DPR, DPD, DPRD, cabinet, vice president, governor, head of district/head of subdistrict (walikota/ bupati), and conglomerates, Golkar Party is convinced that there is nothing more to fear if they want to acknowledge its relationship with Soeharto and New Order. From PDIP to PKS, all is happy to become partners of Golkar Party, even a number of students who condemned Golkar have now become Members of Parliament from Golkar Party.
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In addition to Soeharto, another big name from New Order who also received Anugerah Bhakti Pratama was BJ Habibie (former President). Moerdiono (former Minister of State Secretary), Cosmas Batubara and Oetojo Oesman. This is the truth that was hidden during seven years of reform. Is this to save itself? Certainly so it doesnt end up experiencing the fate of Nazi Party or other extreme-right parties that was banned after a totalitarian regime was toppled by wave of democratization. Also to avoid lustration law as done by President Vaclav Havel, banning high-ranking official of Chechoslovakias Communist Party from holding any public positions or even to participate in election for five years, all while the democratic regime is strenghening itself. This is the impressive tactic of Golkar Party, cutting off its relationship with the past for seven years, and then reacknowledging it again after it restores its power. The reform that was fought for to clean up the totalitarian regime of New Order, including its values, institutions, individuals and anti-democracy practices, went away without trace. Genuine reformers and radical democrats are left helpless! Soeharto, New Order and Golkar How was the practice of Soeharto, New Order and Golkar? Although Liddle is ambivalent in his stand on New Order [M. Fadjroel Rachman, Belajar dari Intelektual Orde Baru, Kompas 9/17], his depiction about the practices of Soeharto, New Order and Golkar is precise. Liddle said, about 30 years ago the remains of democratic governance in Indonesia were destroyed by New Order under the leadership of Soeharto and Armed-Forces officers who were Soehartos supporters. The political system of New Order was built on the basis of authoritarianism. In addition, the practice of corruption by Soeharto through Supersemar Foundation, Amal Bhakti Muslim Pancasila Foundationn, and others, are not yet settled to this day, because he was sick (Djokomoelyo, Proses Peradilan Soeharto, 2001). The question mark on Soeharto and familys corruption was also left hanging. The corrupt
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wealth of Soeharto and family, valued at US$15-35 billion according to Transparency International (March 25, 2004), has made it on the first rank of ten worlds most corrupt political leader. According to Newsweek (January 1998), it was worth US$ 40 billion, while Forbes magazine granted Soeharto the position of worlds fourth richest person (July 28, 1997). His corruption, collusion and nepotism funds is valued at US$60 billion, the median of estimated US$ 40-80 billion since his 7 children and grandchildren have 312-350 companies in and out of the country (Mulya Lubis, et.al, Soeharto vs Time: Pencarian dan Penemuan Kebenaran, Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2001). Ironically, the MPR RI Decree No. XI/MPR/1998 dated November 13, 1998 on Creating a State Clean and Free from Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism , is still valid, and article 4 said: Effort to abolish corruption, collusion and nepotism must be done firmly against anyone, be they state officials, former state officials, family and cronies or even private sector/conglomerate, including former President Soeharto. Amnesia and Impunity If all political practices of Soeharto and New Order is recognized as part of an important history of Golkar Party, then attempts to make the public forget/has amnesia for the crime on politics, economy, human rights related to Soeharto would end. This is certainly good news to prosecute Soeharto and high-rank officials from New Order part of them are current top-rank official from Golkar Party and part of them received Anugerah Bhakti Pratama for their responsibility of anti-democratic practices of Soeharto and totalitarian New Order. Aside from award, this is the time to end impunity! So that everyone is equal before the law, nobody is immune from law, including the founders of Golkar, Golkar Party, even General (Ret.) Soeharto!
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Nation State: A Never Complete Project
ndonesia is a federation that has the form of republic. That is the content of Article 1 section 1 of 1945 Constitution after some day amended by legislators in MPR. Next it will be called Federation Republic of Indonesia or United States of Indonesian Republic, just like the suggestion of YB Mangunwijaya. Is the change of the form of state from unity state to federal state the source of disintegration of the nation, the emergence of new Soumokils that are probably reappearing and haunting the whole nation? (Idham Samudera Bey, Menguji Wacana Amin Rais, Kompas, December 18, 1999, page 4)? To prevent it, is to reawaken the nationhood spirit of Indonesians to prevent and limit the maneuvers of those Soumokils and declare the debate on federal and unity states for todays Indonesia irrelevant (Idham, ibid, page 4). If this argument of Idham is carried on, then to prevent disintegration by those Soumokils, it is suggested that government and patriotic people execute military violence. Historical Dialectic of Three Political Theses The weakness of the mentioned argument is that it mixes nationhood-state as project of ideological politics, identity politics and geographic politics with the form of nation state. As if, the only form of nationhood that is suitable for Indonesia is unity state. If it is not unity state, there would be disintegration, dividedness of geographic areas of Indonesias nation state.
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This is while the main issue for developing the discourse on federalism was the form of nation state within the geographic area of Indonesia, what would be suitable to accomodate new values and situation that came out as consequences of historical dialectic of theses on ideological politics, identity politics and geographic politics of Indonesias nation state. What is meant by the three political theses with historical dialectic within the structure of Indonesias nation state? First, thesis of ideological politics of anti-colonialism (rooted in the critic of Marxism against capitalism and imperialism). It can be clearly read in the writings of our founding fathers (Soekarno, Hatta, Sutan Sjahrir, Tan Malaka, and others). Second, thesis of identity politics as a community where its members (population and nations or member nations) imagined communities based on a togetherness that they perceived as deep solidarity whose direction is horizontal. Third, thesis of geographic politics on imaginary border of living territorial for population and nations or member nations. Beyond Indonesias geographical border (from Sabang to Merauke), we perceived the existence of other nations that are not ours. Reality and Challenges What are the reality and challenges for today and the future? The awakening of nations (nation of Aceh, Riau, Papua, Kalimantan, and others) is actually based on the three political theses mentioned above. When relying on the three political theses, these nations could and are justified to question the authority of their historical presence and participation in Indonesias nation state. Even the willingness of those member countries (nation of Aceh, nation of Timor Leste, and nation of Papua) to sacrifice life and material possession must be understood within the context of the mentioned three political theses. The discourse on federalism is essentially an effort to answer tentatively the new value and sitution that are the product of historical dialectic of the mentioned three political theses on the form of nation state. We all have seen how there have been an ideological rupture
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or ideological void to defend the structure of nation state (community of nation and geography). The discourse on federalism searches new answer for ideological political thesis on Indonesias nation state. In short, this new ideological political thesis is no longer anti-colonialism but instead relies on new global ideology which are democratization (politics, economy, social and cultural), enacting human rights, protection of ecology and gender equality. Through the new ideological political thesis, it is imagined how the form of nation state is suitable with federation state. Hence the identity politics that is reflected in deep and horizontal solidarity is also based on the new ideological political thesis. The same is true with geographic politics, which could defend todays territory of Indonesia as territorial border imagined in future federation state. Even, we could just accept Timor Leste nation, for instance, as a member of Federation Republic of Indonesia or United States of Indonesian Republic. Yet, this new ideological political thesis must apparently face the supporters of old ideological political thesis. They defend the anti-colonialism thesis and reorganize it into anti-neo-colonial thesis. This ideological tendency is spreading now. Sri-Edi Swasono (Professor of Faculty of Economy of University of Indonesia) and Sritua Arief said that Indonesia...is not free form the trap of its history. They still carry the following characteristics (1) its past was in colonial power...; (2) after achieving political independence, these countries once again are under colonial power...in the form of neo-colonialism. New colonialism that is masked in globalization and globalism with foreign capitalists turbo as main actor is a reality of life (see SriEdi Swasono and Sritua Arief, Pembangunan tanpa Utang: Utang Luar Negeri dan Ekonomi Indonesia, Republika, December 15, 1999, page 6). Hasyim Wahid (baby brother of Abdurrahman Wahid) and friends also wrote in perspective that Western capitalism is the one determining power in the history of Indonesia (Telikungan Kapitalisme Global dalam Sejarah Kebangsaan Indonesia, LkiS, Yogyakarta, 1999). The direct consequence of this old ideological
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political thesis is the defending of Indonesias nation state as a unity state, because they imagine nation state being a great prey sieged by global capitalism. The discourse on federalism or form of federal state would be considered a division of common power to face the fierceness of global capitalism in its neo-colonial practices. Closing Remark Mixing up the three historical dialectic politics in the structure of nation state with forms of nation state is very dangerous. This is because we are closing our eyes to new values and sitution that is brought in by the historical dialectic of the three political theses. For the writer, the friction and new balance that are tentative from the project to become Indonesia are actually just historical points of a big project of humanity, of becoming a nation of human being in one earth: peoples earth. More specifically, the project to become Indonesia within Indonesias nation state is just the tail of a big project of becoming human being in peoples earth. Because at the end of the day, quoting Sutan Sjahrir in Perjuangan Kita: All nation must find its death in a humanity that covers the entire world into one nation, that is human nation that live in relationship that is based on justice and truth, no longer limited by narrow feeling that divides people based on color of skin or familial descent.
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Celebrating The Death Of Reform
otalitarian power begins with arrogance and greed but ends with foolishness! General Pinochet from Chile killed President Salvador Allende and his supporters on September 11, 1973. Ruling with iron fist, ended it as an old man that managed to get out from prosecution and jail by manipulating law through parliamentary immunity and Amnesty Law, bad health and old age (Roger Burbach, The Pinochet Affair, 2003). The same was true of Ferdinand Marcos, muting his opposition with martial law, looting Filipinos wealth of US$ 8-10 billion with wive, children and cronies, run away to Hawaii, United States, got ill and died. Wive and cronies defended his loot from Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG). PCGG with Executive Order No. 1/29 February 1986 from Cory Aquino was aimed at recovering the ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses, their associates, and cronies. A third of Marcos wealth were confiscated, including his saving of US$ 540 million in a Swiss bank, that is after years of attempts (Jovito R. Salonga, Presidential Plunder, 2000). Soeharto General (Ret.) Soeharto for 32 years enacted a totalitarian regime, combining ideological conquest and violence. Dreaming of directing mind, feeling and action of every citizen, and repress them when
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they challenge him. Political violence began in 1965, killing 1 million victims, until the shooting of four students of Trisakti on May 12, 1998. Soeharto was toppled from power on May 21, 1998, but Golkar Party and its loyal supporters in bureaucracy and military remained in power, restoring its economic-political power, and are fully in power today. Soeharto was prosecuted based on MPR RI Decree No. XI/ MPR/1998 dated November 13, 1998 on Managing a State that is Clean and Free of Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism. But the allegations of small corruptions through seven foundations valued at Rp. 3.7 trillion did not progress with reasons similar to that of Pinochet, permanent illness. His ill-gotten wealth is about US$ 30-60 billion (Transparency International and Time), the first rank of worlds most corrupt political leader, but this is never investigated. His children, cronies and followers are free without punishment. They rejoiced with the Decree to Halt Prosecution against Soeharto. This means he is going even further from any legal reach. An impressive deception so public could forgive and forget! Indebtedness Soeharto is facing two problems at the same time: corruption and crime against human rights. The crime against human rights are never even touched. For corruption, the New Order dictator was freed from all prosecution by the administration of Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono-Jusuf Kalla (SBY-JK). The choir of liberation raised the same voice in rounds, from President SBY, Jusuf Kalla the Vice President and Executive Chair of Golkar party, to MPR Speaker Hidayat Nurwahid, former President of Prosperous Justice Party, all are supporters of SBY-JK. Everyone who are indebted demanded his liberation for reasons of humanity. They were not victims of New Order but they were indebted to New Order. Justice, moral and humanity side with victims, not the perpetrators. For this reason, moral calls and humanity without justice, without victims, are calls of injustices.
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In this Republic everyone is equal before law, no exception even for General (Ret.) Soeharto! His liberation emphasize that law and justice comply to group and individual interest. This decision crushed the integrity of law and justice! If it is true that Attorney General Abdulrahman Saleh disagreed with this liberation, then this is the right time to resign. Hope Marcos had died but his wealth from looting is still searched by PCGG. Is the Philippines immoral, inhumane and disrespectful to its former president? Certainly not, because by chasing Marcos loot and enacting law, Philippines emphasizes moral stand, humanity and respect for victims, law, and democracy that was betrayed by Marcos and followers. The same is true of Pinochet, free because of indebtedness of his supporters. Yet the goddess of justice could go cross border. Within about 503 days Pinochet was detained for reason of crime against humanity in London Clinic, England, in October 1998 and was extradited to Spain. Political diplomacy let him loose, yet the lesson is clear, every country has the right to capture and prosecute dictator who committed crime against human rights. Soeharto may have the same fate if the last report of The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR, 2005) in Timor Leste titled Chega! (no more, stop, enough) is used as basis for prosecution on crime against humanity during occupation in Timor Leste. This report is already in the hands of United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan. Chega! explicitly said, the responsibility for this violation (the right of people of Timor Leste to self determination) rests primarily with President Soeharto. Its recommendation to the United Nations is international tribunal for Soeharto. Reform has died with the liberation of Soeharto, family, cronies and followers from legal prosecution. But, hopefully democracy and justice continue to reign in our heart and mind. If not, then the death of reform is now perfect, exactly on its eighth anniversary!
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Welcome Impunity
he tale of Indonesias Commission of Truth and Reconciliation is finished, after being in limbo in the hands of President Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono for more than a year. Constitutional Court (MK, Mahkamah Konstitusi) on Thursday (12/7) revoked Law No. 27/2004 on Indonesias Commission on Truth and Reconciliation, which was adopted by President Megawati Soekarnoputri on October 6, 2004 before it was even formed, function, and reach its goals. Total impunity for perpetrators of serious crime against human rights is now perfect and this is a total loss for victims! This is while a day before MK gave a little fresh air for democracy by saying Article 134, Article 136, and Article 137 of Criminal Code (KUHP, Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Pidana) are against 1945 Constitution. Why just these few articles? Because the haatzaai artikelen, which is the main article that killed democracy in Indonesia since Dutch occupation, then under British Indian Penal Code, which is Article 154 and Article 156 of KUHP, are still valid. Soekarno was victim of this Dutch-made article, which later trapped opponents of Soehartos New Order regime, including the ITB Five August Event (1989), where the victims, including the writer, were exiled in Nusakambangan Island. Article 154 of KUHP states, Whoever in front of public expresses feeling of hostility, hatred or disparagement against Indonesian government would be penalized with jailing of maximum
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seven years or fine of maximum four thousand five hundred rupiah. Indonesia Charges is Soekarnos total fight against this haatzaai artikelen. Disaster of good intention Good intention from a number of non-governmental organizations (LSM, Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat) to charge Article 27, Article 44 and Article 1 section 9 of KKR Law, which were considered inconsistent with 1945 Constitution since they put victims in disadvantageous position and give advantages for perpetrators of serious crime against human rights, was fully responded by MK. It cancelled the law. This is as if the non-governmental organizations were hunting rats, MK came helping by burning the whole house. It is hard to conclude that there was a conspiration to bury KKR Law, but who cheered up? Of course the perpetrators of serious crime against human rights and their supporters. KKR was formed to respond to the interest of victims of serious human rights violation, in accordance with Law No. 26/2000 on Human Rights Prosecution, Article 7, Serious violation of human rights include: a. genocide crime; b. crime against humanity. Because Nelson Mandela said, the most important role player is the victim. Although KKR is not a legal instrument and does not have the authority to punish perpetrators of crime against human rights, it has the authority to provide recommendation to government to take legal steps. Penalizing perpetrators of serious crime against human rights is a manifestation of justice for victims. Not afraid of truth We cannot walk fearlessly building democracy if we are not willing to acknowledge the evilness of mind and anti-democracy practices in the past. Hiding it, the crime will grow and become manipulative because we can no longer distinguish the evil and the good. A total zeroing is waiting for us in the future!
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The nation of South Africa came to realize the misleading way that has been blurred by crime of anti-democracy. For this reason they fearlessly investigated violence and violation within the apartheid regime, facing 100,000 potential cases, then finalizing 21,000 written testimony (deponent) to President, analyzing 7,000 application for amnesty, preparing 2,500 public hearing for amnesty application from perpetrators, victims, and witnesses, all recorded by videotape, with pieces of testimony aired in television, and radio airing it live every day for over five hours. KKR in South Africa also protects witnesses and archieves over 3,000 meter cubic of written documents, as well as video and tape recordings. The same is true with Argentinians. They uprooted their past crime with Nunca Mas (Never Again), final report of 50,000 pages that listed 8,960 missing people from The Argentine National Commission on The Disappeared (CONADEP) during the rule of military junta in Argentina from March 1976-1983. A report from hell! Nunca Mass dragged nine members of Argentinas military junta for crime against humanity committed during seven years, from 19761983, with lifetime sentence for General Jorge Videla and Admiral Emilio Massera, three other junta members were charged 16, 8 and 4 years while the other four were freed. They also decided to provide retirement fund equal to 75 percent minimum income to 23,466 victims and compensation for all political detainees of 1976-1983 period. New Challenge This is what we want in Indonesia, for KKR and Ad Hoc Court for Crime against Human Rights to walk as complement for one another, not as substitute. The new challenge now: First, victims, human rights organizations, and government and DPR (Parliament) to make new law that could meet the main goal of KKR (1) the right for truth; (2) the right for justice, and (3) the right for reparation. Second, in relation to haatzaai artikelen, for the society and victims to propose quickly material examination on Article 154 and Article 156 that had become an instrument for killing democracy in Indonesia.
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Letter For Mr. Bush
r. Bush, the world does not need more wars and violence. The earth is not an arena for endless killings. Enough is enough! The world is tired. Just in 20th century, there were 160 million people died from two times of world wars, torture, genocide, including six million Jewish massacred by Hitler, 60 million massacred by communist Soviet Union, also thousands of Indonesians as victims of human rights violation during modern Indonesian history. The expectation for everlasting peace grew when Cold War ended and the beginning of 21st century was coming. Unfortunately this hope is futile. Suddenly you came with ultramodern war machines, valued at thousands billion of dollar, engulfing antiterrorism war. You conquer Afghanistan, and Iraq, opposing socialist leaders from Latin America, Evo Moralez, Hugo Chavez and Daniel Ortega, even President of Iran Republic of Islam Mahmoud Ahmadinejad because they refuse to bow to you. They refuse to bow to the interest of global corporations (mostly from the US), which greedily plough their natural resources especially hydrocarbon (oil and gas), nationalizing them, or renegotiating them for the interest and prosperity of their people who were impoverished by global corporation. You are mad because their profit decline while they are the main supporters of global neoliberal project and your Republican party administration.
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You steer the United Nations, including for the sake of uncivil Israel government in Lebanon that brutally killed 37 children, most of whom toddlers, in Qana, South Lebanon, in Israeli bombing on Sunday (7/30), even in Palestine for decades, until the latest massacre of 18 civilians in Beit Hanoun, North Gaza (11/9) that horribly killed two brothers Maysa (3 years old) and Maram Al-Thamma (1 year old). Is there people and nation with conscience that justify killings of children? In one language they said that the November 9, 2006 massacre by Israel, immoral, inhuman, and is violating international law and convention. But what does your administration do? You instructed veto on the UN Security Council resolution draft that condems the massacre of 18 Palestinian civilians by Israel. Yet your Minister of Foreign Affairs, Condoleezza Rice, lightly said that US administration rejected the resolution draft because, we are not certain that that resolution is designed to contribute to peace. Isnt it odd? In the midst of war and violence that you engulfed in this earth, you preached about peace. Why dont you and Condoleezza Rice pay a visit to the corpses of brothers Maysa (3 years old) and Maram Al-Thamma (1 year old) who became victims of Israels incivility. Say this in front of the innocent corpses, that this is the price that they must pay to have peace in this world. If Maysa and Maram were your babies, would you be able to pay the price of worlds peace with their death? In addition, you also operated a scary jail in Guantanamo, Cuba and Abu Ghraib, Iraq. Detainees experienced abuse, torture, violation of their civil rights while in fact the civil rights of these detainees remain theirs and cannot be taken away by anyone. There are mounting international agreement to protect the civil rights of world citizens. Just mention Article 7 of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that was stipulated by Resolution of General Assembly 2200 A (XXI) December 16, 1996, where your country also ratified. It said, Noone could be tortured or received treatment or other punishments that are evil, inhuman or undermining dignity. Now, war and violence reign again in this earth, and you, Mr. Bush, is the angel of death. We refuse war and violence that you
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preached, Mr. Bush! War and violence are crime against human being. Our conscience, though, do not reject the suffering of nearly 3,000 people dying with pain when the World Trade Center (WTC) in New York was flattened. The September 11, 2001 event did not just flattened WTC but it also flattened the conscience, justice and humanity on earth. The suffering of 9/11 victims is the suffering of human being. An anger on 9/11 killing is an anger on humiliation of life and humanity. 9/11 suffering is ours, all human being on the face of the earth! Not just yours, Mr. Bush. We are not alone, our anger on war and violence that your administration engulfed on earth, the Republican administration, turns out to be the anger of American citizens. Last Thursday (11/ 10), the election in US clearly put Democrat Party as winner in House of Representatives, with 229 seats by 196 seats for your political party, Republic Party. In Senate, your party also lost seats, you were only capable of getting 49 seats while the Democrats won 51 seats. Remember, Mr. Bush, this election outcome is a vote of no confidence and a rejection on the policies of your administration, the political policies of Republicans domestically and internationally. Mr. Bush, you are rejected in your own country, and this is a death bell for your administration in White House. Global Injustices Mr. Bush, with the anger and suffering, do we have the right to kill anyone on the face of the earth, life paid with life? No, Mr. Bush, once again no! The unfocused war that you preached will not dissipate the sadness and feeling of lost. Your war have killed more innocent people than victims of 9/11. In Iraq, over 150,000 civilians are dead because of your anger. The number of victims doubled everyday. Even by October 27, 2006, there were over 2,811 of your youth killed just in Iraq, nearly equal the number of 9/11 victims at WTC, thousands other in Afghanistan. You act like God of Noah who drown the world for sinning against you. No more forgiveness, just death for the sinners. If this is what you stand for, then human being will end drowned in a flood of blood. It may just be that one day your
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blood too would be part of it, Mr. Bush. Mr. Bush, planet earth is heavily populated with more than six billion people. Yet 80 percent of them are dying in five continents in poverty, including in our country. The rest 20 percent are controlling the world with abundant wealth, and such elite also exist in our country. With global corporation in forefront, those elite exploit the world, certainly with the support of your political economic policy, Mr. Bush. Finally the earth is now sliced for the interests of 44,000 transnational corporations with 220,000 of their affiliations around the world (1997). The most dominant ones were just about 200 transnational corporations, where the value of their sales around the world in 1997 was about 26 percent of worlds gross domestic product. Unfortunately those who work in those transnational corporations are just 0.74 percent of total worlds labor. Several transnational corporations have sales that are higher than the gross domestic product of several countries in the world. In 2000, for instance, the sales value of General Motors was US$ 178 billion, Ford Motors US$ 154 billion, while the gross domestic product of countries like Thailand was US$ 157 billlion, Malaysia US$ 98 billion, Peru US$ 62 billion. G8 countries finally controlled 51 percent output of global industries, 49 percent of global export, and 49 percent of asset in IMF. The consequence of this is certainly the global social-economic inequality among countries, among citizens in the world, and among citizens in one country. Poverty, inequality and global injustice is the fruit of economic order capitalist neo-liberal and imperialist that you uphold, the heaven and primary source of war, violence or terrorism in the world today. This is the economic order that is opposed by leaders of Latin America and by supporters of justice and global democracy in the world, including in our country. But fortunately the domination of Republican party that you lead is over in the US House and Senate. This means that US political arbitrariness and arrogance will end soon, and you too are just counting your days at the White House. What will the political and economic policy of Democratic Party? This is still a question mark for us in all over the world. Their campaign at least signaled the end of war and a retreat from Iraq and
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Afghanistan, ending politics of foreign policy that is based on war and violence. Supposedly the same is going to happen in Palestine. If Saddam Hussein was hanged for the political crime of killing 148 Syiah citizens, who should be hanged for economic crime that kills eight million people per year or 22,000 dead people per day in the world because of extreme poverty? (Jeffrey Sachs, The End of Poverty, 2005). In a world that is unequal and unjust, people turn to become wild animals, destroying, oppressing and eating their peers, homo homini lupus. Cant we think and act differently, people is friend to other people, homo homini socius. Is it because we are not capable, or because you regard injustices as fate from God or history, then you choose war and violence to maintain this global injustice? History does put us in different roads, Mr. Bush, if we reject you, then we reject your global political and economic policy and your Republican Party the political policy of war, violence and neoliberalism. We do not reject Americans or the United States. Our minds and feelings are with all Americans who end hegemony and arrogance of the Republican Party in Senate and House, and in the future also in the White House. We are not xenophobia, and if there is anybody who call this religious war, that is a very stupid and wrong reason. The reason for our rejection is clear, political and economic policy of Republican administration led by George W. Bush, which caused war, violence, social-economic inequality, and global injustices. We just want to win humanity, freedom, and justice on the face of the earth. That is all, point! Read my lips Mr. Bush, you always say read my lips, not read my lies to convince the world that you are a leader with principle. Principle to fight for peace, justice, equality, freedom, democracy, humanity, prosperity, and everlasting solidarity on the face of earth. Our lives is also anchored on those honorable values. Too bad, you practice them in contradition to what they are, with war and violence! If you are still hard-headedly preach about war and violence, then we will firmly reject your presence in our country. With firmness! Because
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we are certain that those honorable values do not justify all means to achieve them. The world is sick of misery, therefore it is morally wrong to add more of its suffering. It is not sensible that pity for 9/11 victims is paid by war and senseless violence. Finally, Mr. Bush, you are a pious Christian, you will not deny this and even followers of other religions and beliefs would not deny this following statement of Jesus Christ the prophet who is dignified by Moslem in John 8:7, Whoever is without sin, let he be the first to throw stone at that woman. Mr. Bush, who among us on this face of the earth who is sinless, even for just a mustard seed, hence has the right to take away others lives?
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Wrong Road To The Original 1945 Constitution
945 Constitution, amended (four times), although it is a quasidemocratic constitution, this is the one and only fruit of 1998 reform movement that is left! Now there is a demand for the 1945 Constitution, which was amended as an output of reform, to be cancelled hence returning to the original 1945 Constitution. If this systematic movement is successful, then the 1998 reform agenda that was fought with blood and death of students and people in Trisakti, Semanggi I and II and May 13-14, 1998 tragedies would end. Failed agenda There are a number of reform agenda that are already buried. First, the end of effort to prosecute General (Ret.) Soeharto after Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh agreed on the Letter of Decision to Halt Case Prosecution (SKP3, Surat Ketetapan Penghentian Penuntutan Perkara) in the name of HM Soeharto, dated May 11, 2006. This SKP3 demonstrates that the case in the name of convicted HM Soeharto is closed legally by the Office of Attorney General according to Article 140 section 2 of KUHAP. Instead of supporting the prosecution of Soeharto-family-cronies, Golkar Party led by Jusuf Kalla gave Soeharto an award Anugerah Bhakti Pratama because for 32 years Golkar was Soeharto and Soeharto was Golkar. Second, the authority of Commission for Abolishing Corruption (KPK, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi) is limited that it can only handle
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corruption cases since 1999 and beyond hence corruption crime during Soeharto-New Order is fully untouchable. Third, ad hoc court of human rights that freed all of the main perpetrators or authorities responsible for crime against human rights like cases of Tanjung Priok and East Timor, and set aside prosecution on serious crime against human rights in Trisakti, Semanggi I and II tragedies, the elimination of activists, and others. Fourth, KKR Law (Commission on Truth and Reconciliation, Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi) was revoked by Constitutional Court on December 8, 2006, the worst present for the 58th anniversary of human rights in world. Consequently, we cannot reveal the truth of serious human rights violation before 2000, at least those that happened during the 32 years of Soeharto-New Order rule. Also gone is the hope for giving a feeling of justice and reparation for victims or survivors. Fifth, gone also is the hope for clean election, free from corruptors and perpetrators of human rights crime. We can easily pinpoint the perpetrators of the two crimes participating in 1999 elections and 2004 elections, either as legislative or presidential candidates. Independent Constitutional Commission Indeed, the output of four-time amendment of 1945 Constitution is very disappointing. Consequently, what we get is just an amendment of 1945 Constitution with quasi-democratic vision (limiting two terms of presidency, limited recognition of human rights, the formation of DPD with so-so authority, limited decentralization, centralization and hegemony of political parties, and others), including mutilation of Constitutional Commission, KPK Law and KKR Law, also prosecution of Soeharto-family-cronies, and election that allow all individual and political institution who violated democracy and is anti-democracy to participate. Unlike practices in several countries that experienced democratic transition, like Chechoslovakia for instance, issued Czech
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and Slovak Federal Republic: Screening (Lustration) Law, (Act No. 451/1991, October 4, 1991) to repress old political-economy so that they are not involved in politics for at least five years, hence democratic tradition could be developed with new political economic power. Therefore, old dictatorship and its loyal supporters, individual or political party, do not become an alternative for the majority or public opinion. Aside from Chechoslovakia, the Philippines also formed Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) to track the wealth of Marcos, family and cronies. Meanwhile KPK cannot at all track the wealth of Soeharto, family and cronies. Philippines formed Independent Constitutional Commission which for a full one year involved the public, ended it with a referendum for Filipinos, which gave victory to the democratic constitution. Therefore, Philippine Constitution could be called peoples constitution, not a mere amendment that gives victory to old political-economic power. Wrong Road Yet, if the alternative is to return to the original 1945 Constitution, we are back to the wrong road which had stumbled Indonesia into dictatorship, like the Guided Democracy of Soekarno and militaristic democracy of Soeharto. The best way is surely to meet the prerequisites of democratic transition and consolidation, which is to form an independent constitutional commission, formulate articles for the democratic constitution by involving all elements of Indonesian society in a year or more, and end it with a referendum. Indonesia needs a new constitution that maintains the Introduction of 1945 Constitution. Democratic constitution absorbs the voice of people, not just the voice of peoples representatives. Certainly the democratic constitution would not be the 1945 Constitution that is amended in mediocre way, or worse to return to the original 1945 Constitution. Returning to 1945 Constitution is the wrong way to build democracy!
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The End Of Fake Bluffing Drama (Gertak Sambal)
aw must be enforced in the Republic of Indonesia! Everyone is equal before law, no one is an exception, that is the prerequisite (conditio sine qua non) for democracy and legal state (rechstaat). If there were any exception for certain citizen, and for certain cases, then the building of democracy and legal state would crumble like a sand castle swept away by waves. We will be lost in the jungle of homo homini lupus and Machiavelian power practices. We, citizens, must look at the peace agreement between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Amien Rais as personal peace agreement (Kompas, 5/29), which do not at all erase the possibility of legal case against Rokhmin Dahuri on corruption in Department of Sea and Fisheries (DKP) or other cases that violate Law No. 23/2003 on Electing President and Vice President (Pilpres, Pemilihan Presiden). Republic without morality Rokhmin is a looser, an opportunist circled by banal desire to rule by all means. The same is true with a number of other highranking state officials. State money is ploughed to buy power for whichever presidential-vice presidential candidates in 2004 elections. Just to maintain ministerial positions!
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The Machiavelistic competition to get and maintain power was wild, as if opening a Pandora box of crime. One by one selected fragile and (also) corrupt targets fell apart: Said Agil Husin al Munawar (Minister of Religion in Megawatis Cabinet), Widjanarko Puspoyo (former Head of State Logistic Agency (Bulog, Badan Urusan Logistik) appointed by Megawati, former cadre of Golkar who jumped fence to PDIP), and Rokhmin Dahuri (Minister of DKP in Megawatis Cabinet). Yet, like a saying, splashing water into ones face, all those crime come back to the doer, wetting not just the face of the water splasher but also the body and people next to them. The hunting of corruptors in selective way had tripped Rokhmin. In order not to be the sole victim, he lashed taking anyone with him. Who were catched? Nearly every generation of national political leader today! Rokhmin declared openly before the court that nobody from todays generation of national leadership is immune from activities of bribe, or corruption, although they everyday yell anti corruption. Accidentally, Rokhmin assisted the Republic to clean up the corrupt and immoral generation of national leadership. Those national leaders who without feeling of guilt have changed the ideal of Res Publica (public matter) to Res Privata (personal matter). This immoral national leadership is taking advantage of public money, putting the fate of the Republic of Indonesia at stake, stake in the table of political gamble for personal, short-term and parochial interests. This is a condition that can be appropriately called vacuum of morality power, although there are national political rulers, they are no longer in charge. They are mere ceremonial symbols that this Republic has state institution. A Republic without morality! This condition is what is happening in Indonesia. When American atomic bomb destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki, there was a condition of vacuum of power, the Japanese political rulers still existed but they are no longer in power. It was during that momentum that generation of new national leadership, like Soekarno, Hatta, Sutan Sjahrir, Tan Malaka, and the youth declared Indonesias independence.
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Enforce law Public sickness on corrupt and immoral behavior of current national leadership does not make them feel guilty. There are those who pretend not knowing the regulations for presidential election, voluntary donation, even fictitious name-address of supporters. All of these while in fact the book on rules for presidential election said, donations from individuals is only allowed up to Rp. 100 million, not Rp. 200 million or more! If the reporting is incorrect, Law No. 23/2003 on Presidential Election mentioned that relevant running candidate couple could be jailed for 1 (one) year. Even the Committee of 2004 Election Monitoring have reported allegation of fictitious campaign fund that violates Law No. 23/2003. Megawati Soekarnoputri-Hasyim Muzadi couple, for instance, was allegedly reporting fictitious fund of Rp. 4,045 billion, while Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono-Jusuf Kalla couple did it with Rp. 1,625 billion. Electoral Commission should have conducted an immediate audit of 2004 presidential fund again, also summoning YudhoyonoKalla, Megawati-Hasyim, Amien Rais-Siswono Yudo Husodo, and General (Ret.) Wiranto-Salahuddin Wahid. Do not hesitate. Whatever their position, everyone is equal before law. That is the heart of democracy! To law enforcent officials, please quickly investigate Amien Rais or whoever revealed through Rokhmin Dahuris prosecution for criminal acts. Political Conspiracy When law enforcement officers were called to handle this embarassing political scandal, pessimism was spreading in our land of birth. Is it possible? Initially people hoped that Amien Rais, who bluffed back by challenging full opening after being bluffed by President Yudhoyono. It turned out that the two were just faking bluffs! Indeed, a tasteless anti climax which is also suspicious. The meeting which was facilitated by Minister of State Secretariat Hatta Rajasa is smelling like conspiracy of power politics. Allegations emerged, that there must be some deals of give and take,
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concession. If this is true, then Minister of Farming, Forestry and Fisheries in Japan, Toshikatsu Matsuokka, who was killed in a suicide because of corruption scandal of political fund is more honorable. Here, there is not even a minister who resign, let alone commit suicide. In whom can this Republic have hope? We should have hope in citizens who love this Republic and in the strength of new generation of national leadership. We cannot entrust the safety of this Republic only in one national leader. This Republic needs one generation of new national leadership in all fields, no exception. History is a face of human action. From brave and morally driven action, there comes new hope. Good bye old national generation of leadership that is corrupt, greedy, insensitive, and machiavelistic. Welcome new generation of national leadership, which will emphasize morality of new public in the current Republic without morality.
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Annul PP 37/2006!
est Java and Jakarta Province may be drown by flood that took the lives of 80 people, 316,825 evacuees living without sanitation, lacking nutritious food, attacked by disease, but money keeps inundating the houses of peoples representatives. Government Regulation (PP, Peraturan Pemerintah) 37/2006 on protocol position and finance of Leaders and Members of DPRD was only revised!Although there were protests demanding its annulment, the government only revised it, eliminating Article 14 d on Collected Funds (Dana Rapelan), which stipulated Intensive Communication Allowance (TKI, Tunjangan Komunikasi Intensif) and Operational Funds (DO, Dana Operasional) that would be valid retrospectively from January 2006, and still maintained TKI and DO through other means. This happened regardless of repeated disasters and the increasing poverty of 3.95 million people. Poverty rate was 35.10 million in February 2005 and it became 39.05 million in March 2006. Ironically, the peoples representatives and political parties are more concerned about their own stomachs than the stomachs of the people they represent. Similar practice happened when the price of fuel was increased for the second time in October 2005, the government also distributed money of roughly Rp. 50 million for every Member of Parliament. It was recorded that only three Members of Parliament were conscious about this and returned the money, while more than 500 others happily took the money. Such practice had happened repeatedly
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at the national, provincial, even district/city level. The loss? Remains with the people. Annulment, not revision Count how many trillions of rupiah were needed just to fill up the pockets of leaders and 437 members of provincial and district/city parliaments (DPRD). The leaders and members of DPRD are certainly happy to receive 15 types of income according to the mentioned PP 37/2006, and the income size will continue to add if we also include housing allowance and business trip costs. Is peoples money that is distributed to peoples representatives before revision will be less than the amount before revision? First we must say that whatever revision from the government to PP 37/2006 is wrong and does not prioritize peoples interest amid disasters, poverty and misery, so the best option is to revoke it. Pay a close attention to the revision, for TKI and DO, instead of eliminating them, they will create new meanings for them. Before revision, TKI and DO were treated as employee expenditure, while DO for DPRD leadership becomes Supporting Expenditure for Leadership Operation (BPOP, Belanja Penunjang Operasi Pimpinan). Isnt it the same peoples money that would flow to whatever new definition stipulated in the revision? Meanwhile TKI and BPOP that previously were passed on to the regions are now converted into group classifications based on regional financial capabilities (high, medium, and low). For regions with high financial capability, BPOP for DPRD speaker is a maximum six times the representation funds, while the TKI is maximum three times the representation funds. Meanwhile the rule of implementation after a month of PP adoption will no longer be valid retroactively from January 2006. Is there anything that guarantees that peoples money that flows into the houses of peoples representatives would be lower than the amount before revision? There is no guarantee whatsoever, because even regional leadership are used to conspire with the legislature, especially when their political positions are very vulnerable like that of President
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Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is just being fully supported by his tiny political party, the Democrat Party. The threat from big political parties, which usually object the idea of smoothing the implementation of a policy at national or regional level in order to raise their political bargaining positions, would make the balance of transaction of peoples money to the legislature goes up and down dramatically. West Java province, with its rate of poverty and very minimum availability of socio-economic rights like education, healthcare, housing, jobs for tens of millions of its residents, gladly burned peoples money in vain in the APBD-Gate of over Rp. 33 billion for peoples representatives in provincial DPRD. The culprits now are mostly still serving as peoples representatives at national and regional levels, and apparently even the law is starting to give up too. What a smart way of exhausting public wealth. We certainly ask, what is the moral right of peoples representatives and political parties over peoples wealth? The smell of corruption in the name of regulations had become a new phenomenon during the nine-year reform period. Is this to desensitize peoples representatives so that their monitoring function is weakening? Wallahualam, because people too is hopeless with the existing functions of legislative, executive and judiciary. By opening their eyes for just a little bit, peoples representatives and political parties would absolutely reject the implementation of PP 37/2006 or its revision. This is because morally speaking, comparing the worsening poverty of people, all the income and allowances of peoples representatives are hundred times more of those of tens of millions people living in or under poverty line. Typically the income of DPRD members at district/city level is Rp. 10-15 million per month, while at the provincial level its about Rp. 25-30 million per month, and at the national level is Rp. 50-75 million per month. Compare this with the poverty line of National Social Survey (Susenas 2006, Survei Sosial Nasional) determined in February 2005, which was Rp. 129,108 per capita per month and in March 2006 was increased to Rp. 152,847 per capita per month. From this poverty line figure, we find an increase of total poor in Indonesia today, an increase from 35.10 million people (15.97 percent) to 39.05 million people (17.75 percent).
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Just compare this poverty line figure with the monthly income of DPRD members at district/city level, which is about 100 times more, with members of provincial DPRD it is about 200 times more, and with members of national DPR it is over 500 times more. Or compare it with the amount of minimum income for four districts/cities in West Java in 2007 as stipulated by Governor of West Javas Decree No. 561/ Kep.1142-Bangsos/2006. In Bandung city, the city minimum wage is Rp. 860,565, in Bandung district, the district minimum wage is Rp. 820,280, while for Cimahi city, the city minimum wage is Rp. 840,656. Indeed, there is no more moral right for peoples representatives to increase their income through PP 37/2006. Half-hearted Political Parties A number of political parties loudly said that they will reject, even fire their members who accept or do not return the cumulative funds that had been disbursed, but the public never know when, who and where did they return the funds. In the midst of effort to revise the PP, according to Directorate General of Regional Finance Administrative Guide (BAKD, Bina Administrasi Keuangan Daerah) Daeng M. Nazier, there were 119 regions that have paid all TKI and DO for the year 2006, while 10 new regions only paid the DO. Several other political parties, even those that declared opposition to the government, only half-heartedly reject PP 37.2006, and then their voice disappeared who knows where, and it is never recorded when their members returned the money they received. Politics is like illegal gambling market, peoples fate is the stake. If even political parties and politicians cannot be relied on to defend the interests and basic needs of people, to use the funds that is intended for peoples welfare, we now ask, if politics and economy that are ideally imagined by people as means for welfare, even for peoples happiness, turn out to be used differently to create misery and make people unhappy, is this a sign that we are moving further away or even betraying the noble goals of politics? Consequently, the noble goals of Aristoteles in Nicomachean Ethics, where politics is the
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science of the good man, to be happy, is now betrayed in Indonesia by its own actors, political parties and politicians! Are we heading towards the time when people are saying no to political parties and politicians?
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The End of Fake Deterrent Drama
aw must be enacted in the Republic of Indonesia! Before law everyone is equal, no exception, that is the prerequisite (conditio sine qua non) for democracy and legal state (rechstaat). If there is any exception for certain citizen, and for certain cases, then the building of democracy and legal state would crumble like sand castle swept away by waves. We will be lost in the jungle of homo homini lupus and Machiavelian power practice. We, citizens, must look at peace agreement between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Amien Rais as personal private agreement (Kompas, 5/29), it did not at all eliminate the possibility of prosecuting any legal cases pertaining to Rokhmin Dahuri in corruption at the Department of Sea and Fisheries (DKP, Departemen Kelautan dan Perikanan) or other cases that violate Law No. 23/2003 on Presidential and Vice Presidential Election (Pilpres). Republic without Morality Rokhmin is a loser; an opportunist surrounded by the banality of desire to rule by all means, the same is true with several other toprank state officials. State money is ploughed to buy power for whichever duets of presidential-vice presidential candidates in 2004 election. Just to protect ministerial seats! Machiavelistic competition to obtain and maintain power went wild as if opening a pandora box of crime. One by one vulnerable and
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(also) corrupt targets were chosen and fell: Said Agil Husin al Munawar (Minister of Religion from Megawatis Cabinet), Widjanarko Puspoyo (former Head of Logistical Agency who Megawati chose, former cadre of Golkar who jumped ship to PDI-P), and Rokhmin Dahuri (Minister of Sea and Fisheries of Megawatis Cabinet). But, like a saying, splashing water into ones own face, the crime backlash and wetted not just the face of the water splasher but also the bodies of people next to him. Selective chasing of corruptors trapped Rokhmin. To avoid being the sole victim, he returned bringing anyone. Who got caught? Nearly all generations of national political leadership today! Rokhmin openly declared before the court that no one from todays national leadership generation that is immune from bribery practices, immune from corruption, even if every day they yell anti corruption. Accidentally, Rokhmin helped the Republic to clean the corrupt and immoral generation of national leadership. The national leaders who have no guilty feeling of turning the dream of Res Publica (public matter) into Res Privata (private matter). This immoral national leadership misused public money and put the fate of Republic of Indonesia at stake, a stake on a table of political gambling for shortterm personal and parochial interests. This is a condition that could appropriately be called vacuum of morality power, although there are national political power holder, they are no longer in power, they are only ceremonial symbols that this Republic has state institutions. A Republic without morality! This is the current condition in Indonesia. When American atomic bomb destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki, there was a condition of vacuum of political power, there was still Japanese political power but they were no longer in power. It was in that momentum that the new generation of national leadership, such as Soekarno, Hatta, Sutan Sjahrir, Tan Malaka, and the youth, declared Indonesias independence. Enact Laws Publics sickness over corrupt and immoral behavior of current national leadership does not make them feel guilty. Some pretend of
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not knowing the regulation on presidential-vice presidential election, voluntary donation, and fictitious names-addresses of supporters. This is while the regulation on presidential-vice presidential election states that donation from individuals can only be Rp. 100 million, not Rp. 200 million or more! If the reporting is incorrect, it is mentioned in Law No. 23/2003 on presidential-vice presidential election that relevant candidate couple could be jailed for 1 (one) year. Even the 2004 Election Monitoring Committee had reported the allegation of fictitious campaign fund that violated the Law No. 23/2003. The duet of Megawati Soekarnoputri-Hasyim Muzadi, for instance, allegedly reported fictitious fund of Rp. 4.045 billion, while the duet of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono-Jusuf Kalla reported Rp. 1.625 billion. Election Commission should have immediately conduct an audit of 2004 presidential funds again, and summon Yudhoyono-Kalla, Megawati-Hasyim, Amien Rais-Siswono Yudo Husodo, and General (Ret.) Wiranto-Salahuddin Wahid. Do not hesitate, whatever their positions, everyone is equal before law, that is the heart of democracy! To law enforcement officials, please do act quickly to investigate Amien Rais or whoever identified in the prosecution court of Rokhmin Dahuri for general criminal act. Political Conspiracy When law enforcer was called to handle this embarrassing political scandal pessimism spread around the nation. Is it possible? Everyone hoped that Amien Rais, who launched retaliate deterrence would open up after being deterred by President Yudhoyono. It turned out that the two were just faking deterrence! Indeed, a bland and suspicious anticlimax. A meeting facilitated by Minister of State Secretary Hatta Rajasa smelled like conspiracy of power politics. There were accusations, there must be a deal, an exchange of give and take of concession. If this is true, then the act of Minister of Farming, Forestry and Fisheries of Japan, Toshikatsu Matsuoka, who committed suicide (Monday, 5/28) because of corruption scandal of political funds is certainly more
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honorable. Here, we do not even have any ministers resigning, let along committing suicide. To whom can this Republic rely on its hope? We should put our hope on citizens who love this Republic and the power of new generation of national leadership. We cannot put the safety of the Republic into one national leader. This Republic needs one generation of new national leadership in all fields, no exception. History is the face of human actions. From courageous and moral actions will grow new hope. Farewell to generation of old national leadership that is corrupt, greedy, insensitive, and machiavelistic. Welcome generation of new national leadership that will emphasize new public morality in the current Republic without morality.
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Political Party, For Sale
Even if you were smart, very moral, have legal wealth that is not from corruption and bribery, have a working program that is oriented towards welfare, rest assure that there will not be any single political party that would look at, let alone propose, you as their governordeputy governor candidates. You are a loyal party cadre who crawls from the bottom? It is also not a guarantee because political parties choose candidates based on three criteria: money, money, and money. Big political parties chose governor candidate Fauzi Bowo, a civil servant whose wealth per May 31, 2007 was Rp. 38,347,226,587 and US$ 150,000, while Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) chose Adang Daradjatun, a three-star police whose wealth per January 31, 2007 worth Rp. 17,399,839,681 and US$ 42,592 (Announcement from Election Commission Jakarta Province, 6/14). Why should they be billionaires? Should they pay entry tickets to political parties? Nobody knows, except from the confession of Djasri Marin and former Commander of Kodam Jaya Slamet Kirbiantoro. Djasri Marin demanded that PDI-P and PPP return his payment of Rp. 3 billion ( Kompas, 6/16). Also, the confession of Sarwono Kusumaatmadja former Secretary General of Soeharto-New Order regime 1983-1988 that rejection of me always happened at the last
f you are not a billionaire, do not dream of becoming governordeputy governor candidates of Jakarta Province.
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minute, when money without title began to be mentioned. (Tempo, edition June 11-17, 2007). If Djasri Marins confession is correct, the assumption is that party-chosen governor-deputy governor candidates pay entry tickets with bigger rupiah value. Morally and legally, those two candidates do not deserve to compete as governor-deputy governor candidates of Jakarta Province. The two should have been annulled. Public Disappointment What a disaster that the current limited democracy can only transform Vox populi, Vox Dei (peoples voice, Gods voice) in to Vox populi, Vox Argentum (peoples voice, voice of clinching money). Money politics replaces the participatory politics of citizens, and elite political parties zero the aspiration of their supporting constituents. How is it possible that participation and aspiration of citizens or political party constituents also determine the output if every day and every week political party elite keeps changing their support to candidate couples for no clear reasons, and are busy bargaining on how many billions of rupiah is the entry ticket for governor-deputy governor candidates. Worse, this practice is happening all over Indonesia. This is why the survey of Lead Institute-Paramadina and Indo Barometer (6/15) confirmed public disappointment in 33 provinces of Indonesia (on May 11-27, 2007, with sample of 1,200, margin error of +/- 3.0 percent, and 95 percent level of confidence) over the recruitment track of regional leaders (governor, head of sub-district (mayor or walikota), and district (regent or bupati) or president through political parties. Only 20.4 percent approved political party track, while 29.3 percent approved academician/intellectual track. Should we antagonize political parties? Not at all. Modern democracy means peoples sovereignty and representation. Yet, peoples sovereignty means sovereignty of citizens as well as personal sovereignty. The Republic was founded on voluntary social contract of citizens. Consequently, 1945 Constitution confirms its basis on citizens, at individual level. Pay a close attention to Article 28 D section
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3, Chapter XA on Human Rights, Every citizen deserves to have the same right in government. Along with that article, Article 18 section 4, Chapter VI on Regional Government said Governors, regents, and mayors, as heads of regional government in provinces, district and cities respectively are elected democratically. All those articles confirm the constitutional rights of citizens without having to contradict them with the existence of political parties. Political parties are still the pillars of modern democracy but decayed political party elite is enemy of democracy. Democratization of Democracy Who can change the behavior of decayed political party elite? Even political party offices at national and regional levels that are surrounded by cadres and constituents cannot change them. Instead of changing, political party elite typically sentence political death to their challengers or opponents. Transaction of political parties by political party elite to capital elite and political party elite oligarch that undermine public and constituents participation and aspiration is getting wilder. What happens is a decaying of political parties and democracy, this is a condition that can aptly be called de-party-zation and depoliticization. Meanwhile, the advancement of independent candidates as governor, mayor, regents in Indonesia is constitutional right and process of repoliticization and re-party-zation. Active participation of citizens, complete with progressive ideas that are not accommodated by political parties, are repoliticization process, while individual challenge of political parties to improve their functions are re-party-zation. Repoliticization and re-party-zation are process to democratize democracy. Political parties will never change if it is controlled by hot money from capital elite, also by feodalism practice and authoritarianism of political party elite. They too nullify and minimize the development of five basic rights of modern democracy: civil, political, economy, social, and cultural, and trapped in the practice of authoritarian/totalitarian regime. How to change it? We borrow the physics theory of inertia, an object will keep moving or remain stationary unless there is an external
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energy that influences it. It means that if the decayed practice of political elite within political parties and democracy continues, the practice would remain if no other external power stops it. Democracy Dialectic The challenge to idea or even individual figure in the election of governors, mayors, and regents in all over Indonesia is an aggregation of external energy that is sufficient to change the decayed practice of political party political elite to save the quality of our political parties and democracy. There is no tension among political parties, association of political parties and individuals. With healthy and fair competition, slowly the recruitment track for governors, mayors, regents, and presidents will return into the hands of political parties and thus minimizes the role of independent individual candidates. Maintaining political party and individual dialectic will make our democracy healthier because they are continually renewing and improving themselves with new individual figures and progressive ideas. It also includes annulling the hijackers of democracy who transform political parties into commodities, with big advertisement: political party for sale?
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Welcome To The Independent Candidate
ll of Indonesian citizen is the solution for democracy. They can fully participate in democracy, in particular the governance, according to the article 28D section 3 in the Constitution 1945. That is the core message from Constitutional Court (MK) as they approved the material test over Law No.32/2004 on Regional Governance, Monday (23/7). Through individual or independent candidate, now Indonesian citizen can run for governor, major, and regent, beside using political party and a combination of parties. The citation of Constitutional Court decision No 5/PUU-V/2007 says it is proper to permit another kind of mechanism for participation outside the political party in conducting democracy, which is by opening the candidature for independent individual within the election for the head of region and its deputy. Revitalization of political party Political party and its intellectual supporters are angry to the advocate of independent candidate, because they believe that the idea can weaken the party, others have accused Constitutional Court as lack of comprehension in democracy. Political parties are still restful, in the calm of political power without public. But the sun is already high, and all partys activity that centered to the party and its elites interest has already terminated by
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verdict that MK has formally declared. It is the peoples political consciousness that challenge the distortive function of party. Repolitization and re-ideologi-zation is now taking place within the political realm. Political party can no longer be sold, no more brideprice as well as money politics in the conduct of regional election. Political party, elites, broker and the decomposer of democracy have vanished. The answer is revitalization of party, it is the positive function of new competition between party and individual. For ten years, party have wasted the opportunity to transform into an effective and efficient modern party that serve the people prosperity. If party reject the idea of revitalization, it will be swept away by the surge of independent candidates. Political courage If political parties stand firm against the Constitutional Court decision, seek the opportunity to resist, to slow down and distort its effectivity, parties will face the outbreak of political participation, and the future of democracy will be at risk, particularly with regard to the conflict in regional election. The vacuum of law enforcement in regional election will be a protracted conflict between party and civil society. The problem solving? Limited revise of Law No.32/2004 by the parliament will be risky because party have not fully accepted the Constitutional Court decision. The political courage of President Yudhoyono is the answer. President must immediately set up the government regulation to replace the law (Perpu), install the requirements for independent candidate, outside the political party and a combination of parties. People will support SBY, in case of DPR and political party reject the Perpu. Potential of conflict What are the latest potential for conflict in regional election? First, after the Constitutional Court decision, Jakarta regional
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election which already enter the phase of campaign, will be defected bylaw and politically. The possibility of white faction (who refuse to cast their votes)-according to Indonesian Survey Institution reaches 65%- possible to increase 10-15% to become 75-80% of total voters. It takes a political decision to postpone the election for 6 months, meawhile waiting for the Perpu from SBY, for the sake of the next five-years democracy. This is important, rather to hold the election now and face the misery, including the lawsuit against the legitimacy of the new elected governor. The people can also propose lawsuit against Jakartas Election Commission (KPU) as well. Jakarta deserves to have the best governor from the best citizen. Secondly, as much as 14 governors will be replaced- North Moluccas (November 2007); West Borneo, Southeast Sulawesi and Lampung (January 2008); East Nusa tenggara (February 2008); North Sumatra (May 2008); West Java (June 2008); East Java, Central Java, Jogjakarta; Bali, and West Nusa Tenggara (August 2008). Beside that, there are still 19 regional elections of regency/city in 2007 and tens of other in 2008. Will the party dare to hold back the political participation in 14 provinces and regents/cities? It is predicted that party will be the one to surrender and further deserted by the people. Time will tell. Political participation Political participation of each citizen is the key for democracy. The right and ability of people to be involve in politics and governance is acknowledged, including the participation in determining every Rupiah of Regional Spending and Incoming Budget (participatory budgeting in APBD) in province, regent/city. Participation is the reflection of peoples power. If the individual candidate is only looking for power and wealth, they better withdraw. People will punish them harder than the punishment for party. The presence of individual candidate is only for the wealth, prosperity, social justice and happiness of people, not for accumulating individual power and assets. The political struggle for independenct candidate is to fight the partys and elites Machiavellist politics. To institute the Aristotelist
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politic (Nicomachean Ethics) Politics is the science of the good for human, to be happiness.
Footnote: Budiarjo, Miriam (1999), The Introduction to Political Science, GPU, Jakarta, pp.159-172. Political party is an organised group of which members share the same orientation, values and goals. The objective of this group is to seize political power and struggle for political position to enforce their policy. Several functions of party: (1) political communication channel; (2) means for political socialization; (3) means for political recruitment; (4) means for conflict management.
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CHAPTER III
ECONOMY AND SOCIETY
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Peoples Earth, Corruptions Earth
oeharto is among the most corrupt political leader in the world. The one who revealed this information was Transparency International, a trustworthy international institution, not students or radical democrats who toppled him in May 1998. Transparency International (TI) has global information network, a top notch researcher with offices in nearly all over the world. This is the international organization that issued at the same time, in all over the world, a global corruption report on March 25, 2004, with a theme of political corruption (Kompas, 3/26/04). According to TI, political corruption is defined as misuse of public mandate for personal advantages. According to TI report, Soeharto is the most corrupt in the world, along with nine other leaders. This is while Soeharto once said that he does not even have a penny. Top Ten TI reported the top ten worlds most-corrupt political leaders (president or prime minister). The ranking was based on the amount of peoples money that was looted, (1) Soeharto (Indonesia), US$ 15-35 billion; (2) Ferdinand E. Marcos (Philippines), US$ 5-10 billion; (3) Mobutu Sese Seko (Congo), US$ 5 billion; (4) Sani Abacha (Nigeria); (5) Slobodan Milosevic (Serbia); (6) Jean-Claude Duvalier (Haiti); (7) Alberto Fujimori (Peru); (8) Pavlo Lazarenko (Ukraine); (9) Arnoldo Aleman (Nicaragua) and; (10) Joseph Estrada (Philippines).
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If TI did not issue the report, certainly Indonesia would start forgetting Soehartos behavior. I myself was stunned to see Soeharto participating in election. Even Marcos could not participate in election after escaping to Hawaii. Yesterday Soeharto appeared healthy and his daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, said that his dad cannot talk but he could recognize party symbols. During campaign, everyday on television there were always the faces of Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana (with a picture of Soeharto as a background), General (Ret.) R. Hartono, Akbar Tanjung, Lieutenant General (Ret.) Prabowo, and others, calling voters to return to New Order, with Soeharto and Golkar in power. In addition to the fact that peoples memory is too short, people were also bombarded with fake and manipulative information. Consequently, Milan Kundera was right that the struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting. (The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, 1996). Forgetting about fighting? In order not to forget, lets trace where the wealth of Soeharto Inc. is now located. From here we start, Soeharto Inc., that was how Time called it in its Asian edition May 24, 1999. The main story was that Time knows that US$ 9 billion of Soehartos money was transferred to Switzerland from an account in Austrian bank. Time was charged by Soeharto but Soeharto lost in Sub-Provincial Court of Central Jakarta (May 31, 2000). After that, was Soeharto quiet? Who holds the wealth of Soeharto Inc.? The wealth is controlled by Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana (74 corporations/PT, Perseroan Terbatas), Sigit Harjo Judanto (44 corporations), Bambang Triadmodjo (60 corporations), Siti Hediati Hariadji (22 corporations), Hutomo Mandala Putra (49 corporations), Siti Hutami Endang Adiningsih (2 corporations), and Ari Harjo Wibowo (29 corporations) and 32 corporations abroad (Todung Mulya Lubis, et.al, Soeharto vs Time: Pencarian dan Penemuan Kebenaran, Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2001). Therefore, how much is the value of Soeharto Inc.? Newsweek (January 1998) mentioned that the value is US$ 40 billion, Forbes placed Soeharto as the worlds fourth richest person (July 28, 1997). Altogether it is valued at US$ 60 billion, median of the estimate US$40-80 billion because his seven children and also grandchildren have 312-350
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companies inside and outside the country (Todung Mulya Lubis, et.al, 2001). Cory chases Since Soeharto Inc. is untouchable by law, other corruptors in Indonesia are partying. Miraculously, a number of big political parties and presidential candidates also offered amnesty for corruptors, with non-sensible reasons, All jails would be full! Impunity (forgiveness) for corruptors and serious violators of human right had become political parties programs in 2004 election because of desperation, or who knows because the majority of their officials and members were involved? How to chase the corruption of political leaders? Lets learn from the Philippines. Cory Aquino fearlessly hunt the wealth looted by Marcos, family and cronies, valued at US$ 5-10 billion. Cory issued Executive Order No. 1, forming Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG), on February 28, 1986, exactly three days after February Revolution toppled Marcos. Attorney and well-known politician Dr. Jovito R. Salonga was appointed first Chief of PCGG. The outcome, 17 years of fighting in court, on July 15, 2003, Philippine Supreme Court decided that US$ 680 million in Swiss bank belongs to the government and was stolen by Marcos. In addition, by 2000, they found about US$ 2 billion in cash and property. Chasing stolen wealth for 17 years, what is so difficult about it? Ruben Carranza and Prof. Haydee Yorac (the 8th Chief of PCGG) the writer met them in Manila in 2002 said, it is very difficult to prove the stolen wealth of Marcos, family and cronies because the crime was done in secrecy and with conspiration. We never found any documents that directly proved their crime, said Ruben. Other obstruction, said Haydee, Philippines has democratic constitution, political parties, Senate, Parliament, Special Court on Corruption Sandiganbayan, Ombudsman, Supreme Court, but the majority of their officials was the supporters of Marcos, family and cronies.
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Salonga in Presidential Plunder: The Quest for the Marcos IllGotten Wealth (University of Philippines, 2000) recorded the specifics of Marcos looting of Filipinos money, also the work mechanism of PCGG. Salonga called Marcos and family as keluarga pencuri (family of thieves). To hunt the thief of states money, Salonga firmly said, much of the success or failure of recovering the plundered wealthwould largely depend on the quality and integrity of the justice system. If courts of justice and government prosecutors are inefficient, corrupt, or incompetent, the difficult task of recovery may be modified, set aside or reversedthese questions and resolution define who we are as a people- our essential character, integrity, tenacity and courage, and our sense of right and wrong. Lets hunt corruptors 17 year failure of PCGG at least confirmed it as the last fortress of commitment and consistency of democrats in Philippines to hunt corruptors and complete democratic transition. At least one third valued at US$ 2,680 billion of Marcos Inc. loot was successfully returned to public. Other example, Nigeria successfully returned to public US$ 800 million that was looted by its President Sani Abacha. Also Pakistan can successfully control 500 accounts of Benazir Bhutto, its former Prime Minister. Cambodia even issued Anti Khmer Rouge Law (July 7, 1994) to return public wealth controlled by Pol Pot and Democratic Party of Cambodia, in article 8 it says, all assets in the hands of Democratic Kampucheashall be confiscated and become national assets. In Salongas word, this is where a nation examines its integrity, resilience, and courage to side with the right and punish the wrong. This seriuosness is the prerequisite to complete the transitional political agenda. What are the goals? (1) reducing the economic power of old anti-democracy totalitarian/authoritarian rulers; (2) reducing the political power of old anti-democracy totalitarian/authoritarian rulers; (3) providing affirmative politics to new seeds of democratic political
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and economic power, and (4) consolidating the democratic dream in new social contract, which is Democratic Constitution. Therefore, lets hunt corruptors, and make the human earth belongs to human, not corruptors, family and cronies.
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Betrayal Of Intellectuals
pring season gives birth to colorful flowers, 2004 election gives birth to colorful political interests. Political party, presidentialvice presidential candidate and voters (also voters from White Group that won in 2004 election) represent the complexity of group, religion, personal and social-class interests. Dont forget, there are also intellectuals! Everyday public eyes read and hear about them in print and electronic media, or in discussions, seminars, and demonstrations. The output of their work varies, from analytical essays of politics, economy, social and culture, polling, to flyers about demonstration. Their educational and professional background varies, typically each claims to discuss the fate and future of public, or fight corruption, protect the weak, oppose deviant and tyrannous authority. Phenomena of Recent Intellectuals If we follow the media, print and electronic, in past legislative elections and toward the upcoming presidential election, it is hard to avoid making a conclusion that for those who frequently follow political discussions presented by researchers from a number of agencies that claim to be neutral, their conclusions tend to support certain presidential-vice presidential candidates or are based on perceptions of the majority of national respondents. Even they admitted being hired by those presidential-vice presidential candidates or political parties,
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although they insisted for not having any interest on any of these candidates or parties. Sometimes other intellectual agencies or organizations go even further, conducting under cover campaign while cleaning the track record of certain presidential-vice presidential candidates. Maybe it is beyond publics imagination that intellectuals during reform period had become political machine to create new interpretation of historical facts, which had developed into collective public memory. Too bad that this is not for historical truth or to provide new contribution for scholarship development, instead this is just aimed at winning the election, power, and for commercial purpose only. Under fascist dictatorship of New Order, also under Hitler and Stalin, history and scholarship too were employed to serve merely power. Who are these intellectuals, what are their functions in society? If at least one of the functions of intellectuals is to make an interpretation based on certain belief like Nietzsche, , there are no facts, only interpretations, hence for public there will be this question. What is the purpose of interpretation? Susan Sontag in Against Interpretation and other Essays (Picador USA, 2001) mentioned, Interpretation is a liberating act. It is a means of revising, of transvaluing, of escaping the dead past. Intellectuals, who are they ? Debates about intellectuals and their functions range from the category of genuine intellectual to organic intellectual. From Julien Benda, Karl Mannheim, Edward W. Said, Bung Hatta, to A. Gramsci, we will check their understanding one by one. Julien Benda, writer of La Trahison des Clercs (1927), pointed genuine intellectual as, ...all people whose activities are essentially not to pursue practical goals, but who search for joy in processing art or science or metaphysical reflection. They refuse political passion and commercialization (J. Benda, Pengkhianatan Kaum Cendekiawan,1997) Karl Mannheim firmly said free-floating intelligentsia is...social group that is relatively free from economic class interest, capable of acting as creative political power in modern society. They have historical task, giving mirror to public so that they could do self reflection and
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therefore choose appropritate ways and means for their actions...neutral but not exiled. (R.Eyerman,Cendekiawan: Antara Budaya dan Politik dalam Masyarakat Modern, 1996) Edward W. Said in Peran Cendekiawan (1998) revealed, Ideally intellectuals represent emancipation and enlightenment...the role of intellectuals are always bounded and must continue to be part of the organic element of societal experience...refuse to cooperate with power that I still perceive as the cause of peoples suffering...The biggest sin of intellectuals is when they know what to say but avoid saying it. Antonio Gramsci gave the label organic to intellectuals who articulate world view, interest, goals, and potentials that are determined historically from one class. The result of this articulation is ideology. The role and function of intellectuals are the production of ideology from the class where they belong...[or] Intellectuals could take certain societal group as an object of their political interests, reconstructing that class as needed, in order to earn recognition and identity (R.Eyerman, lihat juga The Gramsci Reader, 2000). Bung Hatta mentioned, ...Indonesian intellegentsia has moral responsibility on societal development. Whether he sits in state and societal leadership or not, he will not be detached from that responsibility. Even if they stand outside leadership, as societaldemocrat he must remind and oppose wrong behavior, by demonstrating improvement according to what he believes. (Mohammad Hatta, Bung Hatta Berpidato, Bung Hatta Menulis,1979) Betrayer or Provider of Service? Benda has no compromise, even political passion is a betrayal for her, let alone open siding and commercialization. Genuine intellectuals say, My kingdom is not from this world! Manheim, Said, Bung Hatta, Sutan Sjahrir and Sudjatmoko acknowledged the presence of universal rationality and objectivity and universal human morality in their tension with objective social reality. But they firmly sided, Said refused to cooperate with the power mother of peoples suffering. Hatta, Sutan Sjahrir and Sudjatmoko sacrificed during Dutch and Japanese colonial period, also under the
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dictatorship of Soekarno and Soeharto. Sutan Sjahrir even died as Soekarnos political detainee, his political party Indonesian Socialist Party was banned until this day. Gramsci said that intellectuals were siding with his class, choose and reconstruct the class that becomes the object of his political interest. Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky also Gramsci sided with the proletariat, although they were educated middle class, even Engels was a capitalist. Social complexity can no longer be seen as a mere competition of two social classes (capitalist vs. proletariat), giving birth to a view that supports various social movement (civil, politics, economy, cultural, gender, and others). Various social movements give birth to social opposition these are sources as well as new subject of siding for intellectuals. Foucoult said, ... wherever there is power, there is relation of subordination, there is resistence (E.Laclau dan C.Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, 2001). Quo vadis Indonesian intellectuals? O Indonesian intellectuals, isnt it wrong and sinful to deceive and manipulate public in the name of partiality, interest, and our political passion, behind every analysis that are written and discussed? For Benda, acknowledging partiality is indeed a betrayal, but for Said, Hatta, Sutan Sjahrir, Sudjatmoko, let alone Gramsci, acknowledgement means honesty to our choice in social praxis. Scholarship is not a hiding place for cowards and opportunists. We choose and are responsible for our choice. We lie when saying the content of my writing, mind and talk is neutral, out of responsibility, political passion and my personal interest. This means also a betrayal of integrity of moral and scholarship. Edward W. Said said, intellectuals who claim about writing for themselves, or just for the sake of learning, could not be trusted and should not be trusted. Then Said quoted Jean Genet who firmly said that, when you publish an essay to society, you have entered a political life. Hence if you do not want to be political, do not write essay or talk.
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Palace Intellectuals and Merchant-State
ublic policy is not born in cemetery, not born in vacuum social space. Since it is born in social space, every public policy will face pull and push of economic-political interests. Typically, it is the most dominant economic-political power that wins the public policy that will be executed by government. It is truly misleading if the 36 intellectuals support the public policy to increase the price of fuel by mystifyng the dominant ruling economic-political interests. Rizal Mallarangeng said, We are certainly taking side, yet more in certain idea and policy that we consider good, (Kaum Intelektual, BBM, dan Iklan Freedom Institute, Kompas, 3/3). Public asks, why did the better idea and public policy was rejected as financial resource to reduce deficit in state budget, for instance: First, from subsidy of banking recapitalization interest of Rp. 600 trillion mostly owned by dark bankers and conglomerats, which in 2004 reached Rp. 41,275 trillion and was Rp. 38, 844 trillion in 2005 Draft of State Budget (Table of Expenditure of Central Government By Type of Expenses 2004-2005). Second, from the payment of principal Rp. 46 trillion and interest Rp. 24, 375 trillion of foreign debt (2004), also interest of foreign debt Rp. 25, 142 trillion (Draft State Budget 2005), also by intensifying moratorium offer; Third, from the corruption, collusion, nepotism wealth of Soeharto and family valued US$ 14-40 billion (Transparency International) or US$ 60 billion (Times); Fourth, by intensifying and extending tax, also reducing bureaucratic corruption in taxation system.
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Registered tax payers (Wajib Pajak, WP), institutions and individuals, were 5 percent of population, which in 2004 paid Rp. 239.5 trillion. Increase the registered tax payers to 20 percent of population with calculation of new progressive tax and minimize leaks, which in 2005 went over Rp. 259.5 trillion. Fifth, total audit and efficiency of Pertamina, from contract, export, import, to distribution will save dozens of trillion rupiah every year. These are only several alternatives proposed by intellectuals, academicians, and public but are not made into government policy because they are not suitable with the interest of economic-political power that currently dominates bureaucracy and legislature. Politicians, enterpreneurs and trade In Indonesia today, state is no longer a mere executive/ representation of capital owners, instead capital owners are representing their own interests, directly controlling state policy through legislative/executive agencies. Those politicians-enterpreneurs are fully aware that executive/bureaucracy is real center of state power. Of course with control over the legislature, this will suffice the fact of control that executive policy will not be cancelled by Parliament. Examples of capital owners who already proved the claim of emergence of new political element: business-politician and new political entity: merchant-state, among others: Jusuf Kalla, Bukaka Group, Executive Chair of Golkar Party and Vice President of Republic of Indonesia. Agung Laksono, former president director of ANTV, Hasmuda group, Speaker of Parliament and Deputy Executive Chair of Golkar Party. Aburizal Bakrie, Bakrie Group and Bumi Resources, Coordinating Minister of Economic Affairs. Surya Paloh, Media group (Metro TV), Head of Board of Advisors of Golkar Party. Fahmi Idris, Kodel Group, Chair of Golkar Party and Minister of Manpower and Transmigration. Certainly it is not difficult to mention dozens of other enterpreneurs from various political parties that sit in the legislature and executive offices, from central level, province to district and city levels (M. Fadjroel Rachman Bangkitnya Negara-Dagang, Koran Tempo, 19/2).
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Conglomeration of Local Indigenous People (Pribumi) In Bangkitnya Negara-Dagang (Emergence of Merchant-State), the writer asks about the source of subjective awareness of entrepreneurs controlling the state by becoming business-politician? Indonesia: The Rise of Capital (Richard Robison, 1986), a classic economic-politics book that analyzed fractions of capital under New Order, its history of development, also their roles in the formation of totalitarian politics of New order. Robison found fractions of dominant capital that formed the economic-political structure of Indonesia in 1980s. First, international capital through debt (IGGI, IBRD, G to G Loans) and foreign direct investment (Japan, United States, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Europe); Second, capital of state-owned corporations; Third, capital from Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI: TNI/Polri); Fourth, capital conglomeration of indigenous (pribumi) and non-indigenous (non-pribumi). Now dominant capital fraction remains similar, although there are changes of players within capital fractions or changes of names, for instance from IGGI to CGI, supported by IMF. Pribumi conglomeration that becomes business-politician all were raised by New Order is capital fraction that wins battle among dominant capital fraction of New Order. In 1980s capital fraction that ends at Soeharto and top family was supported by capital fraction from Indonesian Armed Forces. It is clear now that business-politicians who control the state originates from pribumi capital fraction conglomeration semi-Soeharto and semi-ABRI, overcoming capital fraction conglomeration of Soeharto, non-pribumi and ABRI. Not Without Subsidy Politics of welfare state believes that citizens become poor and unemployed because their economic and social rights are not guaranteed. Hence if today there are 60 percent population who is poor, and 45 percent out of 100 million working force is unemployed, clearly this is not because they do not receive Dana Kompensasi BBM (Fuel Compensation Fund), but rather because their economic and social rights are not protected by the state. Arguing about providing welfare
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for people, what happened instead was that an increase in fuel price has triggered price increase in staple needs and reduced welfare since the average household expenditure, for food 64.1 percent, education 2.40 percent, and health 2.07 percent, 31.52 percent for transportation, clothing and housing (BPS, 2004). Certainly when citizens welfare, economic and social rights are made permanent first, an increase in fuel price even by zeroing all fuel subsidy will not be a problem for society. Why adopting the policy of revoking fuel subsidy and not other alternatives? Clearly with mentioned explanation, this public policy is not disturbing the oligarchic economic-political interests of those in power, it does not obstruct capital accumulation of business-politicians and the future of merchant-state. Hence this is not because the idea and policy is good, as written by Rizal Mallarangeng. Even if there would be some anxiety, every clash of interests between public and business-politicians will be equalized with clash of interests between state and civil society, which ends in states repressiveness. The involvement of Soekarno, Hatta and Sutan Sjahrir in power was clearly organic intellectual partiality (The Gramsci Reader, 2000) with the oppressed. It was not by any means a betrayal of palace with economic-political oligarch, which for decades have disadvantaged people with rents, exploitation, and corruption, collusion, nepotism. Those palace intellectuals should be honest, admitting their partiality with dominant economic-political power. This admission is important because intellectual betrayal must no longer be seen from the viewpoint of violation of intellectual ideal prerequisite of Julien Benda (La Trahison des Clercs, 1927) but from the viewpoint of reponsibility of their partiality; morally, politically and legally. Public will evaluate, whether they would be like New Order intellectuals, for 32 years participated in making people suffer but ran away and refuse to hold moral, political, and legal accountability when New Order collapsed. For this reason, if you dare to advertise, dare to take side, you should also dare to take responsibility in the future.
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The Collapse Of Our Morality
his is not Ethiopia! This is Republic of Indonesia, your own country! It is called res publica Indonesia because its goal is to serve public, not res privata Indonesia whose goal is to serve the personal interests of its rulers. It is unimaginable in your mind that one day you see your own people wrestling with death because of emaciation. They die of hunger! Hell with the term from Coordinating Minister of Economic Affairs (now Coordinating Minister of Peoples Welfare), Aburizal Bakrie, that they die because of symptoms of malnutrition, not hunger. The fact is, those people died with bloated bellies, showing rib bones, and bugeyed eyes, like balls ready to jump from the eyelids. There are already 13 people died out of 563 people who suffered from emaciation in West Nusa Tenggara. Eight of them were toddlers from 359 cases of toddlers who suffered from emaciation and malnutrition. It is estimated that there is 1.67 percent of Indonesians who suffered from emaciation after the fuel price increase last May. Note this with red ink, after the increase of fuel price! Where is the money of the emaciated? Since this is Res Publica Indonesia, money hold by government is money of the emaciated. Ironically their money are corrupted, or spent lavishly for rulers and entrepreneurs (local and foreign). It is really not sensible, the money owners die of starvation while foreign creditors
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enjoy the installment payment of debt principal and interest of Rp. 124 trillion (2005). Domestically, those rulers and entrepreneurs rob public money with no shame. Bank Mandiri, according to Bank Indonesia (5/22), by the end of 2004 has an unpaid credit of Rp. 3.8 trillion. The credit amount that was categorized as eliminated book since Bank Mandiri was established have reached Rp. 21 trillion. Meanwhile of total 22 debitors audited by State Audit Agencies, with total loan Rp. 12.2 trillion (US$ 1.29 billioin), there was the involvement of several businesspoliticians. Although the high-ranking officials of Bank Mandiri, E.C.W. Neloe, I Wayan Pugeg and M. Sholeh Tasripan, are now jailed, all of these remain a sickening irony. Robbing public money when the owners are in the midst of starvation. Look carefully, who were involved? Big name like Aburizal Bakrie through PT Bakrie Telecom has a troubled credit of US$ 472 million, and PT Arutmin (coal) US$ 40 million. Indonesias Banking Restructuring Agency (Badan Penyehatan Perbankan Nasional, BPPN) earlier handled 26 companies of Aburizal Bakrie, under the name of Bakrie Group, because it was choked with unpaid credit of Rp. 4.3 trillion (Kompas, 12/10/1999) and this was taken care of by BPPN. Bakrie is also tangled by frozen-operation of 10 banks (1998), seven of which are public banks, six takeover banks (1998-1999), seven banks that participated in recapitalization, and 37 frozen-business banks (1999). Among 26 Bakrie group companies and their unpaid credits, there are PT. Bakrie Brothers Tbk (Rp. 506.7 billion), PT Bakrie Investindo (Rp. 804.23 billion), PT Boga Nandini Andrawina (Rp. 227.3 billion), and PT Northsea Service Ltd. (Rp. 268.6 billion), and others. Abdul Latief, former Minister of Manpower was tangled by Bank Mandiri as much as Rp. 361 billion for PT Lativi Media Karya in 2001. Then Aksan Mahmud, former MPR Speaker who is also family member of Vice President Jusuf Kalla, was tangled by unpaid credit of Rp. 1.049 trillion for PT Semen Bosowa Maros. PPP politician, Habiel Marati, has unpaid credit of Rp. 54.05 billion in PT Batavindo Kridanusa. The value of unpaid credit handled by BPPN, Rp. 400 trillion, had involved not just Aburizal Bakrie but also Cendanas conglomerates such as Mohamad Bob Hasan (Rp. 4.6 trillion), Prajogo Pangestu
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(Rp. 9.4 trillion) and Tommy Soeharto (Rp. 5.7 trillion). About 12 people enjoy release and discharge from Megawati Soekarnoputri, tthe president who argued to be defenders of the poor. This is really sickening, hundreds of trillion rupiah of peoples wealth, own by 1.67 million Indonesians who suffer from emaciation and eight toddlers died of famine in West Nusa Tenggara, are robbed and gone without mercy by rulers and entrepreneurs. Back to Res Publica Indonesia Peoples oppressors has their own philosophers, ulamas/priests, and intellectuals. Recall government commercial Why Do We Support Increase of Fuel Price? It involved 36 intellectuals, supporting SBY-Kalla to increase the price of fuel. The advertisement under the banner of Freedom Institute was funded by Coordinating Minister of Economic Affairs, Aburizal Bakrie. Fuel subsidy is revoked, prices of basic staple needs goes high, people die of starvation. Where are those 36 intellectuals now? Do they deserve to hold the title of intellectuals if their actions suffer people, causing death to them? Of course those toddlers died because they could not afford to buy nutritious food like those eaten by the 36 intellectuals. In anticipation of the second increase in fuel price, Rizal Mallarangeng, commander of the 36 intellectuals already yelled at Detik.com (9/28), This [fuel price increase] is indeed painful and harsh, but this is a natural process for long-term economic growth. Didnt Widjojo Nitisastro and the Berkeley Mafias, technocrats of General (Ret.) Soeharto always say the same? New Order development, after passing its launching stage had spoiled Soeharto and family as well as about 200 conglomerates, in the long run it will be enjoyed by people through trickle-down effect. The suffering and humiliation of the poor and the oppressed for decades was made even worse with the cynicism and arrogance of M. Sadli in Tak Ada Pilihan Lain (No Other Option, Kompas, 9/28). Sadli surprisingly wrote, Even if there are now long lines in several places,
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in my view, this is the course of action that some people do to get money. M Sadli was the intellectual member of Soeharto, hence without guilt he said, at the beginning of 1970s, when I was Minister of Mining, I already got my chance to announce fuel price increase. Public remember that there was no intellectual accountability yet (let alone political and legal ones) from M. Sadli and friends (Widjojo Nitisastro, Emil Salim, Ali Wardhana, Sumitro Djojohadikusumo, and others) on the crushed of democracy, especially the economic condition when they were the formulators of economic-political policy of New Order. Suffering people and strengthening the pyramid of socioeconomic repression that happen until now. The poor and the oppressed have put Widjojo and friends optimism upside down, toppling Soehartos New Order in 1998. The lesson is, the interest of business-politicians are never congruent with public interest. Even peoples death is not a sadness for them. Mistakes that cause people and toddlers to die are not part of their moral and intellectual responsibility. There is no other way, Res Privata Indonesia must be taken over and returned as Res Publica Indonesia.
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The Awakening Of Merchant-State
arl Marx must revise his thesis, state is only an executive of capital owners. This is because in Indonesia, the state (its elements such as the executive, legislative, judicial, military, police, and political parties) are no longer mere executive/ representation of capital owners. Instead, capital owners are already representing their own interests, directly controlling state policy through state legislative/executive. The following are examples of several of those capital owners: Jusuf Kalla (Bukaka Group, Executive Director of Golkar Party and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia), Agung Laksono (Hasmuda Group, former President Director of ANTV, Speaker of Parliament and Deputy Executive Director of Golkar Party), Aburizal Bakrie (Bakrie Group and Bumi Resources, Coordinating Minister of Economic Affairs), Surya Paloh (Media/Metro TV Group, Head of Board of Advisors of Golkar Party). Other examples: Fahmi Idris (Kodel Group, Chair of Golkar Party, Minister of Manpower and Transmigration), Yusuf Asyari (cadre of Prosperous Justice Party, former executive of RCTI, Minister ofo Public Housing), Arifin Panigoro (Medco Group, functionary of Democratic Indonesian Party of Struggle), Sugiharto (Former finance director of Medco Group, cadre of United Development Party who was pushed to take over the leadership of Hamzah Haz, State Minister of Stateowned Corporations), and Sutrisno Bachir (Ika Muda Group, Executive Director of National Mandate Party).
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It is certainly not difficult to mention dozens of other entrepreneurs from various political parties who has positions in legislative and executive offices, from central level to province and district/city. Executive/bureaucracy is center of real power of state. Classic analysis of Marx, also Weber, demostrated that political reality. Yet the two saw a separation between entrepreneurs as economic players, and politicians or bureaucrats as political and bureaucratic players. Look closely at Marxs thesis, Modern executive is nothing more than a committee to manage general matter from all bourgeoise. Max Weber too wrote, when parliament is a mere assembly of speeches, the result would be uncontrollable domination of bureaucracy which is serving capitalist interests. Policitians and bureaucracy would become the servants of enterpreneurs interests, nothing more. In the case of Weber and Marx, according to Erik Olin Wright (Class, Crisis and the State, Verso, 1979), this happened during the period of consolidation of monopolistic capitalism, when contradition on capital accumulation is centered on increasing the composition of organic capital. When monopolistic capitalism period that is guided by state happened, contradiction is centered on politicization of accumulation process through state intervention at production level. Business-politicians What is the source of subjective awareness of entrepreneurs for controlling state by becoming business politicians? The root of this economic political reality must be traced historically to the period of New Order capital accumulation, even to Dutch colonial period. Indonesia: The Rise of Capital (Richard Robison, 1986) is a classic book that analyzed fractions of capital under New Order, its history of developoment, also their roles in the formation of totalitarian politics of New Order. Robison explained, The most important revolutionary power that works in Third World today is...capitalism...The special shape opted by capitalist revolution is conditioned by various factors that are complex, a consequence of colonialism of society and economy, formation of classes under colonial power, fate of political conflict in
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post-colonial period, state relations with international economy, and expansion of its national sources. Robison found dominant capital fractions that shaped Indonesias economic-political structure in 1980s. First, international capital through debts (IGGI, IBRD, G to G Loans) and foreign direct investment (Japan, United States, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Europe); Second, capital from State-owned Corporations; Third, capital from Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI: now TNI/Polri); Fourth, indigenous (pribumi) and non-indigenous (non-pribumi) conglomeration of capital. Now dominant capital fraction remains similar, although there are changes of players within capital fractions or changes of names, for instance from IGGI to CGI, supported by IMF. The change in 1998, with Soehartos stepping down, to the formation of merchant-state, must be seen in perspective. First, competition among dominant New Order capital fractions; Second, internal obstruction in capital accumulation due to external pressure such as collusion, corruption and nepotism (KKN, Korupsi, Kolusi dan Nepotisme), Third, competition of capital interest and labor interest, between demand for profit for entrepreneurs and normative demand from labor. Indigenous enterpreneur/conglomerates who become businesspolitician all raised by New Order is the capital fraction that won the competition between dominant New Order capital fractions. In 1980s, capital fraction that ends at Soeharto and top family was supported by capital fraction from Indonesian Armed Forces. Now the winning one is the indigenous capital fraction conglomeration semiSoeharto and semi-ABRI, overcoming capital fraction conglomeration of Soeharto, non-pribumi and ABRI. To defend victory and ensure the continuation of capital accumulation in the future, enterpreneurs from the indigenous capital fraction compete to become business politicians, becoming states executive/legislative. The easiest way is to enter political parties with large mass basis, hence they will guarantee win the elections. This is the main reason why big political parties today are circled and fought for by entrepreneurs. Competition of dominant capital fractions is not Baratayudha war. If we hope that indigenous capital fraction semi-Soeharto and
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semi-ABRI would uproot corruption, collusion and nepotism from prevous businesses, this is impossible because practically all of those big businesses are related with corruption, collusion and nepotism, rents, also family business of Soeharto and ABRI. They also continue the compradore character against foreign capital fraction. In this perspective, clearly the business-politicians who control the state today comes from indigenous capital fraction conglomeration, overcoming capital fraction conglomeration of Soeharto, non-indigeous and ABRI. Yet they continue to protect capital fraction from state-owned corporations and international capital fraction as capital source and network that support the development of their capital accumulation. Vox argentum Vox Populi, Vox Argentum, peoples voice, the clinking sound of money! This is the slogan that appropriately replaces the slogan of Vox Populi, Vox Dei (peoples voice, Gods voice). Procedural demcoracy had become an oligarch of money owners. Typically the politics of entrepreneurs is to use the state to push capital accumulation as big and fast as possible. But our analysis shows that indigenous Indonesian entrepreneurs/conglomerats have now become businesspoliticians, directly representing their interests as state executive/ legislative, transforming into merchant-state. When consolidation of merchant-state reaches its peak, the writer doubts the possibility of harmonizing the interest of capital accumulation with public interest in meeting civil, political, economic, social, gender and cultural interests. If this is not harmonious, every clash of interests between public and business-politicians would be equalized with a clash between state versus civil society, which end in state represiveness. New Order state was often called Bonapartist-state that overcomes social classes, but merchant-state is a state that is ruled by entrepreneurs, capital owners. How to face old economic-political oligarch that reproduce itself as business-politicians and form merchant-state? Weber wrote, This can only be done through strong working Parliament, one that can
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control bureaucracy. As Marx, Weber too must revise his thesis, given that merchant-state has ruled legislative and bureaucracy/executive in Indonesia. Even the fourth pillar of democracy, mass media, is also in the hands of those entrepreneurs. So, who must control them?
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What Is Going On, Merchants Leading Political Party?
oetrisno Bachir, owner of Ika Muda Group, a merchant with dozens of types of business was elected chair of National Mandate Party (PAN, Partai Amanat Nasional) 2005-2010. Even General Secretary of PAN, Zulkifli Hasan, is also a merchant with various business types. Their success in taking over PAN leadership adds to the already long list of merchants leading political party. Earlier, Golkar Party was also taken over by merchant Jusuf Kalla, Bukaka Group, as Executive Chair as well as Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia. Other Golkar Party leaders are also merchants, like Agung Laksono, former president director of ANTV, Hasmuda Group, Deputy Chair of Golkar Party as well as Speaker of Parliament. And then Surya Paloh, Media Group (Metro TV), Head of Board of Advisors of Golkar Party. Then Aburizal Bakrie, Bakrie Group, member of Board of Advisors of Golkar Party, as well as Coordinating Minister of Economic Affairs. Also Fahmi Idris, Kodel Grup, Chair of Golkar Party and Minister of Manpower and Transmigration. In addition, Reform Movement of Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan) is also led by merchant Arifin Panigoro, boss of Medco Group. This Medco Group also successfully place its former finance director Sugiharto as State Minister of state-owned corporations, who was pushed by a number of functionaries to take over leadership in United Development Party (PPP Partai Persatuan Pembangunan). We also record Yusuf Asyari,
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cadre of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera), former executive of RCTI/Bimantara, as Minister of Public Housing. Looking at this tendency, apparently big political parties have become a field to compete for by merchats. Especially politicall parties in top seven most seats in Parliament. From the top, we see Golkar Party 128 seats, PDIP 109 seats, PPP 58 seats, Democrat Party 57 seats, PAN 53 seats, PKB 52 seats, and PKS 45 seats. Attempts of Arifin Panigoro and friends to take over PDIP continue, even Democrat Party continues to delay its Congress. PKB is still untouched by the maneuvers of merchants. But who could guarantee, since these seven big political parties promise an entrance for merchants to rule in legislative, executive, and develop their business in the future. The victory of Soetrisno Bachir and Zulkifli Hasan gives an inspiration that merchants without political achievement can replace big political figures as top as Amien Rais. Winner of Business Competition Who are they, the merchants who are busy running business during New Order and under the administration of Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati? Why do they grow motivation to rule in politics after ruling in economy? We trace it through Indonesia: The Rise of Capital (Richard Robison,1986), classic book of economic-politics that analyzes capital fractions under New Order its history of developoment, also their roles in the formation of totalitarian politics of New Order. Robison found dominant capital fractions that shaped Indonesias economic-political structure in 1980s. First, international capital through debts (IGGI, IBRD, G to G Loans) and foreign direct investment (Japan, United States, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Europe); Second, capital from State-owned Corporations; Third, capital from Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI: now TNI/Polri); Fourth, indigenous (pribumi) and non-indigenous (nonpribumi) conglomeration of capital. Now dominant capital fraction remains similar, although there are changes of players within capital fractions or changes of names, for instance from IGGI to CGI, supported by IMF. There are also capital fractions that are always in the losing
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position, i.e. capital fractions that are micro, small and medium. These capital fractions always become preys for dominant capital fractions, and become target of trading among political parties when campaign season arrives. The change in 1998, with Soehartos stepping down, until now must be seen in perspective; First, competition among dominant capital fractions of New Order; Second, the fact of internal obstruction in capital accumulation due to external pressure such as collusion, corruption and nepotism; Third, competition between capital interests and workers, between demand for profit of entrepreneurs and normative demands of labor. Fourth, demand from capital fractions that are micro, small, and medium using political parties as medium that desire their votes. Now we know, the winner of competition among dominant capital fraction is the indigenous entrepreneurs/conglomerates semi Soeharto and semi-ABRI, all raised by New Order. In 1980s the capital fraction ended at Soeharto and the first family, supported by ABRI capital fraction. Hence, to defend the victory that was fought for with much efforts, and to secure the presence of capital accumulation in the future, those indigenous conglomerate capital fraction compete to become business-politician, taking over state executive/legislative. Now, it becomes clear that business-politicians who control state or big political parties come from indigenous conglomerate capital fraction, beating conglomerate capital fraction of Soeharto, nonindigenous and ABRI. But they continue to maintain capital fraction from state-owned corporation and international as source and capital network that support the development of capital accumulation. ABRI capital fraction is apparently having the toughest time to face the impacts of this capital competition. In addition to an absence of professional management, the demand for democratization also requires the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI, now TNI/Polri) to be out of business. Consequently TNI Commander, General Endriartono Sutarto said that he would precipitate the turning over of ABRI businesses in the next two years, possibly passing them over to be managed by state-owned corporations. If this happens, then ABRI (TNI/Polri) capital fraction will disappear, competition of capital fraction will get fiercer, with
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only international, state-owned corporation, indigenous domestic conglomerate (and non-indigenous) capital fractions left, as well as capital fractions that are micro, small and medium. The Fate of Our Democracy We conclude that in Indonesia the state is no longer a mere executive/representation of capital owners, but capital owners already represent their own interests, directly controlling state policy through legislative/executive agencies. This is because those merchants are aware that the executive/bureaucracy are real centers of state power. Legislature is also controlled, in order to avoid sabotage of policy made by the executive in parliament. They also control nearly every mass media, print or electronic. Hence the control of legislative, executive, business and media is complete. The remaining question is, would this affect the judiciary if the Attorney General and Minister of Justice are also members of their cabinet? If the state is controlled by merchants, capital owners, the appropriate economic-political terminology is merchant-state. What is the fate of democracy that relies on separation of power or check and balances? What is left is just civil society to do opposition or critics to the state. Among them, intellectuals, mass media, non-governmental organizations, social movement and student movement. This is with a note that all must be independent, free from state cooptation. The writer is also concerned that when consolidation of merchantstate reaches its peak, the interest of capital accumulation is typically not in harmony with public interest in meeting civil, political, economic, social, gender and cultural interests. If this is not harmonious, every clash of interests between public and business-politicians would be equalized with a clash between state versus civil society, which end in state represiveness. If this totality tendency continues to grow, then our democracy is in danger. It is time to think hard, what kind of separation of democratic institution and practice that we want? What we know, the starting point and end point must be in harmony with values of humanity, justice, populism, freedom, and solidarity.
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My Beloved BUMN (State-Owned Corporation), My Poor BUMN
otal prize Rp. 14.1 billion, 96 main prize @ Rp. 100 million, and 1,500 additional prizes @ Rp. 3 million in 32 provinces. Are you interested? These are the prizes offered in the contest of education saving Indonesia Sukses (Successful Indonesia). This article does not bother about what interest and whose interest are served in this contest. Instead it is interested in digging where the fund comes from and how the accountability looks like if the source of fund was state-owned corporations that are already go public and listed at Jakarta Stock Exchange (BEJ Bursa Efek Jakarta). The writer traces this from the angle of Good Corporate Governance (GCG) and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) as well as the interest of minority share holders, the monitoring by Bapepam (Indonesian Capital Market Supervisory Agency), and the tax loss suffered by the state. BUMN and Indonesia Sukses Why is Indonesia Sukses important? Since nearly all financial sponsors of the Rp. 14.1 billion program, which is organized by IMM Foundation (Investigation, Mediation and Monitoring), is from BUMNs that were partly went public. For instance: Indosat, Telkom, BNI, BRI, Bank Mandiri, Gas Negara, Bank BTN, Pertamina, Pos Indonesia, Semen Gresik, Bukit Asam, Kalbe Farma, PLN Persero, and others. Indosat, which is listed at Jakarta Stock Exchange, admitted its commitment with IMM Foundation, valued at Rp. 1 billion. The fund
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was taken from community development (CD) post. Pertamina, BUMN that is not yet go public, its executive director is the same with Indosat, which is Widya Purnama and its Commissary President (Preskom) Laksamana Sukardi, the State Minister of BUMN also has Rp. 1 billion commitment in this. BUMN is the largest capital element in the development of domestic capital in Indonesia. The state capitalism activity started in the middle of 1950s during Soekarno. In 1957-1959 BUMNs were established as a response to the nationalization of Dutch corporations, because there were not domestic private entrepreneurs who are strong enough. Most BUMNs were established in plantation and trade sectors, as a way to match international capital that was owned by the Dutch and non-indigenous private corporations, in order to form privatenational-indigenous capital. Today there are 144 BUMNs in Indonesia in the following categories, a. Natural resource sector: Pertamina, Timah Aneka Tambang, Perhutani; b. Banking sector: BRI, BNI, Bank Mandiri, BTN; c. Manufacturing sector: Pusri, Krakatau Steel and; d. Distribution of Basic Commodities sector: Bulog. Under Soeharto (New Order), BUMNs were important source of income for political fractions and ABRI, also basis of accumulation of personal wealth for political power holders. The piercing of BUMN were done with various excuses. By clean means they allocated contracts for construction, distribution, concession allocation for oil drilling and forest exploitation (HPH), also means to develop patronage for political rulers. Also through various activities to set aside net profit for developing small business/cooperation. The regulation for setting aside the profit and its use was issued by State Minister of BUMN (Article 2 and 88 of Law No. 19/2003 on BUMN). There were also BUMNs that did other contributions in the form of community development (partnership and environment development). Well, when BUMNs such as Indosat and Pertamina helped IMM Foundation, this program was part of education and/or training aid.
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Good Corporate Governance Economic crisis in 1997-1998 dragged many companies into serious financial difficulties given the outflow of hundreds of billions US dollars worth of shares of the owners. Since then, several initiatives were launched to promote GCG, effort to push good corporate governance, pertaining to transparency and accountability. Do BUMNs that go public at Jakarta Stock Exchange translate this into concrete action, considering the many stakeholders related with the existence of a business? Without openness and accountability, there would certainly be suspicion and conflict among the mentioned stakeholders. Ironically several BUMNs that contributed to IMM Foundation were listed companies at Jakarta Stock Exchange. Hence those who would directly suffer from this are investors who bought shares of those BUMNs at the Stock Exchange (both as individuals or institutions). Certainly minority share holders suffered the most, given that they are powerless to influence company strategy. Any hope to accrue bigger dividend at the end of the year must be reduced given the program (CD). Hope in capital gain from share price volatility is also gone. Why didnt Bapepam complain about the activity of listed BUMN and compete to release fund on behalf of the CD? Isnt the cost for the program tax deductible and would be taken out from end-of-year profit. Doesnt this mean that the government is also made to suffer from reduced tax? In Singapore, there are now independent directors sitting in the Board of Directors of BUMNs. In Japan, investors succcessfully demand companies to announce salary received by company directors. In Sweden, the requirement for professional information openness is a reflection of democracy, considering that the true owners of BUMN are people, not government, or ministers, or ruling party. Sweden requires BUMN to hold meetings about its relations with share holders where public are given the opportunity to debate with corporations management.
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Social Responsibility If Indosat and Pertamita insist that CD is a concrete contribution of BUMNs to society, then can it include also the idea of CSR? CSR demand social responsibility from corporations, active in social and environmental issues, be it directly or indirectly depending on the operation of corporations. Also needed is an analysis of how funding the IMM Foundation is part of CSR commitment of relevant BUMNs? Indonesia Sukses is very short in process, proposal advancement is about one month (JulyAugust 2004), BUMN commitments, advertisements on mass media, closing of contest and announcement of winner. CSR commitment is very careful and its process is long. CSR initiative involves multi stakeholders: corporations, consumers, suppliers, non-governmental organizations, local community, environmental and human rights activists, also government. CSR is not a mere philantropic activity. It engages a level broader than corporation business operation with the community. Essentially CSR pertains to business contribution for sustainable development. Indonesia Sukses clearly did not involve multi stakeholders. It is philantropic, hold by a new foundation that has no track record of CSR activity. The involvement of BUMNs in its funding infact shows that BUMNs do not yet have any clear programs to promote CSR. Therefore it is hard to imagine Indonesia Sukses reflecting the GCG and CSR perspectives of BUMNs. It also inflicted financial loss on minority share holders, taxation system, and people who are the legitimate owners of BUMNs. This case opens our eyes that there are problems between BUMNs and people, between majority and minority share holders. It also shows how during the administration of Soekarno, Soeharto, Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati, BUMNs were cash cows. Who wants to save BUMN for the people? Actually, of the 144 BUMN that went public or not, there is no reason for them not to implement good corporate governance and corporate social responsibility. Doesnt ecnomic democracy and political democracy have the same meaning: openness and accountability in opposition to totalitarianism/authoritarianism: concealment and non-
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accountability. Singapore and Sweden implemented this. Are we willing to learn from other countries that use BUMNs as pillars of economy? Hence this adagium would no longer apply in the future, whoever the president is, BUMNs remain fat as cash cows.
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Footsteps Of Corruptors
ired! Whoever found doing corruption, said President General (Ret.) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) firmly, like a war commander in battle field. Then Attorney General Abdulrahman Saleh too unsheathed shiny legal sword The holy duty of Attorney General Office is war against corruptors! Indonesias sky heard thundering shout of war against corruption, threatening each other to fire people, from superiors to subordinates. We can imagine officials and civil servants in fear, regretting their corrupt actions, then become holy soldiers for anti-corruption. Yet, what happened, during a week (October 21-October 27, 2004) after President and Attorney General declared war against corruption? The writer had the opportunity to directly examine the truth. Is this corruption practice? Rp.20.000,- you pay, your driving licence (SIM, Surat Izin Mengemudi) would not be confiscated, no trouble for going to court and paying double there, said X (just mention the name and rank of that police officer). Give me a receipt as proof, said writer. No receipt! said X. Thank you, I choose to go to court, writer made his decision. Then X took writers driving license to drive car (SIM A), handed over Bukti Pelanggaran Lalulintas Jalan Tertentu (Proof of Traffic Violation in Certain Street) at Kepatihan Street, Kodya Bandung, Thursday October 21, 2004, around 08:00 am.
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Violating article 61(1) yo. 17, must go to court on Wednesday October 27, 2004 at 09:00 am at the Provincial Court Class 1A, Jl. RE. Martadinata No. 80, Bandung, said X firmly. While thinking that X is just a police officer, writer read the prints behind the paper of proof of traffic violation. It was a warning for violators. It says, bribers for this case is threatened with article 209 KUHP with jail penalty of maximum 2 years 8 months. And then the warning for officer, receivers of bribes for this case is threatened with article 419 with jail penalty of maximum 5 years. Curiosity increased. Are court and office of attorney general afraid with the threat of new President and Attorney General? Wednesday, October 27, 2004, writer hurried to court from Jakarta. Arriving around 08:45 in court, I was welcomed by a man who asked if I had traffic violation. He offered help of not attending court, he will take care of it, writer need to just wait in car. Just Rp. 31,000 plus fee of Rp. 5,000 for the article 61(1), he said. Writer said he wanted to attend court, hurrying to front lobby of court room. About 10 people are waiting for court, also a man in uniform offering the same service. A number of people agreed to pay, in various amount. A motorcycle driver was asked R. 64,000 but he refused to pay.. Around 10:00 am, those who did not want to receive service was invited in to court room. While waiting, I saw court officials were busy serving a number of men who offered service at the front lobby and in the court room! Transaction of money and paper of violation proof was opened just like that. There are those who directly handed over Rp. 50,000 to an official from Office of Attorney General at 10:20 am. At 10:40 am, a single judge came in with red-black gown, to my left there were 3 officers from attorney general office, with emblem of High Office of Attorney General West Java. One by one we were summoned by the judge. I was decided wrong without any words of defense, and must pay directly to the Judge on the left Rp. 21,000 and my driving license to drive car was returned. The guy who earlier was asked Rp. 64,000 turned out to be sentenced with Rp. 16,000 only. My desire to tell the story of bribery practice to the judge was gone. Even the court room was not free from similar practice. Not to mention that I would
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be interrogated with evidence and witnesses, and if I cant provide those then I slander state apparatus and institution, right? Cheap market of corrupt practice All of these practices are happening before our very eyes, just like trade practice at market of goods and services. Bargaining price according to law of supply and demand. It is very clear like being in a glass house. It is not difficult to acknowledge that this is the most corrupt country in Asia and worlds fifth most corrupt in the world. Is it difficult to decide who would be priority in corruption abolition in our and? Police, district attorney, and judge, who are on the front line, but has so-so rank, should be our first line of target to clean? Ideally all perpetrators must be punished, especially considering that about 4 million people in bureaucracy are known to engage in corruption and bribery practices. Even if there is a warming up stage to examine the seriousness of law enforcers who are currently dirty with bribery and corruption practice as mentioned above. It would be good if the convicted in second layer, like the conglomerates who were handled by BPPN, although they already received release and discharge from Megawati, but crime act of misusing states fund is inevitable, right? Is it possible, considering a number of important names in United Indonesia Cabinet would be convicted? The case of former Attorney General MA Rachman that was fozen needs to be revisited, also the case of corruption of Rp. 40 billion of Akbar Tanjung, which involved high-ranking officials of Golkar Party in current Parliament. Including the reopening of all cases that were frozen, also the newest SP3 that involved high-ranking official of Regional Representative Council. Serious violation of human rights at Trisakti, Semanggi I-II, and July 27 could also be advanced in this warming up stage. At provincial or district/city level, in order to demostrate the seriousness of government, corruption case that involves legislative and executive officials must immediately be handed over to court, such as kadedeuh money of about Rp. 30-40 billion in West Java proince, also the lost of about Rp. 9 billion from Depok city budget, and others.
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Soeharto The Main Test But the main test of this is the case of corruption and serious human rights violation of General (Ret.) Soeharto. Considering the democratic transition stage, then transitional political agenda must be focused on the highest and most determining layer of totalitarian/ authoritarian regime. The corruption of Soeharto and family, which is valued at 15-35 billion according to Transparency International (March 25, 2004) had placed it in the first rank of ten worlds most corrupt political leader. According to Newsweek (January 1998) its value was US$ 40 billion, Forbes named Soeharto the worlds fourth richest person (July 28, 1997). His corruption, collusion, nepotism wealth is roughly US$ 60 billion, a median of estimated US$ 40-80 billion, considering that his 7 children and grandchildren own 312-350 corporations in and out of the country (Mulya Lubis, et.al., Soeharto vs TIME: Pencarian dan Penemuan Kebenaran, Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2001). A number of legal breakthrough could be made by Attorney General or Minister of Justice (this is better than busily creating sensational punishment in Nusakambangan, and shock therapy for small-fish corruptors). Joseph Estrada (former President of Philippines) was only ranked ten in jail, Soeharto and family walk loosely during three elections in 2004, and KPU (Electoral Commission) and quick-count survey agencies considered these achievements of election and democracy. This is the transitional political agenda that failed to be completed by Habibie regime, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati. Could SBY regime complete this? Very doubtful, because from a number of legal program in 100 days of this new administration, even since his candidacy, SBY never use the corruption case of Soeharto and familiy as well as serious violation of human rights since 1965 to Trisakti as a legal agenda that must be completed. Hence what happened is corruption (also human rights violation) would continue as usual, regardless of who is the President or Attorney General. Public just watch behind the glass house, watching them threatening one another and victimizing their colleagues before they turn threatening and eating anything owned by public.
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Learning From New Order Intellectuals
ew Order intellectual! That was my conclusion when reading the article by R. William Liddle, Merekayasa Demokrasi di Indonesia (Engineering Democracy in Indonesia), which was published in Kompas on February 6-7, 1990 (page 17). I read that article in jail of Bakorstanasda West Java (Badan Koordinasi Strategis Nasional Daerah, Regional Indonesias Strategic Coordination Agency) in Jl. Sumatera 37, Bandung, a transformation of Laksusda (Special Regional Executor). This extra constitutional agency maintain political stability during New Order and is directly responsible to General (Ret.) Soeharto. There were 13 of us in jail, tortured, interrogated by police, Bakin (Badan Koordinasi Intelijen, Intelligent Coordination Agency), also fired from ITB (Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung Technology Institute) by Prof. Wiranto Arismunandar (president) and Dr. Indra Djati Sidi (vice president III). Six person was sentence 3 years in prison (19891992), moving around in 7 jails, including Nusakambangan. Dozens of other ITB activists were suspended for 1-2 semesters, and a number of student organizations were banned and frozen. All of these started with the August 5, 1989 Movement at ITB, which opposed the fascistmilitaristic regime of New Order and the dictatorship of General (Ret.) Soeharto. All of those bad incidents made me hard to tolerate any positive view about Soeharto and New Order. I was certainly inflamed and cynical after reading the article of that R. William Liddle, professor of Political Science Department, Ohio State University, Columbus, US.
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Although a number of his books are quite popular in Indonesia, such as Ethnicity, Party, and National Integration: An Indonesian Case Study; Cultural and Class Politics in New Order Indonesia; Partisipasi dan Partai Politik: Indonesia pada Awal Orde Baru; and others. Read closely Liddles concrete suggestion (page 29), Department of Education and Culture is preparing a new regulation, which will replace Coordinating Agency of Students (Badan Koordinasi Kemahasiswaan), with student senate that is supposedly more independent and have an authoritative bearing. This positive action [italics from the writer], in my opinion, should be accompanied with efforts to convince leaders and activists that campus is not medium to do practical politicswhat is needed at this stage is not demonstration. Liddle also accepted conglomeration policy (page 26), from the viewpoint of economic development efficiency and in order to promote non-oil export, government considered it necessary to give main priority to what is now called conglomerate. Liddle continued, without undermining and setting aside that [conglomeration] policy, I just want to emphasize the importance for development of democracy in the future the effort to create millions of entrepreneurs, skilled labor, and professional people that spread across the nation. In this same article Liddle also valued (page 23), 1945 Constitution as frame of political decision making is already sturdy. Although consolidation of Pancasila as single principle is not completed yet, its supporters in Islamic organizations are quite many and are in strategic positions. I was stunned in jail, what did Liddle want with practical politics that rationalizes this Soehartos New Order policy, while he condemned students practical politics. Controlling, firing and arresting of campus activists were the general political practice of Soehartos New Order, in addition to other political activists. 1945 Constitution and conglomeration become the bases of legimacy of fascist-militaristic New Order, every one of its opponents were stamped as anti 1945 Constitution and anti development. Even, less than 4 months before Soeharto-New Order was toppled, Liddle in Kompas (January 6, 1998) in article Revolusi dari Luar (Revolution from Outside) still stubbornly insisted that, In Indonesia, clearly what is wanted by
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investors and probably by the majority of people is not democratization but rather the continuation of political stability of New Order. If we trace the last article before the fall of Soeharto and New Order, there was no sense of political reality that depicted the possibility of the end of Soeharto-New Order. Did Liddle not see that possiblity? Even Liddle still praised New Order and undermined the waves of democratization from campuses since January-February 1997. Reality ala Liddle It is indeed amusing, when Liddle dreams about democracy in Indonesia, the prerequisites of political democracy such as the right to live, the right to speak or have oppositing opinions, the right to develop associations, the right to demonstrate are eliminated. All critical power of civil society is censored and coopted to control all societal activities under the corporatist state of New Order. Liddle did not see student movement as the last fortress to defend criticism and to maintain as little as possible the prerequisite of the political democracy. Criticism and values political movement of students were the last heart of democracy, that is what is feared by power political movement of corporatist state of New Order. The demonstration that Liddle condemned is just one thousandth of activities of values political movement of students to maintain and develop criticism. It is indeed saddening if political scientists as top as Liddle equalized values political movement of students with demonstration, and rationalize practical politics of New Order state to mute criticism that develops in campuses. The same thing with conglomeration. This development strategy was the source of disaster of economic crisis that ended with the toppling of Soeharto-New Order on may 1998. This policy is protected with the slogan trickle down effect, justifying poverty and social-economic inequality. While what happened is trickle up effect, seizing social rights, economic rights, cultural rights of society. That is why it is certainly contradictive if Liddle expects the growth of millions entrepreneurs, micro, small and medium that would become bases of development of middle class while supporting conglomeration, national capital
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oligarchy. Certainly readers who are more critical will not find Liddles article on serious human rights crime that happened during SoehartoNew Order rule. For instance 1965 incident, Tanjung Priok, Kedung Ombo, Mysterius Shooting, Talang Sari, July 27 Tragedy, Occupation of East Timor, Military Operation Region of Aceh, and others. Is it carefulness or practical politics calculation that underlined his articles during this New Order period, it is hard to tell. Although Liddle himself confidently said, ...[every] analysis of mine speaks about reality alone and does not intend to kill peoples hope for a more democratic future. Liddle further argued (page 57), ...Even, I believe that realistic analysis of current political condition is a must or sine qua non for our understanding of future possibilities. Without sturdy jumping point (which to me should be based on truth), we surely cant jump very far. Back to the initial critic, lets make a distance and ask, where is the general reality? And where is the reality ala Liddle? Middle Class and Democracy Liddles claim that each of his analysis is a reality and realistic analysis is certainly very disturbing because many could see the opposite reality. But we can learn from Liddles stubborness of the mere reality that he obtained. Liddle, a good and honest teacher, modest in formulating his mind, and provides valuable inspiration if he did not directly judge or comment the hard fact that made him stumbled in providing rationalization of fascist-militaristic Soeharto-New Order. Yet if Liddle describes the general reality, presenting critical question, then criticism and our curiosity are enticed to analyze further. Read his article Demokratisasi dan Kelas Menengah (Democratization and Middle Class), is a living discourse during New Order, also post New Order. Liddle said, there is hardly any democratic government without the support of middle class. Arent we still going around in making antithesis or synthesis from this general thesis of modernization? Liddle firmly stated his belief (page 10), parliamentary democracy is tough to function well without first having an industrial
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revolution that creates a class of private and professional entrepreneurs that is quite big and independent. This class is nearly the one and only group in a society that could be relied on as the back bone of modern representation system that is strong, aware and has interest in demanding responsive and responsible government, willing to listen and hold responsibility. The same is true with the article Mengenang Soedjatmoko (Remembering Soedjatmoko), we are immediately captured by the everlasting question on modernization and tradition, which completes the question and social description of article Peristiwa Bersejarah di Imogiri (Historical Event at Imogiri). His article Tiga Tantangan Politik Masa Depan (Three Future Political Challenges) written on June 12, 1995, also provides an interesting view that we can test in political reality post New Order, on three societal strengths that emerge as consequence of change process in economic, social and cultural policy of New Order and other external factors, such as movement of capital, the ups and downs of big ideas, and technology. Liddle said, first, the emergence of Islam with all its variation, in addition to the inclusive modernist like Nurcholis Madjid (late), there are also exclusive modernist through usroh, harakah and tarbiah. We can easily trace this in the awakening of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party), or Hizbut Thahir Indonesia, and others. Second, the bourgeois process that emerged as the consequence of economic development of New Order that unraveled the social structure of Indonesian society. Is this the political resource that toppled Soeharto-New Order, and our next democracy? Third, the awakening of local aspirations in their new forms. These three challenges, according to Liddle, pushed for the process of new political grouping that would demand much from future government. Very serious researches are needed to test these theses. Two Periods, Two Different Attitude Certainlly there are readers who ask, does Liddle ever issue strong critics against New Order? We can just divide Liddles articles in this book into two periods: New Order period and post New Order period. In New Order period article, Liddle never raised strong critics against
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Soeharto-New Order, only confirmed the reality. Quotign Liddles own words in my favorite article Two Faces of Individualism, during New Order period, Liddle made something that existed into something that should exist. What is has become what ought to be (page 65). The immediate consequence of this, for instance, is Liddle looses his sensitivity of his reality analysis or mere reality analysis of the ends of Soeharto-New Order. Including his undermining of student movement and social movement that ended Soeharto-New Order in May 1998. During post New Order period, Liddle opened his article Modal Politik (Political Capital, Kompas, October 12, 1998) with a very strong and firm attack against Soeharto-New Order, at the time when opponents of New Order, like I and friends, were no longer interested in using such strong words. Liddle wrote (page 87), Nearly 30 years ago the remains of democratic government in Indonesia was eliminated by New Order government under the leadership of Soeharto and ABRI officers who supported Soeharto. And then in an interview with Salomo Simanungkalit (Kompas, February 21, 2001), Liddle argued (page 187), If 1945 Constitution is truly executed as democratic constitution I mean, not being misused by dictator like Soeharto. Liddle called Soeharto a dictator! This is the slogan of student movement when they challenged Soeharto-New Order. I was stunned, Liddle considered 1945 Constitution original version before amendment as democratic constitution, only Soeharto who misused it as a dictator? But, if Liddle wrote the sentence when I and friends were incarcerated by Soeharto-New Order and tortured by Bakorstanasda, Bakin, and Police, certainly there wont be the words, New Order Intellectuals! Articles during post New Order period are mostly Liddles efforts to describe political condition as a neutral observer. Yet his condemnation of Soeharto-New Order appeared very strong and direct. Even the reason of rejection of student movement against SoehartoNew Order, in addition to Liddles labeling of Soeharto as dictator, is well formulated in post New Order article Warisan Buruk Orde Baru (page 92), the political system of New Order was built on authoritarianism. Institutions of legislative, political parties, election,
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mass organizations, press, and nearly all organizations with the potential of threatening government position was controlled and shackled by President Soeharto and his subordinates. We do not know why the mentioned awareness is so late to come to Liddle. Even if values political movement of students followed Liddles suggestion, then not only Soeharto-New Order would still be in power today, we also will not be able to find Liddles post New Order articles. Then what is Liddles stand today? His students generally not challengers of Soeharto-New Order mostly become intellectual platoon of General (Ret.) Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), elected president of Republic Indonesia in 2004 election, inside and outside structure. We cannot evaluate it now since Liddles articles on SBY are about 3 pieces only in this book, although this is enough to trigger new controversy for Liddle. But Liddle now is not alone, we can also observe and learn from his students who become intellectual platoon of SBY. Is this now the period of Liddle and his students? Time would tell. In addition, for a book that is collected from separate articles, it is only appropriate to have a quality introduction that sews the red threat of thoughts. Unfortunately the introduction by Hamid Basyaib is very standard. Certainly we hope and rightly so for quality and inspirative introduction such as the introduction of Ignas Kleden for collection of articles of Sudjatmoko in Etika Pembebasan (Ethics of Liberation) (LP3ES, 1985) for instance. Nevertheless, Liddle still and will continue to work, we too will continue to learn from this polite, honest and controversial teacher. In the future we all will continue to wrestle, battle, unravel ourselves, examine what he thinks, and how he thinks. A good teacher is a teacher who is ready to be criticized, treated with hostility, and exceeded by those who learn directly and indirectly from him. Prof. R. William Liddle is one of them!
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Together (With Anyone) We Still Suffer
he history of human kind is the history of suffering. Bali bomb October 1 was a deadly sufering. Yet structural suffering is happening within social-economic pyramid. Elite at the peak of pyramid ploughs the largest national income, also has the right to make all economic-political decisions. For instance, to make domestic and foreign debts Rp. 1.282 trillion or to increase the price of kerosene by 185.7 percent. Hundreds of millions of people collapsed at the bottom of pyramid, from generation to generation, including 15.648 million poor family that received cash compenstation of fuel price increase. Pyramid of Misery Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS, Badan Pusat Statistik) provided empirical data of social-economic pyramid in Income Distribution by Classification World Bank and Gini Ratio Indonesia 2002. 2002 data is complete for 26 provinces, while the 2003 and 2004 only provide general data for Indonesia. In 2002, the peak of pyramic was inhabited by 20 percent, the highest income that obtained 42.19 percent of national income; then 40 percent the moderate income that obtained 36.89 percent; while 40 percent the lowest income only obtained 20.92 percent. Is there any significant change if we compare the distribution of income in 2003 and 2004? In 2003 there was an increase of national income that was taken by 20 percent of the highest income, which was
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42.33 percent, while 40 percent the lowest income declined to 20.57 percent, while 40 percent moderate income also increased to 37.1 percent. In 2004 there was a slight increase for 40 percent the lowest income to be 20.8 percent, and then 40 percent fixed medium income stayed the same 37.13 percent, while 20 percent the highest income declined to 42.07 percent. In the past three years, economic-politic decision only benefited 20 percent of the highest income, its mechanism is like a zero-sum game. Worse, every increase of income in the highest income group led to a significant decline to the lowest income, but if the income of the lowest income increased, the income of the highest income only slightly declined. In 2003-2004, the decline of income of the highest income was minus 0.26 percent, in tandem with an increase of income of the lowest income of plus 0.23 percent. But in 2002-2003, when the highest income increased by plus 0.14 percent, then the income for the lowest income declined 0.35 percent. Historically it is clear how difficult it is for 40 percent of the lowest income to increase the size of obtainable national income. Michael P. Todaro in Economic Development in The Third World (Longman, 1989) recorded in 1975, 40 percent the lowest income in Indonesia only obtained 16.1 percent of national income. Hence in 29 years (1975-2004), 40 percent the lowest income was only able to obtain an additional national income pie of 4.7 percent. Illustion of Distribution From this analysis we can see that since Soeharto until the reform regime is in power, 20 percent the highest income always gets advantages from every economic-political policy. From this years twotime increase of fuel price too we can conclude, First, they do not at all reduce the national income pie that will be obtained by 20 percent the highest income, even if there is loss, the loss suffered by 40 percent the lowest income would be much bigger. Second, fuel compensation subsidy is a policy of pity, as long as the poor continues to live (subsistence), not a policy of income
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distribution let alone unravelling socio-economic inequality. Third, this fuel policy is just like economic-political policy during the past 29 years, its tendency is to maintain the pyramid o socioeconomic inequality. Fourth, when a state is unable and unwilling to institutionalize fundamental reform and enact social discipline, then that state can be categorized as soft state (Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama: An Inquiry Into The Poverty of Nations, 1972). Consequently poverty becomes a means of pity without pity. The most recent example, the death of several very poor elderly when they stood in line for fuel compensation fund (Kompas, 10/15). If fundamental reform, such as distribution and welfare become the goals of every economic-political policy, do those goal depend on the price of world oil? No, because at the time when price of oil is low or at the time of oil bonanza in 1970/80s, Indonesias economic-political policy still does not side with distribution and welfare. This is while in 1970s and early 1980s income from oil and gas increased 157 percent from US$ 7.4 billion (1978/79) to become US$ 19.0 billion (1981/82). Meanwhile government revenue from tax in oil and gas sector increased 271 percent from Rp. 2.309 trillion (1978/79) to Rp. 8.575 trillion (1981/ 82). It turned out that Indonesias economy at that time was also only enjoyed by more or less 200 conglomerates (indigenous and nonindigenous business group, Soeharto-family, and ABRI). The very poor are still laying helplessly waiting for trickle-down effect that never trickle until this day. Isnt their fate the same with that written by Multatuli in Max Havelaar (1860). Analysis of the past 29 years, whathever the name of the administration, turns out to consolidate the wealth of 20 percent the highest income. For this reason public should not have any illusion that in the long run 40 percent the lowest income would control 42.07 percent of national income that is currently controlled by 20 percent the highest income. In a soft state called Indonesia, hundreds of years of distribution and welfare are mere illusion! Poor people must learn from their own history of misery. Fighting not to just flip the pyramid of suffering but to write the history of its own welfare. If not, with whichever president, we still and could suffer!
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ABRI Multifunction: Politics, Territorial, and Business
hat is New Order state? New Order is rent bureaucratic state (Arief Budiman), bureaucratic patrimonial state (Harold Crouch), corporatist bureaucratic authoritarian state (Mochtar Masoed), rent military state (Richard Tanter), bureaucratic colonial state (Ruth McVey), bureaucratic politics regime (Karl D. Jackson), and repressive development regime (Herbert Feith). Those concepts above typically refer to, (1) authoritarian, militaristic, bureaucratic and totalitarian power, (2) state power in the hands of military regime, (3) military regime using ideological state appratus to defend state power, (4) controlling and conquering other repressive state apparatus such as the police, court, jail, for military regime goals, (5) mobilization and repression of civil society by corporatist-fascistist way, (6) economic development as ideological legitimacy and success politics of military regime, (7) bureaucratic and technocratic approach as the main spear of development ideology, as well as to mute democratic approach. The emergence and development of military regime and militarism, ideologically, is based on the doctrine of ABRIs Dual Function. This doctrine justifies the presence of military regime as state ruler, controlling ideological appratus and repressive state. Monopolizing every level of state and societal life, at the level of politics, economy, social, and culture. Constitutionally ABRI uses article 2 of 1945 Constitution which says, MPR Order consists of all members of DPR plus regional and group representatives according to rules
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stipulated through laws. Considering itself as group representative, ABRI is granted free seats in legislatures (DPR/MPR, DPRD I/II). Therefore if Democratic Constitution is designed later, amendment of article 2 of 1945 Constitution is a must as effort to eliminate the political role of ABRI (TNI/Polri) in the legislature. Since democracy requires civil supremacy, and the use of military as means of defense, and police as state security tool. The political involvement of ABRI (TNI/Polri) in political life is directly reflected in national territorial system or command. The territorial institutions that so far are known to be the means for repressive New Order regime are: Kodam, Korem, Kodim, Koramil, and Babinsa. For this reason it is very urgent to eliminate these so that civil supremacy can be enacted and democracy can be consolidated and broadened. It is also not excessive to eliminate Student Regiment from all universities as a follow-up to the elimination of extra constitution institution of Bakorstanas/da and Litsus. If the political and territorial role of ABRI (TNI/Polri) can be eliminated, state power is in the hands of civilians, more specificcally civil supremacy is successfully enacted. The next step is to function the ideological state apparatus, such as education, press, publishers, and others as means to disseminate democratic ideological discourse and function repressive state apparatus to prevent anti democracy actions, anti-human rights and anti-pluralism. But no less important is the elimination of ABRIs (TNI/Polri) role in our business or economic life. Business role of ABRI (TNI/Polri) Personal ownership of means of production/factors of production (natural resources, human resources, technology, and capital) are protected as long as it does not obstruct welfare achievement, social justice and distribution to all people. If the personal ownership is heading towards social injustice and economic inequality, then public ownership of the means of production/factor of production is a given. Economic development that is supported by New Order regime successfully push the accumulation and concentration of capital in four
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Table 1. Several types of Institutional Business of ABRI (TNI/Polri)

No 1 Force TNI-Army Name of Company PT Aerokarto Indonesia PT Asuransi Cigna Indonesia PT Cilegon Fabricator PT Kayan River Indah Tiber Plywood PT Kultujaya Tri Usaha PT Lukita Wahana Sakti PT Bank Artha Graha PT Danayasa Arthatama Kartika Plaza Hotel Kartika Aneka Usaha Kartika Buana Niaga Duta Kartika Cargo Service
TNI-Navy
Bank Bahari Admiral Lines Yala Trading Bhumyamca Film Bintan Beach Internat. Resort Pulau Bayan Marina Club Karimun Kecil Sekolah-sekolah Hang Tuah Bank Angkasa Aerokarto Indo Dirgantara Air Service Angkasa Puri Cardig PT Mediaronan Dirgantara PT Kreshna Puri Dirgantara PT Tansa Trisna PT Bhara Induk PT Braja Tama PT Braja Tara PT Bhara Union PT Asuransi Bhakti Bayangkara PT Sapta Pirsa Mandiri Gedung Bimantara Bank Yudha Bhakti
TNI-Air Force
POLRI
Source: Indria Samego et al, Bila ABRI Berbisnis, Mizan, 1998
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capital fractions. First, international capital (IMF, World Bank, MNC and Portfolio); Second, capital of state-owned corporations; Third, capital of ABRI (TNI/Polri) institution; Fourth, private conglomeration capital (indigenous and non-indigenous). Essentially all economic, political and socio-cultural upheaval are based on the clash of interests among those capital fractions to accumulate. The victims, of course, are people with tiny, micro, small and medium capital, farmers, and labor who just sell their energy. Accumulation and concentration of capital from ABRI (TNI/ Polri) is the capital fraction that very much determine and are involved in clash of interests with other capital fractions. This is reflected not only in the bigness-smallness of accumulation value and capital concentration in terms of time, but also in a number of state policy that supports the move of capital fraction ABRI (TNI/Polri). The following is the description of dispersal of ABRI (TNI/Polri) capital fraction: Aside from institutional business of ABRI (TNI/Polri), the noninstitutional business that involves elite members of ABRI (TNI/Polri) are also interdependent with the institutional business. The activity of
Table 2. Family Companies of TNI Lieutenant General (Ret.) Ibnu Sutowo
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Company Name PT Adiguna Shipbuilding and Engineering PT Alas Helau PT Artana Pasific PT Bali Handara Country PT Cipta Paramuda Sejati PT Delta Santana PT FMC Santana PetroleumEq. PT Hendra Graha PT Indobuild Co. PT Inggom Shipyard PT Intan Sengkunyit PT Kertasa Kraft Aceh PT Nisdemi Type of Business Development and maintenance of ships, provision of ship fiberglass Logging and building investment Result and sea insurance Managing golf course, restaurant, cottage Renting warehouse, management consultation Holding and trade Trading oil Contractor Real estate and hotel Development and ship repair Development and ship repair Paper Factory Provision of diesel machines, assembly, and sea equipments Stock Exchange, marketing, property management and building investment Banking Cargo transportation, waiting ships Hotel (among others, Hilton Hotel) Development and repair of ships Travel agent Agricultural
14. PT Nugra Santana 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. PT Bank Pacific PT Pelumin PT Sarana Buana Handara PT Tirtajaya Shipyard PT Tunas Tour and Travel PT Adiguna Mesin Tani
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Table 3. Business Group of General TNI (Ret.) Benny Moerdani (Batara Indra Group)
Company Name 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. PT Adhi Baladika Agung PT Branta Mulia PT Motollain Corporation PT Nee Diak PT Rempah Kencana PT Wawasan G. Sentosa PT Widya Dana Persada Business Type General Contractor Recording Type Industry Distribution of communication equipment Shipping industry Coffee and cendana oil exporter Stock exchange Stock exchange
non-institutional business can be categorized as the direct part of institutional business since they use of the symbol and influence of ABRI (TNI/Polri) institution as basis of activity. Several business of ABRI (TNI/Polri) members that is quite significant involves the following names: Lieutenant General TNI (Ret.) Ibnu Sutowo (Nugra Santana Business Group), Brigadier General TNI (Ret.) Sjarnoebi Said (Krama Yudha Business Group), Brigadier General TNI (Ret.) Andi Sose (Marannun Business Group), Major General TNI (Ret.) Suhardiman (Evergreen Valley Business Group), Lieutenant General TNI (Ret.) Tahir (Hanurata Business Group), General TNI (Ret.) Benny Moerdani (Batara Indra Business Group). The following are names of company of former TNI high-ranking officials that are close to General (Ret.) Soeharto. In my view, if the revoking of ABRI Dual Function and amendment of article 2 of 1945 Constitution that legalizes the end of political and territorial role of ABRI (TNI/Polri) is not accompanied by the elimination of institutional business role of ABRI (TNI/Polri) and rearrangement of its non-institutional business, then repositioning of ABRI (TNI/Polri) might go in the different direction. Essentially the political, economic and social dynamic during New Order regime could
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be traced from the clash of interests of the four capital fractions above. ABRI (TNI/Polri) capital fraction is a very significant capital fraction that determines the relationship of New Order state with international and domestic capitalists (indigenous and non-indigenous). Therefore the effort to eliminate the business role of ABRI (TNI/ Polri) is very urgent to enact democracy and professionalism, by clarifying TNIs function as defense means and Polris function as means of state security. In addition, the effort to dismantle business from state institutions like ABRI (TNI/Polri) or individuals who uses the names of these institutions as rent seekers is also urgent. These rent seekers are the ones burdening our economy with high cost, which makes our competitiveness and quality of goods and services low. The compensation, an improvement of welfare for members of ABRI (TNI/Polri), including the provision of modern and effective equipments that are functional with their level of professionalism and the condition that they face. We are all convinced, with the end of ABRI (TNI/Polri) multifunction then the future of democracy and civil supremacy would be bright in Indonesia. Papuas Wound, Indonesias Wound Freeport harvested violence and lives! We are shocked because the bloody civil war at Cenderawasih University have caused the death of four apparatus and dozens of people wounded, including journalists. This is not the last violence because the government does not respond to demands from people of Papua. Governments guarantee and the arresting of about 50 students of Cendrawasih University (Uncen) restored the price of shares of Freeport at New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) to US$ 53.22 (March 17, 2006), although it has not returned to the position of US$ 53.30 (March 15, 2006), especially the highest price in 2006, US$ 64.31 (February 1, 2006). When Abepura riot (March 16, 2006) happened, Freeport shares dropped to US$ 52.73. The fate of Papua is determined by capital owners in New York!
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Should we condemn the nation that never learn from past mistakes and ignore the rights of its citizens for decades for the sake of unjust international agreement and profits of capital owners at NYSE? Freeport and Cepu Since the coming of Freeport-McMoran Copper & Gold Inc, which is based in New Orleans, USA, operated in 1967, Papuan people have only harvested violence, environmental destruction, and death, which culminates on March 16, 2006 at Uncen. True that Freeport is the biggest tax payer to Indonesia. In 2005, its net profit was US$ 463 million, a dramatic increase from the previous year US$ 212.5 million. FreeportMcMoran controls 81.28 percent, government 9.36 percent, and PT Indocopper Investama 9.36 percent (in 1994 owned by Bakrie & Brothers, company of Aburizal Bakrie/Coordinating Minister of Welfare, and then 51 percent of it was bought by Bob Hassan and is resold back to Freeport). Second chapter contract with Freeport (1991) happened when Ginandjar Kartasasmita served as Minister of Mining and Energy. According to Reuters (3.2/2006), compensation beyond salary that was accepted by President Director of Freeport James R. Moffett is about US$ 90 billion and his executive Adrianto Machribie receives about RP. 15 billion. What is obtained by Papuan people? Poverty! Distribution of poverty for decades. Most of 312 ethnic group in Papul live like people from stone age. They die of hunger and cold in Yakuhimo and around the mining area. Although Freeport claimed to have spent US$ 190 million in 10 years, including US$ 40 million in 2005 for community development program (NYSE Group, Inc, 20/3), certainly the price is not comparable with the profits ploghed by share owners at NYSE and Jakarta, right? Papua is among the most poor province in Indonesia. Pay attention that in 2005, 80.07 percent of 2.3 million people of Papua live in poverty, although Governor of Papua JP Salossa (late) only acknowledged the presence of just 30-40 percent poor in Papua. Even
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if it was only 40 percent, it is very much non sensible to see such poverty of Papuans in the midst of abundant natural resources! Yet the lesson from Freeport, and violence in Papua, cannot open governments eyes. Just like a nation under colonialism, ExxonMobil was approved by government to manage Cepu Block with pressure from US President George W. Bush. Consequently the ownership of ExxonMobil is 45 percent, government 55 percent, but the distribution of profit is 85 percent for government, 15 percent for ExxonMobil. Dont rejoice yet! The profit is first deducted with cost-recovery. Cost-recovery certainly only ExxonMobil that knows and decides, right? Injustices and violence Why were students of Uncen angry? Why were Papuan people angry? Why were people angry with Freeport and ExxonMobil? Why are we all angry on May 12, 1998 that we toppled General (Ret.) Soeharto? Injustices! That is the problem. Never a rebellion and social violence grow out of vacuum. The racist allegation and undermining view of Papuans intelligence is not right, that Papuan people are barbaric, have amoc culture, and are protesting because they were ridden by people of Jakarta. I think the one who play this was Jakarta, said Tom Beanal, Freeport commisary who represented seven ethnic groups who live around the mine (Tempo, March 20-26). Michel Foucoult said, wherever there is power, relation of subordination, there is resistence. Subordination and domination are the faces of injustice. Subordinative power complete with its rebellion are everyone, no exception in Papua. Rational anger should be handled with cold head by apparatus and government. Violence and sharp bullet are not means of democracy. Democracy teaches to handle conflict with persuasion and consensus. Wound of Papua is the wound of this nation. How many more lessons such as Papua, Aceh, Maluku, Kalimantan, Sulawesi and remote areas would awake us that this country is decaying and will split into pieces like Soviet Union that was glorious for 70 years? To us, violence and injustice that is happening in Papua today is violence and injustice for all Indonesians. This is because principle of democracy clearly says
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that no citizen should be denied civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Hence wound of Papua is wound of Indonesia. Our wounds!
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Economy and Society
Hunting The Wealth Of Soeharto Inc.
do not have money even a penny, said General (Ret.) Soeharto on September 6, 1998 through Indonesian Education Television (Televisi Pendidikan Indonesia) owned by her first daughter, Siti Hardiyanti-Rukmana. Similar statement was repeated by Soeharto to public on May 28, 1999. You must believe this because it is impossible for a former president to lie twice, right? But now you must be surprised, whose wealth is it valued at 36 million euro or Rp. 435 billion that was frozen by Banque Nationale de Paris (BNP) Paribas of Guernsey branch by Finance Intelligence Service, supervisor of money movement in England? The funds allegedly belongs to Soeharto. Garnet Investment Limited of Tommy Soeharto are now fighting with the government of Indonesia in Court of Guernsey District, England. Yet the money of Tommy Soeharto of Rp. 90 billion or US$ 10 million dollar which was also frozen by BNP Paribas of London branch are transferred through the account of General Legal Administrative Directorate of Department of Law and Regulations, which was loaned by Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra, former speech writer (ghost writer) of Soeharto and was taken care of by his legal firm, Ihza & Ihza. In February 2005, the money flowed to the state account, that is when the Department of Law and Human Rights were led by Hamid Awaludin. Apparently all money, be it London or Guernsey, is money transferred by Tommy Soeharto on July 22, 1998 valued at S$60 billion, two months after Soeharto stepped aside on
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May 21, 1998. Why did BNP Paribas Guernsey insisted on holding back the money and the Indonesian government insisted on taking it over? Marty Natalegawa, Indonesian Ambassador in England told Financial Times (1/22) that the money is beneficially owned by the Republic of Indonesia because it was obtained by corrupt use of power during the Soeharto era. Soehartos Wealth Tommys business kingdom, part of Soeharto Inc., is like a giant spider, developing with Soehartos protection through Presidential Instruction No. 2/1996 and Presidential Decree No. 42/1996 on National Car, or Presidential Decree No. 8/1980 on Trade Order of Cloves. Masyarakat Transparansi Indonesia (Indonesian Transparancy Society) in 1999 analyzed that there were 70 Presidential Decrees indicating abuse of power, issued by Soeharto, of the 528 total Presidential Decrees during Soeharto-New Order between the period of 1993-1998. The mother company of Tommy Soeharto is PT Humpuss, with 48 domestic corporations in sectors of trade, metal production, forestry, chemical, food and drinks, service, property/office/shopping, construction, transportation and automobile, pharmacy, and banking. Meanwhile, abroad there are 14 companies around Singapore, Panama, Liberia, Hong Kong, and Cayman Islands. The names of those corporations are recorded as legal evidence when there was allegation from Soeharto against Time magazine, which was won by Time (Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2001). Garnet Investment Limited Corporation based in Tortola. British Virgin Island, are not yet recorded in it. There are several pattern of saving the wealth of Soeharto Inc. after the fall of Soeharto. First, making new companies in and out of the country. Second, entrusting money to conglomerates or entrepreneurs who are family friends. Third, buying shares of other corporations at domestic and international stock market. Fourth, eliminating old corporation and moving the assets to new company. Fifth, keeping cash assets in foreign banks or financial institutions under foreign partner name or new company such as Garnet Investment
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Limited. Soeharto Inc. has about 350 corporations in and out of the country. The owners are Soehartos six children and one grandchild, i.e. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, Sigit Harjojudanto, Bambang Trihatmodjo, Siti Hediati Harijadi, Hutomo Mandala Putra, Siti Hutami Endang Hadiningsih, and Ari Harjo Wibowo (grandchild). Ambivalent Stand BNP Paribas of Guernsey branch and Finance Intelligence Service have great contributions to opening our memory on the corruption crime of Soeharto Inc. which systematically was left untouched by executive, judiciary and legislative agencies. Even Jusuf Kalla, Vice President of Republic of Indonesia and Chairman of Golkar Party, said that the wealth of Tommy Soeharto is not problematic, saying this ahead of verdict from Guernsey District Court. Amid the ambivalent stand of high-rank officials towards Soeharto, from Jusuf Kallas defense on the origins of Soeharto Inc.s wealth and Attorney General issuing SKP3 for Soeharto, certainly the public doubt the determination of Attorney General to hunt the wealth of Soeharto Inc. Amid the doubt, how much is the actual value of wealth of Soeharto Inc that we need to hunt? Transparency International placed Soeharto as the worlds most corrup political leader, with estimation of corruption at US$35 billion (2004), Newsweek (January 1998) estimated US$ 40 billion, and Forbes named Soeharto as the worlds fourth richest person (July 28, 1997). The moderate estimation of Soeharto Inc.s wealth is US$ 60 billion plus, of course, interests. Hence money in Guernsey and London is just small change for Soeharto Inc. If the US$ 10 million from BNP London is back in Indonesia, where is it hidden? If it is in public or private banks in Jakarta, why isnt it hunted by Attorney General? Certainly it is easier to chase and take over the money here than doing it from abroad? Isnt the assets of Soeharto Inc. ubiquitous in Indonesia. In Jakarta alone, anyone can easily point them out directly. If the wealth of Soeharto in Indonesia is not hunted, Attorney General will confirm the saying germs across the ocean we can see, but an elephant in our eye lid we cannot see. Dont do it half way,
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lets hunt all wealth of Soeharto Inc. inside and outside of the country, like the one done by Filipino government towards Marcos wealth, in order to improve the wealth of Indonesian people suffered by disasters, emaciation, and poverty. Certainly the result should not be used to help 550 Members of Parliament who are partying with laptops, or doing study tour abroad amid peoples suffering today. The case of Soeharto Inc. is indeed a giant case. This never happened before with any government accounts, worse even with the account of Department of Law and Human Rights being used by the most corrupt political leader in the world and family, using it as if it were his personal account. This is indeed the most embarrasing political scandal and naked abuse of power. Whoever involved should be responsible legally, and Minister of State Secretary Yusril Ihza Mahendra and Minister of Law and Human Rights Hamid Awaluddin should step down/be fired in order to maintain the moral and political integrity of government. It is time for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) to act firmly. Is it possible? Cabinet reshuffling is the best means now. Dont hesitate, peoples welfare is more important than a mere seat of power. It is better not to get reelected in 2009 election because of policies that sides with people than being remembered as a president who betrays the goals of peoples sovereignty and welfare. It is time for SBY to become a stateman, not just a mediocre politician. It is also our responsibility as Indonesian citizens to not forget and thus allows state officials to have cospiracy to save the wealth of Soeharto Inc. Lets hunt the wealth of Soeharto Inc.!
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CHAPTER IV
CULTURE, UNIVERSITY STUDENT AFFAIRS AND LITERATURE
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Culture, University Student Affairs and Literature
Confrontation Of Two Cultures
e are trapped in the stream of barbaric democracy or despicable-brutal democracy. Hence barbaric democracy is democracy that feels despicable-brutal...The historical journey of Indonesian nation always leaves bloody tracks. The track is the trademark of culture of violence that we have but we are reluctant to understand.1 Is barbarism or despicable-brutal practice is unique to Indonesia? More specifically, is the tendency to destroy, changing everything living to die (destructiveness) is unique to Indonesia? Is it true that our democracy, instead of becoming solution to problem of violence, it becomes the root of this problem of barbarism? What is the real root problem of violence or despicable-brutal practice in Indonesia? Love to death Viva la muerte! (long live death!) was the favorite motto of General Millan Astray going towards civil war in Spain (1936). This follower of General Franco and his Falangist supporters always yelled: Viva la muerte! Viva la muerte! In one incident when the General gave speech at Salamanca University, this motto was echoed as loud as thunder. The president of the university, Spanish philosopher Miguel Unamuno said, I just heard the indecent necrophilia: Viva la muerte!...this paradox is very disgusting to me. General Milan is a man with narrow mind. I say this without intention to insult. He is disabled because of
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the war...Alas this time in Spain there are many people with such narrow minds. I wont stay quiet if General Milan is doing mass indoctrination. A narrow-minded person without greatness...is used to arbitrarily mutilate people around him. The General then yelled, Abajo la intelegencia! (Go to hell with intellectuals!), and his Falangis supporters cannonaded, Viva la muerte! Viva la muerte!2 Antagonizing Life Viva la muerte is a spirit to destroy everything alive into dead, wanting to destroy anything and anyone, even their own selves. This is because what they antagonize is life itself. Necrophilia in the sense of characterology means strong attraction to anything dead, decaying, smells rotten, and with disease; it is the desire to change something alive to something dead; destroying for the sake of destruction itself, special attraction to anything that are purely mechanic. It is a desire to scatter the structure of living creatures.3 In this idea clearly all crimes against humanity, war crime or rape that is not a mere execution of sexual desire, are used as tools for certain political interest. In New Order regime until the current transitional regime, it is easy to find all characters of these necrophilia people. The closest example for us, Trisakti incident, Semanggi I and II, riots and ethnic raping against the Chinese on May 13-14, 1998, and 1965 incident with 500 thousands tolls 1 million symphatizers accused for being involved in PKI. Abroad, aside from the six million Jewish massacred by Hitler, Sovet Union regime which for 70 years massacred 70 million of its own people, we also remember the mass raping in Nanking for instance, with roughly 20,000 victims in the first month of Japans invasion to Nanking (1937). This necrophilia violence may be vertical state vs. society or horizontal society vs. society or both. The spirit of love to death is ubiquitous in every time period, and in every social system, just like mentioned in the examples above. Aside from New Order regime, we also found the following statement of Ir. Soekarno that has necrophilia spirit in it, If I need to sacrifice thousands of people in order to save millions of people, then I will do it. We are engaged in a struggle of life and death. As the leader of this country, I
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cannot be soft.4 Consequently, Shigeru Sato5 calculated from various sources with care, between 160,000 to 200,000 romusha from Java was sent abroad and the ones who returned were about 135,000. This means, Sato concluded, about 25,000-65,000 people or 15-17 percent (minus those who did not want to come home) were dead. No doubt, the spirit and action with a destruction of pity towards victims constitute necrophilia spirit. Love to life What is the opposite of necrophiliea or love to death? Biophilia or love to life, whose description is this, passionate love to life and everything alive; it is a desire to grow, be it human beings, animals, plants, ideas or society. It wants better things, not more things. It has big curiosity, ...it enjoys anything adventurous than anything with clear pattern. It tends to see everything as a whole, not as pieces...It wants to shape and influence with love, thoughts, and model; not with force, or bureaucratic means of controlling people as if the people are dead...Biophilia ethics has its own good-bad norms. Kindness is everything that supports life; badness or evilness is everything that obstructs life, narrows it, and destroys it into pieces.6 Fromm adopted the term necrophilia from Unamuno to research the necrophilia phenemenon whose root is in character. For the sake of current cultural discussion, I adopt the term to demonstrate the cultural process individual and social that produces confrontation to form: necrophilian society versus biophilian society. Necrophilian society along with its individuals and system is one that produces all kinds of violence, destruction, and barbarism among human beings. Democracy, Justice and Liberty Why do Right and Left fascism are enemies of democracy? The answer is simple: both antagonize liberty, justice, anti-individualism, praising limitless power! Fascism is defined as a system that rejects democracy, rationalism, and parliamentarism. Individual freedom in particular is the enemy of fascism, because for democracy, individual
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freedom is the primary end and as the principal means of development.7 What are the characteristics of fascism? Carl Friedrich in Encyclopedia of Social Sciences Vol. 5 and 6 (1957). First, an ideology that is dominant, thorough, and closed, for instance: SocialismNationalism for Nazi Party, Marxism-Leninism for Communist Party and Pancasila as Single Principle for Golkar Party and political institutions of New Order. Second, one party that adopts the totalitarian ideology. Golkar (now Golkar Party) as the ruling party, for instance: Nazi, Germany, Communist Party-Soviet Union, Falangist Party-Spain, Golkar-Indonesia. Third, a military or civil intellegent system that monitors and terrorizes peoples lives. New Order regime has extra constitutional and extra judicial institutions such as Kopkamtib (Command to Restore Security and Order), Student Regiment in universsities. Fourth, single control of all activities of civil society, such as mass media, labor, intellectuals, and other mass organizations. Fifth, it is corporatist, a regime that divides the society into functional groups, only willing to relate with representatives of the corporatist groups. The groups representation must be approved or in accordance to the desire of New Order regime. How to differentiate the tendency of fascism in the Left and Right wings? Norberto Bobbio (Left & Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction, 1996), the dividing axis between the Left and the Right is on their viewpoint on generic values, equality/egalitarian and freedom. Through the generic values of democracy, Bobbio found four political spectrums that are reflected in their doctrines and movements. First, extreme left, doctrine and movement that is characterized with proequality, and pro-totalitarianism or anti-freedom, for instance: communist party with all ideology variants through proletariat dictatorship. Second, center left, characterized with pro-equality and pro-freedom, often called libertarian socialist, which involves various political parties or socialist/social-democratic movement practices. Third, center-right, characterized with pro-freedom but non-equality, included are conservative parties that are loyal to democracy but are fixed to fighting for equality before the law. Fourth, extreme right, characterized with anti-equality, and anti-freedom, for instance: Nazi Party, Falangist Party, Fascist Party, Golkar.
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Live Lives! Clearly, violence or despicable-brutal practice is not the trademark or unique of Indonesia. The root goes far in the chamber of human socio-psychology, dialectic relation between psychology system and social system that form human personality. Fascism Left and Right systems that are anti-democracy are the root of violence in our modern political system. They are also rooted in feudalism system that still exist in various parts of the world, including in Indonesia. The marriage of feodalism and colonialism, for instance, produces colonial-fascism, with Boven Dibul, way far before Gulag became the last hell for Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn. Indonesian feodalism with Japanese militarism produces military-fascism, with extreme nationalism producing national-fascism marked by Guided Democracy, and last with bureaucratic-technocratic-development comes developmental-fascism. Combination of the psychological system and bankrupt social system produce necrophilian society, a society that loves violence, barbarism, and death. Hence, how to form the opposite society, the biophilian society, a society that loves growth, development and life? Back to Fromm, he showed that agression and destruction could be minimized in human structure of motivation. More completely, Fromm said, If agression is something that is inherited biologically in human genes, then it is not spontaneous but rather a self-defense towards danger that threatens human basic interests, development, and living existence and the species. This defensive aggression is relatively small in certain primitive condition whenever human is not a threat to other human...On the other hand, the form of mean-sadistic agression and necrophilia is not inherited; hence the two could be reduced in substance if the socio-economic condition is replaced with condition that is conducive for human full development, human self activity development, and creativity. Exploitation and manipulation create surfeit, and helplessness, both stunt human being, and all factors that stunt human will also turn human to become sadistic and destructive.8
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Therefore, the socio-political-economic-cultural system that creates exploitation and manipulation of human, no choice, must be uprooted if we want to unravel or minimize the sadistic, destructive and barbaric character of human beings. Uprooting necrophilian society society that loves death and develop biophilian society society that loves lives. Viva la viva! (Long live lives!)
Footnotes: Suprapto, Yos, Barbarisme: Perjalanan Anak Bangsa, in Single Exhibition of Paintings by Yos Suprapto. 2 Fromm, Erich, Akar Kekerasan: Analisis Sosio-Psikologis atas Watak Manusia (Pustaka Pelajar, 2000) 3 Ibid, page 484 4 Giebels, Lambert, Soekarno: Biografi 1901-1950 (Grasindo, Jakarta, 2001), page 307. 5 Ibid, page 309-310. 6 Fromm, op.cit, hlm.534. 7 Sen, Amartya, Development as Freedom, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999. 8 Fromm, op.cit, hlm.648.
1
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233 Years Of Silence (From Failed State to Federalism)
epublic of Indonesia is gone from world map! Why not? There is no guarantee whatsoever that what exists today will continue to exist tomorrow, or vice-versa, so long as the requirement of objectivity and rationality allows. Majapahit Kingdom, the peak of feodalism Hindu-Java, was gone from world map in 233 years (Slamet Muljana, Menuju Puncak Kemegahan, 2005). Why is the 60 year-old Republic of Indonesia must be defended, until when, and how to face the factors that destroy it? Majapahit intellectual, Prapanca, initiated the effort to defend and maintain forever the Hindu-Java kingdom, but he could not stop the crumbling. Majapahit is only everlasting in old Javanese poetry Nagarakretagama. Is this the depiction of fate of Republic of Indonesia? Lingkar Palmerah (monthly Kompas discussion) pounded minds through Collapse, Jared Diamond (Viking: 2005) with five factors of failed state. First, destruction of environment; Second, global warming; Third, feuding neighbors; Fourth, the loosening of support of societal groups that have developed good relationship through trade; Fifth, political, economic, social and cultural institutions that are crippled and cannot solve problems. These factors are before our eyes! In the blood veins of our lives today. Diamond pointed to countries that failed politically, also failed in environment, such as: Haiti, Afghanistan, Mongolia, Iraq, Bangladesh, Somalia, Nepal, Philippines, Rwanda, Burundi, Pakistan, Madagascar, Solomon Islands, and Indonesia. If he is consistent, shouldnt Diamond also included Burma and Cambodia, also China?
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Triumvirate Totalitarianism or centralization of state governance, and oligarchy of economic-political interests, those are the problems! Through the concept of Unity State, totalitarianism and oligarchy are finding fertile soil in Indonesia. Government changes, yet the policy and societal desire to regulate the totality of economic, political, social, cultural lives, to the point of way of thinking, activities and religion remain as they were. Whatever the form and name of totalitarianism, the essence remains the same: rejecting autonomy and freedom of individuals! Nearly all factors that Diamond mentioned are rooted in the following triumvirate: totalitarianism, oligarchy, and unity state. We can easily spell out the consequences, violence, and human rights violation from Aceh to Papua, poverty and emanciation, riots based on race, religion and etnicity, deforestation, mining (oil, coal, copper, and others) that impoverish people, green revolution that destroys farmers and farming, verdict of MUI, psychological fear to Memorandum of Understanding of Indonesian government and GAM, fuel crisis and the devaluation of rupiah, and domino theory of fall of government thanks to democratic transition stage. Failure in democracy also ends with the disappearance of Republic of Indonesia, given the denial of road map of democratic transition. The road map of democratic transition clearly shows that conditio sine qua non for new democratic architecture in Indonesia, i.e. : First, Democratic Constitution, is formed by Independent Constitutional Commission through public consultation with all elements of society hece it will be Peoples Constitution. This will certainly be more than the current amendments, but it would be wrong if we return to the original 1945 Constitution; Second, prosecution and confiscation of corrupted state wealth. Economic oligarchy during totalitarianism functions with corruption, collusion and nepotism. If KPK can arrest Abdullah Puteh and Nazaruddin Syamsudin, then it should also be able to investigate Soeharto, family and cronies. KPK can act like Philippine Presidential
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Commision on Good Government (PCGG) which chased the wealth of Marcos, family and cronies. Third, prosecution and revealing of truth in serious violation of human rights. Violence and human rights violation are general practices to maintain totalitarianism and economic-political oligarchy interest. Serious Human Right Crime Court and Commission of Truth and Reconciliation (KKR, Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi) are fully responsible and cooperate complementarily (not as substitution) to clean public rooms from values, practices, individuals, and executing agencies of serious human rights violations. Fourth, democratic election executed after KPK and KKR complete their job, minimal one year during the transition period. KPK and KKR should be able to guarantee a democratic election that is free from values, individuals, institutions and practices of anti democracy from previous authoritarian/totalitarian period. Fifth, ending the concept of totalitarianism or centralization of state. At this point the concept of unity state would be questioned, and federalism becomes an alternative, so that the state can be freed from totalitarian disease, childish disease that disadvantages humanity. Federalism and democracy Totalitarianism, economic-political oligarchy, and unity state, show their worst face nearly throughout the 60 years of Republic of Indonesia. Democracy of politics, economy, social, culture, and respect of human rights become the slogan and caricature of public lives. Human victims and environment are countless and these are done by those who collect advantages from such anti-democracy condition to this day. Challenge from Diamond that predicts doomsday, the disappearance of Republic of Indonesia from world map, should get a thorough response, not a mere pacthing response. Democracy, protection of human rights and ecology, as well as gender equality that are anchored in humanity, justice and global solidarity is the ideology that challenges all old ideologies from left to right. What
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ideology and religion that wont be buried by global warming, environmental damage, poverty, and greediness of national and global capital oligarchy? Executing the road map of democratic transition thorouoghly is indeed not a panacea (killer medicine that cures all). Instead it provides an opening of way, broader viewpoint, and alternative room that liberate all creative energy of each individual, from every corner of Indonesia. Its noble duty is to develop one corner of world map called Republic of Indonesia as a spring of humanity, justice and global solidarity. Creative energy of autonomous and free individuals as a spring that never dries. The political room is a federation state that upholds high the dream of perfect and living autonomy, just like the one formulated by Mohammad Hatta in the declaration of New PNI in 1932. Even in 1925, Tan Malaka in Menuju Republik Indonesia (1925), clarified his political program, forming federation republic of islands in Indonesia. Federation State is the dream of the founders of this Republic! Therefore, should we choose Republic of Indonesia as a Unity State that would disappear like Majapahit did, or choose Federation State that defend everlasting Republic of Indonesia?
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Quo Vadis Humanity and Our Civilization
iva la muerte! Viva la muerte! (long live death!). That is the odd voice that fills our world lately. This happened since Black Tuesday, September 11, 2001, suicide attack at World Trade Center (WTC) in New York city and Pentagon in Washington DC, USA, which killed more than 5,700 people. Then, US and British coalition responded with miliitary invasion to Afghanistan, day and night, since midnight Sunday, October 7, 2001, destroying two main cities of Afghanistan Kabul and Kandahar and causing tens and hundreds of death tolls. Our minds, feelings, ears and eyes are tired with death and desire to kill and be killed, on behalf of God, religion, justice, and freedom. In the midst of tide of desire to destroy and kill, whose ripples we can feel in our country, this question arised. Where is the root of violence and desire to kill and destroy? Why does our civilization glorify death and killings? Is this war going to take us to other civilization that glorifies humanity and life? Biophilian Civilization versus Necrophilian Civilization Viva la muerte! (long live death!) was the favorite motto of General Millan Astray going towards civil war in Spain (1936). This follower of General Franco and his Falangist supporters always yelled: Viva la muerte! Viva la muerte!
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In one incident when the General gave speech at Salamanca University, this motto was echoed as loud as thunder. The president of the university, Spanish philosopher Miguel Unamuno said, I just heard the indecent necrophilia: Viva la muerte!...this paradox is very disgusting to me. General Milan is a man with narrow mind. I say this without intention to insult. He is disabled because of the war...Alas this time in Spain there are many people with such narrow minds. I wont stay quiet if General Milan is doing mass indoctrination. A narrow-minded person without greatness...is used to arbitrarily mutilate people around him. The General then yelled, Abajo la intelegencia! (Go to hell with intellectuals!), and his Falangis supporters cannonaded, Viva la muerte! Viva la muerte! Viva la muerte is a spirit to destroy everything alive into dead, wanting to destroy anything and anyone, even their own selves. This is because what they antagonize is life itself. Necrophilia in the sense of characterology means strong attraction to anything dead, decaying, smells rotten, and with disease; it is the desire to change something alive to something dead; destroying for the sake of destruction itself, special attraction to anything that are purely mechanic. It is a desire to scatter the structure of living creatures. In this idea. clearly killings of civilians and innocent people in WTC and Pentagon, USA, also military invasion of US and British coalition to Afghanistan, which also killed civilians is the character of necrophilia human and civilization, civilization that glorifies violence, killngs and death. This necrophilia violence may be vertical state vs. society or horizontal society vs. society or a mix of both. Open war, coalition of US and England versus Afghanistan, which seems potential to drag the majority of world people to be involved in it in a long term, is a peak manifestation of necrophilia civilization, one in which we live in today. Certainly there is no doubt that the spirit and action that are accompanied by destruction of pity to victims are necrophilia spirit and desire. What is the opposite of necrophiliea or love to death? Biophilia or love to life, whose description is this, passionate love to life and
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everything alive; it is a desire to grow, be it human beings, animals, plants, ideas or society. It wants better things, not more things. It has big curiosity, ...it enjoys anything adventurous than anything with clear pattern. It tends to see everything as a whole, not as pieces...It wants to shape and influence with love, thoughts, and model; not with force, or bureaucratic means of controlling people as if the people are dead...Biophilia ethics has its own good-bad norms. Kindness is everything that supports life; badness or evilness is everything that obstructs life, narrows it, and destroys it into pieces. What should be done? Clearly the root of love to death, violence and killings of other human beings in our current perspective goes far in the chamber of human socio-psychology. It is a dialectic relation between psychological and social systems, which in the final analysis would form human personality. The combination of psychological system and the bankrupt social system produces necrophilian civilization, civilization that loves violence, barbarism and actually loves death. Then, how to form the opposite society? Biophilian society, society that loves growth, development, and loves life. At least in the study of Erich Fromm in The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness, it shows that aggression and destruction could be minimized in human structure of motivation. Fromm emphasized his optimism that if agression is something that is inherited biologically in human genes, then it is not spontaneous but rather a self-defense towards danger that threatens human basic interests, development, and living existence and the species. This defensive aggression is relatively small in certain primitive condition whenever human is not a threat to other human. On the other hand, the form of mean-sadistic agression and necrophilia is not inherited; hence the two could be reduced in substance if the socio-economic condition is replaced with condition that is conducive for human full development, human self activity development, and creativity.
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Exploitation and manipulation create surfeit, and helplessness, both stunt human being, and all factors that stunt human will also turn human to become sadistic and destructive. Therefore, war and violence anywhere must be condemned and challenged, whoever the doers are. Because the root of the problem is socio-political-economic-cultural system that is exploitative, dominating and manipulating human beings, in local, national, regional, even global scale. For this reason, it must be uprooted. If we all really want to unravel or minimize the character of sadistic, destructive and barbaric of human being, condemning and challenging war and violence on behalf of anything and anywhere, including today in US and Afghanistan, are just start of new enlightenment. Yet, the most important start or conditio sine qua non to uproot necrophilian civilization - civilization that loves death and violence and develop biophilian civilization civilization that loves life and humanity. Therefore in the future, our feeling, mind, ears and eyes would be freed from all anxieties and fears of war and violence. Because in every individual around the world there is a joyful shout. Viva la viva! Viva la viva (Long live lives!)
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Scientifico Critical Democracy
nd whoever wants to be a creator in good and evil, must first be annihilator and break values, Thus the highest evil belong to the greatest goodness: but this is being creative.1 Human evolution, nature-material, and history move continuously, but they are not heading to any noble goals.2 This is the most surprising reality and probably the most confusing one that we have to deal with today. Yet, isnt this reality meaningful for our humanity lives, ones that for decades had been shackled by ideas that are predictable, always single, and absolute? Thomas Kuhn in Structure of Scientific Revolution wrote that the most significant idea of Charles Darwin in The Origins of Species, yet one that is less convenient to know, is the elimination of types of those theological evolutions. Because, The Origin of Species automatically refused to recognize the objective goals set alone by nature, history, even transcendent power.3 The mechanism that operates coldly and set aside all of those objective goals are the power of natural selection, and random variation that only use efficient causes. The process forms organism that are more complex, more specialized, and actualized. Consequently, indeed, We must free the thoughts, explicitly or implicitly, that paradigm change brings scientists and those who learn from them closer to truth...We all very used to seeing science as certain activity that approach the goal first as determined by nature...[but] if we learn to change evolution-towards-what-we-know with evolution-from-what-
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we-know, then a number of annoying problem would disappear from the process.4 Critic of Modernism The face of our current modernity, as depicted by postmodernist critics, is one that strongly believes in history with linear, monolithic stages, rigid bureaucracies, and adores certainty and absolute end.5 This critic, which triggered debate between modernism and postmodernism, was marked by La Condition Postmoderne: Rapport sur le Savoir (Post Modern Condition: A Report about Knowledge) of Jean Francois Lyotard.6 Lyotard attempted to unravel the grand narrative or noble story that marked modern thinking style. This is like the rationality movement or dialectic idea towards the emergence of Absolute Spirit from Hegel, or even the dialectic movement of human history towards classless society from Karl Marx7, and various economic development theories that promise abundance in the future. For instance, until today we consider W.W. Rostow as prophet of development theory in various countries, including Indonesia. In The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, Rostow firmly said, This book presents on economic historians way of generalizing the sweep of modern historyIt is possible to identify all societies, in their economic dimensions, as lying within one of five categories: the traditional society, the pre-condition for take off into self sustaining growth, the drive to maturity, and the age of high mass consumptionThese stages are not merely descriptive. They are not merely a way of generalizing certain factual observation about the sequence of development of modern societies. They have an inner logic and continuityThey constitute, in the end, both a theory about economic growth and more general, if still highly partial, theory about modern history as a whole.8 Modernity itself is actually criticized from various perspectives, in addition to postmodernist critics such as Lyotard, Derrida, Foucault, and others. Critic of dependency theory of development theory is rooted in modernism thoughts, W.W. Rostow, among others. The initiators
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were Andre Gunder Frank, then followed by Cardoso, Samir Amin, Wallerstein, Arrighi, Paul Baran, Bill Warren, and others. Dependency theory argued that underdevelopment and blocked development are instead the products of contact between developing and developed countries. Contact with developed countries, according to Frank, does not spread modern values needed for development, rather they need certain colonialism in the country done by elite of developing countries in cooperation with capitalists from abroad, and exploiting the poor in that country. Hence we begin with what is known as development of under development. This reality is against the prediction of the development prophet W.W. Rostow.9 In addition, our intellectual discourse recognizes Frankfurt School with its critical theory. This school tried to unravel the decaying of modern society from the viewpoint of positivism and its manifestation in ideology and its domination in science and technology. The idea could be traced in Dialectic of Enlightenment (1973), a joint work of Adorno and Hokheimer, and work of new left prophet Herber Marcuse One Dimensional Man (1964). Although their epistemologic critic against positivism and scientism is considered unfinished, only goes around in critic of morality against modernity.10 Critic against positivism and scientism of modern society by critical theory was revealed by Hokheimer in Eclipse of Reason, further clarifying how science, which initially becomes hope for human emancipation, turns out to act in a different direction. They consider the rational understanding that developed in modern society as goal rationality (Zweckrationalitet), or instrumental ratio. In his critic to Max Weber, for instance, Marcuse said, The technic ratio itself is an ideology, not new in usage, even the technic itself is a power (over nature and human being), a methodic power, scientific, already calculated and which is calculating.11 Consistently, the critic was developed by Marcuse in One Dimensional Man, The principle of modern science were apriori structured in such a way that they could serve as conceptual instruments for a universe of self propelling, productive control; theoretical operationalism. The scientific methode which lead to the ever-more-effective domination of nature thus came to provide the pure concept as well as the instrumentalities for the
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ever-more-effective domination of man by man through the domination of natureToday, domination perpetuates and extends itself not only through technology but as technology, and the latter provides the great legitimation of the expanding political power, which absorb all spheres of culture.12 Critical Science Is the possibility of using science as a basis for our social practice in real society that gloomy? First let me say that it is timely in the current time of history to oppose all totality, absolute tendency in mind and action, just like the standard concept raised by secular prophets such as Marx, Hegel, Freud, and others. Like Lyotard, Lets battle totality, lets become witness for those not represented, lets push for emergence of differences. At least what is depicted as scientific effort to leave objective goals determined by nature, history and other power is our hope to get out from totality and dogmatism. Our suspicion is based on every absolute idea, whose reliability of hypotheses also cannot be tested empirically. Our stand is congruent with the statement of Bertrand Russel, All stands that accept certain trust based on authority, without questioning it, are against the spirit of science, and if this stand shows up everywhere, we cannot hope for progress in science. Not only bible, even the works of Marx and Engels contain statements that can be proved wrong.13 Effort to leave scientific methodology that stores seeds of absolutism and totalitarianism, which if used as basis of life in real and pluralistic society would cause a tendency of the emergence of closed and totalitarian society. This problem is discussed in a clear way by Karl Raimund Popper. At the beginning, it was an effort to answer problems of inductivists that was raised by David Hume (1711-1761). Popper developed problem solving methodology, which was not only meaningful for development of science but also for other social practices.
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Hume said that inductivist method contains principal problem. The statement is called inductivist if it starts from a single statement, for instance description of observation and research, which turns into a universal statement on hypothesis or law. According to Hume, regardless of how big the single observation that produces singular statement, it logically cannot produce an infinite universal statement. The single statement is a psychological fact, not logical fact. Because, first, the reality that physics law has worked in the past does not logically require that that law would work in the future. Second, physics law itself is a general statement that is not logically formed from examples of observation products, no matter how many evidence are presented to support it.14 Poppers disagreement to inductivists, including their efforts to solve the problem of inductivist Hume, was revealed in Gagalnya Historisisme, First, I dont believe that we can do inductive generalization in the sense of first doing an observation then try to pull theories from the results of the observation. In my opinion the estimation that we through such procedure is no other than optical illusion; there is no stage in the development of science where we do not start with something theoretical, for instance a hypothesis, prejudice, or problems often problem of technology which through one or other way guide our observation and help us in choosing from an infinite numbers of observation objects, several that we are interested in. Second, when seen from the side of science, it is not important if our theories are found by directly jumping into unproven conclusion or because we suddenly are trampled by it (through institution or creative imagination) or with the help of certain inductive procedure. The question: how do you first find your theory? In my opinion, this is a mere personal problem, in opposition to the question: how do you test your theory, which is a scientifically relevant question.15 At this point Popper created a criterium demarcation on science that strongly distinguish it from the inductivists. His conclusion, not verifiability that forms a scientific theory, but rather falsifiability, the ability to be falsified, refuted with experience. This scientific methodology of Popper is often called problem solving methodology because it is formulated from empirical problem
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and can be refuted empirically too.16 The methodology can be schematized in a simple way, P1-TS-EE-P2, where P1 = initial problem, TS = tentative solution (proposed theory), EE = error elimination (critical evaluation, critics with observation and experiment), with the goal of finding and eliminating mistakes, P2 = new situation that is developed by critical evaluation or tentative solution of initial problem. Therefore, science always starts with problem and ends with problem too. Critic or critical evaluation in the frame of Popperian problem solving methodology is imperatively needed for the advancement of science and to prevent absolutism of mind and action in social practice. Critics, therefore, is the main motive for every intellectual development (theoretical and societal development). Without critic, there is no rational motive to change our theory and to change or transform our society. So, the method of knowledge development is critical method, i.e. an approach that acknowledges that our theory (or political, economic or even ideological policy) is fallible. Acceptance of certain theory (or policy) is always tentative, that is as long as it is not failed by a tough test. Theory is always tentative, the same is true with our thoughts, it is never final let alone absolute. It remains a fallible hypothesis. A.J.Ayer in Language, Truth, and Logic (1972), wrote, that all empirical propositions are hypotheses which are continually subject to the test of further experience, and from this is would follow not merely that the truth of any such proposition never was conclusively established but that it never be a point at which it was impossible for further experience to go against it.17 Smartly too, Popper provided a very interesting metaphore on what actually bases an objective knowledge, The basis of objective empirical science therefore can never be absolute. Science is not located on one big sturdy stone. The theoretical structure stands like it was above swamp. As a house built above pillars. The pillars are rooted in swamp, but not to the point of getting to a decent base, and if we stop rooting the pillars deeper, then it is not because we have reached a sturdy base of the swamp. We stop simply because we are satisfied
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that those pillars are strong enough to hold that building, at least for the time being.18 This means that we recognize science only as the tentative basis for standing. Because all our understanding on anything is tentative in nature and can be wrong. An open future It is wrong to equalize the desire of emancipation of marxistorthodox, who claimed to know objectively the direction of future history, with current awareness of the limit of our knowledge. Orthodox-marxism is a linear science, and absolute, while new science, which was pushed by problem solving methodology is tentative and fallible science.19 Orthodox-marxism science generated closed society, while new science generated open society. Open society prioritizes dicensus instead of consensus, respecting pluralism, abolishing totalitarianism and absolutism, becoming witness to those not represented and pushing for the emergence of differences. Awareness of current-ness and limit of science avoids claim of linear definiteness and absolutness in the future. This awareness would make us more open to the future, to various other possibilities from the others. Wont this awareness the one that emerges if we read Foucault that whatever knowledge would never exceed its own regime of truth? Every knowledge would be formed and bounded in concrete sociohistorical condition, in tentativeness, and would never transform itself into objective and universal truth. Thomas Kuhn criticized Popper and said that every experiment observation depends on paradigm or disciplinary matrix.20 Consequently, falsification does not work because every paradigm cannot be measured with the same standard. The following example in Popperian frame can be categorized as direct falsification of a theory. Before Lavoisier proposed the presence of oxygen as having a role in burning, then chemists said that there is flogiston essence generated by the burning. The emergence of Einstein theory, which zeroed the theory on ether which was understood by electromagnetic theory of Maxwell in all rooms, was based on the research of Michelson-
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Morley on the speed of light. Falsifying Einstein? It is simple, find the mistake of Michelson-Morleys research, then the whole theoretical building of Einsten would collapse. Following Kuhn then what is important to Lavoisier and followers of oxygen gas theory would become non-sense for flogiston theory followers. Did Kuhn accept extreme relativism? Kuhn himself rejected it, and said that he himself is a person who believes in science advancement. In his opinion, The latest science theory is better than what comes first to solve problem in an environment that is often very different from the environment where it was implemented. With this position, Kuhn at least were freed from extreme relativism that supposes knowledge extremely according to subjective desire alone. The development of science in Kuhn frame can be depicted as the following: pre science new science crisis revolution new regular science new crisis .This development scheme is open ended like Popperian scheme. Hence there is no logic reason to say that a paradigm is final and is the most perfect. Yet given the impossibility to measure each paradigm using the same standard, Kuhn still rejected Poppers view that a problem that is insolvable by a paradigm as basis of falsification, he insisted to call it, just an anomaly (imbalance) of paradigm. The clash of Kuhn and Popper continued on how science develops. Popper said that in the history of science, we always start with theory, be it hypothesis, prejudice, or problem that helps us choose objects of observation. Yet, every theoretical statemetn can be directly falsified with existing object of observation. For Kuhn, such observation activity cannot be done directly because of observation objects dependence on the existing paradigm. According to Kuhn, every paradigm consists of anomaly against nature in itself. If anomaly culminates, touching the most fundamental of existing paradigm, for instance the case of presence of ether versus Einstein theory, or flogiston versus Lavoisiers oxygen, then crisis develops. Paradigm change too is possible through paradigm rupture. Kuhn said, I dont doubt, for instance, that Newtons mechanics improves Aristoteles mechanics, and Einsteins mechanics improves Newtons mechanics, in solving problems.
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Democracy and problem solving Dialectically, there has been continuous changes or evolution of simple understanding of the universe towards a more complex one. All of these stems from evolusion-of-what-we-know, not from evolution-towards-what-we-want-to-know. This means the evolution of knowledge is not to approach certain (noble) goal that is preset by material nature or history, or transcendent creature. It is also not approaching any objective truth of how material nature or history should be, for instance, like the absolute spirit of Hegel. The world outside of our knowledge and object of knowledge is the world as is. Our knowledge is not an absolute representation of its being. We only understand part of its aspects, even then only in the tentativeness of hypothesis. I understand that real society is a dialectic building of four social practices.21 First, economic practice, a transformation process of nature by human labor to become social product. Second, political practice, a transformation process of old social relation to new social relation. Third, ideological practice, a transformation process of ideology, i.e. everything related to human conscience (including norms, values, laws, esthetics, and others). Fourth, theoretical practice, a transformation of concept, facts, hypothesis, representation. All those practices constitute framework to enter into problems of real society here and now. Under the light of critical knowledge that is fallible, tentative and anti totality. The four social practices are dialectic as inseparable unity. It makes us realize that it is impossible to separate regime of truth from ideology, knowledge and power. Because regime of truth is interconnected in circular relation with the power system that produces and supports it, influences and broadens its area of power. Therefore, if we are involved in political struggle, the one that underlines it is not only moral concern of fighting injustice on behalf of higher goal of justice, but to change relation of power.22 Hence it is proper to note that knowledge is identical with power and interests (inter-esse). Because the content of knowledge is understanding of real world and real society along with the real
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practices within it. Popper said, Theory of knowledge (epistemology) is often seen as disconnected from social practice while it is in fact an activity that is executed by real people on real cognitive process and real content in real world.23
Footnotes: Nietzsche, Friedrich, On The Genealogy of Morals, (New York, Vintage Book, 1969, page 327). 2 The debate between Michel Foucault and Noam Chomsky on topic of Human Nature: Justice versus Power in Dutch television, is again discussed by Paul Rabinow (ed.) in introduction to The Foucault Reader (New York, Phanteon, 1984, page 3-27). This is an interesting introduction of debates on the essentials of human being, without which, he argued, scientific understanding becomes impossible. There must be, Chomsky insist, a mass of schematism, innate governing principles, which guide our social and intellectual and individual behaviourthere is something biologically given, unchangeable, a foundation for whatever it is that we do with our mental capacities. For this reason, scientific career of Chomsky was dedicated to unravel the structure in rationality line of Cartesian. Foucault himself refused Chomskys view on the essentials of human being and science. He refused the abstract question: does the essential of human being exist? And asked the opposite: what is the function of the concept of human essentiality in our society? Foucault was suspicious to the claim of universal truth. Our task is to put the big abstraction into history. In the final analysis, Foucault was not burdened by the problem of whether human essentiality exists or not. But he analyzed the functions of the concept in practical context, such economics, technology, politics, sociology which can serve them as conditions of formation, of model, of place, etcwhat [it is] in social forms that makes the regularities of science possible. 3 Kuhn, Thomas, The Structure of Scientific Revolution (Chicago, Chicago University Press, 1970) which consists of postscript of Kuhns attempt to explain again his thoughts and answer several of his critics. In Indonesia, this was published as Peran Paradigma dalam Revolusi Sains (Bandung, Remadja Karya, 1989, page 184). 4 Ibid., page 183.
1
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See a number of articles in Kalam, edition I-1994. Also see Richard J. Berstein (ed.), Habermas and Modernity (Cambridge, The MIT Press, 1985). 6 Hardiman, F. Budi, Menuju Masyarakat Komunikatif (Yogyakarta, Penerbit Kanisius, 1994, page 180-181). 7 At least Karl Marx understood the journey of social history by implementing historical materialism, from early communist society, slavery, feodalism, capitalism, and communism (classless society where the state disappears). 8 Rostow, W.W., The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (London, Cambridge University Press, 1960). 9 Frank, Andre Gunder, Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America: Historical Studies of Chile and Brazil (New York, Monthly Review Press, 1957). Also see Paul Baran, The Political Economy of Growth (New York, Monthly Review Press, 1959), and Bill Warren, Imperialisme:Pioneer of Capitalism (London, NLB, 1980). 10 Shindunata, Dilema Usaha Manusia Rasional (Jakarta, Gramedia, 1983). 11 Habermas, Jurgen, Ilmu dan Teknologi sebagai Ideologi (Jakarta, LP3ES, 1990), page 46. 12 Habermas, Jurgen, One Dimensional Man (Boston, Beacon Press, 1964), page 158. 13 Russel, Bertrand, Dampak Ilmu Pengetahuan atas Masyarakat (Jakarta, Gramedia, 1992), page 95. 14 The following ilustration of Bertrand Russel is an interesting example, telling a story of an inductivist turkey. In the first morning, the turkey was in a farming cage. It was fed at 09.00 am but as a good inductivist, it did not jump into a conclusion. It waited until it collected a big number of observation facts that he was fed at 09:00 am, and he made this observation with various condition, on Wednesday and Thursday, on hot and cold days, on rainy and dry days, etc. Everyday the inductivist turkey added one explanation of new observation in its list of note. Eventually after its inductivist confidence was satisfied, it did inductivist conclusion and arrived at one conclusion (or law): I am always fed at 09:00 am. Too bad, the conclusion was wrong, because one day before Christmas, the inductivist turkey was not fed and instead its was beheaded. 15 Popper, K.R. Gagalnya Historisisme (Jakarta, LP3ES, 1985), page 177. 16 See Alfons Taryadi, Epistemologi Pemecahan Masalah menurut Karl. R. Popper (Jakarta, Gramedia, 1989). 17 Ayer, A.J., Language, Truth, and Logic (London, Pelican Book, 1972), page 13. 18 Popper, K.R., The Logic of Scientific Discovery (London, Huchinson, 1968), page 111. This quote is a translation from Chalmer, A.F., Apa itu yang Dinamakan Ilmu (Jakarta, Hasta Mitra, 1983), page 66.
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See Ahmad Sahal, Kemudian, di Manakah Emansipasi?, dalam Kalam, edisi I, 1994, page 19-20. 20 Kuhn, op.cit, after discourse/postscriptum Kuhn reexplained what he meant by paradigm and replaced it with disciplinary matrix terminology. Disciplinary because it referred to certain disciplinary ownership by the users as a group. Matrix because it consisted of various elements that are in order, where each needs further specification. Disciplinary matrix itself consisted of symbolic generalization, metaphysical/model paradigm, values and examples. 21 Practice is a transformation process (production process) from determinate raw material to determinate product; a transformation influenced by determinate human labour or determinate skill using determinate means of productions. 22 Rabinow, op cit, hlm.6. 23 Popper, K.R, An Intelectual Biography
19
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Student Movement, Movement Of Political Values
he peak of May 1998 revolution is the toppling of General (Ret.) Soeharto, which was preceeded by the occupation of DPR/ MPR building by Indonesian students. Yet May 1998 Revolution is just the beginning of the first stage of revolution of democracy that was pioneered by student movement. The first stage of this revolution of democracy is the stage of disclosing mass and student awareness on repressive structure of economy, politics, social and culture. The formation process of this first stage of revolution of democracy happened throughout the history of New Order regime, marked by several peaks of resistance from student movement, 1974, 1978, 1989, and 1998 (Table 1). The role of ad hoc opposition of student movement is a historical role that was forced structurally by New Order regime that executed developmental fascism. This role becomes permanent because the New Order regime muted all formal opposition, and control civil society through corporatism or open violence. The role of ad hoc opposition was again executed by student movement under the regime of Abdurrahman Wahid because; first, total reform agenda was not executed by legislative, executive and judiciary. Second, there was no single political parties that emphasize oppositional politics and fight for total reform agenda without political compromise with New Order elements. Third, all political parties that participated in 1999 election (48 political parties) were legimators of Election Law that is democratically defect because it legitimized the presence of TNI/Polri in the legislature (DPR?MPR, DPRD I & II), also
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the participation of Golkar Party in election without any legal accountability of the political, economic and human rights crime throughout the 32 years of New Order regime. Therefore all political parties betrayed the agenda of total reform and revolution of democracy because they became political collaborators of Habibies political regime that was a continuation of New Order regime. The first stage of this revolution of democracy began with the toppling of Soeharto and ended when all agenda of total reform is executed. If all agenda of total reform is executed, then there would be political demarcation of democracy/total reform of anti-democracy politics/total anti-reform. Since Abdurrahman Wahids regime was yet to execute this, hence student movement continued to execute ad hoc opposition. We may note several other peaks of total reform movement aside from May 1998 (occupation of DPR/MPR and toppling of Soeharto), among others: November 1998 (Semanggi I, rejection of MPR Special Session), September 1999 (Semanggi II, rejection of Law to Handle Situation of Danger), October 1999 (rejection to Habibie and General Wiranto), January 2001 until now (the demand for Abdurrahman Wahid to step down and prosecution/disbandment of Golkar Party). In this time frame we cannot determine when the first stage of this revolution of democracy would end. It is not impossible that even the next regime from 1999 election that is defect democratically, if Abdurrahman Wahid stepped down, would not be able and willing to complete the first stage of the revolution of democracy. But theoretically, the second stage of revolution of democracy could be started if all agenda of total reform is already executed. This second stage is the stage of uprooting the repressive structure of economy, politics, social and culture. In this second stage is where the consolidation and development of democracy are executed through consolidation and broadening process of democracy. Movement of politics of value vs. movement of politics of power Is student movement free of political interest? Certainly not, because the first interest and especially the one fought for, is value or
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value system that is universal, such as social justice, freedom, humanity, democracy, and solidarity with the oppressed. For this reason the ad hoc opposition of student movement in Indonesia is value political movement, not power political movement that becomes basic function of political party. Those values are also alive in the historical context of certain student movement. Student movement in Indonesia translates those values in contemporary political context of Indonesia, i.e. (1) amendment of 1945 Constitution to become Democratic Constitution, (2) revoking the Dual Function of TNI/Polri or elimination of TNI/ Polris role in politics, business and territorial command, (3) prosecution of people who committed corruption, collusion, nepotism during the regimes of Soeharto, Habibie, and Abdurrahman Wahid, (4) prosecution of perpetrators of human rights crime during the regimes of Soeharto, Habibie, and Abdurrahman Wahid, (5) decentralization or as much possible broad regional autonomy, (6) reform of labor and farming. Compared with power political movement that becomes the distinctive characteristic of political party, where agenda setting and political target or distinguishing of political enemies and friends is only a matter of tactic and strategy. In order to strengthen and consolidate its political position in the game of power, now and in the future. Hence value political movement that becomes the distinctive characteristic of student movement, although they do agenda setting and political targetting as well as distinguishing of political enemies and friends, they are not at all intended to strengthen or consolidate political position of student movement in power game. For instance, when student movement rejected 1999 election during Habibie regime, given the calculation that the election was defect democratically and betrayed total reform agenda. On the other hand, for the 48 political parties that participated in election, the election was an opportunity to obtain and consolidate political power. It is also proven that it was only used to get legal legitimacy for the being of their political parties, even to get just a small position and money.
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Completing revolution of democracy Since they consolidate themselves as value political movement, then the generation 2001 of student movement can now flexibly set certain new agenda and political target, preventing them from falling into traps and manipulation of elite interest or political parties. Through severe competition of ideas among groups of student movement, practically all of those elements reunite again as value political movement. Defending and guarding revolution of democracy by fighting for reform agenda, hand in hand. We witnessed a synergy of ideas and power of student movement united in fighting for total reform agenda, added with contemporary agenda, which is to push Abdurrahman Wahid down, reject the price increase of fuel and basic staple food, and use Golkar Party, New Order and corruption, collusion, nepotism as common enemy. Therefore for me, democracy is a process, a verb that is direct in real world and real society through dialectic of social practice. We face it rationally, in the light of critical knowledge, as regular responsibility to our current-ness, by regular individuals like us. Of course our mind is filled with awareness that knowledge about real world and real society is only a hypothesis that could be wrong. This democratic process is what I call scientifico-critical-democracy.
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Table 1: General Description of Indonesias Student Movement 1966-2001 jgjkG Vision (Guiding Principles) 1966 Values: Humanity Justice Populism Freedom Solidarity 1974 Values: Humanity Justice Populism Freedom Solidarity 1978 Values: Humanity Justice Populism Freedom Solidarity 1989 Values: Humanity Justice Populism Freedom Solidarity 1998 Values: Humanity Justice Populism Freedom Solidarity 2001 Values: Humanity Justice Populism Freedom Solidarity
Mission (Strategic National Leadership Development Strategy National Leadership National Leadership and Structural target) Change Leadership & Organization Strategic Alliance Formal Student Organization Network and Extra Curricular Army Board of Student Board of Student
National Leadership National Leadership and Structural Change Formal and Nonformal Student Organization Network Intellectuals, opposition politician, urban poor, middle class and professionals Sharp friction of executive vs. legislative, strong friction of Gus Dur vs Megawati and Army Depreciation, and inflation 9.4%, economic growth 23%
Student and People Formal and NonSolidarity Committee formal Student Organization Network Intellectuals, opposition politician, urban poor, middle class and professionals Sharp friction Soeharto vs. 14 ministers, General Wiranto vs Lieutenant Prabowo Depreciation 708% and inflation 82.4%, economic growth minus 14%
Labor, farmers, Intellectuals and Intellectuals and Opposition Politicians Opposition Politicians intellectuals, opposition politicians and middle class Relatively small friction
Political Momentum (Executive, Legislative and Military) Economic Momentum Victims
Sharp friction with Sharp friction with Relatively small Soekarno, Army and General Soemitro, and friction Soehartos personal PKI assistant Inflation 600% Relatively high economic growth 46% Relatively high economic growth 46%
Relatively high economic growth 7% Students wounded
Students wounded Students, about 10 died, people about 1 Students wounded, a number of people died million
Students 15-20 died, Students wounded, 1,500 people died thousands of people died because of riots that are based on ethnicity, religion and race discrimination People detained on People detained on average for days and average for days and 1 also fine year Abdurrahman Wahid Soeharto and Habibie toppled. toppled. Total reform Total reform agenda agenda failed. failed.
Activists and Leaders of Students Result
No one detained or fired Soekarno toppled, PKI disbanded, Soeharto and ABRI came to power
People detained on average for 1-2 years
People detained on average for 1 years
People detained on average for 3-8 years and firing Soeharto still in power, there was no significant changes
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Soeharto still in Soeharto still in power, power, there was no improvement of significant changes economic policy
Four Years of Trisakti Incident Political Leadership Of The Youth
l descencanto! Disappointment. That is the vicious virus that becomes an epidemic among the youth (youngsters and students) now. The forefront of total reform struggle up to the toppling of General (Ret.) Soeharto on May 21, 1998. How is it possible that the most progressive democratic political force in Indonesia, which successfully toppled the fascist dictatorship of New Order and Soeharto that had been in power for over 32 years, is eroded by vicious virus of el descencanto? Rationally, through critical and objective analysis of total reform struggle in the past four years, we certainly deserve to be disappointed. Because, and this is the main reason, the noble blood of friends of struggle has yet to dry, demanding justice over the killer. Certainly the pain is deeper and open to their parents and family members. Then, we with naked eyes are seeing the leaders of this republic who obtained power on behalf of struggle of those nobles turned out forgetting: Hery Hartanto, Elang Mulia Lesmana, Hendriawan Sie, dan Hafidhin A. Royan (Trisakti Incident May 12, 1998); Sigit Prasetyo, B. Realino Norma Irmawan, dan Teddy Mamadi (Semanggi I Incident, November 13-14, 1998); Yap Yun Hap, dan Dani Yulian (Semanggi II Incident, September 23-24, 1999), Yusuf Rizal, dan Zaidatul Fitria (Lampung Incident, September 28, 1999); Meyer Ardiansyah (Palembang Incident, October 5, 1999); Mozes Gatotkaca (Jogyakarta Incident, 1998); Syaiful Bya, Sultan Iskandar, Tasyrif (Bloody April Incident, Makassar, 1996).
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Dozens more were kidnapped and missing without trace to this day, such as Wiji Thukul. Especially if the Six Agenda of Total Reform becomes the measurement, which is fought for with blood, jail, and death of the youth, (1) amendment of 1945 Constitution to be Democratic Constitution, (2) revoking the Dual Function (militarism) of TNI/Polri in the field of politics, territorial and business, (3) prosecution of Soeharto, violators of human rights and doers of corruption, collusion and nepotism during the fascist dictatorship of New Order, (4) regional autonomy of broad decentralization, even possibly a federation state, (5) prosecution and disbandment of Golkar (now Golkar Party), (6) agrarian, labor reform and redistribution of economic assets to workers, farmers and broad public. The six agenda of total reform clearly ends at Four Agenda of Anti New Order Oligarchy, which is (1) anti Golkar (Golkar Party), (2) anti militarism, (3) anti conglomeration, (4) anti bureaucratic corruption, collusion and nepotism. The blood and death of the youth was the one guiding the six agenda of total reform and the four agenda of anti New Order oligarchy, the central program of democratic struggle with people who are poor and oppressed. Could 180 new political parties and three New Order political parties (PPP, Golkar Party and PDIP) zero the sacrifice with blood and death of the youth? Rhetorically, the answer is: no, but in practice: yes! The measure is simple, do they investigate their death and disappearance? Have the six agenda of total reform and the four agenda of anti New Order oligarchy being executed by the regimes of Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati Soekarnoputri? The answer is: Big Zero! The bloody banners and death of the youth are weak. Even the holders are mostly eroded by the vicious virus of el descencanto and becomes irrational (apathetic, losing hope, even taking sides with New Order institution and political parties). Yet starting from the attack of the vicious virus, we can also become rational (critical, analytical, and objective). For this reason, the youth must do critical and objective analysis, then set a new direction of democratic struggle to rectify error that caused and end to the six total reform agenda and four agenda of anti New Order oligarchy and their betrayal by current political power.
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Revolution of new democracy It has been four years of failure of total reform, what should the youth do as the forefront fighter of democracy? Consolidating democratic system, where sovereignty is fully in the hands of people (politics, economic, social and culture), is still the main political mission. This political mission is effort to realize the main political vision, which is the guiding principles of humanity, justice, populism, freedom, and solidarity. This vision and mission can only be reached now in revolution of new democracy, with young political leadership (main political leadership). The homework is to prepare the organization of youth that is professional, discipline, rational and realistic. Uniting even stronger with the struggle of the poor and the oppressed, as well as those excluded and ignored, both those who are already incorporated in social movement or those still fragmented (labor, farmer, urban poor, middle class, professionals, academicians, women, the unemployed, micro-small-medium, in cities and villages). Youth as political leading force, people who are poor, oppressed, ignored as the main force. The six agenda of total reform and four agenda of anti New Order oligarchy as the main democratic agenda. In this stage of revolution of new democracy must be added to peoples program, among others, (1) jobs for everyone, (2) affordable and quality education, (3) affordable and quality basic needs, (4) stopping privatization of state assets, and distributing shares to workers and pushing for broad public ownership, (5) healthcare benefit and housing for all. New political characteristics Revolution of new democracy means uprooting the system or order of politics, economy, social and culture that is anti-democracy (oppressive and impoverishing) with a new way. What system is oppressing and impoverishing? The dominant socio-economic system is capitalism or capitalist mode of production with semi-feodal and
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semi-colonial status. Capitalism whose full development is halted by the remains of feodalism and sucked by imperialism (capical monopoly). Why revolution of new democracy? Because the characteristics are different and new, i.e. (1) political room of democratic transition, (2) the political leadership is alumnus/followers of New Order, (3) the recuperation of political and economic power of New Order oligarchy (Golkar Party, militarism, conglomeration, bureaucratic corruption, collusion and nepotism), (4) direction of main political, economic, and social policy from New Order oligarchy, (5) the recuperation of political power and economic oligarchy of foreign money from IMF, World bank, Asian Development Bank, and other foreign investors, (6) combination of old and new political and economic power have produced new type of elite, (7) genuine and alternative political leadership is the youth, in order to create participatory democracy. In revolution of democracy in May 1998, the characteristics, (1) political room of anti democracy, fascist dictatorship of New Order, (2) political, economic, and social leadership of General (Ret.) Soeharto, ABRI with its Dual Function, along with New Order fascist-corporatist organization such as KNPI, PWI, Kadin, HKTI, Korpri, HIPMI, HNSI, SPSI, Dharma Wanita, to Golkar, PPP, dan PDI, (3) New Order oligarchy at the peak of political power, determining all political, economic, and social policies of fascist dictatorship of New Order, and creating elite democracy, (4) the political and economic power of foreign oligarchy is reaching its peak of power and influence, (5) marginalization of power and leadership of the poor, oppressed, and the youth in politics, economy and social. The main form of struggle of revolution of new democracy is a democratic route, not armed struggle or warfare. This democratic route includes parliamentary to extra parliamentary activities, from political lobbying, advocacy, petition, class-action, to mass action such as demostration, and occupation of DPR/MPR or Freedom Palace, but also the willingness and ability to participate in elections. A combination of sectoral movement, mass action, and electoral movement to develop participatory democracy and reclaim the state from elite democracy.
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The Youth Why the political leadership of the youth? Because they are the pioneer fighter of democracy (vanguard fighter for democracy) that is based on main values of life. They tirelessly toppled Soeharto, toppled the fascist dictatorship of New Order, crippled New Order collaborators, to this day. Is there any other power that could match this? The most important thing is that it was the youth who wrote with blood, jail and death the banners of six agenda of total reform and four agenda of anti New Order oligarchy. Then figthing at the front line against the defenders/supporters of Soeharto and New Order fascist dictatorship. Revolution of new democracy is a new historical task of young people that must be completed. Are we dreaming? Forming political leadership of the young, even governance by the youth and the oppressed people. Completing the six agenda of total reform and four agenda of anti New Order oligarchy, as well as executing populist programs of economy, social, politics and culture. Should the political leadership be given to political parties or individuals that once bowed and praised Soeharto and New Order oligarchic political power? Trust me, democracy can only be executed and completed by radical democrats, not anti-democracy people that are products of fascist dictatorship of New Order. Then, is it too young for the youth today to determine the history of the republic? No. Sutan Sjahrir became the first Prime Minister of Republic of Indonesia on November 15, 1945 July 3, 1947, when our republic was just four months old. How old was Sutan Sjahrir? 35 years old! Then, how old are the noble dead of May 1998 democratic revolution? Between 18-23 years old. How young, they sacrificed for the beloved republic. Their short lives are valuable for the sustainability of democracy and justice in this republic. They are all the brightest stars in the skies of our soul, in the midst of many betrayals of their dreams, which was fought with blood, jail, and death. Rest in peace!
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Criticism: Challenges For Indonesian Students
an has created new worlds of language, of music, of poetry, of science; and the most important of these is the world of the moral demands, for equality, for freedom, and for helping the weaks. (Karl R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, vol.1) Intellectuals need to develop a moral movement that is radical, dynamic and puritan among the free intellectuals (students, professors, artists, experts, .aside from the strength of the society itself), so that the power of ABRI and Golkar will not grow absolute. (Soe Hok Gie, Catatan Seorang Demonstran, 2005) Criticism, knowledge and democracy
Two main enemies of human and humanity: dogmatism and totalitarianism/authoritarianism. Dogmatism is the biggest enemy of science. Totalitarianism/authoritarianism is the biggest enemy of democracy. The only way to oppose the two main enemies of human and humanity is criticism. That is pushing every individual to have the courage to think on her own, choosing and be responsible for every choice in her life. Sapere Aude! Or dare to think! This is the slogan of enlightenment period formulated by Immanuel Kant. From Karl R. Popper, through Logic of Scientific Discovery (1968), Conjectures and Refutations (2002), The Open Society and Its Enemies (I & II, 1968) or Popper Selections (1985) we learn that it is through the sharpest
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critic that science grows. Criticism with error-elimination would unravel the mistakes of previous theories and open the way towards progress. Popper said, my schema works through error-elimination, and on the scientific level through conscious criticism under the regulative idea of the search for truthThus the elimination of error leads to the objective growth of our knowledge, (Popper Selections, page 77). Popper emphasized, the practice of public policy as well as scientific practice contain empirical prediction, hence the two are tentative hypotheses that comply to critical evaluation. Even art, such as Special Prayer for Death, the installation art of Tisna Sanjaya, is a form of critical evalution or public criticism. Hence there should be more reason for Satpol PP Pemkot Bandung to burn the art as stipulated in Regional Regulation (Perda) No. 23/2001 or for Provincial Court of Bandung to legalize the burning of that art on Wednesday (6/1). It is only through creative freedom that criticism grows well, because liberty is the possibility of doubting, the possibility of making a mistake, the possibility of searching and experimenting, the possibility of saying no to any authority literary, artistic, philosophic, religious, social, and even political, said Ignazio Silone in The God That Failed (Bantam Books,1959). In fact in the tradition of thinking of ancient Greek, there was an awareness of the close connection between theory and praxis of human daily lives. This connection always referred to ethical dreams or values such as kindness, wisdom, or genuine life, be it as individual or collectivity in polis (city-state). There was no absolute division of knowledge for knowledge (or science for science, technology for technology, or art for art). They called this bios theoritikos, a form of life, a way to manage and educate souls by freeing human being from slavery of doxa (opinion or absolute idea), with this way human reaches authonomy and living wisdom (See FB. Hardiman, Kritik Ideologi, 2003). If criticism is faced directly to social reality, then what happen is an awakening or learning to understand the contradiction of social, politics, and economy, as well as to take action to oppose oppressive elements from the social reality. Paulo Freire in Pendidikan Kaum Tertindas (2000) quoted Fransisco Weffers saying, the awakening of critical awareness opens the way to a disclosure of social dissatisfaction
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in proper way since the dissatisfaction is the real elements of a repressive situation. Values politics: public and student Knowledge, as well as politics and power, are only means to commit to humanity and life in truth, that is the way and goal that Vaclav Havel believed in (Living in Truth, 1987), so politics becomes, the science of the good for man, to be happiness, (Aristoteles, Nicomachean Ethics, 2001). If politics is anchored in values (values politics), humanity, freedom, justice, happniness, at least there would be five new dimensions created in the tradition of democracy; First, existensial dimension (individualization of democracy, individual interest as the first and last measure of every activity in social reality); Second, logical dimension (returning social reality as means of liberation, not representation of repressive ideology); Third, moral dimension (individual as model of defender of political, civil, economic, social, gender and cultural rights, server of public interest); Fourth, political dimension (the birth of democratic political power that transforms all social relations that exploit, repress, and humiliate people); Fifth, cultural dimension (because it is rooted in value system, there would be a birth of democratic culture that is plural, rational and open). Developing criticism Since criticism of public lives is just as valuable as criticism of science, the two acknowledge fallibility in every decision, and from that mistake we learn and obtain the next progress. Through critical evaluation/criticism, we end dogmatism and totalitarianism/ authoritarianism, through new politics that is anchored in human advancement, scientifico-critical democracy and open society. Developing criticism in the lives of Indonesian students is the basis for killing the growth of seeds of dogmatism and totalitarianism in universities, society, and state. Without criticism, democracy and
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science will not grow. Without criticism, there will not be a way to become a person and develop our humanity.
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Celebrating Differences, Celebrating Liberation
iberation novel, that is Mahadewa Mahadewi! If you condemn and mourn over this age: free sex or marriage without love, wild love of gay, lesbians, bisexuals and transsexuals, religion and morality are trampled as smart excuses of non-sense, excessive glorification of living in the moment and only today, people are dead and become corpse because of drugs and addictive substances, pregnant without marriage and free abortion, etc. Hence Mahadewa Mahadewi (MM) celebrates this. MM gives testimony of the world that is neatly hidden, covered up, anunderground living that is in fact the reality of our lives. No judgement. No evaluation. Completely naked because MM, Is about you. I just watchA well-packaged irony. Imagine, MM talks about us, all ironies of our lives, without our permission, a smart epilog that torture us badly. Reading MM is like voluntarily allowing a hammer to hit our head. Cynically and smartly MM unravels our self defense, taking off all morality blankets and the smart excuses for our lives that are very well-packaged. More specifically, copulating us as wild as possible: mind, feeling and all the flesh of our bodies. With honesty, no burden, no sin, just like doctor Yukako who tortures us by falling in love with Reno, a mad man and her patient at a Mental Hospital along with a description of a very wild copulation (page 42): Ooooooohhhhhhhhh Kako screamed. Ren-no All energy was sparked in her screaming. Even sweat become the witness of the
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crippling of all body system from head to toe. An excessive pleasure that killed the remaining of Kakos energy, simply because of the intensive contraction of her genital muscle spurred by Renos penetration that was quick and deep. First sexual climax...So free...Unlike the one with Leo. Many burden. Full of sins...To her the pain is equal to the pleasure earned...Yet from that second on, she would always thirst for Renos penetration. Biological need becomes an evidence of human honesty, just like hunger and thirst. And she is honest... And then the romance that is no less wild from a gay couple, Gangga and Prasetyo (page 59): You pleased me tonight. You are very great for giving me multiple orgasms. Yet....would you see me again? Or just as usual, this would just be a one night stand? In MM, Nova appeared to strike hard the wall of values on biological needs, sexual behavior or orientation, the first target to attack the subsequent social standard of values. A concious choice striking the most sacred taboo, together with a description of dramatic and wild sexual behavior, without any judgement. In MM there is a demistification of biological needs, sexual behavior or orientation, the same is true with writers in this generation, such as Fira Basuki (JendelaJendela, Gramedia 2001, 4th print), Djenar Mahesa Ayu (Mereka Bilang, Saya Monyet, Gramedia 2002, 2nd print) dan Ayu Utami (Saman, Gramedia 2002, 21st print). Listen to Ayu Utami (page 195): Jakarta, June 16, 1994 Saman, Orgasm with penis is not an absolute. I always have orgasm when thinking about you. I have orgasm because of your wholeness. Jakarta, June 20, 1994 Saman Do you know, that night, that night what I wanted was to touch your body, and enjoying your face during ejaculation. I want to come over there. I teach you. I rape you.
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Or with an openness June, the figure of Fira Basuki in JendelaJendela admitted her sexual relationship with Dean, her husbands best friend to her husband Jigme (page 123): I have an affair ? Jigme was quiet. He is not stupid, I am sure he knows what happen. Dean? I nodded. Did you sleep with him? I did not answer. He shook his head. Hes my best friend A short story of Djenar Maesa Ayu even directly mentioned the name of female genital as the name of the main figure (see Namanya,page 90). But the effort to unravel this sexual taboo as a target did not happen in the work of Dewi Dee Lestari, Dewi apparently concentrates more in the unraveling of science and spiritualism, then find the equals, or trying to substantiate an abstract idea of truth. Certainly a strong effort to liberate understanding, just read carefully Supernova; Episode: Akar (page 208): Anonymous truth never end. It comes before time. Present before space. You always reflect. The fourth axis is unseen, do not forget that. Honesty, honesty in mind and to our own heart, and be responsible to own choice as free and autonomous human being, are also the keywords of MM. Honesty to mind and feeling is the medium for human being to become him/herself. But MM teased us to ask. Because Reno is in Mental Hospital, then he is experiencing a psychic deviation. Is Yukako who loves and made love to Reno, the mentally ill, being honest or deviating? Apparently MM is relativizing the category of healthy and deviation. Dishonesty to mind and feeling is also an important key in the novel of Nobel prize winner Dr. Zhivago of Boris Pasternak, for instance: This is the worst disease of our time...most of us must live lives that are constant and systematically repetitive. Your health must be affected, if day by day you express the opposite of what you feel, humbling yourself before what you dislike and must rejoice on something that produces nothing but misery. Your nerve system is not an illusion, it is part of your body, and your soul is present in
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space, that is your body, like teeth in your jaws. You cannot continuously violate it without getting punished. Dr Zhivago is a tragedy of human, humanity and lives with the backgroud of October 1917 Revolution in Russia. Yukako, Reno and others in MM is tragedy of human, humanity and lives with the background of half-way (erzart) change in social, economic, politics and science in Indonesia, circled by social capitalism system that is semi feodal and semi colonial at the beginning of 21st century. Liberation literature or emancipation literature is the proper term for these new generation of writers such as Nova Riyanti Yusuf, Dewi Dee Lestari, Djenar Maesa Ayu, Fira Basuki, etc. New writers with destroying hammers! They are witnesses, giving testimony of the hustle and bustle of our time, and describing their story figures without pity before us. Since MM considers this hypocrit a pity without pity. MM or Nova Riyanti Yusuf (page 92) launched a destroying hammer, creed of writing or life (?): I do not like limitations. I hate norms. Way of life. Philosophies. Or whatever. All are misleading principles. Human is born sacred. World should be beautiful. Life should be simple. A roar and right-on-target strike on the world! Resistance or liberation of the world that insults people and lives, very individual in nature today. Generation Nova is part of individual resistence that refused to be objectivied, and they take side with individuals, certainly with their own ways. Who should judge their expressions? Only and only their readers. For this reason, instead of creating cynical terms that kill creativity such as generation of fragrant literature, and others. Well, those that are not fragrant are also not everything. Isnt it true that there is no pope of literature that is appointed to become the executioner of good and proper literature? Therefore through Nova MM and its generation, we also celebrate differences in addition to celebrating liberation and our witnessing those without voice. Human and life are miracles, in millions of years of history of universe and humanity we learn that there is no history of individual, history of nature and social history that is linear, with no ism at the end (endism). Everything is tentative and fragile, even a validity to truth is hypothetical. Hence truth itself is only hypothetical, even
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there is no statement about fact that is truly without doubts (Chalmer,AF, Apa Itu Yang Dinamakan Ilmu? Hasta Mitra, 1983). It turns out, we can only move from what-we-know, not from what-we-want-to-know. MM has given its testimony and for every change, the measurement is only human and life. There is nothing and noone who can zero or sacrifice human and life. Therefore: Whoever fears freedom and personal responsibility, fears differences and life, afraid of liberation, they are banned from reading Mahadewa Mahadewi.
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The Last Spring Of Two Totalitarianism
ho does not know Immanuel Kant, Hegel, Karl Marx, Friedrich Schiller, Gunter Grass, Herman Hesse, Nietsczhe, Goethe, even Albert Einstein? It is unimaginable that Germany, which is called Land of Ideas, also produced blood-thirst monster such as Adolf Hitler who massacred 6 million Jewish, and ignited the Second World War that killed 60 million lives. It also produced communist dictatorship of East Germany that was paranoid, suspicious of each of its citizen as enemy and betrayer, incarcerating them behind Berlin Wall, and monitoring their every moves including the smell of their body. All were done by Ministry of State Security that was taken over nearly as a whole by demonstrators on January 15, 1990, along with the collapse of Soviet Union and all communist dictatorships in East Europe. Why the brightness of ideas, philosophy, literature, science and technology must coexist with animal desire to kill and destroy other human beings? Mourning on the clash between the beauty of ideal ideas with barbaric and unjust social reality was also revealed by Boris Pasternak, winner of Literature Nobel prize in 1958, in his great work Dokter Zhivago, This thing happened repeatedly in the course of history. All that is designed ideally and with nobility turned out rough and materialistic. That was how Rome emerged out of Greece, and Russian revolution from Russian enlightenment. The article on Germans journey is a reflection of recognizing the dark side of our humanity in practice of two totalitarian political regime
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that sacrifices people for their political goals, i.e: Adolf Hitler with Third Reich and Nazi dictatorship (1933-1945), and communist dictatorship of East Germany (1945-1990). To test our loyalty to whatever social practice (politics, economy, culture) we should make life and human happiness a starting point and end point. There is no excuse whatsoever to sacrifice human, and lives for any goals, whichever noble they are. Totalitarianism The problem is totalitarianism. Totalitarian movement used and misused freedom of democracy to eliminate it. That was what was done by Hitler. Initially he joined a political party, National Socialist German Workers (Nazi) Party, in 1931 election, winning 230 seats in Reichstag, becoming Chancellor on January 31, 1933, and then muting democracy by banning political parties, stopping election and burning Reichstag. The history of Hitler in Mein Kampf (My struggle) and its execution through Nazi Party, is in the form of a popular 1,400-page book, for instance one written by William L. Shirer in The Rise and Fall of The Third Reich ( Pan Books, 1960). The communist dictatorship of East Germany was born after the Second World War in German territory controlled by Soviet Union after Germany gave up without condition on May 8, 1945. Since its founding, East Germany only knew one political party, congruent with the idea of proletariat dictatorship idea of Marxism-Leninism. Efforts to analyze the birth of Adolf Hitler with Nazi in Germany can be found in Hannah Arendts The Origins of Totalitarianism. What is totalitarianism? According to Arendt: (1) totalitarian movements aim at and succeed in organizing masses-not classes; (2) totalitarian movements are possible wherever there are masses who for one reason or another have acquired the appetite for political organization; (3) totalitarian movements use and abuse democratic freedoms in order to abolish them; (4) totalitarian movements are mass organization of atomized, isolated individuals; (5) totalitarian leader is nothing more nor less the functionary of the masses he leads, he can be replaced at anytime.
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As a comparison, we read Carl Friedrich in Encyclopedia of Social Sciences (vol. 5 and 6, 1957) which emphasized the characteristics of totalitarianism; (1) the presence of dominant ideology, thorough and closed. In Hitler, Nazism, in East German, Marxism-Leninism; (2) the one party that adopted the totalitarian ideology. Nazi Party adopted Nazism, SED Party adopted Marxism-Leninism; (3) intelligent system military or civilian that monitored and terrorized social lives; (4) one control of civil society activities, i.e. control and cencor of mass media, mass organization, students, labor, farmers, and others. More precisely depoliticizing mass. What is wanted to be achieved by every totalitarian regime? Hannah Arendt said that the most important thing is the desire of every totalitarian regime, left or right, fascism/nazism and communism, to take over freedom from every heart of individual or, ...succeed in eradicating the love for freedom from the heart of man! The goal is to weaken or kill the authentic development of individuality. That is why democracy is its enemy. Erich Fromm in Escape From Freedom (Owl Book, 1994) explained it as, a system that creates the economic, political, and cultural conditions for the full development of individual. Antagonizing Books Since dictatorship only needs one idea, all other different thoughts, let alone those that loudly voice doubts and provide alternative, must be destroyed. No wonder, the first action of Hitler after 4.5 month of being a Chancellor was to burn books. The night of May 10, 1933, in a torch march that was joined by thousands of students, right at the end of Under den Linden field across from Berlin University, thousands of books were burned. At the same time in other cities in Germany similar actions happened, an action called Nazification of Culture. Right in front of Doctor Joseph Goebbels nose, Minister for Propaganda and Enlightenment of Hitler administration, the books of German writers as well as foreign writers with world reputation were burned. From Germany, among others, Thomas Mann, Heinrich Mann, Lion Feuchtwanger, Jakob Wasserman, Arnold Zweig, Stefan
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Zweig, Erich Maria Remarque, Walter Rathenau, Albert Kerr, and Albert Einstein. The books of foreign writers that was burned among others were that of Jack London, Upton Sinclair, Helen Keller, Margaret Sanger, H.G. Wells, Havelock Ellis, Arthur Schnitzler, Freud, Andre Gide, Emile Zola, and Proust. In their statements, the books burned that night, which acts subversively on our future or strikes at the root of German thought. After burning books, Hitler, Nazi Party and their followers also burned the Parliament building, Reichstag, then killed and burned about six million Jewish, and continued with igniting wars in Europe, which killed 60 million lives and wasted their lives. The action of the regime or totalitarian thoughts, wherever around the world, always began with muzzling of mind and burning books, then ended with killing and burning of people. In Indonesia, during Soekarno, books written by Mochtar lubis and those who signed Cultural Manifesto (Manifes Kebudayaan) were banned and burned. And then during Soehartos regime, the same incident repeated. Books of writers that were united under Poples Cultural Agency (Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat, Lekra) were banned, including all the works of writer with 24 time nomination for Literature Nobel, late Pramudya Ananta Toer. Alas the banning continues to this day, including to world class tetra logy, Bumi Manusia, Anak Semua Bangsa, Jejak Langkah, and Rumah Kaca. The mechanism is similiar, burning books, banning alternative ideas, then killing people, and confiscating wealth. Until the end of his life Pramudya Ananta Toer still demanded the return of his house in Rawamangun, which was confiscated by Soeharto and New Order regime. Book is symbol of subversion and instability! Hitler and Nazi antagonized books, communist dictatorship of East Germany antagonized books, Old Order antagonized books, and New Order antagonized books. It is unimaginable, how dangerous book is for the stability of authoritarian and totalitarian power. What is odd, totalitarian regime also trusted book. Certainly the book they trusted was their ideological bible and other books that glorify dictatorship practices. The bible for Nazi dictatorship was Mein
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Kampf by Hitler, while the bible of communist dictatorship of East Germany was Communist Manifesto (Manifesto Communist) and Capital. Other books that doubt the absolutism of those bibles must be banned and burned. Meaningless History? Critical readers also ask, isnt a book an open text, readers can and may be their own writers when facing a book, that is by interpreting it. As Hitler when reading The Origin of Species of Charles Darwin, then his interpretation in Main Kampf is the presence of superior race, the Aryan, which won the mechanism of survival of the fittest. Superior race as winner must rule over the inferior race and destroy the race that unfit to live if they halt the development of the superior race. Hitler said in Mein Kampf (A Mariner Book, 1999), [Nazi] philosophy finds the importance of mankind in its basic racial elements. In the state it sees on principle only a means to an end as the preservation of the racial existence of manthrough this knowledge, to promote the victory of the better and stronger, and demand the subordination of the inferior and weaker in accordance with the eternal will that dominate this universethe highest image of the Lord. (page 383). Even Hitler said that the race superiority of Aryan is the highest image of God, hence Nazi Party was not only acting as an executor of what nature wanted and God wanted. A misleading interperetation of Darwins evolution theory and Gods power, isnt it? But for 12 years, this Nazism becomes absolute ideology and Hitlers interpretation becomes a single interpretation in German land. Who dared to challenge him? Ending in concentration camp, decayed or massacred without pity. To protect the single and absolute interpretation from Hitler, the holy book Mein Kampf must be implanted by indoctrination and guarded by Hitlers secret police that was notorious for its brutality, SS (Schulztaffel or Blackshirt). Unfortunately, Hitlers totalitarian time (1933-1945) did not bring lessons to communist dictatorship of East Europe, in order to maintain the purity of ideology according to bible
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Communist Manifesto and Capital they did not think indoctrination was sufficient, they added Berlin Wall and brutal Ministry of State Security. State Security (Staatssicherheit), abbreviated as Stasi, was a secret police organization whose duty was to monitor and kill the opponents of communist dictatorship. Capturing, arresting, torturing, and interrogating suspicious citizens in their own jails. Stasi is an institution above law. Didnt we also experience similar indoctrination with single and absolute interpretation of Pancasila during New Order Soeharto period (1966-1998)? Orientation of Guidance to Understand and Implement Pancasila (P4, Pedoman Penghayatan dan Pengamalan Pancasila) became the life-death of Indonesian citizens. Those dared to create other interpretation other than P4 would be fired, excommunicated, incarcerated, or even died. To make ideological control perfect, extra constitutional institution such as Kopkamtib/da (Operation Command for Security and Order/regional) was established, which later on changed name to become Bakorstanas/da (Coordinating Agency for National/regional Stability). This extra constitutional agencies commanded by General (Ret.) Soeharto became terror all over Indonesia. They easily kidnapped anyone who are considered enemy of the state and Pancaila, torturing and incarcerating people for years without court, even eliminating people without trace in military prisons. Concentration Camp The struggle of races is a law of nature that Adolf Hitler believed in, while struggle of classes was a law of history that Karl Marx believed in. The two claimed that those law of nature and law of history are scientific. If Nazi party became the executor of law of nature, then communist party in East German became the executor of law of history. In an ideological belief that is very absolute, it was made very clear who were the objective enemies, for Nazism it was the inferior race, whatever races outside of Aryan, including Jewish, for Communism the capitalists and others outside the proletariat class. Destruction or
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weakening of objective enemy was a duty so that the law of nature or law of history would work as aimed, towards the ruling of superior race or classless society. In order to achieve this one linear and absolute goal, totalitarian domination used ideological indoctrination and terror. Terror is the essence of totalitarian domination. The writer visited concentration camp Sachsenhausen, 35 kilometers out of Berlin, established in July 1936, the first camp after Reichfuhrer-SS Heinrich Himmler was appointed Chief Police in Germany. About 200,000 people were detained here between 1936 and 1945 and 25,000-42,000 died of hunger, disease, forced work, shot to death, gas and medical experiment. Sachsenhausen is known for Death March on April 18, 1945 toward the end of the war where camp residents were forced to walk towards Baltic Sea to be drowned. Concentration camp was started since the beginning of Hitlers ruling, January 1933, and reached 50 in numbers by the end of 1933. Nazi did not just kill Jewish from German state, economy and society, but also its political opponents such as the Social Democrats. Communist, Liberal, Conservative and religious leaders. During 12 years of his rule, Hitler established dozens of concentratioin camp, including the notoriously brutal one, Auschwitz in Poland with Dr. Joseph Mengele as the angel of death, using detainees for medical experiment, nearly 1.5-2 million people were massacred here (1940-1945), like the Jewish, Polish, Gipsy, war prisoners, priests. Ironically, during the Communist dictatorship of East German, Sachenhausen was used again as concentration camp for enemies of communism. Berlin Wall and Stasi Germany gave up without condition on May 8, 1945. Divided into two, the west part was controlled by United States and allies, the east part by Soviet Union. On August 13, 1961, the Berlin Wall was established as the mark of Cold War between the West and East blocs. Did all citizens comply to this? Certainly not. Peter Fechter, 18 years old, wanted to get out from the hell of communism, he tried to escape,
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shot to death on August 17, 1962. Roughly 1,135 people became victims of Berlin Wall that was equipped with automatic weapons SM 70. The last victim was Chris Gueffroy, 20 years old, on February 6, 1989. Totalitarianism is a paranoid regime, it was not enough to have indoctrination and Berlin Wall. They added it with Stasi, established in 1950, centered in Berlin-Lichtenberg, with 15 regional offices, 209 branch offices, and 7 special branches in factories/special installation, keeping documents of over 6 million East German citizens out of 17 million population. Nearly all activities of citizens were used as mere spionage, from correspondence, meeting in garden, household, school, community, even they spy their own family members. In its golden years, Stasi had 91,015 personnels and 175,000 non-official informants or 5.5 personnels to watch over 1,000 citizens. Since 1945-1989, East German detained over 280,000 individual political enemies. For a totalitarian regime, nearly all citizens are possible enemy that could commit possible crime. Erich Honecker, leader of East Germany, stepped aside on October 17.18, 1989. Then there was a massive demonstration of 500,000 people in Berlin Wall. Stasi began to destroy documents and on the night of November 9/10, 1989, the Berlin Wall started to be opened, along with the collapse of communist dictatorship of Soviet Union and East Europe. Stasi Headquarter was occupied by demonstrators on January 15, 1990, they were able to save roughly 180 kilometers documents (comprised of papers, photographs, audiotapes, and videotapes) and even the samples of body smell of citizens! Critiquing Ideology Hannah Arendt concluded that every ideology has totalitarian element and it would fully develop if there is a totalitarian movement that supports it. Ideology is pseudo-science and pseudo-philosophy, trying to go beyond science and philosphy. If Arendt is right, then totalitarianism would not stop only at racist ideology ala Hitler or communism ala Marx (The Origins of Totalitarianism, page 470). Even democracy that is now forced by United States and allies in Iraq and
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Afghanistan has the face of totalitarianism and have sacrificed thousands of innocent lives. What should be done? First, we must reject as strongly as possible every idea that justifies killings, torture, and human sacrifice for whatever reason, be it for race, history, development, democracy, religion, even God. Second, maintaining criticism and truth in the frame of science, that it is tentative and fallible. The revolutionary role of mind/knowledge should clearly be through critical debates, not with violence and war (K.R.Popper, Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume II, page 396). Critical debates requires diversity and freedom of thinking. Swords and wars destroy the three: critical debates, diversity, and freedom of thinking. Third, maintaining freedom because, ... liberty is the possibility of doubting, the possibility of making a mistake, the possibility of searching and experimenting, the possibility of saying no to any authority literary, artistic, philosophic, religious, social, and even political, said Ignazio Silone in The God That Failed (Bantam Books, 1959). Fourth, remembering the victims of the two totalitarian regimes and learning their history of violence as monuments of crime against humanity. We all hope that Nazism and Communism in Germany would become the last spring of totalitarianism on the face of earth.
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Criticism At The Heart Of Democracy

Politics is the science of the good for man, to be happiness. (Aristoteles in Nicomachean Ethics)
hat is it that brings happiness to people, a citizen, in a democratic republic? Certainly lives that is based on main values: humanity, justice, equality, freedom, populism, welfare and solidarity. These values are the sources of motivation for a republic and individual citizens because their individual and social rights are guaranteed, i.e. civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. The prerequisites of individual and social emancipation! What are their main enemies? Totalitarianism and dogmatism, including market totalitarianism (neoliberalism), also religious fundamentalism and ethnoculture. All those totalitarian types antagonize and flatten values and rights of citizens. How to resist them? With criticism. Creating a culture of critical thinking in individualsocial lives: implanting criticism at the heart of the republic! Criticism and democracy Karl Raimund Popper demonstrated the close relationship between criticism and development of culture, science, and humanity in problem-solving methodology. This methodology is always formulated from empirical problem and could be denied empirically too. The scheme is simple, P1 TS EE - P2, where P1 = initial problem, TS = tentative solution (proposed theory), EE = error elimination
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(critical evaluation, critic with observation and experiment), with the goal of finding and eliminating mistakes, P2 = new situation created from critical evaluation or tentative solution on initial problem. Critical evaluation or criticism becomes key of this methodology. Critic is the strength of the main motive for every intellectual development, science, and society. Without critic, there is no rational motive to change theory and to transform society. Hence, the method of growth of science is critical method or criticism. An approach that acknowleges that all our social practice (politics, economy, ideology, and theoretical) are always tentative, never absolute, and could be wrong (fallible). All theories or social practices have the possibility to die in tough empirical test. Almost like Popper, Thomas Kuhn said that scientific revolution could be explained as follows: pre-scientific new science crises (anomaly) revolution new-science new crises Paradigm rupture or anomalies are moments of criticism activities between theory and practice. This moment grows the opportunity for new enlightenment to develop alternative theory in science or social, economic, cultural, and political practices. Therefore, critic is aimed at finding our mistake, and we are fully aware of the possibility of mistake in theory and practice. Hence we should always be willing to critic and be critiqued, to test and be tested empirically, with a hope to find mistake and learn from those mistakes. This is the basis of democracy, a public realm that is based on values, and where the individual and social rights of citizens are protected by the state. Dogmatism is the enemy of science, while totalitarianism is the enemy of democracy, enemy of the republic! Critical attitude or criticism is identical with scientific attitude that develops law of science to be tentative and fallible, while dogmatism, absolutism, fundamentalism, and totalitarianism is pseudo-scientific. Movement of Value Politics Criticism and basis of values are the heart of every student movement. The incident of August Five that happend in 1989 at ITB,
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for instance, was: (1) a movement to reject New Order totalitarianism that is in opposition with the values of: humanity, justice, equality, freedom, populism, welfare, and solidarity; (2) a movement to reject dogmatism through indoctrination of Guidance to Understand and Implement Pancasila (P4); (3) a movement to celebrate criticism in academia, science and public; (4) a movement to defend and fight for individual and social rights as prerequisites of democracy in Indonesia; and (5) a movement of value politics that is confrontative to topple fascist-militaristic regime of New Order and General (Ret.) Soeharto. Student movement, be it the one that is corrective or confrontative, could be categorized as values political movement, not power political movement such as the one practiced by political parties. Movement of value politics (student movement) is located in the arena of civil society, while power political movement (political party) is within the arena of political society. Why is it political? If we define politics as activity of every individual, or groups, to change policy or change social relations, then corrective activity and/or confrontative student movement would always aim at changing policy or social relation in society or state. In student movement such as 1966, 1974 (Malari), 1978, 1989, and 1998, we can see that corrective activity and/or confrontative student movement, in the final analysis, all ends with change in national leadership and a structural change (social relation, economy, and politics). Student movement as movement of value politics are always anchored in similar values as the reference, but they always do new interpretation or contextualization according to change in science or social reality, be in locally, nationally, or globally. Criticism in science and society means willingness of every individual to have the courage to use their own intellectuals freely, autonomously and independently, Seeing individuals and society in total dialectic, complete with their history of contradiction. This principle is in accordance to Immanuel Kant, the one who formulated the slogan Sapere Aude! (Dare to Think!) as the mark of Enlightenment Century. Individuals have optimum function to develop all their human potentials if they use their intellectuals freely, make rational choices, and are responsible for their choices. If human history
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is a history of fighting for freedom, then on the shoulder of every individual whose individual and social rights are guaranteed, the growth of democracy, science, humanity, and culture would get its main moving machine. If student movement is values political movement that relies on criticism and culture of being critical, then democracy that they fight for to realize individual and social emancipation, at the final analysis, is scientifico critical democracy, a scientific critical democracy. Are the two doing well at this point?
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Concentration Camp, Ideology and Us

Yes, my work was destructive. And what I did not defeat with my drum, I killed with my voice (Gunter Grass, The Tin Drum, Vintage, 2005)
am a member of Waffen-SS, said Gunter Grass to Frankfurter Allegemeine Zeitung newspaper just before the launching of the biography of his youth from 1939-1959, Peeling the Onion (2007). The voice shrieked like the voice of Oskar Matzerath in The Tin Drum. Refusing to grow at the age of three as a protest of hypocrit world of adults, breaking all glasses, from light bulbs, glasses, to windows of perfume and diamond stores. Gunter Grass broke the glass of our awareness! Like Joseph Goebbels, Minister of Propaganda and National Enligthenment of Nazi, celebrating the adversary of Germany with the Jewish on November 9-10, 1938 through Crystal Night, where the belongings of Jewish people, houses, stores, and synagogues were destroyed and burned by SA (Sturm Abteilung or Storm Section), a paramilitary organization with 4.5 million members before it was merged by Hitler as Schutzstaffel or SS. The prominent incident this Night of Broken Glass or Reichskristallnahcht is the beginning of project of destruction of Jewish people in Europe. This bitter secret was kept by Grass, who was born in Danzig-Langfuhr, Germany, in 1927, writer of dozens of theatrical manuscripts and well-known novels such as The Tin Drum from Trilogy Danzig Cat and Mouse and Dog Years, also winner of Literature Nobel in 1999, in the silence of over sixty years of post Second World War. So far Grass is like a living legend, a magnet of world moral, and living witness of human barbarism in the midst of the hustle and bustle of modernism project that is rooted in Reinaissance and Enlightenment period.
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Grass work is part of the literature movement Vergangenheitsbewltigung or coming to terms with the past, celebrating the subversions of writers, completed with loud calling: literature against violence! Alan Frank Keele said, Gunter Grass uses the German Nazi past as a kind of ethical absolute zero against which to measure all other tendencies, past, present and future (Understanding Gunter Grass, 1988). Waffen-SS is an armed unit of the feared Hitlers guard, SS. At the age of 17, Grass was a suitable young man for Waffen-SS, a pure Aryan! SS was a paramilitary force led by Heinrich Himmler. When Adolf Hitler announced the conquering of Europe, on December 1940 Waffen-SS was established, a battle unit whose skills in battle field and brutality to prisoners of war, civilians are well-known, and even Jewish annihilation in concentration camp. Waffen-SS was formed from three parts of SS, Leibstandarte (personal guard troops of Hitler), SSVT (SSVerfuegungstruppe, or SS special troops), and SSVT (SSTotenkopfverbaende, guarding unit of SS camp concentration). Grass, Nazi, and us In the midst of noisy rule of Nazy and Hitler over Germany, at the age of 15, Grass became a member of Hitler Youth, and then Labour Front. He also applied but failed to become members of U-Boat submarine, accepted at Waffen-SS in 10 th SS Panzer Division Frundsberg. What is the appeal of such noise for a young German of Grass age? The economic structure of Hitlers regime was competitive capitalism that crawled towards monopolistic capitalism, with moneycapitalists as its dominant class. Emerging in the midst of crisis of capitalism (great depression) 1930s, fighting for the world market. After Versailles Treaty in 1921, in Germany there was a rapid development of new political structure with the characteristics of extreme nationalism, racialism, and antiliberal, communist and socialist. After Hitler took over power in 1933, German developed as a tool of repression and mobilization. The repressive machine was in the form of intelligence, militer, paramilitary
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(SA and then SS), by using intimidation, terror, banning, kidnapping, jailing, killing, and others. The targets were labor, leftist groups, religious leaders, intellectuals, journalists, even homosexuals. The proponents of Nazi and it paramilitary was the middle class that was excluded from the process of competitive capitalism. Certainly such functionalization of repressive state as such needed a rationalization. Hitler and his thugs formulated rationalization based on nationalism, racialism, national security, latent threat of liberalism, communism and socialism. All were wrapped under the ideology of Nazism or Fascism. In a glance, this can be compared with the Soeharto-New Order regime that developed similar ideology, fascism-militaristic, in the system of satellite capitalism or semi-feodal and semi-colonial capitalism where bureaucratic capitalism and military become the classes that moved it. The function of state, the targets and the ways to repress were similar with Nazi regime, its ideology was democracy fascist-militaristic with euphemism of Pancasila democracy. Concentration Camp The struggle of races is a law of nature that Adolf Hitler believed in, while struggle of classes was a law of history that Karl Marx believed in. The two claimed that those law of nature and law of history are scientific. If Nazi party became the executor of law of nature, then communist party in East German became the executor of law of history. In an ideological belief that is very absolute, it was made very clear who were the objective enemies. For Nazism it was the inferior race, whatever races outside of Aryan, including Jewish, for Communism the capitalists and others outside the proletariat class. Destruction or weakening of objective enemy was a duty so that the law of nature or law of history would work as aimed, towards the ruling of superior race or classless society. In order to achieve this one linear and absolute goal, totalitarian domination used ideological indoctrination and terror. Terror is the essence of totalitarian domination.
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Concentration camp Sachsenhausen was one of them. Located 35 kilometers out of Berlin, established in July 1936, the first camp after Reichfuhrer-SS Heinrich Himmler was appointed Chief Police in Germany. About 200,000 people were detained here between 1936 and 1945 and 25,000-42,000 died of hunger, disease, forced work, shot to death, gas and medical experiment. Sachsenhausen is known for Death March on April 18, 1945 toward the end of the war where camp residents were forced to walk towards Baltic Sea to be drowned. Concentration camp was started since the beginning of Hitlers ruling, January 1933, and reached 50 in numbers by the end of 1933. Three ideological critics Young Gunter Grass was circled by totalitarian ideology, are we freed from this possibility? Hannah Arendt concluded that every ideology has totalitarian element and it would fully develop if there is a totalitarian movement that supports it. An ideology that is pseudoscience and pseudo-philosophy, tried to go beyond science and philosphy. If Arendt is right, then totalitarianism would not stop only at racist ideology ala Hitler or communism ala Marx (The Origins of Totalitarianism, page 470). Even democracy that is now forced by United States and allies in Iraq and Afghanistan has the face of totalitarianism and have sacrificed thousands of innocent lives. What should be done? First, we must reject as strongly as possible every idea that justifies killings, torture, and human sacrifice for whatever reason, be it for race, history, development, democracy, religion, even God. Second, maintaining criticism and truth in the frame of science, that it is tentative and fallible. The revolutionary role of mind/ knowledge should clearly be through critical debates, not with violence and war (K.R.Popper, Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume II, page 396). Critical debates requires diversity and freedom of thinking. Swords and wars destroy the three: critical debates, diversity, and freedom of thinking.
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Third, maintaining freedom because, ... liberty is the possibility of doubting, the possibility of making a mistake, the possibility of searching and experimenting, the possibility of saying no to any authority literary, artistic, philosophic, religious, social, and even political, said Ignazio Silone in The God That Failed (Bantam Books, 1959). Fourth, remembering the victims of the two totalitarian regimes and learning their history of violence as monuments of crime against humanity.
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CHAPTER V
PARTICIPATORY SOCIALISM AND WELFARE STATE
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Participatory Socialism and Welfare State
The Third Way Giddens and Indonesia
olitics to materialize social justice and freedom, that is political party or socialist movement and social democracy. Anthony Giddens modernized political practices of classic social democracy in The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy (1998), dan The Third Way and its Critic (2000) to provide alternative to neoliberalism (Thatcherism and Reaganism). Restructurization of frame of thinking, policy, this new social democratic program are faced directly with five big dilemmas of contemporary society: globalization, individualism, left & right significance, new political actor, and ecology. According to Tony Blair, British Prime Minister, The Third Way is relevant to cope with domination of two political doctrines, social democracy that is always based on the state, and neoliberalism that is based too much on free market. And then implementing progressive values globally with new ways. An effort to modernize social democracy so it is not going into the grave, Giddens argued. New political program What are the new programs of The Third Way? Among others, the formation of state investing in social activities, activating civil society, new economic mix, state and cosmopolitan democracy as well as new democratic state (state without enemy). Its political spectrum are radical center or centre left.
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This new program would deal with the classical doctrine of social democracy (old Left) that is ineffective in responding to fundamental contemporary change. Old left was stucked and could no longer deal with problems of contemporary society because they insist on maintaining a too broad intervention of the state in economic and political lives. Even the involvement of old Left on civil society eventually burdens budget, killing innovation, creativity, and productivity because they put too much emphasis on state ownership and excessive protection of the state from craddle to grave. Furthermore, according to Giddens, the concept mondernization of the Old Left was linear, undermining ecological issue, and was part of the political policy of Cold War. Like the modernizers or neo-revisionism (the third revisionist generation in social democracy tradition), Giddens defended their main ideas. The problem with the social democrats were not just capitalism and market, but also state and government too. But, Giddens said, market is not an unavoidable crime simply because there is no alternative to market economy. There should be a way to restructure the government to be more effective in controlling the market considering that it is impossible for market to create justice and freedom. The first generation of revisionist that was pioneered by Eduard Bernstein (1890) continued to be loyal to the key idea of Marxism while opening the way to evolutionary socialism through democratic pressure. Meanwhile the second generation that was pioneered by German Social Democratic Party (SPD) with Basic Program Bad Godesberg (1959) unraveled the mass basis of social democratic party, from being a party of the working class to peoples party. Harvesting Critics For the past two years, The Third Way yielded critics that questioned its basic ideas, policies and programs. Several of its main critics, (1) the concept is blur, not coherent that it equalized the political policy of Tony Blair with Bill Clinton, Schroeder, Cardoso (Brazil), even Boris Yeltsin, (2) it factually moved to the Right conservative
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political spectrum hence its new constituent does not fit the goal of Leftist movement, which consists of working class and middle class, (3) accepting neoliberalism, or as Oscar Lafontaine said (former German Minister of Finance), justifies global free market capitalism, (4) its context is Anglo-Saxon, irrelevant for countries whose practices of welfare state is better than England, such as Sweden, (5) it did not have special economic policy, except allowing the market to play a bigger role, (6) it was not capable of handling ecological issue because by supporting big market globalization, it approved ecological destruction. Giddens answered it in The Third Way and its Critic (2000), and emphasized again that The Third Way is a political program that is coherent, effective, and integrative to face current fundamental change. Giddens reexplained the main idea and emphasized that The Third Way is not an Anglo-Saxon model like the New Labor Party of Tony Blair or New Democratic Party of Bill Clinton. He however acknowledged that the two are pioneers of several ideas and key political policies of The Third Way. Other important differences, according to Giddens, (1) the presence of new relationship between government, civil society, and economic strategy that would make it more effective to anticipate the development of global market, (2) the revision of concept and approach of equality and focus on state that invests in social issues (human capital investment), (3) underlining the importance of globalization problems, while at the same time pushing for international cooperation in the development of global economic order of governance, management of global ecology, management of multinational corporations, controlling wars, and developing cosmopolitan/transnational democracy, (4) economic policy that is focused on education, culture, entrepreneurship, incentive, flexibility, and social investment. Social Democracy in Indonesia Is there a political party or political movement that represent the idea of social democracy in Indonesia? Sutan Sjahrir and
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Indonesian Socialist Party or PSI (founded February 12, 1948 banned by Soekarno in 1960 in the midst of honeymoon of Soekarno and Indonesian Communist Party), were known to pioneer the idea of social democracy in Indonesia. Sjahrir called the ideology of this movement populist socialism, i.e. socialism that uphold high human dignity by acknowledging and recognizing equality of level of every individual human being. If socialist movement that is pioneered by Sutan Sjahrir and Mohammad Hatta with his principle of cooperation should be developed, then various policies and programs should also be put in context in national and global contemporary issue. The basic principle surely should be maintained as guiding principle, and the goal must be clarified to form a welfare state, certainly fighting for substantive and not procedural democracy. This renewal involves, (1) ideology, principle and goals, (2) organization of movement, (3) national, local and global programs, and (4) mass basis. This change of principle and goal is related with the renewal of ideology and new political identity in the contemporary context. Therefore the principle and goal of new social democratic movement must be that, Indonesian Socialist Party is based on principles of humanity, justice, democracy, freedom, equality, welfare, and solidarity. In order to achieve a socialist society that is based on populism. Instead of defending the old principal goal that is very rigid and seems dogmatic, Indonesian Socialist Party is based on socialism that is founded on the teaching of knowledge of MarxEngels, heading towards a socialist society that is based on populism, (article 1, principal goal, PSI Basic Regulations). Marx-Engels or other socialist thinkers, including Eduard Bernstein to Anthony Giddens, or new thinking in economic, social, politics and philosophy, are equal sources of knowledge to materialize those new principles. We only rely on science to solve human problems and humanity. New Political Identity The new political identity allows for more broadening of support of citizens on welfare state politics. Hence it will not be limited only
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to the working class. Sutan Sjahrir actually had signalled the possibility of this change, given that socialism is not a mere idea and emancipation politics of the working class, but rather it is used to eliminate any forms of injustices, oppression and exploitation of human by other human. Sjahrir said (1952), ...socialism in the West was initially only a movement of labor, not other groups in society that lose trusts in capitalistic society, i.e. the educated, the workers, the culturalists, the small middle class, the farmers, rely their fate more on change and improvement obtainable from socialism. Through political identity and the new ideology, every citizen could anchor its political choice on principles, regardless of the motive of their choices: religion, humanity, philosophy, culture, science, or marxism. The spreading of support motive conditions the national program of social democratic movement to also represent the interest of the supporters. The limit for each program and its derivative should clearly rely on politics of welfare state, in order to create justice, equality and freedom as means and goals. Certainly this is not a mere equality before law and procedural democracy, but rather a social justice that is fully manifested. For instance the creation of economic, social and cultural rights such as: the right to have jobs, health, housing, education, social rights of children, elderly and disabled. This renewal is also very important considering the global development of ideological thinking. Norbeto Bobbio said (Left & Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction, 1996) that the dividing axis between Left and Right movement is located on their way of looking at generic values, equality/egalitarian, and freedom. Extreme Left, Bobbio said, fights for justice without freedom (through dictatorship proletariat), yet center left or radical center fight for justice/equality along with freedom, this is the characteristic of socialist and social democratic political party or movement. Meanwhile extreme Right referred to anti-equality and anti-freedom regime, for instance Fascism and Nazism, while the center Right supports freedom but anti-equality, only fighting for equality before law.
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Therefore, organization speaking, social democratic movement such as PSI would transform into peoples party since they involve the majority of peoples support in democratic system, no longer a movement for one group but rather a movement for all groups that fight for equality and freedom. The mass basis would also grow, from labor, farmers, fishermen, urban-rural poor, professional (whitecollar), religious leader, minority (ethnic, religion, race), intellectuals/ academicians, women, youth/students, different sexual orientation (gay, lesbian, bisexuals). Included in this would be social movement with single issue such as environment, human rights, victims of domestic and state violence, student movement, and others. The Third Way opens a new way for renewing social democratic movement in the First World and Third World, including Indonesia. We are once again convinced that at least the struggle for equality and social justice remain actual and progressive in the midst of strikes from neoliberalism. Individual and social rights are inseparable, and it is the task of the welfare state to guard and materialize it.
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Openening A Democratic Way To Participarory Socialism
Events are the real dialectics of history. they transcend all arguments, all personal judgments, all vague and irresponsible wishes. (Antonio Gramsci)1 The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point, however is to change it. (Karl Marx)2 Socialism and democracy Socialism3 without democracy is dictatorship and democracy without socialism is injustice. Justice, freedom, humanity, populism, equality, welfare, and solidarity are fundamental goals and values of the socialists. The socialists believe that socialism can only be realized through democracy, and democracy can only be made perfect through socialism. In other words, socialism upholds high populism, but the real populism can only be realized with and in socialism.4 Socialism requires democracy, because it cannot annul each other. Sutan Sjahrir emphasized clearly and explicitly the different goals and strategies of socialists and communists. The communists, in whatever situation considers proletariat dictatorship a must to do under a transition period, while the socialists consider democracy as always possible as a way to achieve socialism although this is after
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doing a revolution or rebellion against the fascists, feodal or colonial power, which initially did not allow the development of democracy.5 This principal difference was the one coloring the ideological ideas of Sutan Sjahrir until the end of his life died as political detainee of Soekarno regime on populist socialism, principle and function of organization of Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI), and its struggle to face the authoritarian idea and practice of Soekarno regime with his Guided Demcoracy. What kind of socialism can we realize? Why should we take democracy as a way? The simple formulation that can position ideology, strategy, and personality of populist socialists are the following, The socialism that we are talking about is socialism that is based on populism, i.e. socialism that uphold high human dignity by recognizing and upholding equal level of individual human being. Appreciation of individual person is expressed in appreciation and personal behavior of a person in mind and in implementation of socialism. Appreciation of human being as a person and such view is actually the core of all creators of big socialism, such as Marx-Engels, and others. Socialism should be nothing more than the perfecting of all dreams of population, i.e. freedom and true human maturity. In which every people should be truly free to develop her life and all ability in herself. Socialism should successfully create a condition in which physical issues would no longer become an obstruction to progress and the development of ability of every human being towards wisdom and beauty.6 Sutan Sjahrir firmly said that populist socialism is based on the fundamental values of: justice, humanity, populism, equality, welfare, freedom and solidarity to those oppressed and exploited by capitalism system. Therefore populist socialism opposes all forms of class dictatorship (bourgeoisie and proletar), even Left or Right authoritarian regime, since they contradict the fundamental values of socialism and democracy. What is the source of ideological and theoretical idea of populist socialism? All works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels that was critically analyzed by Sutan Sjahrir was one source of ideological and theoretical idea of populist socialism. The critical view of Sutan
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Sjahrir on Marxism such as the revisionist spirit of Eduard Bernstein7 - for instance was published in Sosialisme dan Marxisme: Suatu kritik Terhadap Marxisme.8 But the critic of Karl Marxs view did not halt him to emphasize that PSI is basing the disclosing and formulation of understanding of capitalist world like the one done by Marx-Engels on the development and structure of capitalist society. 9 The ideological goal of populist socialism and its analytical means are contained in Basic Regulations of Indonesian Socialist Party, article 1, which on principal goal, said, Indonesian Socialist Party is based on an understanding of socialism that relies on the science teaching of Marx-Engels toward a socialist society that is based on populism.10 The same is true with Bernstein, pioneer of first generation revisionist, his critic of several ideas of Karl Marx did not reduce his acknowledgement of the legal prediction of Karl Marx in Communist Manifesto11, or in the big work of Karl Marx Das Kapital or Capital12 on the general tendency of development of capitalism and modern society. Bernstein clearly, for instance, complained about Marxs prediction on the increase of industrial concentration, economic crisis and theory of the development of suffering of working class (Verelendung). Bernsteins critic of Marxism was no other than an effort that he considered as revise outdate, dogmatic, unscientific or ambigous elements in Marxism, while denying that he was rejecting its essential core.13 Furthermore Berstein wrote, It was mistaken, however, in various specific inferences, chiefly in its estimate of the time that development would take. This last was unreservedly acknowledged by Friedrich Engels, co-author of the Manifesto, in his forward to Class Struggles in FranceThe aggravation of social relations has not occurred in the way in which the Manifesto portrayed it as occuring. It is not only futile but also the greatest folly for us to turn a blind eye to this fact. The number of the propertied has grown not smaller but larger. The enermous augmentation of social wealth is accompanied not by a shrinking number of capitalist magnates but by a growing number of capitalist of all degress. The middle classes are changing
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in character but they are not disappearing from the social ladder. Politically we are seeing the privileged position of the capitalist bourgeoisie gradually giving way, in all advanced countries, to democratic institutions. Under the influence of these and under the impetus of a labour movement that is going from strength to strength, a social counter action against the tendencies of capital has set in, a counter action that, while as yet proceeding very timidly, feeling its way, is nevertheless there and is extending its influence to more and more areas of economic life.14 The development of middle class and democracy forced Bernstein to conclude, That a person can still think, in Germany of suppressing the trade union marks not how advanced but how backward is his political developmentThe more the political institutions of modern nations are democratised, however, the fewer the necessities and the opportunities for major political catastrophesNo one has questioned the need to fight for democracy for the working class. The argument is about the theory of collapse and the question of wether, given the present state of economic development in Germany and the degree of maturity of its urban and rural working class, Social Democracy can have any interest in a sudden catastrophe? I answered that question in the negative, and I continue to answer it in the negative because in my opinion a steady constitutes a greater guarantee of lasting success than the possibilities offered by a catastrophe.15 For that reason Berstein rejected the idea of political revolution and dictator proletariat. Yet he believed that transition from capitalism to socialism could be done through evolutionary way (evolutionary socialism), because the very economic process of capitalism led spontaneously towards socialism.16 Therefore Bernstein called, to appear what is fact now is, a democratic, socialistic party of reform. The movement means everything for me and what is usually called the final aim of socialism is nothing.17 According to Bernstein, the development of socio-economic and politics are more advantageous for the socialists to develop and consolidate their political power and to erode the hegemony of bourgeoise in all front through democratic pressure. No need for
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rebellion or social revolution. Democratic way to socialism is indeed possible, as Engels said, Peaceful evaluation from old society to new society may happen in countries whose power is already concentrated in the hands of peoples representatives, and in accordance with the constitution, all desired could be executed at the time the majority of people fully support it.18 Then Kautsky continued, there is the advantage for using elections and to expand representative institutions, civil freedom, freedom of political opposition and diversity of ideology, as well as creating balance of power that is advantageous as prerequisite to win state power.19 Convinced that socialism can and must be achieved through democratic means, and it is impossible to achieve it through dictatorship, this is the starting point of socialist movement, aside from effort to use theoretical analytical means of Marx-Engels critically, also acknowledging socialism in religion, humanity, science, or even philosophy. 20 Is by using democracy and rejecting proletariat dictatorship the socialists also reject rebellion and revolution? Certainly not, democracy way was certainly taken if the condition allows for the socialist movement to build its force, but in certain condition such as during fascist regime, communist regime, feudal and colonial regimes that fully closed the possibility for democracy, then rebellion and revolution are possible. But the way socialists understand rebellion and revolution is very different. For the socialists, rebellion or revolution is a means for democracy, not to build dictatorship. Sutan Sjahrir emphasized his belief on democracy as a way to reach socialism, as well as to end the difference between socialist and communist movement, including in understanding the goal of revolution...socialists do not hold to theory of proletariat dictatorship as understood by the communists; very possible they accept the requirement for rebellion or revolution under certain condition. Even in this concept of revolution there are difference with the communists because the socialists execute rebellion or revolution against the fascists, feodals, or colonial power. They advance them as a means to
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replace the power that they are interested to topple with a democracy and not with their own dictatorship, while the communists under such circumstance advanced it as a way to build a proletariat dictatorship...in a situation called proletariat dictatorship or even...peoples democratic government, or the democratic dictatorship, where the one truly in power is the communists.21 Critics of this proletariat dictatorship theory is theoretical as well as practical for the socialists. Karl Marx once wrote a letter to his friend who lived in New York, Joseph Weydemeyer, on March 5, 1852, about a theoretical idea that he considered very innovative in his analysis of the historical process of modern society. Marx said And now as to myself, no credit is due to me for discovering the existence of classes in modern society or the struggle between them. Long before me bourgeois historians had described the historical development of this class struggle and bourgeois economists the economic anatomy of the classes. What I did that was new was to prove, (1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with particular historical phases in the development of production, (2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat, (3) that this dictatorship it self only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society.22 Theoretically, this critic means an elimination of one of Karl Marxs postulate which said that class struggle would lead to proletariat dictatorship. The socialists answer the disappearance of that postulate with democracy. Through this democracy, classes and class characters would be eliminated in state and society in order to realize a socialist society. The socialists, therefore, are accepting the first postulate of Karl Marx on the presence of classes in society that is related to its mode of production, including accepting the critics of Karl Marx on capitalism, hence accepting the main axis of Karl Marxs thinking on surplus value theory, 23 which became the basis for the functioning of capitalism and its understanding of labour theory of value). 24 Yet they would critically question several postulates or predictions, which according to Marx could be derived from surplus value theory, including to reject the practical possibility to explore
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clashes between classes, for instance to execute social revolution and consolidate proletariat dictatorship. Bersteins critics most of which appeared to be adopted by Sutan Sjahrir in Sosialisme dan Marxisme: Suatu Kritik terhadap Marxisme Sosialisme dan Marxisme: Suatu Kritik terhadap Marxisme and Sutan Sjahrir on Karl Marx were only focused on several failure of prediction or theory that was derived from surplus value theory, but they did not at all critic the basis of Marxism, which is the surplus value theory. Berstein therefore defended the essential core of Marxism, or Sutan Sjahrir who believed that Marx-Engelswanted to provide basis for scientific understanding on human social development, basis for scientific understanding that is no other than experience and realityMarxism is a model of critical thinking25 for his political party, PSI, on 1952 Sjahrir confirmed the use of Marxisme as guidance, not as dogma.26 The confirmation on democracy way and challenge for every form of dictatorship because it is against the principle of socialism and democracy, for instance, could be found in Basic Programme of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, We are fighting for democracy. Democracy must become the universal form of state organization and way of life because it is founded on respect for the dignity of men his individual responsibility. We resist every dictatorship, every form of totalitarian or authoritarian rule because they violate human dignity, destroy mans freeedom and the rule of law. Socialism can be realised only through democracy and democracy can only be fulfilled through socialism. Communists have no right to invoke socialist tradisional. In fact they have falsified socialist ideas. Socialists are struggling for the realisation of freedom and justice while communist exploit the conflicts in society to establish the dictatorship of their party. In the democratic state, every form of power must be subject to public control.27 Furthermore, Sutan Sjahrif and his PSI are using theoretical analysis means of Marx-Engels in trying to understand the development of socialism in Indonesia and in the world, especially the rapid development of capitalism in Western Europe that ended in efforts to place socialism teaching again not just as political teaching
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to liberate labor, but rather as political teaching to eliminate injustices and exploitation of human by human. Socialism struggle became a struggle for new civilization and culture. At this point Sjahrir placed socialism as a way of life for all social groups, with no exception. Because with the existing room for democracy, all people, anyone, in his opinion would eventually understand that socialism is a political teaching that respects human dignity, person to person, and fights for social emancipation and justice for all people. Sutan Sjahrir explained the new ideological view as well as its strategic consequence in ideological partiality and organizational activities, because, although socialism in the Western World was initially just a movement of labor, now other groups in the society, ones that lose trust in capitalist society, i.e. the educated, the workers, small entrepreneurs, culturalists, small middle class, farmers, rely their fate more on change and improvement that could be expected from socialism. Socialism is also the answer for all people who disagree on exploitation of human by other human, also an answer for all people who want human relations to be based on united cooperation and social justice.28 Socialism and Capitalism after Cold War Soviet Union collapsed helplessly, followed by the collapse of its satellite countries in East Europe. Of course this is not a sign of superiority of capitalism but some people consider this a mere collapse of communist totalitarian regime of Stalinism and Brezhnevism, which deviated from Leninism. But for the socialists, this is a proof that communism with its proletariat totalitarian dictatorship system is fully contradictory with the fundamental goal and value of socialism: justice, freedom, populism, humanity, equality, welfare, and solidarity. Therefore, the source of communism and proletariat dictatorship idea have lost its empirical basis, demonstrating the validity of critic from Rosa Luxembourg, Eduard Bernstein, and socialist movement against Bolshevik and its proletariat dictatorship. Paris Declaration (1999) from Socialist International emphasized that, In Europe, for example, social democracy has demonstrated its
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reformatory strength, while the so-called real socialism was shown to be a failure.29 Although in reality, far before Soviet Union collapsed, in 1970s there was also a fundamental change in several communist parties in Western Europe especially with Italian Communist Party (Partito Communista Italiano or PCI), a political party founded and was once led by Antonio Gramsci, and France Communist Party (Partai Communiste Francais), especially pertaining to the theory of proletariat dictatorship and their relationship with Soviet Union. This sympthom is often called Eurocommunism, an effort to find a new way for European communists with main commitment in parliamentary democracy values. The two communist parties, with the initiative from Partito Communista Italiano, wrote Donald Sasson in One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century, dropped the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat.30 In addition, they supported the right to speak freely for rebellious writer Aleksander I. Solzhenitsyn, who is known for his piece The Gulag Archipelago.31 They also criticized the freedom to hold religion in Soviet Union, as well as taking distance from Soviet foreign policy, which sided more with national autonomy.32 PCI itself on February 1991 dissolved itself and formed a new political party, Partito Democratica della Sinistra or PDS (Democratic Party of the Left), threw away the symbol of hammer and sickle and introduced a new symbol of sturdy oak, and joined Socialist International. In 1994 election, PDS took the idea of neo-revisionism such as the principle that in the present historical circumstances there are no alternatives to the market economy; or accepting privatization because it can provide the opportunity to restructure the national economy on a more modern foundation. Finally, the party which had so frequently proclaimed itself a force antagonistic to capitalism, had made its peace with its enemy.33 Yet, capitalism too are facing no less severe crisis, if we look at the development of global capitalism that is marked not only with by free trade but more specifically by free movement of capital without any single international institution that can effectively monitor or predict its movement in order not to disadvantage the country it
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passed by. Bretton Woods institutions such as International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank and other regional financial institutions fail to face the free movement of its main capital flow that comes as spectacular growth of short-term financial flows. Soros said, IMF programs have not been successful in the current global financial crisis; its mission and its methods of operation need to be reconsidered. I believe additional institutions may be necessary.34 This free movement of capital works very effectively like a giant circulation system that sucks finance capital from institution and money market in core capitalist countries, then squirts to satellite capitalist countries directly in the form of debt of porfolio investment, or even in direct foreign investment through MNC/TNC. Through globalization of this financial system, for instance, global capitalism accumulates finance capital in relatively very short term, nearly 90 percent of finance capital invested, are only invested in a period of less than one week.35 Consequently, there is an asymmetry of exchange in money and service, instability in international financial market, also inequal relationship between the core capitalist countries and the satellite countries. In the view of George Soros, this problem worsens because the development of global society is not in harmony with the developoment of global economy. Furthermore Soros evaluated this in The Crisis of Global Capitalism: the sistem is deeply flawed. As long as capitalism remains triumphant, the pursuit of money overrides all other social consideration. Economic and political arrangement are out of kilter. The development of a global economy has not been match by the development of a global society. The basic unit for political and social life remains the nation-state. The relationship between center and periphery is also profoundly unequal. If and when the global economy falters, political pressures are liable to tear it apart. My critique of the global capitalist system falls under two main headingsthe defect of the market mechanismabout instabilities built into international financial marketsThe other concerns the deficiencies of the nonmarket sectorthe failure of politics both on the national and internatinal levelWhat I predict is the imminent disintegration of the global capitalist system.36
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Cold War ended, capitalism was reproducing itself globally, especially through globalization of financial capital while creating crisis in itself. The welfare state was often seen as the masterpiece of the social democrats, along with political parties that are Leftist and socialists, which are also facing economic crisis and legitimacy, which later triggers the birth of third generation revisionist. Sasson noted, West European socialism, evolutionary welfare socialism, pioneered by Bernstein, developed in Britain, Germany and Sweden, based on strong unions, state intervention and a growing public sector was, by the 1980s, unmistakably in crisis. By the 1990s, it even proved difficult to defend the gains thus far achieved: the welfare state, full employment and trade union rights; the first was danger, the second had become a thing of the past, and the third were severely curtailed.37 Furthermore, socialist movement especially in Europe were facing challenges over the idea of class politics, the only way was pragmatic coalition building to maximize electoral support, by offering different things to different groups on an ad hoc basic in the knowledge that each group was ephemerally constructed through discourse. The effort to represent a single identity in politics, especially in Europe, for socialists and communists, never succeeded. Although most supporters of socialist movement was in majority comes from industrial working class, they did not simply rely on the identity of class politics. They also recognized, even supported, the political identity of nationalism or religiosity of working class. Even then, socialist never lost sight of the working class, this did not prevent them from agitating on behalf of others groups. They fought, not always consistently, for peace, for women, for minorities; above all, they fought for universal democratic and social rights. This reality was even realized way before Soviet collapsed, for instance by the second generation of revisionist in German Social Democratic Party (SPD), in 1959, that transformed itself as peoples party of Volkpartei, no more as working class party, which means changing the mass base of SPD partiality. This party, had expanded into the ranks of intelligentsia and the middle classes. These social group no longer felt excluded from the party, while the working class
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in the period of rapid economic growth no longer felt marginal to the rest of society.38 The second generation of revisionist from Germany, England, Italy, and others must face a tremendous pressure of economic growth after the Second World War, followed by structural change and democratic politics that forced socialist party to appeal to entire electorate. Although socialist political party or movement is always class-centered, they also acknowledged the need for support from other classes. Leaders of SPD in 1869 such as Wilhelm Liebnecht and August Bebel clearly recognized that they wanted to win over the working class without losing the democratic lower middle class groups they had organized.39 Therefore Erfurt Programme was packaged in a way to meet the needs of all people, such as a free health service, a national insurance system and the right to vote. Maybe it would be also interesting to pay a close attention to Lenins slogan when leading the October Revolution, the slogan was packaged to meet the general needs of every person, Peace, Bread, and Land.40 Going back for a minute to Sutan Sjahrir. Apparently Sosialisme dan Marxisme: Suatu kritik Terhadap Marxisme was written when the rising tide of second generation revisionist movement, his writing was published in Suara Sosialis (No:6 s/d No: 12, Year: 1953 and No: 1, Year: 1954). His belief on socialism as a system that frees the exploitation of human over human hence needed by all groups of society, is apparently congruent with the dynamic of thinking in socilist movement of that time. Even Marx, wrote Sjahrir, believed in the possibility of science for general humanity, not just for one group only. His thinking about elimination of capitalism and its replacement with socialism through democracy is apparently in line with the idea from Socialist International (1951), which clarified that the goal of socialism is to eliminate capitalism through democratic way. The third generation of revisionist (called themselves modernizer or neo-revisionism) believed that reform of socialist doctrine that they did were using the same criteria with the predecessors, i.e: capitalism transformation. Their identification are mostly related with 1950s revisionists but they lived and co-existed
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with the new generation that became socialists through the experience in student movement, anti-war activists, non-governmental organization, ecological movement and feminism.41 Sasson noted, there was no single doctrine that could be easily analyzed by this neo-revisionism, but the implication of the policy was, that markets should be regulated by legislation and not through the state ownership. It means accepting that the object of socialism is not the abolition of capitalism, but its co-existence with social justice; that regulation of the market will increasingly be a goal achieved by supranational means; that the concept of national road to socialism should be abandoned.42 Transformation of capitalism through policy frame, not to eliminate the system, is thekey to understanding this neo-revisionist. For them, capitalism was not a particular transitory phase in the historical development of humanity, but a mode of production which was subject to political (i.e. non-market) regulation. Therefore the tasks for socialists today is to devise a regulatory framework which would enable the advancement of certain values, such as justice and equality, while ensuring that the viability of capitalism was not seriously impaired.43 Long from its desire to eliminate capitalism, the policy of British Labour Party, for instance, on the market that differentiate it with Conservative Party was, the Conservatives is not that they accept the market and we do not, but we recognise the limits of the markets and they do not.44 Furthermore, Tony Blair, leader of New Labour and British Prime Minister since 1997 to present, said Social-ismis not about classes, or trade unions, or capitalism versus socialism. It is about a belief in working together to get things done.45 The tendency to accept market mechanism and develop socialism in permanet critical relationship with capitalism could also be traced to Declaration of Paris: The Challenges of Globalization, Congress Decision XXI Socialist International (November 8-10, 1999). Paris Declaration among others mentioned Democratic socialism has been born and has developed in permanent critical relationship with capitalism. Solidarity, which is defined in the struggle for social justice, equality of the sexes, the fight against discrimination as well as a
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fairer distribution of benefits all are the raison detre for this critical relation. Democracy has always developed in free market societiesthe desire to initiate new trends in social democratic thinking emerges from a wish for justice, based on the need for liberty. This belief separated us from and led us to confront the concept of communism, which was incompatible with the freedom of citizens.46 Sasson traced in 1951, the beginning of the founding of Sosialist International in Declaration of Aims emphasized that the aim of socialists was the abolition of capitalism. Yet in Stockholm Declaration of Socialist International (1989), it was mentioned that the goal of socialism is freedom, solidarity dan social justice. While the abolition of capitalism was not mentioned.47 The same is true if we look at Declaration on Social Democracy in a Changing World, the meeting result of Sosialist International at Berlin on September 15-17, 1992, after the collapse of Soviet Union and the reunification of East and West Germany. Even the declaration firmly recognized the superiority of market in allocating economic resources, saying markets are indispensable for an efficient allocation of economic resources, but it is also true that market forces require basic regulation in order for competition to be fair.48 At this point apparently the idea of Noberto Bobbio in Left & Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction, found its relevance. Socialist movement, especially in Europe, no longer speaks about elimination of capitalism and its replacement with socialism, but rather they emphasize more on generic values of socialism in capitalism. Bobbio emphasized to fundamental criteria, i.e. equality/ egalitarian and freedom. Furthermore Bobbio wrote if it accepted that different attitude to freedom is the relevant criterion for distinguishing the moderate wings from the extrimist wing of both left and the right, then one could summarize the political spectrum of doctrines and movements in the following four part: a) extreme left,movement which are both egalitarian and authoritarian; b) centre-left,doctrines and movements which are both egalitarian and libertarian,could now term liberal socialism, and cover all the social democratic parties with their various political practices; c) centreright,doctrines and movements which are both libertarian and
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inegalitarian,all conservative parties,loyal to democratic method,they go only as far as equality before law; d) extreme right ,anti-liberal and anti-egalitarian doctrines and movement,example Fascism and Nazism.49 The difference between Left/Right political movements according to generic values criteria of equality and freedom was fully accepted by Anthony Giddens, Bobbio is surely correct to say that the left/right distinction wont dissapear, and to see inequality as at the core of it. But Giddens added that the Leftist or socialist does not just fight for equality or social justice but believe that government plays a key role in making it happens. Therefore Giddens said, rather than speaking of social justice as such, it is more accurate to say that to be on the left is to believe in a politics of emancipation.50 Apparently British Labour Party is the most recent example of the third generation of revisionist, which through its ideologist, Anthony Giddens, declared The Third Ways: The Renewal of Social Democracy because I believe social democracy can not only survive, but prosper, on an ideological as well as a practical level. The means, if social democrats are prepared to revise their-pre-existing views more throughly than most have done so far. The Third Ways here refers to the frame of thinking and policy making that try to adopt social democracy in a world that has fundamentally changed for the past two or three decades. That is the third way in the sense of an effort to go beyond old style of social democracy or neoliberalism.51 Giddens then characterized the old social-democratic movement (Old Left or Old Labour) as following: the quite broad involvement of the state in social and economic lives, the state dominates civil society, collectivism, management of Keynesian demand-side economy, and corporatism, limiting the role of market: social economy or mixed economy, strong egalitarianism, linear modernization, internationalism, weak ecological awareness, comprehensive welfare state protecting citizens from birth to death, and becoming part of Two-Poles world (Cold War of capitalism versus communism). While considering five dilemmas (globalization, individualism, left and right, subject-player politics and ecology) of contemporary society, Giddens formulated The Third Ways program or the new social
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democratic movement as follows: radical center, new democratic state (without enemy), active civil society, democratic family, new mixed economy, equality as inclusiveness, positive welfare, state investing in social issues, cosmopolitan nation, and cosmopolitan democracy.52 Smith and Ludlam53 described the difference between Old Labour and New Labour in the following Table 1, Table 1. Difference between Old Labour and New Labour
Sector State Economy Economic Priority Welfare Social Goal Class Nation-state Old Labour Interventionist (Demand-side-economics) Mixed Low Unemployment Supporting the achievement of universal rights Creating egalitarian society Siding with working class Socialism in one state New Labour Supporting Supply-side-economics1 Free Market Low Inflation Mengurangi ketergantungan Lessening the depending terhadap negara on welfare state kesejahteraan Creating a society with equal opportunity The society is not divided into classes Global economy
Tony Blairs first action to renew Labour Party was to change Clause IV, especialy the one pertains to the concept of common ownership of the means of production in the sentence of 56 words in Clause IV Old Labour saying, To secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible upon the basis of the common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange, and the best obtainable system of popular administration and control of each industry or service.55 New Labour successfully changed this Clause IV and it was approved by 65 percent of votes in April 29, 1995 in Labour Party Conference. The new economic principle of New Labour pertains to common good are either owned by the public or accountable to them. More fully, it was written A dynamic economy, serving the public interest, in which the enterprise of the market and the rigour of
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This supply-side-economics theory suggest that the captains of industry will use the added revenue to increase productivity through the purchase of new factories and machines and will also improve the condition of workers, by increasing wages, improving working conditions, and augmenting fringe benefits, as the trickle down effect. The reverse, demand-side-economics, which increases government regulation and taxation of big business. See Leon P. Baradat, Political Ideologies: Their Origins and Impact, Sixth Edition, Prentice Hall, USA, page 39-40.
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competition are joined with the forces of partnership and co-operation to produce the wealth of the nation needs and the opportunity for all to work and prosper, with a thriving public sector and high quality services, where those undertakings essential to the common good are either owned by the public or accountable to them.56 German Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD), led by Gerhard Schroder, is also within this stream of neo-revisionist. Although they are in the same stream, there are differences of government policy between the two, see the following Table 2, Table 2. Differences of Policy between Blair and Schroder57
Policy Monetary Blair Freeing Bank of England to make monetary policy Cutting income tax, cutting industrial tax and adding consumption tax New Deal Program and sanction of cutting social allowances for those who rejects. PPP (Public Private Partnership) to create new job opportunity Ofsted (Office for Standards in Education) for control of education quality, returning the authority of all schools under LEA (Local Education Authority), cooperation with companies to create Education Action Zones NICE (National Institute for Clinical Effectiveness) for effectiveness of prescription medicine, cutting bureaucracy. NHS (National Health Service) Direct for consultation and adding health funds. Adding retirement fund, cutting pension tax Schroder Bundesbank is free to make monetary policy, Lafontaine tried to influence but failed Tax for childless parents, cutting industrial tax, friction in determining environmental tax Bundnis for Arbeit dan Hartz Kommision to create job opportunity. For those rejecting, there was cutting of social allowances. Rejecting independent financing by students but because the decision is within states, federal government cannot do much.
Fiscal
Job Opportunity
Education
Health
Pension
Prohibition to prescribe excessive drugs, cutting physicians salary rate, opposing association of physicians, hospitals and pharmaceutical companies, which led to the cancelling of all changes. Relating pension with inflation and independent plans.
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Socialism in Indonesia today Considering the drastic change in ideological, economic, social and political lives all over the world,58 there is no other way for socialist movement in Indonesia but to renew itself in order maintain its ability to respond to societal problems at local, national, regional and global levels. Change or die! That is the condition today. Generally the idea of change in socialist movement in Indonesia pertains to new understanding of socialism as a common way of life based on main values as guiding principle. The belief that people can change their fate through intellectual, changing social reconstruction that is unjust and inhuman based on their own intellectuals, are one of the main values that is fought for. All products of knowledge, so long as they are useful for more humane, just life, and are able to eliminate repression, exploitation, domination, and humiliation of human by human, becomes tool of analysis and method of work. This stand prevents us from absolute glorification and dogmatism of tool of analysis and certain working method, also fighs against dogmatism and totalitarianism that would create a closed society, halting human development, even the killing of people.59 Socialism today by new generation in Indonesia at least the one I personally formulate is understood as value, idea, and struggle to free human being from exploitation, repression, domination, and humiliation by other human being. Socialism that is based on values (values centered socialism) or participatory socialism places the participation of every citizen, whose civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights are fullfilled, as the heart. The value at least covers seven main values, i.e. : humanity, justice, populism, freedom, equality, welfare and solidarity. Meanwhile the stream of thinking within it is based on its own idea, i.e. religioussocialism, populist-socialism, democratic-socialism, socialistlibertarian, and Marxist socialist non-communist. Organizational struggle is based on broader mass, not just based on economic relation, but also social relations, culture, gender, and others, so long as there
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is process of exploitation, repression, domination and humiliation of human by human in the relation among those people. If those changes were to be formulated in an introduction, the one pertaining to basic values, mission, programs and institutions of politics, economy, social and culture that becomes the medium of implementation, the introduction would say: Indonesian Socialist Party is a party that fights for human emancipation and social emancipation. Founding fathers, Sutan Sjahrir and Mohammad Hatta, initiated the struggle rationally, critically and contextually. Therefore Indonesian Socialist Party is basing its goal, program and practice on seven main values of socialism (values centered socialism): humanity, justice, populism, equality, welfare, freedom, and solidarity. Indonesian Socialist Party also fights for the thinking of those founding fathers, to form an Indonesian government that protects all Indonesian citizens, all Indonesian land, and to advance public welfare, educate the nation, participate in maintaining world order based on freedom, everlasting peace and social justice. Indonesian Socialist Party fights for human rights and all relevant international agreements as the legal bases of national government, international cooperation, and all programs and practice of political party, to protect individual and social rights of all Indonesian citizens, and world citizens, as the basic dream of Indonesian independence. The execution of that universal human rights becomes the main foundation of struggle for Indonesian Socialist Party in politics, economic, social, culture, gender, pluralism, and environment. Hence democracy in Indonesia and in the world would be international, open, progressive and humane. Indonesian Socialist Party used participatory democracy, multipartism and social market60, cooperation, and the welfare state as a practice to realize the basic values of socialism. The main goal is to free human being from exploitation, repression, domination and humiliationi of human by other human. In the final analysis, the socialism that we fought for is a social, cultural and symbolic identity, penetrating the singleness of class
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identity. Socialism becomes human identity as human being. Human being who creates herself as human in an open future.
Footnotes Gramsci, Antonio, Selections from Political Writings 1921-1926, International Publishers, NY, 1978, page 15. 2 Karl Marx on Theses on Feurbach in Tucker, Robert C., The Marx-Engel Reader, W.W. . Norton & Company, New York, page 145. 3 The word socialism itself appeared in France around 1830, the same with the word communism. These two words initially meant the same thing, but quickly communism was used for the more radical socialist stream, the one that demanded total elimination of private ownership and consumption equality and expecting communist situation not as a gift of kindness from government but rather the fruit of struggle of the exploited. The explanatory quote from Kolakowski in Magnis-Suseno, Franz, Pemikiran Karl Marx: dari Sosialisme utopis ke Perselisihan Revisionisme, PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta, 1999, page 19. To understand the development of socialist thinking from early French communism to contemporary socialism, especially Antonio Gramsci, also Fried, Albert, dan Ronald Samders (eds.), Socialist Thought: A Documentary History, Doubleday & Company, Inc., NY, 1964. Or the small book of Bertrand Russel, Roads to Freedom, Union Paperbacks, London, 1985. 4 Penjelasan Azas dan Garis Politik Partai Sosialis Indonesia, Suara Sosialis, No: 13 Th.III, 15 Desember 1952, page 6. 5 Sjahrir, Sutan, Sosialisme di Eropah Barat, Suara Sosialis, No: 13 Th III, 15 Desember 1951, page 2. It is interesting to closely pay attention to the critic of Rosa Luxemburg in The Russian Revolution (A Critical Appraisal, Autumn 1918) against proletariat dictatorship and the anti-democracy stand of Lenin dan Trotsky. Luxemburg said, Lenin and Trotsky have set up soviets as the only true representation of the working masses. But with the suppression of political life through out the country, the life of the soviets too must increasingly flag. Without general elections, unrestricted freedom of the press and of association, and free public public debate the life goes out of every public institution or rather it becomes a pseudo-life in which the only active element left is bureaucracyThe fundamental mistake in theory of Lenin and Trotsky is thatthey see dicatorship and democracy as oppositesSocialist democracy begins at the same time as the dismantling of class rule and the erection of socalism. It begins the moment the socialist party seizes power. It is nothing else but the dictatorship of proletariat. Oh, yes: dictatorship! But that dictatorship consist in the way democracy is used, not in its abolitionthat dictatorship must be the work of the class and not of a small leading minority in the name of the class, that is to say it must proceed step by step out of the active participation of the masses, be directly influenced by them, be subject
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to the control of the entire public, and be rooted in the growing political education of the mass of the people. Luxemburg in Sussane Miller and Heinrich Potthoff, A History of German Social Democracy: From 1848 to the Present, St Martins Press, New York, 1986, page 246-247. 6 Sjahrir, Sutan, Sosialisme di Eropah Barat, Suara Sosialis, No: 13 Th III, 15 Desember 1951, page 2. It is interesting to pay close attention to the critic of Rosa Luxemburg in The Russian Revolution (A Critical Appraisal, Autumn 1918) against dictatorship proletariat and the anti-democracy stand of Lenin and Trotsky. Luxemburg said, Lenin and Trotsky have set up soviets as the only true representation of the working masses. But with the suppression of political life through out the country, the life of the soviets too must increasingly flag. Without general elections, unrestricted freedom of the press and of association, and free public public debate the life goes out of every public institution or rather it becomes a pseudo-life in which the only active element left is bureaucracyThe fundamental mistake in theory of Lenin and Trotsky is thatthey see dicatorship and democracy as oppositesSocialist democracy begins at the same time as the dismantling of class rule and the erection of socalism. It begins the moment the socialist party seizes power. It is nothing else but the dictatorship of proletariat. Oh, yes: dictatorship! But that dictatorship consist in the way democracy is used, not in its abolitionthat dictatorship must be the work of the class and not of a small leading minority in the name of the class, that is to say it must proceed step by step out of the active participation of the masses, be directly influenced by them, be subject to the control of the entire public, and be rooted in the growing political education of the mass of the people. Luxemburg in Sussane Miller and Heinrich Potthoff, A History of German Social Democracy: From 1848 to the Present, St Martins Press, New York, 1986, page 246-247. 7 Explanation, op.cit., page 5. More on this Populist Socialism, it was also explained that, Therefore it may appear that the term populism after socialism is only a repetition of meaning. Yet this is considered necessary because the word socialism is often used by people in other context. Hitler people called themselves National Socialism. There is no stream that is more contradictory to socialism that we meant with the teaching and movement of Hitler. He is truly the enemy of our socialism. Yet we do not just distinguish ourselves from that socialism ala Hitler, we also distinguish ourselves from socialism taught by Moscow or Kominform. Not only Kominform is different with us given its appreciation to personal individual who are viewed as only part of an abstract of group, class or collectivity norms. Or regarding it only as energy working factor of income. Instead it is different from us in the soul, in mentality. This is not just in theory but also in practice, only pledging party discipline. In practice, it sees and treats all people who do not comply to discipline and party teaching as enemies, and may be treated without regard to morality. The spirit and soul of this kominform is in total contradiction to socialism that is based on populism. As a comparison to understand the idea of socialism, the following is Fundamental Values of Socialism and Basic Programme of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (adopted by an Extraordinary Conference of the Social Democratic party held at Bad Godesberg November 15, 1959) which said, Socialist aims to establish a society in which every
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individual can develop his personality and as a responsible member of the community, take part in the political, economic and cultural life of mankind. Freedom and justice are interdependent, since the dignity of man rest on his claim to invidual responsibility just as much as on his ackknowledgedment of the right of others to develop their personality and, as equal partners, help shape society. Freedom, jusice and solidarity, which are everyones obligation towards his neighbours and spring from our common humanity, are the fundamental values of Socialism. Democratic Socialism, which in Europe is rooted in Christian ethics, humanism and classical philosophy, does not proclaim ultimate truth not because of any lack of understanding for or indifference to philosophical or religious truth, but out of respect for the individual s choice in these matter of conscience in which neither the state nor any political party should be allowed to interfere. The Social Democratic Party is the party of freedom of thought. It is a community of men holding differents beliefs and ideas. Their agreement is based on moral moral principles and political aim they have in common. The Social Democratic party strives for away of life in accordance with these principles. Socialism is constant task- to fight for freedom and justice to preserve them and to live up to them, dalam Miller dan Potthoff, ibid, hlm.275 8 Eduard Bernstein in The Premisses of Socialism and the Task of Social Democracy (1899) was believed as a fundamental revisionist text of Marxism. His experience of conditions in England convinced him that the idea of oneand-for-all breaking of capitalim was a doctrinaire illusion, and that socialist should place their hopes in gradual social reforms and socialization as a result of democratic pressure, Leczek Kolakowski argued, Main Currents of Marxism: The Golden Age, Oxford University Press, USA, 1978. Berstein accepted the idea of transition towards socialism but rejected the of a political revolution since they thought the very economic process of capitalism led spontaneously toward socialism, see Bottomore, Tom, A Dictionary of Marxist Thought, Haven University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1983, page 485-487. 9 Sjahrir, Sutan, Sosialisme dan Marxisme: Suatu Kritik Terhadap Marxisme, Penerbit Djambatan, Jakarta, 1967 10 Suara Sosialis, op.cit., page 5. Compared this with the ideological and theoritical goal and basis of Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). PKI in General Program of Constitution of Indonesian Communist Party clarified, fighting to create a system of Peoples Democracy in Indonesia while the more advanced goal is to realize a socialist society as the beginning of communist society in Indonesia. All the works of PKI were based on theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and thoughts of Mao Tse Tung as well as big correction of MussoAll of these are to advance Indonesia from a country half-colonized and half-feodal to become a free, democratic, prosperous and advanced country, to replace the government by feodal masters and compradors and creating peoples government, Peoples Democratic Government. Peoples Democratic Government is a government that based itself on mass, a government of national united front that is formed on the basis of alliance of labor and farmers under the leadership of labor class. Considering how less developed our country is, therefore this Peoples Democratic Country will
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not be a dictator proletariat government, instead a peoples dictator government. It is not executing socialist changes but instead democratic changes...Furthermore, if the national and democratic revolution in Indonesia have reached their full victory, the PKIs responsibility would be to take necessary actions to realize a system of Socialism as an initial step of communism system in Indonesia. 11 Marx, Karl, dan Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto, Penguin Books, 19th ediction, 1985. 12 Marx, Karl, Capital, volume I, II, dan III, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1958. The brief works of Marx and Engels could be found in Ronald C. Tucker, The Marx-Engels Reader, Second Edition, W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., USA, 1978. 13 Bottomore, op.cit., page 48 . 14 Miller, op.cit., Eduard Bernstein: Letter to the Conference of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, Stuggart, 1898, page 243-244. Also see footnote no: 3, Kolakowski, op.cit., page 101-102, this letter is a response to its critic, in Congress at Stuggard, his view was attacked by Kautsky, Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg and followed by debates among social democratic movements in Europe, which ended up with cristalyzation of two camps pro-revisionist and anti-revisionist, and then, in spite of succession of antirevisionist resolutions and condemnations, and although Bernstein was opposed by most of the part; theorist, his influence was already clearly increasing within the party and the trade unionsHe was the real founder of the social democratic ideology as that term was generally understood between the wars, in opposition to Communism. 15 Bottomore, op. cit., page 486. 16 Bottomore, op. cit., page 486. 17 Bottomore, op. cit., page 49. 18 Salvador Allende quoted this statement of Engels in his book Chiles Road to Socialism (1973). See Arief Budiman, Jalan Demokratis ke Sosialisme: Pengalaman Chile di Bawah Allende, Jakarta, Sinar Harapan, 1987, page 18 19 Budiman, ibid, page 19. 20 See footnote no:7, especially on Democratic Socialism, which in Europe is rooted in Christian ethics, humanism, and classical philosophy. Also see Magnis-Suseno, op.cit., page 15, which explained,Socialist motives in Mid Centuries is closely related with certain religious concepts, especially with a consideration that to welcome the kingdom of God, people must be freed from all tiesThe dream that all own all together so that nobody has too much or suffer from insufficiency was the specific characteristic of ancient Christians. In Bibles New Testament it was reported that the first Christians in Jerusalem owned everything togetherUntil Mid Century, Church theologists argued that common ownership is the best way of life. One can say that from Stoa to Mid Century, common ownership is considered natural and part of Gods will, while personal ownership and wealth were considered a setback of human ancient. 21 Sjahrir, op.cit., Sosialisme di Eropah Barat, page 2. 22 Tucker, op.cit., page 220. Furthermore Engels explained in Anti-Duhring that the one that made socialism a science was two big findings of Karl Marx,
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which was: historical materialistic viewpoint and disclosure of secret of capitalism production through surplus value theory. The discussion on contemporary class and state role could be seen in Erik Olin Wright, Class, Crisis and the State, Verso, London, 1978 on in classical pieces of Lenin, State and Revolution published in Selected Works, volume 2, Foreign languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1960. 23 The product appropriated by the capitalist is a use-valus, as yarn, for example, or booths. But although boots are, in one sense, the basis of social progress and our capitalist is a decided progressist yet he does not manufacture boots for their own sake. Use-values is by no means, the thing quon aime pour lui-meme in the production of commodities. Use-values are only produced by capitalist, because, and in so far as, they are the material substratum, the depositories of exchange-value. Our capitalists has two objects in view: in the first place, he wants to produce a use-valu in exchange, that is to say, and article destined to be sold, a commodity; and secondly, be desires to produce a commodity whose value shall be greater than the sum of the values of the commodities used in its production, that is, of the means of production and the labour power, that he purchased with his good money in the open market. His aim is to produce not only use-value, but value, not only value, but the same time surplus value, in Karl Marx, Capital, Volume I, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1958, page 186. And then, the extraction of surplus value is the specific way exploitation exploitation takes places under capitalism, the differentia specifica of the capitalist mode of production, in which the surplus value tahen the form of profit and exploitation result from the working class producing a net product which can be sold for more than they receive as wages. Thus profit and wages are the specific are the specific form that surplus and necessary labour take when employed by capital. But profit and wages are both money and thus and objectified form of labour only through a set of historically specific mediations in which the concept of surplus value is crucial. Capitalist production is a form of indeed the most generalized form of commodity production. Thus products are produced for sale as values, which are measured and realized in the form of price, that is, as quantity of money. The product belong to the capitalist, who obtains surplus value from the difference between the value of the product and the value of the capital involved in the production process. The rate of surplus value = s/ v = surplus labour/necessary labour = hours worker spends working for capitalist/hours worker spends working for personal consumption, for more explanation see Bottomore, op.cit., page 472-475. 24 A measure of value based on hours of human labour embodied in commodities, or that all goods have values because they have labor power within it, since all commodities are the outputs of human work. According to Joseph A. Schumpeter, Everybody knows that this theory of value is unsatisfactoryFor economics as a positive science, however, which has to describe or explain actual process, it is much more important to ask how the labour theory of value works as a tool of analysis, and the real trouble with it is that does very badly, more explanation on this argument can be seen in Schumpeter, Joseph A., Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, Harper & row, USA, 1976, page 23-24. Comprehensive critics of the idea of scientific
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socialism and historism of Karl Marx could be followed in Karl R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume 2 (Hegel & Marx), Routledge, London, 1993 dan Popper, Gagalnya Historisme, LP3ES, Jakarta, 1985. 25 Mrazek, Rudolf, Sjahrir: Politik dan Pengasingan di Indonesia, YOI, Jakarta, 1996, page 745. 26 Mrazek, ibid, page.726. 27 Miller, op.cit., page 275. 28 The development of the idea eventually changes the partiality of political parties, not just to working class but to the whole society, for instance, this can be seen in the Basic Programme of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (adopted by an Extraordinary Conference of the Social Democratic Party held at Bad Godesberg from 13-15 November 1959) which said, In several countries of Europe the foundations of a new society have been laid under Social Democratic governments. Social security and the democratization of the economy are being realized to an increasing extentThese successes represent milestones on the march forward of the labour movement which has demanded so many sacrifices. The emancipation of the workers helped to enlarge the freedom of all men. From a party of the working class the Social Democratic Party has become a party of the people Only the prospect of a society based on the fundamental values of Democratic Socilaism can offer the world new hope, a society resting on respect for human dignity, on freedom from want and fear, from war and oppression, which is built in co-operation with all men of good will, in Miller, op.cit., page 286. 29 Declaration of Paris: The Challenge of Globalization, XXI Congress of the Socialist International, Paris, November 8-10, 1999. 30 Sasson, Donald, One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in The Twentieth Century, The Press, New York, 1966, page 538. 31 Solzhenitsyn, Alesandr I., The Gulag Archipelago, Harper & Row, USA, 1975 32 Sasson, ibid, page 538. Sasson also noted that, Eurocommunism would not survive the increasing erratic behaviour of the French, and the eccentricities of the then Spanish leader, Sactiago Carrilo. But for a time, it provided Western communism, and particularly the PCI, with a platform from which it could speak to the entire European Left, page 581. 33 Sasson, ibid, page 752-754. 34 Soros, George, The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered, Public Affairs, USA, 1998, page xvi. 35 Declaration of Paris, ibid, page 1. 36 Soros, ibid, page 102-103. 37 Sasson, op.cit., page 648. 38 Sasson, op.cit., page 715. 39 Sasson, op.cit., page 650. 40 Sasson, op.cit., page 650. 41 Sasson, op.cit., page 648-651. Ulrich Beck evaluated this phenomenon as the emergence of sub-politics, politics that has migrated away from parliament toward single-issue groups in the society. This new movements, groups and NGOs thus are able to flex muscles on the world scene and even global corporations have to take notice. Citizens initiative groups, he argues,
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have taken power unilatery, without waiting for the politicians. They, not the politicians, have put ecological issues, and many other new concerns too, on the agenda. Citizens group brought about transition in Eastern Europe in 1989: with no copying machines or telephone, they were able to force the ruling group to retreat and collapse just by assembling in a squareYet this idea that such groups can take over where government is failing, or can stand in place of political parties, is fantasy[because] one of the main functions the government is precisely to reconcile the divergent claims of special-interest groups, in practice in law, see Giddens, Anthony, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Polity Press, UK, 1998, page 49-53. 42 Sasson, op.cit., page 734. 43 Sasson, op.cit., page 734. 44 Sasson, op.cit., page 737. 45 Rentoul, John, Tony Blair: Prime Minister, Warner Books, London, 2001. 46 Tentang Our Commitment Global Progress dalam Declaration of Paris, op.cit., page 6. 47 Sasson, op.cit., page 734. 48 Declaration on Social Democracy in a Changing World, XIX Congress of Socialist International, Berlin, 15-17 September 1992, page 30. 49 Bobbio, Norberto, Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction, Polity Press, Cambridge, London, 1996, page 78-79. 50 Giddens, op.cit., page 41. 51 Giddens, op.cit., page 26. 52 Giddens, op.cit., page 7 and 70. 53 Martin J. Smith and S. Ludlam (eds.), Contemporary British Conservatism (London, Mcmillan, 1996), quoted by Paskal Kleden in Menuju Tengah Baru: Labour Party Inggris dan SPD Jerman di Bawah Tekanan Neoliberalisme (Pustaka Pelajar, Yogyakarta, 2005), page 74. 54 This supply-side-economics theory suggest that the captains of industry will use the added revenue to increase productivity through the purchase of new factories and machines and will also improve the condition of workers, by increasing wages, improving working conditions, and augmenting fringe benefits, as the trickle down effect. The reverse, demand-side-economics, which increases government regulation and taxation of big business. See Leon P. Baradat, Political Ideologies: Their Origins and Impact, Sixth Edition, Prentice Hall, USA, page 39-40. 55 Rentoul, op cit, page 253. 56 Kleden, Paskal, op cit, page 71. 57 Kleden, Paskal, op cit, page 169. With several changes from writer. 58 Also see Miriam Budiardjo (editor) in Simposium Kapitalisme, Sosialisme, Demokrasi (PT Gramedia, Jakarta, 1984) and Harsja W. Bachtiar, Percakapan dengan Sidney Hook, Jakarta, Djambatan, 1976. 59 Solzhenitsyn, recorded in The Gulag Archipelago (1975) that about 60 million people were massacred by Soviet Union regime for the 70-year communism tzar. In Cambodia, about 3 million people were massacred by Pol Pot and Khmer Rouge in less than one decade. Extreme Right like Hitler and Nazi massacred 6 million Jewish and caused the death of 60 million people during the Second World War, and then General (Ret.) Soeharto with New Order
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and Golkar (now Golkar Party) massacred 1 million symphatizers of PKI and Soekarnos supporters in 1965 and roughly 500,000 lives during the 32 year rule. 60 Five basic principles of Social Market (1) Competition principle: this principle guarantees the development of individual readiness to achieve and the freedom to consume through competition in market; (2) Social principle: this principle means correction of outputs of market, which are unexpected socially and to eliminate social tensions through social-politics; (3) The principle of political economic condition and political stability mentioned is the distribution of change in economic development in order to achieve sufficient economic development and guarantee over money without causing disruptions on the economy; (4) Harmonious market principles: this principle means wise economic-political intervention so that market process and minimal price setting would not be disturbed; (5) Principle of right to determine salary and the right to make voice: this principle include freedom to build association, which means freedom for workers and employers to join one union or employer association and the freedom to discuss between workers and employers in determining salary and wage rate without government intervention, including also the right to strike and the involvement of employees in process of education and training in companies and factories. See Gerd Botterweck, Sosial Politik dan Jaminan Sosial dalam Pasar Ekonomi Sosial, FES, Jakarta 2001, page 3.
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Sutan Sjahrir and Politics Of The Welfare State
ndonesian Socialist Party (PSI), represents the idea and movement of socialism. It explicitly distinguish itself from Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) which represents communist idea and movement in Inonesia, be it ideologically, in goals, strategy or party programs. PSI, through thinking and historical analysis of Indonesia society by Sutan Sjahrir determined populist socialism as its basis of ideology. The brief formulation of it is as follows, The socialism that we mean is socialism that is based on populism, i.e. socialism that uphold high equalit of levels of every human individual. Appreciation to individual person is expressed in appreciation and personal treatment of individual person in mind, as well as in impelementation of socialism. This personal appreciation and such view is actually the core idea of all big names of socialism creators, such as Marx-Engels, and others. Socialism should be no other than the perfecting of all populist dreams, i.e. genuine independence and maturity of human being. 1 The direct connection of socialism with democracy or populism have made Sutan Sjahrir to emphasize firmly the different goals and strategy of socialists and communists. Communists, in whatever condition, consider dictatorship proletariat as something that must be executed as a way to achieve socialism, although this is only after a revolution or rebellion against the fascist, feodal or colonial power, which initially did not allow the development of democracy.2
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The clarification of PSI and Sutan Sjahrir on the way of democracy and resistance to all forms of dictatorship because it contradicts the principle of socialism and democracy is apparently equal to Basic Programme of Social Democratic Party of Germany which said: We are fighting for democracy. Democracy must become the universal form of state organization and way of life because it is founded on respect for the dignity of man and his individual responsibility. We resist every dictatorship, every form of totalitarian or authoritarian rule because they violate human dignity, destroy man freedom and the rule of law. Socialism can be realised oly through democracy and democracy can only be fulfilled through socialim. Communist have no right to invoke socialist traditions. Infact, they falsified socialist ideas. Socialist are struggling for the realisationof freedom and justice while communist exploit the conflicts in society to establish the dictatorship of their party. In the democratic state, every form of power must be subject to public control.3 Socialism, Sjahrir continued, accept the need for rational and planned development, but at the same time it adheres to the concept of individual freedom. As distinct from the fascist or cominformist totalitarian system, it is convinced that socialism can only be realized, if the people as a whole, fully and actively participate in its implementation; in the totalitarian state, what is wanted of the people is only their obidience. Socialism is democracy in its most perfect form.4 Populist Socialism is a socialism that upholds high populism. Yet the true populism can only be achieved with and in socialism. His firmness in placing the populist character and democracy in order to achieve socialism, also to fight for civil rights and political freedom, was the value bases of principles that underlined the socialist or social democratic movement all over the world. Hence PSI firmly struggled so that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is implemented and guaranteed in Indonesia as priority political program in PSI National Program.5 The political program was the derivative of Basic and Political Views of PSI (Dasar-Dasar dan Pandangan Politik PSI)6, especially the one related to the understanding of populist socialism. PSI recognized and fought for Universal Declaration of Human Rights to be implemented in all countries around the world. In addition, it
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was made clear that, Populism is peoples government that is executed by people for people. It must contain the following humanity rights; a) the right for every person to have personal life without disturbance from the state; b) equal rights of every citizen before law, whatever the family background, ethnicity, men or women, religion or skin color; c) peoples representative with free election, equal and secret; d) government by the majority but by upholding the rights of the minority groups; e) law creaation done by peoples representatives; f) court system that is not influenced by government. This recognition of human rights, civil rights and political freedom is important for PSI to face all dangers of totalitarianism, be it on the Left, as expressed by communism, or on the Right, as expressed by militarism and other fascism. Therefore the populism socialism that was formulated by Sutan Sjahrir is basically built upon the values of: humanity or respect of human rights, populism/ democracy, freedom, solidarity to the oppressed and social justice. Glimpse of PSI history PSI was born on February 12, 1948 in Jogjakarta, after differences of ideology and politics within Socialist Party (PS). It broke and could not be united anymore. The official stand of PSI emphasized that since Mary 1947, within PS Party Board there was a clash on the principal understanding of the founding stand, vision, and color and ways to continue the struggle to save and complete national revolution. The different concept pertained to: a) Dissolution of Sjahrir Cabinet and the continuation of Party stand; b) Behavior and ways of party leaders during war, even there were no organizational leader who are firm; c) About the release of explanation of Political Condition from the Left Wing on January 22, 1948, which was signed by members of Party Board, which caused divisions of unity and national strength; d) About the stand of its founders on the presidential cabinet of Hatta.7 Sjahrir and his followers considered the opposition to Hattas cabinet in difficult political situation of Republic Indonesia to have more disadvantages than advantages, especially because Hatta is an
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influential person in Sumatera, which was badly needed at that time. The principal difference, according to Soe Hok Gie, have made the communists in the Left Wing used abusive language to Sjahrir and sacrificed him for the sake of saving face of general Leftist revolutionaries and especially the communists.8 PS itself is a party of merger between Socialist Peoples Party (Paras) of Sutan Sjahrir witih Indonesian Socialist Party (Parsi) of Amir Syarifuddin, on November 20, 1945. With the support from PS, Sutan Sjahrir became Republic of Indonesias Prime Minister from November 15, 1945 to July 3, 1947. At that time there was no principal difference between the two because they have a similarity of plans to organize political lines to achieve their ideological goals. But Soe Hok Gie recorded that the unity between the two figure was more based on the stand of anti-fascism and common interest to face Tan Malaka with his United Struggle.9 Hence, after those dangers are gone, the existing unity were also ruptured, wrote Hok Gie. Such tactical bound eventually, indeed, could not last long, only lasted from November 20, 1945 February 12, 1948. Sutan Sjahrir, who was the chair of PS (Amir Sjarifuddin as the vice chair of PS), along with Djohan Sjahrusah, Wijono, Soemartojo, Soebadio, Sitorus, Soepeno, Tedjakusuma, Tobing, Soedjono, Murad, Wangsawidjaja, Itji, Soehadi, Nurullah, Rochan, Kusnaeni, Kartamuhari, Soegondo, Soenarno, Sukanda, Rusni and Sastra were out of PS and founded PSI, rejecting communism, PKI, Soviet Union, and supporting Hattas cabinet. Meanwhile Amir Sjarifuddin and his followers, such as Setiadjit, Tan Ling Djie, Abdul Majid, joined PKI and formed FDR (Front Demokrasi Rakyat, Peoples Democratic Front), whose policy was class struggle in the form of class warfare, and the form of this was revolution against Republic of Indonesia, known as 1948 Madiun rebellion, led by Musso.10 Amir Sjarifuddin announced that he was actually a communist.11 Amir Sjarifuddin and Musso were killed due to this rebellion. Sutan Sjahrir indirectly revealed the division in his writing on Masa Depan Sosialisme Kerakyatan12 (Future of Populist Socialism) as follows,
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why dont we just have one Socialist Party in this country?...one that disseminates the goals and understanding of socialism in our society and nation. Why cant we try to directly merge all political parties who named themselves and admitted to be socialists in this country today?...the problem is that it is not that easy and smooth. Our goal and understanding, from the Indonesian Socialist Party side, which we teach and disseminate turn out different from what is disseminated by other groups who call themselves socialists. This is especially true for a group united in Indonesian Communist Party. The socialism that they declare is different from what we want and fight for. For instance, for them repression of rebellion and independence fight of Hungary, which was done by the ruling power in Soviet Union was socialism, while for us that was the action of imperialists and was a repression of independence, and an action and spirit that is not expected by the socialism that we adopt...government in the country [Soviet Union] that was mentioned by PKI...as people going toward socialism, are actually a government that repress the lives of many people, farmers and labor, even to a degree that is worse than the one done by capitalists today. They who rule in countries that are glorified and used as models by the PKI do not care about human dignity, in fact every day they stomp them with brutal and tyran means. We from Indonesian Socialist Party confirm that what is called Stalinism is not socialismwe as socialists who wants human freedom from all kinds of repression and exploitation and also have the duty to resist and oppose fake teaching that call themselves socialist teaching. Resisting the teaching and influence of communism domesticallly, which brought implications to Soviet Union, apparently was the more principal explanation, aside from official explanation of PSI, about the division within PS, which allowed PSI to stand independently. The break-up of party fusion of Sutan Sjahrir and Amir Sjarifuddin, according to Robert J. Myers, as explained thoroughly by Sutan Sjahrir was because of the increased communistorietation of the Socialist Party, which led to a growing emphasis on class warfare and alignment with the Soviet Union. 13
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Orientation toward communism and compliance to Soviet Union indeed also happened systematically within PS. Myers explaind that, Sjarifuddin and communist oriented members within the Socialist Party began to form a group inside the party in opposition to Sjahrir and his supporters. This was an early example of communist political infiltration. As development demonstrated, it was a goal of the Soviet Union to infiltrate and to take over the Socialist Party, which was the key party in the left-wing, in the legislative body, the KNIP.14 sehingga kata Sjahrir, the ideas and principles of the Socialist Party are being deliberately thrown overboard in order to meet the wishes of the communist.15 National Program Confirmation that socialism upholds high populism but the true populism could only be realized with and in socialism. In more popular saying one could say, socialism could only be realized through democracy way, while democracy can only be made perfect through socialism. Politics democracy, certainly, is not enough to realize socialism since socialism is clearly emphasizing and fighting for democracy in all fields of societal lives. National program of populist socialism, just as socialist movement programs in all parts of the world, mainly pertains to democracy in political arena that prioritizes the recognition and struggle over human rights, which are related to guarantee over civil rights and political freedom. National program of PSI in political arena prioritized on the first rank, guarantee human rights as stipulated in Universal Declaration of Human Rights.16 Furthermore PSI placed the direct intervention of state to guarantee distribution and peoples welfare as its political program by formulating that there must be States Formulation Council that will especially plan states economic strategy in order to realize peoples welfare through businesses of 1) state; 2) individuals; 3) peoples organization (cooperatives).17 In the field of economy, effort to secure economic democracy is firmly stated in PSIs national program in economy, among others
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the principles that, 1) economic process is regulated by state according to plans; 2) economic process is led and monitored by state; 3) state pushes and guides societal initiatives to strengthen the bases of peoples economy; 4) the strength of people is regulated and organized, cooperatives is used as bases of lives. Directly related with programs in economic field. PSI placed security over jobs and other social rights as national programs of labor sector. In this labor sector program, it is clear that the security over social rights that becomes the characteristics of the welfare state is also the specific characteristic of PSI with its populist socialism. This welfare state politics was translated in the form of national program of labor sector. Considering the important characteristic of this program, then all programs of labor sector were quoted directly in PSI National Program, which included, 1) Trying to eliminate unemployment and exploitation of human by human. 2) Securing basic social rights such as: - Right to work - Right to receive wage that suffices the needs of labor and family - Right to receive the same salary for same jobs - Right to have rest - Right to receive healthcare when ill or pregnant - Right to live for citizens who cannot work because of unemployment, disability, illness, or old age - Right of families to receive aids for children in order to maintain their living standards 3) Working to realize the principle of populism within corporations (industrieledemokratisering) 4) Perfecting labor and social security regulations and other regulations. Other fields that became the main struggle of PSI in its national programs such as: farming, employee management, education and culture, with emphases especially on democratizing education so that schools could be open to children from all levels, and their economic capability would no longer be a barrier to earn knowledge and expertise. This program clearly states that state must secure the
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right of every individual to earn education (knowledge and expertise) with no exception. In social sector, PSI confirmed its struggle for gender inequality with program of, adding job opportunities for women, in order to ease their true emancipation, with the basis of full equality in politics, economic, and social arenas between women and men. In addition, also to fight for the social security of parentless children, the disabled, the elderly, child healthcare and education by parents. In international sector, peace, international conflict settlement without violence and formation of international organizations to support efforts to advance welfare, peace, justice, and solidarity among societies and individuals around the world. Future of Welfare State Politics Unfortunately PSI was banned by Soekarno regime in 1960, along with Masyumi Party because they were associated with regional rebellion of PRRI (Revolutionary Government of Republic of Indonesia, Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia) in Sumatera. Although PSI officially denied such involvement, Soekarnos regime, which was supported by PKI and pro-military military regime still issued Presidential Decree to ban PSI. Sutan Sjahrir, its chair, died as political detainee of Soekarno regime on April 9, 1966. His age was 57 years old. Sjahrir was born in Medan, March 5, 1909, became the first Prime Minister of Republic of Indonesia at the age of 36. Until this day, President Soekarnos decision to ban PSI and Masyumi are not yet revoked. But PSI never dissolves itself. It continues to maintain and develop its organization, recruitment of cadres and its informal political education until today in the form of being intellectualacademician, non governmental organization, and youth movement, women and student, especially in every effort to fight for, consolidate and deepen democracy. It is not impossible that with serious, systematic and continuous planning, PSI in the future would reappear again formally as a determining political power in Indonesia. Especially ideologically,
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in contemporary political struggle, a political party that fights for the goals of socialism based on populism or socialism ideological void . PSI is not just representing the goals and thinking of socialism based on populism or democracy, but it owns strong historical root in fighting in the history of Indonesian politics, since Dutch colonial fascism, Japanese military fascism, even the national-fascism of Soekarno. It was also continued by its following generations in facing Soehartos and Habibies developmental fascism, and the democratictransitional regime of Abdurrahman Wahid today. All even must be redeemed by the banning of PSI, the incarceration of its party members and several of its following generation during Soekarno regime and when Soeharto was in power. Certainly the most tragic one was the death of its first and only chair as political detainee of national fascism regime of Soekarno.
Footnotes Penjelasan Azas dan Garis Politik Partai Sosialis Indonesia, Suara Sosialis, No:13 Th. III, 15 Desember 1952, page 6. 2 Sjahrir, Sutan, Sosialisme di Eropa Barat, Suara Sosialis, No.13, Th.III, 15 Desember 1951, page 2. 3 Basic Progamme of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (Adopted by an Extraordinary Conference of the Social Democratic Party held at Bad Godesberg from 13-15 November 1959) dikutip dari Sussane Miller dan Heinrich Potthoff, A History of Germany Social Democracy: From 1848 to the Present, St Martins Press, New York, 1986, page 246-247. 4 Kutipan dari Robert J. Myers, The Development of The Indonesian Socialist Party, Ph.D Thesis, University of Chicago, Illinois, 1959, page 12. 5 Progaram Nasional Partai Sosialis Indonesia. Sekretariat Dewan Partai PSI Bagian Pendidikan, Penerangan dan Penerbitan, Jakarta, 1952, page 9. 6 Dasar-Dasar dan Pandangan Politik PSI, Suara Sosialis, No.2, Th.IV, 15 April 1952, page 6. 7 Kepartaian dan Parlementaria, Publisher (?), Year (?), page 517. 8 Hok Gie, Soe, Orang-Orang di Persimpangan Kiri Jalan: Kisah Pemberontakan Madiun September1948, Bentang, Jogyakarta, 1997.
1
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Ibid, page 79 Ibid, page 221. PKI Conference August 27-28, 1948 decided a new composition of PKI organization leadership, which was announced on September 1, 1948. The Secretary General were: Musso, Maruto Darusman, Tan Ling Djie and Ngadiman, while the Secretary of Defense was Amir Sjarifuddin. 11 Amir Sjarifuddin said that he is a communist, and since 1935, when he was in, he joined Illegal PKI of Musso. Also Setiadjit, Abdul Madjid and Tan Ling Djie acknowledged to the Dutch, that they have been communists for a long time. Setiadjit and Abdul Madjid since 1936, when they still led Indonesian Association (Perhimpunan Indonesia) in town while Tan Ling Djie was a student from Lenin Institute and a member of Mussos Illegal PKI. Also pay a close attention to self-critic of Amir Sjarifuddin on September 9, 1948, As a communist I admit my mistakes, I will not make such mistakes anymore. I accepted 25 thousands gulden from the Dutch before Japan occupation to execute underground movements. But I accepted that money because Commintern (Communist International) suggested that we cooperate with colonial power in one front against fascism. See Abu Hanifah, Revolusi Memakan Anak Sendiri: Tragedi Amir Sjarifuddin, an article in Taufik Abdullah dkk (editor), Manusia Dalam Kemelut Sejarah, LP3ES, Jakarta, 1983, 4th edition, page 211-212. 12 Sjahrir, Masa Depan Sosialisme Kerakyatan, dalam Sosialisme, Indonesia, Pembangunan: Kumpulan Tulisan Sutan Sjahrir, LEPPENAS, Jakarta, 1982, page 89-90. 13 Myers, Robert J., op cit, page 13. 14 Myers, Robert J., op cit, page 26. 15 Myers, Robert J.,op cit, page 28. 16 Program Nasional, op cit, page 9. 17 Program Nasional, op cit, page 10.
9 10
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Latin America Against Neoliberalism
ocialism ghost is haunting Latin America. Neoliberalism projects that raise the banner of Washington Consensus tremble before it. Nightmare for United States (US), said cocoa farmer who becomes president of Bolivia, Evo Moralles, with Movement Towards Socialism (Movimiento Al Socialismo). Followed by Chiles Socialist Party in Center-Left coalition La Concertacion, Michele Bachelet. President Bachelet, who supported Salvador Allende who was killed by Pinochet in coup-attempt Jakarta Operation 1973, experienced some torturing. Venezuela is gripped by former General, progressive military, Hugo Chavez. Brazil was under Luiz Inazio Lula da Silva from Partido Trabalhadores (Labor Party). Uruguay is under Tabare Vasquez from Frente Amplio (Broad Front). Alfredo Palacio is leading Equador, and before him was a Leftist Colonel Vice President Lucio Gutierrez. Argentina is led by Nestor Kirchner from Peronist Party with center-left political platform. Farabundo Marti Liberation National (FMLN) from guerilla organization to the second biggest political power in El Savador. Socialism and Election What kind of socialism is this? So diverse in perspective and strategy of governance, from participatory budgeting of Lula, to renta
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petrolera of Chaves. Generally speaking the ideological spectrum of this socialist movement moves from continuum line of center and radical left to center-left. A coalition called Frente Amplio (Big Front) in Uruguay and La Concertacion in Chile reflect the diversity of elements. They still call them left family because they involve the Catholics/Christian, free intelectuals, Marxist, new-left, unions, native Indian, and progressive military, also guerillas in Uruguay, El Savador, Brazil and Bolivia. The extreme left idea adopted by Fidel Castro, key of Latin America (1959), is different from the big wave of socialism in Latin America today. This is because Castro still maintains proletariat dictatorship with single political party, without election and by being a president for life. Their historical inspiration, Allende (1970-1973), Sandinista (1979-1990), Juan Peron, and the collapse of Berlin Wall that ended proletariat dictatorship in Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Washington Consensus When military dictatorship mushroomed in Cold War between US and Soviet Union including the military regime of New Order in Indonesia part of socialist activities in Latin America were doing guerilla movements. After Cold War, the strategy changed to become an electoral movement of employing democracy through election. US pushed procedural election to form representative regime that supports new projects of neoliberalism, free-market-capitalism, replacing state-led-capitalism under military dictatorship. Resisting Washington Consensus is the main activator of this Latin America socialist wave. Struggle for democracy in politics against capitalism in its newest form, neoliberalism. What is Washington Consensus? (1) reducing public expenditure, especially for military and public administration; (2) finance liberalization with market-determined interest rate; (3) trade liberalization, along with elimination of import permit and reduction of tariff barrier; (4) pushing for foreign direct investment; (5) privatization of state-owned corporations for the sake of efficiency and effectivity of performance;
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(6) economic deregulation; (7) competitive value of currency in order to support export-based economic growth; (8) supporting fiscal discipline, and controlling budget deficit; (9) tax reform; (10) protecting copyright. All agenda is directly reflected in the agendas of WTO, World Bank, IMF and regional banks (ADB, AfDB, IADB, EBRD). Prospect and Problem If this leftist government could remain in power in 1-2 periods of election, certainly the face of Latin America would change. They would directly strike poverty, social inequality, and the trap of foreign debt. Now, 60 percent of population in Latin America live under poverty, 30 percent of them is extreme poverty, 40 percent of national income is reaped by 10 percent richest, while the 40 percent poorest only receives 15 percent. During 1992-2001, US$ 1.2 trillion was gone to pay foreign debt. Yet the amount of debt has doubled, in 1992 US$ 478,700 million, in 2001 all debts of Latin America was US$ 817,200 million. They also promote participatory democracy, such as participatory budgeting in Brazil so that local government budget (perhaps also national budget) could become the democratic right of every citizen. Several weaknesses of Latin Americas experiments, among others, (1) the policy alternative is still trapped in neoliberalism, hence Chile is called soft neoliberalism; rightist regime of El Savador signed free trade pact with the US, contradicting FMLN; (2) national populism of Juan Peron is stronger in influencing Chavez; (3) colorful socialism because of various theoretical perspective, eclectic, and bounded by short-term programs; (4) corruption trap for governments; (5) guerilla leadership halts democratic leadership. The future of socialism in Latin America very much depends on efforts to create alternative economic system of global and regional solidarity (Axis of Good Chaves, Moralles, and Castro) matching global neoliberalism. Also the possibility of emergence of other General pinochet to roll up Latin America socialist movement.
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For us the lesson is that we can find knowledge to as far as China, but to be literate in participatory democracy, learn from Latin America!
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Participatory Democracy and New Political Leadership
he wheel of history does not move forward in a straight line pattern; but if pushed by leaders who have determination and are skillful, the wheel of history would certainly move forward. (Samuel P. Huntington)1 The absence of democratic consolidation and new democratic political leadership is the critical problem of democratic transition in Indonesia today. Democratization on five main arenas of consolidation of modern democracy (civil society, political society, economic society, rule of law, state apparatus) is a must, but they will not be sufficient to secure long term democracy process if it only stops at reorganization of institutions. The guarantee for its sustainability comes from new democratic political leadership2, who believes in participatory democracy where people have the right and capacity to participate directly in the affairs of state.3 Not only as abstract idea, but to fight with mind, feeling, and soul. New generation of this participatory democratic political leadership has strong commitment on values and practices of democracy. They believe, not only in Indonesia, also in Japan today and all over the world, that people could cooperate in the spirit of humanity, justice, freedom, populism, equality, welfare, and solidarity. When this happens then, power, wealth and opportunity are in the hands of the many not the fewso that, freed from the tyranny of poverty, ignorance and fear,4
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Face of Indonesia For the Japanese who are present today, including Indonesian students at the Technology Institute of Tokyo, there may be questions on what the face of Indonesia would be after the fall of fascist dictatorship of New Order under General (Ret.) Soeharto on May 21, 1998. Generally speaking, I can describe it as follows, 1. Poverty and Social Inequality
Table 1. Total Population and Expenditure per person and per month
Expenditure Per Person and Per Month (in Rp) < 40,000 40,000 59,999 60,000 79,999 80,000 99,999 100,000 149,999 150,000 199,999 200,000 299,999 300,000 499,999 > 500,000 Total Population Expenditure Per Person and Per Month (in US$)* < 4.60 4.60 6.90 6.90 9.20 9.20 11.49 11.49 17.24 17.24 22.99 22.99 34.48 34.48 57.47 > 57.47 Percentage of Population Rural & Urban (%) 0.4 4.6 13.3 17.5 32.7 15.3 10.6 4.3 1.4 Number of Population 802,788 9,427,609 27,274,198 36,084,278 67,351,830 31,411,642 21,839,942 8,768,912 2,881,882 205,843,000
Source: Biro Pusat Statistik (2002) 1 US$ = Rp.8,700
If we use the World Bank standard for extreme-poor category, i.e. individual with income of less than US$ 1.00 per day, the monthly income would be US$ 30. The poor category is individual with income of US$ 2 per day or US$60 per month. Thus in the table above we can see how poor millions of Indonesian population are. Yet, in the midst of that poverty, around two hundred conglomerates who are listed as the worlds richest people are born. Even General (Ret.) Soeharto is mentioned to have wealth of about US$ 60 million.5 2. Corruption and Weakness of Law Enforcement If we follow the research result of Tranparency International (2002), then Republic of Indonesia today is ranked 96th, only above
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Kenya, Angola, Madagascar, Paraguay, Nigeria, and Bangladesh. Japan is in 20th position with Belgium and Spain. Even Vietnam is better than Indonesia, especially with Malaysia and Singapore. Finland, and Denmark, are almost always on the top rank of countries free of corruption.
Table 2. 2002 Corruption Perception Index
Rank 1 2 3 4 5 10 11 12 14 16 20 Nation Finland Denmark New Zealand Iceland Singapore Sweden United Kingdom Australia Norway Switzerland Hong Kong USA Belgium Japan Spain Malaysia Pakistan Philippines Vietnam Indonesia Kenya Angola Madagascar Paraguay Nigeria Bangladesh CPI 2002 9.7 9.5 9.5 9.4 9.3 8.7 8.6 8.5 8.2 7.7 7.1
33 77 85 96 98
4.9 2.6 2.4 1.9 1.7
101 102
1.6 1.2
Source:Transparency International
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The direct impact of corruption and weak law enforcement in Indonesia have made corruptors free to roam without punishment. Indeed this is odd, as the worlds sixth most corrupt country, there is no single corruptor is in jail. Certainly because the court system and its law enforcement personnel are also corrupt.6
Table 3. Big Corruption Cases (Including in State-Owned Corporations) (Several Examples)
Name Soeharto * Haji Thahir Ibnu Sutowo (with H Thahir) Beddu Amang Akbar Tanjung* Winfred Simatupang Dadang Sukandar Bambang Sutrisno Adrian Kiki A Handri Sunardio Kaharudin Ongko Cases Corruption Pertamina Pertamina BULOG BULOG** BULOG BULOG Surya Bank Surya Bank SEAB Bank SEAB BANK Loss of State Money (estimated in million US$) 60,000 45.0 3.8 2.3 4.60 4.60 4.60 172.41 172.41 4.59 770.12 Charge By Court Suspend 4 years 3 years 3 years 3 years Life sentence Life Sentence 10 months free Status free free free free free free free free free free free
Source: Mass Media
3. Serious Human Rights Violation Table 4 Gross violence of Human Rights Cases in Indonesia
Cases 1965 Massacre Tanjung Priok Massacre Criminal Suspect Massacre Student Killing 1. Trisakti (1998) 2. Semanggi 1 (1998) 3. Semanggi 2 (1999) 27 July Massacre May Riot (1998) Number of Victims (estimated) 500,000 - 1000,000 100-200 > 500 4 >5 >5 20-50 500-1000 Under the Presidency Soeharto Soeharto Soeharto Soeharto Soeharto Habibie Soeharto Soeharto
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4. Decline of Civil and Political Rights Since democratic consolidation and new democratic political leadership are absent, then the political society ruled by New Order and Neo New Order politicians equip their power with regulations that emasculate the execution of civil and political rights, just as they emasculate economic, social, and cultural rights of majority of people. Several examples, (1) the banning of emergence of local political parties, there are only national political parties; (2) executive candidates at national, provincial, and sub-district/city levels can only be nominated by political parties, political power is in the hands of political party oligarch; (3) the halting of revoking of TAP MPRS No.25 on Marxism-Leninism; (4) Presidential Decree (Dekrit presiden) on anti terrorism, which would soon be adopted as Anti Terrorism Law, which would re-engage TNI as its infrastructure through Territorial Command (Koter). 5. Foreign and Domestic Debts Indonesian foreign debt is roughly US$ 150 billion from various international institutions such as IMF, World Bank, ADB, CGI, and others. The problems with this debt is related to political and economic hegemony of those donor countries, including the pressure for government to execute ideological policy of neoliberalism that is promoted by Washington Consensus. What is Washington Consensus? (1) reducing public expenditure, especially for military and public administration; (2) finance liberalization with marketdetermined interest rate; (3) trade liberalization, along with elimination of import permit and reduction of tariff barrier; (4) pushing for foreign direct investment; (5) privatization of state-owned corporations for the sake of efficiency and effectivity of performance; (6) economic deregulation; (7) competitive value of currency in order to support export-based economic growth; (8) supporting fiscal discipline, and controlling budget deficit; (9) tax reform; (10) protecting copyright. All agenda is directly reflected in the agendas of WTO, World Bank, IMF and regional banks (ADB, AfDB, IADB, EBRD).
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Domestic debt is roughly Rp. 660 trillion or about US$ 75.86 billion, all must be paid through state budget. Aside from its size, which is burdening the state budget, its interest rate is also the market rate that is bigger than the interest rate for foreign debt. Soehartos regime left this debt burden to support bank liquidation in 1998 during the past monetary crisis. Conclusion Democracy in Indonesia is now in danger! If procedural democracy becomes the political laundry of political elite and old econonic elite who are trapped by corruption, collusion and nepotism and violation of human rights, then democratic transition would become permanent. Values, institutions, practices, and individuals who are anti democracy would again rule all arenas of democratic consolidation. Consequently genuine democratic consolidation and democratic political leadership are not going to happen. Consequently, the goal of achieving characteristics of democratic state would become a mere illusion. At least there are five characteristics of democratic state7, (1) legal state means bounded power to laws (Constitution, human rights, laws, free and impartial court); (2) government under the concrete control of society; (3) free, regular elections, which allow the majority of population to vote and be voted; (4) the majority principle, decision making through consensus or if this is impossible through the most votes; (5) security of peoples democratic rights: civil, politics, economy, social and culture. Theoretically, radical democrats must see that genuine democratic transition would only happen if we successfully reorganize the five arenas of modern democratic consolidation and replace the values, practices and individuals with new democratic political leadership. The following are the five arenas of democratic consolidation as explained by Juan J Linz and Alfred Stepan in Problem of Democratic Transition and Consolidation (The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
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Table 5. Five Arenas of Modern Democratic Consolidation

Arena Civil Society Primary Organizing Principles Freedom of association and communication Necessary Support from other Arenas Rule of law which establishes legal guarantees State apparatus to enforce rights of civil society to organize if these rights are violated Economic society with sufficient pluralism to support the necessary degree of autonomy and liveliness of civil society Needs legitimacy in eyes of civil society Needs legal guarantees anchored in rule of law and maintained by impartial state apparatus Legal and regulatory framework produced by political society, respected by civil society,and enforced by the state apparatus Primary Mediation upon other Arenas Interest and values of civil society are the major generators of political society Civil society generates ideas and helps monitors the state apparatus and economic society
Political Society
Free and inclusive electoral contestation
Economic Society
Institutionalized market
Rule of Law
Constitutionalism
A legal culture with strong roots in civil society and respected by political society and the state apparatus Normative support from civil society for rationallegal authority and its attendant monopoly of legitimate force Monetary support levied by political society and produced and rendered to the state by a functioning economic society, which has produced a sufficient taxable surplus
State Apparatus
Rational-legal bureaucratic norms
Crafts constitution and major laws Manages state apparatus Produces overall regulatory framework for economic society Produces the indispensable surplus to allow the state to carry out its collective good functions and provides a material base for the pluralism and autonomy of civil and political society Establishes a hierarchy of norm that make actions by and upon other arenas legitimate and predictable Imperative enforcement on civil, political, and economic societies of democratically sanctioned laws and procedures established by political society
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Under the current regime of Megawati-Hamzah, Soehartos political party along with TNI and its networks (veteran, family and paramilitary organizations) are active again, and are conformed to take over again the political and economic power in the upcoming 2004 election. Democratization in Indonesia today means struggle between the political power of democracy and anti democracy, between radical democrats with supporters of New Order and Neo New Order. If the democratic power lose, then the struggle of reform that started five years ago and is wetted by blood and lives of students and people is in vain. Thus Huntington is right, democratization is not a ready-to-use good, one that once taken over would work as expected. Huntington clearly said that the wheel of history or wheel of democracy will not move forward in the pattern of straight line. But it must be pushed by democratic political leaders who have determination and skills. With consistent push and good planning, then the wheel of history or wheel of democratization would certainly move forward.
Footnotes Huntington, Samuel P., Gelombang Demokratisasi Ketiga, Jakarta, Pustaka Utama Grafiti, 1995, page 406. 2 Ibid, page 339. In Germany and Japan, younger citizens with higher education are showing more pro-democracy behavior. The support for democracy in Germany is approaching one hundred percent when the German public consisted of educated people who spent their adult lives in Federal Republic of Germany. At the beginning of 1950, over one third of German citizens have indicated that they would support or be ignorant of efforts of new Nazi party to take over power and only less than one third supported the rebuilding of monarchy system. When asked to identify the most brilliant time of Germany, 45 percent chose the empire period before 1914, 42 percent chose the Third Reich, 7 percent chose Weimar Republic, and 2 percent chose the new Federal Republic. The support for Federal Republic increased to 42 percent in 1959, and 81 percent in 1970. In 1953, 50 percent of that German public argued that democracy is the best form government for Germany, and going towards 1972 the one saying it reached 90 percent. 3 Wainwright, Hilary, Reclaim the State: Experiences in Popular Democracy, Verso, London, 2003, page 67. In pages 44-69 it was mentioned that this practice
1
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is going on when, citizens invited to participate in the decisions made about the citys new investment called participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre, Brazil. This principle of popular participation has spread more widely through the citys administration. Opening up the blach hole of state finance and stimulating the growth of popular democratic power, that meant to share political power, the management of the city, with the community. Finance is power! So opening the budget was the best test of the sharing of power. 4 Rentoul, John, Tony Blair: Prime Minister, Warner Books, Great Britain, 2001. 5 Forbes, July 15, 1996, Wonowidjojo family owns wealth of US$6,7 billion, while Eka Tjipta Widjaja owns US$ 5,1 billion. How much is the precise value of Soeharto Inc.s wealth? Newsweek (January 1998) mentioned US$ 40 billion, Forbes named Soeharto the worlds fourth richest person (July 28, 1997). Several people are convinced that the value is around Rp.400 - 800 trillion, since his 7 children and grandchildren have 312-350 companies inside and outside the country (Todung Mulya Lubis, et.al., Soeharto vs TIME: Pencarian dan Penemuan Kebenaran, Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2001). Corruption of Soeharto and family is valued at US$ 15-35 billion according to Transparency International (25 Maret 2004), and this placed him in the first rank of ten worlds most corrupt political leaders. 6 Adagium para koruptor di Indonesia, sesama koruptor tidak boleh saling mengadili. Secara ekonomi argumen langsung kenapa koruptor berkembang biak, karena cost pelaku korupsi lebih rendah daripada benefit-nya. Berbeda dengan di Finlandia atau Denmark, benefit pelaku korupsi lebih rendah daripada cost-nya, karena penegakan hukum yang sangat keras. 7 Dahl, Robert A., Perihal Demokrasi, YOI, Jakarta, 2001. Also the view of Franz Magnis Soeseno in limited paper for internal discussion Forum Demokrasi.
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Post Developmentalism, To Social Distribution
istory properly so-called, in which men (classes) fight among themselves for recognition anf fight against Nature by work, is called by Marx the realm of necessity (reich der Notdigketit); beyond (jenseits) is situated the realm of freedom (Reich der Freheit), in which men (mutually recognizing one another without reservation) no longer fight, and work as little as possible.1 Economic development in Indonesia boomed during the 31 years ruling of New Order (1965-1996) after a very bitter civil war in 1965. 2 In 1970s until early 1980s, the main source of that develoopment was oil bonanza.3 What was the result? Not just economic achievements with significant rate of growth, but also social inequality and poverty. New Order government was led by General (Ret.) Soeharto, and ABRI as its backbone, and was supported politically by Golkar. In paper The Road not Taken by Developmentalism: Human Rights and Democratization, I already described that condition. Economic development versus inequality and poverty, the theoretical background of economic development versus empirical reality. The conclusion, we must elaborate and try to formulate alternative theory and practice that could harmonize economic, social, cultural and political achievements with equality and welfare in society and pushing autonomy and individual freedom. The theory and practice could harmonize the achievement of economy-social-culture- politics with human rights and democratization.4
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Today, in The Sixth Asia-Pacific Youth Forum, this introductory paper attempts to study and elaborate the consequences of developmentalism in cultural perspective. The culture that is understood as value and economic-social-politics situation and interest where a group of people living day to day. The main cultural stream of developmentalism when industrialization becomes dominant economic power was the culture of labor and the capitalist culture. The main face of labor culture in developed and developing countries, including in Indonesia, is the culture of poverty. Such culture of poverty, as stated by Dennis Goulet, This unique culture shock comes to one as he is initiated to, the emotions which prevail in the culture of poverty. The reverse shock is felt by those living in destitution when a self-understanding reveals to them that their life a neither human nor inevitableThe prevalent emotion of underdevelopment is a sense of personal and societal impotence in the face of disease and detah, of confusion and ignorance as one grope to understand change, of servility toward men whose decisions govern the course of event, of hopelessness before hunger and natural catastrophe. Chronic poverty is acruel kind of hell is merely by gazing upon poverty as an object.5 Culture of Labor Lets pay a close attention to the direct description of the culture of poverty as experienced by labor in their daily lives. First, Yani (20 years old) a labor at lumber sawmill industry in East Java (Surabaya) in 1996/1997 earned Rp. 3,700 per day with additional bonus of Rp.2,500 per week. Everyday she spents Rp. 2,000 to eath day/ afternoon and night. My wage every month is spent on food Rp. 42,500. And then for room rent Rp. 15,000 per month. The remains was Rp 27,500, but I must share about one half or one third of it with my parents. My wage is truly only to live modestly, said Yani.6 Second, a labor in North Sumatera (Medan), Our wage is still Rp 3,000 per day in 1996/97. If we speak to media, we fear the company would fire us. There are many spies of company security units around here, it may be that tomorrow they would question us
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about this interview. So please do not write our names.7 Third, Director of PT Sanyo Industries, a joint company of Indonesia and Japan, Hasmi Hasan, was warned by DPRD not to have dialog with labor in his company. Whats the problem? The management of PT Sanyo will reduce the wage of their employees if they were late for thirty minutes. Labor were disappointed with the regulation because every month they are only paid Rp 150,000. That is the wage for workers who are already has the working experience of 18 years. Fourth, two labor activists, Z Ahmadi, SH and Buddyono from All Indonesia Workers Union (SPSI, Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia), labor organization founded by New Order government, were threatened to be laid off by the management of PT. Pet Aron for reporting to Minister of Manpower about the labor condition in their company. They only receive 50 percent of their salary and were banned from coming to work.8 Fifth, nearly 400 labor of PT Delta Tushindo in East Jakarta were on strike. They demanded the company management to allow for the formation of labor organization in that company. SPSI labor organization is actually founded by New Order government. They also demanded the company to provide life insurance and improve the condition of labor lives in that company9. Sixth, a female labor in Surakarta reported the director of her company to police because the director gave her two tablets that made her unconcious and then raped her.10 From a number of labor cases in Indonesia, Center for Human Rights Studies (Pusat Studi Hak-hak Azasi Manusia) obtained evidence from their research on several main issues of labor in Indonesia. 1. Fired for being involved in labor organization activities. 2. Management controls over members of labor organizations. 3. Management prohibits formation of labor organization. 4. Sexual harrassment. 5. Wage discrimination based on sex. 6. Management refuses to pay wages according to regional minimum wage. 7. Management refuses to pay overtime wage. 8. Management cuts wage (with excuses of income tax, transportation cost, and others).
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9. Management refuses to pay life insurance, transportation, lunch, etc. 10. Fired for doing strike. 11. Working condition that is dangerous and unhealthy. 12. Military intervention when labor are doing strike.
Table 1 Labor Cases in Indonesia (June 1994-June 1995)
A B C D E F G H Month 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 3 0 40 3 26 19 June-August1994 2 4 6 0 87 12 78 27 September-December 1994 1 2 3 0 185 11 55 29 January-March 1995 0 4 4 4 175 16 65 40 April-June 1995 3 14 16 4 487 42 224 115 Total: 905 cases Source: Index of Human Rights, Center for Human Rights Studies, 5/1/ 1996 Notes: A : Slavery B : Control over members of labor organization C : Prohibiting activities of labor organization D : Discrimination and sexual harrassment E : Wage, regional minimum wage, allowances, life insurance, etc. F : Refusing permit request G : Firing H : Dangerous and unhealthy working condition
Table 2Minimum Regional Wage in 25 Provinces in Indonesia (1996 - 1997)

No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 336 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Province DI. Aceh North Sumatera West Sumatera South Sumatera Riau/ Batam Island - Outside Batam Jambi Bengkulu Lampung DKI Jakarta Central Java DI Jogyakarta Bali West Nusa Tenggara West Kalimantan Central Kalimantan South Kalimantan East Kalimantan Central Sulawesi Southeast Sulawesi South Sulawesi Maluku East Timor Irian Jaya West Java Central Java 1996 Day/US$ 1.49 1.79 1.39 1.49 2.88 1.77 1.41 1.49 1.49 1.96 1.28 1.21 1.66 1.26 1.49 1.58 1.49 1.79 1.19 1.43 1.32 1.62 1.62 2.02 1.96 1.58 1996 Month/US$ 44.74 53.69 41.33 44.74 86.28 53.05 42.18 44.74 44.74 58.79 38.35 36.43 49.85 37.71 44.74 47.29 44.74 53.69 35.79 42.82 39.63 48.57 48.57 60.72 58.79 47.29 1997 Day/US$ 1.64 1.96 1.53 1.64 3.13 1.96 1.53 1.64 1.62 2.22 1.45 1.36 1.81 1.39 1.62 1.77 1.62 1.96 1.36 1.56 1.45 1.75 1.79 2.19 2.22 1.83 1997 Month/US$ 49.21 58.79 46.02 49.21 93.95 58.79 46.02 49.21 48.57 66.47 43.46 40.90 54.33 41.54 48.57 53.05 48.57 58.79 40.90 46.66 43.46 52.41 53.69 65.83 66.47 54.96 Change % 10 9,52 10,76 10 8,88 10,84 9,09 10 8,57 13,04 13,33 12,28 8,97 10,16 8,57 12,16 8,57 9,52 14,28 8,95 9,67 7,89 10,52 8,42 13,04 13,15
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25
DKI Jakarta Central Java DI Jogyakarta Bali West Nusa Tenggara West Kalimantan Central Kalimantan South Kalimantan East Kalimantan Central Sulawesi Southeast Sulawesi South Sulawesi Maluku East Timor Irian Jaya West Java Central Java
1.96 1.28 1.21 1.66 1.26 1.49 1.58 1.49 1.79 1.19 1.43 1.32 1.62 1.62 2.02 1.96 1.58
58.79 38.35 36.43 49.85 37.71 44.74 47.29 44.74 53.69 35.79 42.82 39.63 48.57 48.57 60.72 58.79 47.29
2.22 1.45 1.36 1.81 1.39 1.62 1.77 1.62 1.96 1.36 1.56 1.45 1.75 1.79 2.19 2.22 1.83
66.47 43.46 40.90 54.33 41.54 48.57 53.05 48.57 58.79 40.90 46.66 43.46 52.41 53.69 65.83 66.47 54.96
13,04 13,33 12,28 8,97 10,16 8,57 12,16 8,57 9,52 14,28 8,95 9,67 7,89 10,52 8,42 13,04 13,15
Source: Departemet of Manpower of Republic of Indonesia Note: Exchange rate of July 1996, US$ 1 = Rp 2,347
Capitalist Culture In Forbes magazine on The Worlds Richest People (July 15, 1996, page 124-232), Indonesia contributed ten worlds richest people with estimated wealth of US$ 1.3 6.7 billion. Therefore for 31 years of New Order rule, we successfully grew ten worlds richest people.
Table 3 Worlds Richest from Indonesia (Forbes Research, 1996)
No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Name Wonowidjojo Family Eka Tjipta Widjaja Liem Sioe Liong Putera Sampoerna Ciputra Prajogo Pangestu Djuhar Sutanto R. Budi Hartono Sjamsul Nursalim Mochtar Riady Wealth Estimation (US$) 6.7 billion 5.1 billion 4.5 billion 2.8 billion 2.3 billion 2.2 billion 2.0 billion 1.6 billion 1.3 billion 1.3 billion Industry Tobacco Diversification Diversification Tobacco Real estate Lumber Diversification Tobacco Diversification Real estate, Finance
Source: Forbes, July 15, 1996
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Japan as industrial country and the most richest in the world, according to Forbes research, contributes 40 worlds richest people. Their net wealth are around US$ 1.0 9.2 billion. The following table shows ten richest people in Japan.
Table 4 Worlds Richest from Japan (Forbes Research, 1996)
No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Name Yoshiaki Tsutsumi Yasuo Takei Masayoshi Son Masatoshi Ito Iwasaki Minoru & Akira Mori Keizo Saji Kyosuke Kinoshita Goroemon Yoshimoto Rinji Shino Wealth Estimate (US$) 9,2 miliar 5,2 miliar 4,6 miliar 4,0 miliar 4,0 miliar 3,9 miliar 3,2 miliar 3,1 miliar 2,5 miliar 2,5 miliar Industry Real estate, transportation Consumer finance Software, publishing, trade Retail Real estate, hotel Real estate Food and beverages Makanan dan minuman Consumer finance Real estate Real estate
Source: Forbes, July 15, 1996
Table 3 and table 4 above provide abundant information for us. Imagine, how could a developing country like Indonesiai contribute 10 billionaires to the world? Look and compare, the wealth estimation of Japans second richest billionnaire, Yasuo Takei and family, whose wealth is estimated US$ 5.2 billion, is smaller than the wealth of the first richest billionaire in Indonesia, Winowidjojo and family, whose wealth is estimated to value US$ 6.7 billion. Very impressive and sickening, isnt it? Pay a close attention, the ten billionaires from Indonesia are of Chinese descents. They become the worlds richest not because of race background but because of their close relationship with elite government of New Order, especially with Soeharto family. They receive facilities, monopoly, oligopoly, credit incentive from state and private banks.11 Arief Budiman said that capital accumulation from New Order entrepreneurs came through state bureaucracy and with ABRI support.
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Liem Sioe Liong, for instance, is a non-indigenous entrepreneur who is very close to President Soeharto. He receives monopoly in industries of wheat flour, cement, and steel. Although Liem always denied such closeness to mass media, My business became big and bigger not because of closeness with Soeharto. But Christianto Wibisono, an economist, said that we cannot detach the relationship of entrepreneurs and elite politics during New Order era.12 The newest evidence (mid 1996) on the closeness of business relationship with economic policy of New Order is the national car policy (mobnas). This policy is supported by Soeharto, through Presidential Instruction (Inpres) and provided the one and only license to develop national car to his youngest son Hutomo Mandala Putra Soeharto. Critic of that policy came from Japan, Europe and US. Japan expected the involvement of WTO (World Trade Organization) regarding this policy matter, but New Order government still maintain it with the excuse of state right. Conclusion First, if the socio-economic reality is maintained as contradictory as now, as the fruit of developmentalism of Soeharto and New Order, then it is impossible to achieve socio-economic distribution ever. Economic-political elite will become richer, while the majority people, such as labor and farmers would be further down in poverty. During 31 years of New Order, socio-economic inequality is growing bigger. Just compare, labors income is only about Rp. 100,000 Rp. 150,000 per month, while the wealth of first richest person in Indonesia, Wonowidjojo family, is about US$ 6.7 billion or Rp. 16.8 trillion. Second, paradigm rupture or anomaly between developmentalism in theory and practice generates new enlightenment opportunity to develop alternative theory that could harmonize social, economic, cultural and political achievements with equality or social distribution in society and autonomy as well as individual freedom. Like Thomas Kuhn said in The Structure of Scientific Revolution13, scientific revolution could be explained as
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follows: pre-scientific new science crises (anomaly) revolution new-science new crises Third, in cultural perspective, developmentalism generates two antagonistic culture, culture of labor and capitalist culture. Capitalist culture dominates, controls, and exploits the culture of labor through ideological state appratus and repressive state apparatus. Indonesian society is a mirror of struggle between the two antagonistic culture. Fourth, developmentalism does not just defend the two antagonistic culture but also reproduce it. Because developmentalism uses the theoretical perspective that is value free and a view point of linear and absolute history.14 Fifth, the sitution is what Herbert Marcuse said in One Dimensional Man15, Contemporary industrial civilization that it has reached the stage at which the free society can no longer be adequately defined in the traditional terms of economic, political, and intellectual liberties, not because these liberties have become insignificant, but because they are too significant to be confined within the traditional forms. New modes of realization are needed, corresponding to new capabilities of society. But in developing country such as Indonesia, the new realization pattern of its society would emerge from the social condition of Two Dimensional Society or Two Dimensional Cultures, rather than the social condition of One Dimensional Man. Sixth, empirically, we can end this introductory paper by saying that history still continues instead of ending (the end of history) as mentioned by Fukuyama. Because contradiction or struggle between two culture in our society continues, and becomes reality mirror or current social-politics-economy. History continues, because human being is the subjects and also because it is fueled by struggles of interests among humans.
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Footnotes Fukuyama, Francis, The End of History and The Last Man, New York, Avon Books, 1992, page 287. Fukuyama quoted from Alexander Kojeve, Introduction to the Reading of Hegel, page 435. 2 There were about 500,000 1 million lives of PKI sympathizers and supporters of Soekarno who were massacred. But Sarwo Edhi Wibowo said proudly that his troop killed three million lives. He only referred to victims in Java island alone. 3 Percentage contribution of oil industry to national income is the following: 19.7% (1970-71); 26.2% (1971-72); 33.5% (1972-73); 35.6% (1973-74); 55.5% (197475); 55.7% (1975-76); 55.7% (1976-77); 55.1% (1977-78); 54.1% (1978-79); 63.6% (1979-80); 68.6% (1980-81); 70.6% (1981-82); 65.8% (1982-83). Data taken from Income, Budgeting and Expenditure of Republic of Indonesia. 4 Paper for the 5th Asia-Pacific Youth Forum, Fukuoka, August 1995. 5 Quoted from Michael P Todaro in Economic Development of The Third World (Longman, 1989). 6 Kompas, 1995. 7 Ibid, 1995. 8 Harian Terbit, Pos Kota, and Sinar Pagi, June 6, 1995. 9 See Sinar Pagi, May 27, 1996. 10 See Suara Merdeka, June 6, 1995. 11 See Yoon Hwan Shin, Demistifying The Capitalist Political Patronage, Bureacratic Interest, and Capitalist-in-Formation Soehartos Indonesia (PhD dissertation, Yale University, May 1989). Also see Richard Robison, The Rise of Capital (1986) and Arief Budiman The Emergence of the Bureacratic Capitalist State in Indonesia (1985). 12 Interview with Liem Sioe Liong, Warta Ekonomi, February 1994. 13 Kuhn, Thomas, The Structure of Scientific Revolution, Chicago, Chicago University Press, 1970. 14 See W.W.Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, London, Cambridge University Press, 1960. 15 Marcuse, Herbert, One Dimensional Man, Boston, Beacon Press, 1964. page 3-4.
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From Predatory State To The Welfare State
hat is the difference between SBYnomics and Soehartonomics? If we pay a close attention to current economic-political architecture of Indonesia today, we would inevitably come to the conclusion that SBYnomics is nothing more than Neosoehartonomics. Politically indeed struggle for democracy after Soeharto have generated several political rights such as the right to organize and form political party. But the laws made by traditional politicians (New Order and Neo New Order) later obstructed local parties, hindering independent candidates to be president, governor, bupati/walikota (head of distric/sub-district), and legislative members. Civil rights on freedom to hold beliefs grew parochially, hence there are defects such as attacks to belief communities and Ahmadiyah mosque, also religious conflict regarding houses of worship. The same is true with the freedom to think and voice opinion, defected with the murder of Munir for endangering NKRI, critiquing TNI and BIN, symbolic violence of MUI verdict that opposes secularismpluralism-liberalism, also the circling of Liberal Islam Network by Front Pembela Islam (Islam Defender Front), and the untouched Tap MPRS No. XXV/1966 on Marxism-Leninism. If civil and political rights begin to develop with limitations, economic rights is not touched at all. Look at Indonesias economicpolitical architechture, still everlasting as the time of totalitarian New Order regime was in power. Pyramid of socio-economic inequality
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that becomes the basis of Soehartonomics reproduces itself completely with its dark side, poverty, unemployment, hunger, and others. Indeed there is several shifts of factional power, or even the involved individuals, but its main building remains strong, unshakable. Reproduction of this economic relation is what we call Neosoehartonomics. Predatory State We start from the following empirical data on inequality of national income distribution for the population for 29 years (19752004). Data from BPS (Indonesias Central Bureau of Statistics), governments agency, shows the socio-economic inequality that becomes the face of Soehartonomics and Neosoehartonomics today.
Table 1. Income Distribution by Classification World Bank and Gini Ratio Indonesia 2004.
Year 2002 2003 2004 1975 20% Highest Income 42,19% 42,33% 42,07% 40% Moderate Income 36,89% 37,10% 37,13% 40% Lowest Income 20,92% 20,57% 20,80% 16,10%
Source: BPS, 2004.
For 29 years (1975-2004) 40 percent population with lowest income only increased 4.7 percent. This is while at the beginning of 1980s, when oil bonanza of governments income from oil and gas increased 157 percent from US$ 7.4 billion (1978/79) to US$ 19.0 billion (1981/82). Then, governments income from oil and gas sector increased 271 percent from Rp 2,309 trillion (1978/79) to Rp 8,575 trillion (1981/82). Who controls Indonesian economy after oil bonanza and stateled-capitalism under the military dictatorship of General (Ret.) Soeharto?
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Tabel 2 Terkaya di Dunia dari Indonesia (1996)

No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Name Family of Wonowidjojo Eka Tjipta Widjaja Liem Sioe Liong Putera Sampoerna Ciputra Prajogo Pangestu Djuhar Sutanto R. Budi Hartono Sjamsul Nursalim Mochtar Riady Wealth Estimation (US$) 6.7 billion 5.1 billion 4.5 billion 2.8 billion 2.3 billion 2.2 billion 2.0 billion 1.6 billion 1.3 billion 1.3 billion Industry Tobacco Diversification Diversification Tobacco Real estate Lumber Diversification Tobacco Diversification Real estate, Finance
Source: Forbes Research, July, 15 1996
The ten richest people above are cronies and collusion of Soeharto and family. If in 1996 the pie of national income ws only enjoyed by about 200 conglomerates (indigenous and non-indigenous business groups, Soeharto-family, and ABRI), then in 2005, seven years after Soeharto was toppled on May 21, 1998, the building of Indonesias economic political architecture remains unshaken. Look at the change of national income that is earned by 20 percent population with highest income, from 2002, 2003, and 2004 respectively: 42.19 percent, 42.33 percent, 42.07 percent, never less then 42 percent. Meanwhile 40 percent population with lowest income always stay at 20 percent. The same with the group of 40 percent population with medium level income in the past three years, which is around 36-37 percent. Meanwhile the individuals who enjoy the national income pie remain in place, or experience shifts in political power. Cendana family, non-indigenous conglomeration, and TNI business, for instance, is marginalized politicaly, lose their political power over the indigenous national bourgeoisie power, which in the past was raised by Cendana family and state-capitalism of New Order. For instance, capital concentration (asset) is getting firmer at the hands of Grup Bukaka conglomeration of Jusuf Kalla/Vice President and Chair of Golkar Party, and Bakrie Group of Aburizal Bakrie/
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Coordinating Minister of welfare, former Coordinating Minister of economy, functionar of Golkar party. Politically speaking, this indigenous national bourgeoise power is the one directing capital under the current regime of SBY-Kalla. In addition to strengthening power in cabinet, by placing over 50 percent of entrepreneurs (for instance, Sugiharto State Minister of State-owned Corportions from Medco Group, Fahmi Idris Minister of Industry from Kodel Group, and Yusuf Asyari Minister of Peoples Housing from Bimantara Group), they also control the legislature by placing Agung Laksono, former president director of ANTV from Hasmuda Group, as Deputy Chair of Golkar Party as well as Speaker of DPR-RI. Mass media too is controlled through Surya Paloh, Head of Advisory Council of Golkar Party from Media Group (Metro TV). The Cendana family and cronies are still very much in charce of television networks, such as: RCTI, Global TV, TPI, Indosiar, ANTV, Metro TV, SCTV, Trans TV, LaTV. Therefore, there are several important similarity between the economic political architechture of Soehartonomics and SBYnomics: (1) growth minus distribution, creating accute social inequality and social exclusion through extreme poverty, unemployment, hunger, disease, homeless people, and others; (2) growth minus capital distribution (asset), capital concentration (asset) is growing solid in the hands of indigenous national bourgeoisie who grows under New Order through the power grip of executive and legislative.1; (3) growth with dependency (capital and international market), foreign and domestic debt are about Rp. 1,282 trillion. Rp. 46 trillion is the principal and Rp. 24,375 trillion of interest rate for foreign debt (2004), and interest rate for foreign debt of Rp. 25,142 trillion was paid by APBN 2005. Fuel price that is associated with international market so that Shell, Petronas, Mobil Oil, and others could also do retail fuel business in Indonesia, and export-based growth; (4) growth minus capital restructurization, architechture of its capital fraction, 1. International (IMF, WB, ADB, CGI, Foreign Direct Investment and capital portfolio); 2. State-owned corporations; 3. TNI/Polri; 4. Conglomerates (indigenous and non-indigenous); 5. Small (Micro) and Medium Business; (5) accute and continuous social economic inequality in the
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past 29 years (1975-2004), 40 percent national income is hold by 20 percent population with highest income, 36-37 percent national income is hold by 40 percent population with medium income, while 16-20 percent national income must be competed among 40 percent population with the lowest income. Our conclusion, New Order state and post New Order state are acting as predatory state for their society. During New Order, we recorded domestically, the concentration of power or economic political monopoly creating special social classes. Eventually they produced three relational ism, i.e.: developmentalism (with orientation towards growth and benefits economic and political elite); consumerism and militarism (direct violence that is the consequence of structural violence of seizing and exploitation in the fields of economy, social, politics, and culture).2 The Welfare State The welfare state is the enemy of predatory state. What is the welfare state? The welfare state, ..is a state which provides all individuals a fair distribution of the basic resources necessary to maintain a good standard of living (Richard Quinney, The Prophetic Meaning of Modren Welfare State, 1999). The welfare state secures and practices economic, social and cultural rights maximally and optimally. While predatory state ignores and takes away economic, social, and cultural rights that are actually protected by the state as stipulated in the Opening of 1945 Constitution, forming an Indonesian government that protects all Indonesians..to advance public welfare and educate the nations life. Therefore also ignores and takes away UN International Agreement on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966) that recognizes that, the dream of independent human who are free from fear and inadequacy could only be reached if there is conducive condition for everyone to enjoy her economic, social and cultural rights. Because of this UN international agreement, the state is bounded by article 3, which said, Country participants of this agreement secures the same rights between male and female to enjoy
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economic, social, and cultural rights that are incorporated in this agreement. Of course there is no democracy if the majority of population is living in poverty and fear of death because of disease and hunger. Manipulation of civil and political rights for satisfying the interest of political elite, the traditional politicians of New Order and Neo New Order, have halted the securing of economic, social and cultural rights by the state. We still face the scream of desperation and death because of emanciation, and incurable deadly disease because of poverty. After last Mays increase of fuel price, there are already thirteen people died of 563 victims in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB). Eight of them were toddlers of 359 toddlers who suffered emanciation and malnutrition. It is estimated that there are 1.67 million Indonesians who suffered emanciation after last March fuel price increase.3 Because democracy for us means struggle to realize human rights (1948), civil and political rights (1966), and economic, social and cultural rights (1966). Therefore, public welfare and educating nations lives must be based on human rights and the international agreement. An acknowledgement that welfare and individual education are the rights of everyone in the world, without exception, including in Indonesia. If there are one individual whose rights are taken away or ignored, then the government that secures those rights lose its political, moral, and humanity legitimacy. Democracy and Welfare State There is no other way, the welfare state that protects the economic, social and cultural rights maximally and optimally must in parallel also protect maximally and optimally civil and political rights. Substantive democracy means democcracy that protect and maximize the execution of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Procedural democracy, as current reform regime of SBY-Kalla, is only practicing lipstick democracy, applying predatory state of New Order with layer of lipstik and cheap political communication on those rights, such as the the Direct Cash Aid after fuel price increase in March and October 2005.4
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Therefore, the struggle of radical democrats to realize substantive democracy and the welfare state in my opinion is the value, idea, and struggle to free human beings from exploitation, repression, domination, and humiliation by other human being. Motivated and enlightened by seven main values, i.e.: humanity, justice, populism, freedom, equality, welfare, and solidarity. Its organizational struggle is based on broader mass, not only on economic relation, but also to include social relations, culture, gender, and others, in so long as there is exploitation, repression, domination and humiliation of human by human in the inter-human relations. To conclude, at the end of this year of 2005, we together will say no to predatory state of Neosoehartonomics that is a reproduction of Soehartonomics. Because once again, democracy to us is exactly like mentioned by Erich Fromm in Escape from Freedom (1994), Democracy is a system that creates the economic, political, and cultural conditions for the full development of the individual. Individual right and social right is the heart of democracy and the welfare state.
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Criticism and Freedom Must Be Defended5
he absence of healthy public space to discuss has created plenty of mutilation of ideas in this country. This condition also close the many opportunities to find social norms for common lives. Consequently, there are many misunderstanding between groups and violent actions that emerge. That was the conversation between Novriantoni of Liberal Islam Network (Jaringan Islam Liberal, JIL) with M. Fadjroel Rachman, Chair of Working Committee of Indonesian Socialist Society, last Thursday (2/15). NOVRIANTONI (JIL): Bung Fadjroel, you are often called a socialist. What does that mean? M. FADJROEL RACHMAN: I make a distinction between a socialist and a communist. Usually I would say that a socialist is still willing to go to mosque, church, or other worship places. There are even those who did pilgrimage to Mecca such as Soedjatmoko, the famous Indonesian intellectual. This means, they still try to be religious. Because, socialism is actually a flag with several streams of thinking. The conclusion point is that socialism is understood as value, idea, and struggle to free human being from exploitation, repression, domination, and humiliation of human by other human. There are also those basing the idea to religion and for that reason is called religious-socialism. They do not at all know the ideas of Marxism. For them, in religion itself there are ideas of justice that must be implemented in life, the interesting example is H.O.S Tjokroaminoto in Sosialisme dan Islam. Meanwhile, Mohammad Hatta,
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former first Vice President of Republic of Indonesia, tried to develop Indonesian socialism by combining Islam, genuine democracy, and Marxist analysis on capitalism, colonialism, and imperialism. But there is also democracy-socialism that bases itself on democracy and almost say that socialism is capitalism plus political regulation. There are also those who call themselves socialistlibertarian who fights for individual rights and social rights of society in parallel way. There is also Marxist-socialism that is non-communist. They take the ideas of Marxist but do not acknowledge several of its doctrinal aspects, such as proletariat dictatorship and class war. There is also populist socialism that was developed by Sutan Sjahrir, which uses Marxism critically and put more emphasis on values of humanity and populism. See his book Sosialisme dan Marxisme: Suatu Kritik Terhadap Marxisme (1967). JIL: As a socialist, how do you know religion? Thank God I have quite strong root of religiosity that dialectically develop my personal life. First, NU traditional root. I like its idea of aculturation with culture. Second, modernism of Muhamadiyah is also interesting because it brings the idea of social alms in its spirit of religion and modernism. And thirs, three generations of my country are fortunately living in the spirit of scientific rationalism of the West. Thus, I live in three pillars or the dialectical elements. Those are what actually shape me. Hence I am not very allienated from religion. JIL: Does scientific rationalism push you to not have any organizational affiliation to NU or Muhamadiyah? Apparently yes. But in my family there are always those who follow directly one of those mass organizations. But I am truly never involved in the organizations of NU or Muhamadiyah. When I was a student at ITB, I took pure chemistry as my major (science). I am more enticed to the idea of rationalism that pushes criticism, individualism, dialectic, and materialism. Religion for me is motivation from actions. I cannot get out from that point, and may be that is the one that benefits me as an individual in social life. When I was a student, I once were between the tension of scientific rationalism and religious doctrine. Even until today I am still under that tension, certainly with a different understanding than
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when I was a student. Mohammad Iqbal says, only in your anxiety you will know yourself. I also follow Iqbal when he said that it is in anxiety and tense of that search, human creativity would reach Gods creativity. At one point I had the thought that knowledge or science may be used as the basis of religion. But I eventually understand that knowledge and science is just providing a method, just like mentioned by British philosopher, Karl Popper, on problem solving methodology. Eventually science only provides method and problem solution that are tentative, hypothetical, and fallible (could be wrong); and therefore it cannot be used as the basis of faith. But that does not mean that knowledge or science is the antithesis of religion. Knowledge and religion have their own methods in solving problems. Religion actually also cannot take over the position of science. In my opinion, religion is like a quantum leap of conscience to faith. In this era, it is hard to imagine if someone suddenly says, I will slaughter my son because God told me to! like Prophet Ibrahim did to Ismail his son. Everyone may say that that is crazy and has no common sense. Such case is an example of leap of faith over conscience. I thin, science cannot provide that basis. Hence religion and science are two different things. But religion still provides motivation, such as the effort to revitalize principles of justice, humanity and solidarity. Such motivation gives birth to what is called theological humanism that is based on religion. But scientific rational thinking could also produce humanismsecular ideas that to me is not at all contradictory with religion. The two moves on the basis of the same desire to develop human solidarity; wanting to live with others or exist with others, without relations of exploitation, repression, domination or humiliation. JIL: So socialism and religious doctrin on justice could meet? It can, although religious leaders always ask: what is your foundation? But all of those could be answered in a simple way. Friends who are religious leaders may say that the foundation is from God, in the form of enlightenment or prophets saying and behavior. From there, spirit of justice grows. But secular-humanis group bases
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its idea on the existence of others; because I am present with other people. Therefore, norms or humanistic values develop. Or, I cannot know who I am if others do not react to me. The lightest example is when you stare at me, I may ask, What is wrong with me that he stares at me in such a way? Thus, the foundation is the desire to exist with other people, which generates norms and values of justice and humanity. JIL: You grown in the spirit of scientific rational spirit. Are you ever tempted to conduct spiritual search? I did ever think if science could be my basis to believe in God. But I am finally convinced that that is not possible because science is tentative, hypothetical, and fallible (could be wrong). When someone creates big bang theory as one of the basis of religious belief, I think he is wrong and have taken a shaky foundation. Because in science, aside from big bang theory, there are other theories too. And who knows, in time the theory will be gone and replaced by new theory. Read the thin book of Stephen Hawking A Brief History of Time, on the most recent physics and universe theories. The case is just as dangerous with scientific interpretation of religion. Ptolomeus once said that earth is the center of the universe and his thesis was adopted by Church. When Copernicus said that it was the sun that was circled by the earth, according to his research finding, the Church still hold on to the old dogma. Consequently, people like Galileo Galilei must be punished with home jail for life, and Giordano Bruno was burned for his belief. Therefore, in that searching process, I found that faith is faith, and science is science. To me, all people cannot be a total atheist. For a scientist, to prove that God does not exist is just as difficult as proving that God exists. Therefore, there is a big problem if scientific logics or mathematical logics are applied to religion. For instance, in science, there is always people who want to say that physics and chemistry findings prove Gods existence. Others say that everything is already said in Koran or other religions holy bible. But now, NASA send its mission to Pluto to examine its universe evolution. If suddenly there is found something different from what is followed by relition, what would religion say? The big problem in
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religion logic is tautology trap; feeling that it never has the possibility of being wrong. JIL: Bung Fadjroel, there are those arguing that socialism is religion in broader meaning, while religion is socialism in narrower meaning. What is your take on this? We shall return to the definition. Socius means friend or buddy in Latin. What is wanted by the socialists is the concept of homo homini socius, human is friend for other human. This is in contradiction with the concept of homo homini lupus, or human as wolf for other human. This means, what is searched by socialist movement is values that exist in common human lives, one that could be used as common basis of action in handling social, political and economic problems. The proper term is values-centered socialism. The values are justice, humanity, populism, freedom, solidarity, welfare, and equality. Those are values that also could grow from various religions, and even from people without religious beliefs. But all acknowledge those values as the basis of common lives. Because without those values, we are expected to kill one another. JIL: But why do socialists do not always have a good term with religious leaders? They are actually not contradictory. At least, that is what happen to me. I am pleased to be invited by friends who are religious activits, such as PKS, KAMMI, HMI, PMII, and other religions such as Buddhist and Catholic. I participate in their training and has no problem at all. But during New Order period, there was a misunderstanding that equates socialism with communism, while socialism is different from communism. Socialism is rooted further in the scientific-socialism teaching of Karl Marx. Actually, the main root is religion. When religion came, he stroke injustices. When Islam came, he condemned slavery, killings of women, and others. That is actually also part of socialism. Ibrahims religions acknowledge that human is equal before God. That is actually also the main basis of socialism teaching. JIL: If one is rooted in socialism, why still need socialism? Perhaps the answer is this. God is indeed the source of truth, but the problem is, in the process of searching the truth, religions
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have many interpretations. Those interpretations plus histories of religions that are no less complicated. When talking about history, in Islam itself, the first three caliphs were killed by their opponents. Even Imam Husein, the grandchild of Prophet, with his 70 followers were killed by 30,000 followers of Yazid bin Muawiyah in Karbala, Iraq today. His head was cut, kicked, spitted, and carried publicly to Yazid palace. Which means, in the history of religion itself, violent element is present since its beginning. Well, the problem is, which interpretation of truth that we will follow? In Sunni Islam, there are several versions and streams, in Shiite Islam too there are various version and streams. I mean, the interpretation of a group of people about religion and the truth of religion must indeed be separated. Therefore, socialist group as mine also attempt to find formula so that religious groups or non-religions groups could live on the basis of common values. The basis of values we can just take from motivation of religion, humanism spirit, philosophy, culture, or whatever that could tie our lives together in a just and human way. That way we could exist together, live together. We can respect one another and develop common values and norms of life. That is what being taught in the open society concept of Karl Popper. Through open society, individuals choose and are responsible for their freedom, with that way human becomes themselves, creating themselves. But problems still exist, every individual could certainly absolutize its interpretation on God, religion and truth. If it was the dominant authority who does this, then there would be inquisition like that in the Middle Ages. Therefore, what we reject is absolute interpretation of knowledge or religion. I reject absolute interpretation of the two. I imagine every human being is given freedom to create herself in one open historical space. Human create their own history and future. There is end (endism) that is predetermined arbitrarily, even by science. JIL: Bung Fadjroel, there is a grand reduction of the meaning of socialism and communism. For instance the perception that socialism and communism is anti God and anti religion. Why do these happen?
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The socialists always say that communist people robbed the values of socialism. Their excuse, in Marx book of Communist Manifesto, is clear that there is socialism that is rooted in philosopy, culture, humanism, even religion, way before scientific socialism exists. Marx undermined Christian Socialism and German Socialism, for instance, and condemned Proudhon, Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Robert Owen. Well, if we want that understanding, actually we are rooted far into that direction. But the communists always say that there is one and only valid socialism idea is communism or scientific socialism, which is actually pseudo-scientific. The product is 70 years of Soviet Union regime with victims of 60 million people dead. Read the crazyness of that communist regime in Solzhenitsyns Gulag Archipelago. This may be similar to what happen today to Islam. Suddenly there are many people stunned because Islam is equalized with Al Qaeda. Suddenly people were shocked. That is the same with the astonishment of the Christians when charismatic group was seen as the only face of Indonesian Christianity. Certainly the Catholics also reject Cesare Borgia, former cardinal, figure of Machiavellis Il Principe that wa brutal and barbaric, son of Pope Alexander VI as the face of Catholic people. So there, there is mutilation of ideas. In Indonesia, it happens because in New Order period all that is socialist, communist, even liberalist were strongly challenged. Not even under New Order, until today Liberal Islam Network is totally opposed. This means, we indeed never have healthy public space to discuss an idea? True. Therefore the biggest idea of struggle of socialist movement is securing civil rights. In principal, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights must be fully secured and fought for. If there is any groups that is surrounded by mass, such as Liberal Islam Network that was surrounded by Islam Defender Front (Front Pembela Islam), for reasons osf different thinking, then they must be defended because to think and have opinion are rights. This has nothing to do with dogmatism, because some socialists do not care anymore with Marx. The socialists only say, we fight for the civil and
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political rights of every individual. If members of Ahmadiyah were chased because of their belief, they must be defenced because to adopt one belief is a right. Regardless if this belief is considered deviant by the majority? Yes. Because it is with freedom that people could create themselves; human could become human. At this point we ask: what is the meaning of freedom? That is the possibility to doubt, make mistake, and conduct exploratory process or experimentation, also the possibility to say no to whatever authority that halts, be it political, social, religion, philosophy, esthetic autorities, or others. In such climat of freedom, there is always the opportunity to make mistakes. Human has the potential of truth and mistake at the same time. And they are free to be tested in their fallibility. In the frame of knowledge, that is called the possibility to do falsification. Because it is through process of error ellimination that life could develop, which means people learn from mistakes. And at that point also civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights could develop. JIL: What is the stand of the socialists on violence because of differrent religious beliefs? The socialists oppose this, because the perpetrators are challenging and taking away other peoples civil and political rights. The one who is right is God, while human only provides interpretation of truth. Therefore the statements of people who misled certain religious groups should never exist if we rely on civil rights to hold certain belief. The right to freely voice opinion, meet and associate, must be protected, because that is our way to exist together. That is the norms that are achieved by human and allowed by religion. If God is willing, all people could hold a uniform Islam, or become one Christian. Yet there is still diversity. Indeed in diversity there is dialog, and in healthy dialog will grow what we call truth. It cannot be that somebody calls himself the rightest. Therefore, we always need public space or democracy space where dialog could be executed in healthy ways while respecting others civil rights. The biggest enemy of knowledge is dogmatism, while the biggest enemy of democracy is authoritarianism and totalitarianism.
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JIL: What kind of state could be expected to accomodate many groups and streams peacefully? Socialism always take democracy route. That democracy route means the protection of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of every group. Meanwhile the communists try to take over the state to enact dictatorship; and that is what opposed by the socialists. For them, there need to be one ruling class (the proletariat), while differences beyond the aspiration of ruling group are stopped and muzzled. The end point is totalitarianism. For the socialists, socialism without democracy means dictatorship, and in return, democracy without socialism means injustices. Religion actually also has big potential to become totalitarian, especially when it interprets things absolutely. The same with socialism. Thus all teachings, be it secular or non-secular, have the potential to become totalitarian and kill people. Just like what Hannah Arendt said in The Origins of Totalitarianism that every ideology has totalitarian element and will develop fully if there is a totalitarian movement that supports it. Therefore, what we underline is: every religion or stream of thinking must continue to defend the climate of criticism and freedom. Freedom there means that we can still make mistake and learn from mistake. There is nothing absolute from products of human thinking. The one who is right is just God. The absence of monopoly of truth requires us to continue to defend democracy space.
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Footnotes Inequality of control in managing and processing land and natural resources is crucial problem in agrarian reform in Indonesia. The emergence of kings of forests, mining, plantation, giant ponds, housing, tourism, and entertainment, those controlling lands for hundreds even million hectares. Land acquisition in Indonesia by farmers is not more than 0.8 hectares per household farmer, and in total they only control 17 million hectares of farming land. Even there are 12.5 million household farmers that are categorized as small farmers where there are 9.9 million landless peasants or about 32.6 percent of total household peasants in Indonesia. Data from Bachriadi and Wiradi (2003) quoted by Petisi Cisarua: Menagih janji SBY untuk Reformasi Agraria di Indonesia (2004). In addition, it was also revealed the dispute and conflict that emerge from that inequality, for 30 years (1970-2001) there were 1,753 cases of land dispute in the category of structural land dispute. In those disputes and conflicts, no less than 1,090,868 households became direct victims and this covered no less than 10.5 million hectares of disputed land. On July 21, 2003, 1,000-1,500 farmers in Bulukumba faced the apparatus in the dispute with PT London Sumatera, five people died of shooting and dozens others were wounded and arrested. 2 Rachman, M. Fadjroel., Eksepsi Manifesto Politik: Memperjuangkan Kedaulatan Rakyat. Bandung, 1989, page 28. 3 According to Kasubdin of Health Service in West Java, dr. Fita Rosemary, until February 2006 in West Java there were recorded at least 24,372 toddlers suffer from malnutrition based on calculation of body weight per age. The number is a cumulative of 24,211 old cases and161 new cases in 9 district/ city. The number actually is not yeat a representative of the overall condition of West Java because there are still many districts/cities that have not submitted reports.Pikiran Rakyat, Saturday, March 4, 2006, page 9. The number of poor families in Indonesia in 2006 based on data of Direct Cash Aid (Santunan Langsung Tunai, SLT), according to State Minister of PPN/Head of Bappenas Paskah Suzetta, is 17 million households, an increae of 1.7 million households since 2005 (Pikiran Rakyat, Saturday, March 4, 2006, page 9). If every household consists of five individuals, therefore the number of poor people in 2006 in Indonesia is 85 million people. If we follow the World Bank Standard, the number would certainly grows bigger, because the category of extreme-poor includes individuals earning less than US$ 1 per day, while the category of poor includes individuals earning US$ 2 per day. 4 The funds saved from fuel subsidy in October 2005 is valued Rp 21 trillion, but allocation of payment of foreign and domestic debts (principal and interest rate) is around Rp. 125 trillion, allowances for DPR members increased by Rp.10 million per month, budget for office of President increased 57.7 percent to Rp 1,147 trillion, budget for office of vice president increased 145.9 percent to Rp. 179.2 trillion. Oddly, the political party that rejected fuel price increase such as PDIP ended up accepting the allocation of the fuel subsidy. The opposition stand of PDIP to the government is a lipstick opposition, no substance, no consistency, just to increase bargaining leverage in public. The
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same is true with Welfare Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. PKS), a party that always has two faces, it rejected fuel price increase in March and October 2005, but later quickly approved it, including to accept the increase of DPR allowance. 5 Several parts of this interview is completed from its original, or the sentences are improved to provide more clear and precise information.
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Fadjroel Rachman,
Activism Of A Young Intellectual
en years have passed but it did not change the characteristics of poetries of Fadjroel Rachman, a figure more known as a young intellectual and political activist. The compilation of Fadjroels poetries that was recently published, Sejarah Lari Tergesa (History Runs Hurriedly), still speaks about the grimness, about blood, injustices, and dark politics. The poetries that he wrote during reform period did not change much compared to the poetries of Catatan Bawah Tanah (Underground Notes) that he wrote while being jailed for three years in New Order jail. Fadjroel indeed has not changed. When studying at the Department of Chemistry of Bandung Technology Institute (ITB, Institut Teknologi Bandung), Fadjroel have started to develop his intellectual talent by wrestling with books on politics, social and economy. That intellectual exploration is what brought him to the world of activism. He helped rebuilt student activity in ITB that was nearly dead after the after 1978 cleaning. The intellectual wandering led him to be a student press activist and managed the campus magazine Ganesha. In campus, Fadjroel was also active in PSIK (Perkumpulan Studi Ilmu Kemasyarakatan, Association of Social Science Studies) and in poetry activities that he was appointed President of Literature Appreciation Group (GAS, Grup Apresiasi Sastra) at ITB. Intellectual live, activism, poetries and mass media are what he is still doing until now. I am not a poet. I like writing, be it essays or poetries, said Fadjroel.
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From his family background, Fadjroel is far from political arena. His crossing with other world happened accidentally when he was asked by a friend to see the lives of trash collectors in Tegallega, Bandung. He said, That what when I begin to see that the world is not as beautiful as in ITB or in my family. Fadjroel tried to develop abstracts of reality of the poor society that he witnessed by finding explanations from books of Sritua Arief and the dependency theory of Andre Gunder Frank, also the physics expert and philosopher Karl Raimund Popper who introduced science methodology for social sciences. His engagement with the books led him to build relationship with a number of well-known culturalists and intellectuals such as the late Soebadio Sastrotomo, Mochtar Lubis, and Soedjatmoko. His knowing Soedjatmoko was very impressive that he was determined to jump into intellectual and activism activities, two worlds that Fadjroel said should not be separated. With the suggestion of Soedjatmoko, he too was involved in Forum of Asia Pacific Youth in Tokyo until now. For nearly three years Fadjroel have been conducting intellectual exploration through discussion groups or student press before becoming an activist. In 1987-1989, three years after college, Fadjroel along with other student activists were doing advocacies for farmers of Kacapiring and Badega. Fadjroel and 20 other student activists were detained for two days in police station. In that action, his head was bleeding and must received seven stitches. He and friends were only freed after about 5,000 students in Bandung demonstrated to the police stateion to demand their release. That incident in fact strengthens Fadjroels activism. Still under the repressive period of Soeharto, he was appointed field commander in a long march action of 60 kilometres from ITB Campus to Garut. The action was dissolved by policy by shooting rubber bullets. I was chased by my assistant president of the university, Indra Djati. He tried to stop us by taking a start from ITB campus, he said. Fadjroels activism could no longer be tolerated by the New Order ruler when he and friends rejected the visit of Rudini, then
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Minister of Internal Affairs. Although Rudini visited ITB during holiday time, the rejection action was participated by no less than 300 people. The banners expressed rejection of Rudini and demand for Soeharto to step down. Rudini left the campus although Fadjroel and five other friends ended up to be arrested. All activism journey of Fadjroel and student activists at that time were revealed, including the plan to conduct all at once demonstrations of students from various cities to Merdeka Palace. He and five friends were jailed in Bakorstanasda for one year before being sentenced for three years in jail. Behind the four jails that he was in, Fadjroel continued his activity to write poetries and conduct intellectual exploration. He wrote his poetries on pieces of papers, smuggled them outside the jail by putting them in between shoes soles. His poetries that was written behind jail were later published in a compilation of poetries Catatan Bawah Tanah (Underground Notes). Mochtar Lubis was interested to publish the poetries that was mentioned in my pledoi, except two poetries that was considered too strong for that time, told Fadjroel. While in jail, Fadjroel received offers by high-ranking military officers and even Soeharto family to apologize in return for promise of position and going to school abroad. Fadjroel refused to compromise. He chose to climb career as assistant manager in Bukaka Group, but it only lasted three years. He later opened his own business with friends while continuing his activism and continuing school in the graduate program of University of Indonesia (UI) in the field of economy. He returned as an activist with his status as presidium member of Forum Wacana UI, joining thousands of students to again demand Soeharto to step down from power. When activists competed to join political parties, Fadjroel chose to remain outside. Instead, in this election Fadjroel diligently wrote and campaigned for New White Group (Golput). Fadjroel admitted that one day he would join a political party if a political party that is moved by democracy activists, such as Akbayan Party in Philippines, is born.
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That is only possible, in his view, if there is room for local political parties to exist. So long as such party is absent, he will continue to be outside and be White Group. Still in activism, appearing in newspaper, television, discussions, and of course in poetries. Poetries and White Group are both having 40 million meanings, said Fadjroel. (P. BambangWisudo)
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Fadjroel Rachman, Figure and Thoughts (Optimism for the Birth of Democracy Regime)
t has been nine years of journey for Indonesia since President Soeharto relinguished power. During those time too, the hope that was launched high is descending slowly. Indonesia is taken in prolonged transition because the agenda of change was not executed totally. In the midst of anxiety of reform hope that never come, a hint of optimism appears in M Fadjroel Rachman. Democracy is a big historical stream, it needs new generation of leadership, an alternative power with progressive idea of change. The following is the excerpt of conversation with Fadjroel, an activist and thinker. How do you see the nine-year journey of reform? Our initial desire was not just a change in national leadership, but also structural change. The 1998 Reform Movement was only successful in toppling Soeharto but was not successful in revoking its economic social regime until today. The elements of New Order for this nine years are revitalizing themselves and determining the direction and pace of reform. Golkar Party becomes very fresh until this day. Conglomeration that became the basis of current economic inequality is taking over national leadership. Next, 3.7 million people in bureaucracy inherited from New Order are also irreplaceable. The emergence of Yudhoyono means that TNI is finding its recuperation point. Reform agenda to eliminate TNI/Polri business until today is not working.
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How is this possible? 1998 Movement was practically just a mass movement, it did not have solid idea of change and organization for political change. How is this possible? Because during New Order rule, there was no opportunities to express opinions openly thus dialogs to produce alternative ideas are truly closed. Since there was no political rights, also no solid organization of movements. Students came to MPR/ DPR building as anonymous mass, not as organized and educated mass. The main key of reform failure is because Soeharto is not punished. When a crime is left out without trial, the space becomes blur. As if democracy space becomes a room where all is allowed. Initial scenario? Soeharto and Habibie was finished as a package that must be toppled because they are the top of New Order regime. Yet, during the occupation of MPR/DPR building, the problem was, the one that came to heart and mind was just Soeharto. New Order returns with only three steps: elevate Habibie, elevate Gus Dur (Abdurrahman Wahid) and use Megawati to set aside Gus Dur; and beat Megawati. At that time there was 1999 election as democratic mechanism. Part of reform element participated in election, part of them rejected because the election was organized by Habibie and New Order control. Especially since Golkar still participated. In transition from totalitarian regime to democracy, there is bridge with several condition. One, new constitution. The mistake of totalitarian regime is corruption and serious violation of human rights. Chech made lustration law. Communist party and its officers, to local levels, were not allowed to participate in election for one period. In Indonesia, the transition bridge is all gone. Thus, this is indeed a regime of recondition. The fact is, is there anyone who choose to participate in election? They who participated are rolled in the game, also validating and legitimizing the game. Their mistake (the one who participated and lost) was that they thought the hysteria mass that toppled
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Soeharto was their mass. That is non-sense. What happened in 1999 election was two legitimacy and one illusion. Then, how to fix it? What should be done by new political power is democratizing this limited democracy. The parameter of democratic regime is the securing of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. Those were dismantled. The main task and challenge is to uproot cleanly through new political agenda. The worst part of reform was the conglomerates and merchants who led and guided states economic political policy. Under the New Order, they were led and guided by Soeharto. Data from World Bank, during 1975-2004, the map of distribution of income has not changed. For five periods of presidency, social inequality, economic gap, are everlasting. Is it still possible to do? If we look at the experience of Latin America, they too failed once, there was some kind of disappointment virus. After being disappointed, they concluded: they must base themselves on social movement, building alternative power with alternative political program. One power of 1998 student movement said that they would take over political power, basing it on students. That is non-sense, illusion, rotten dream. If they want to build an alternative political power, they (student movement) must become one part of other power of social movement. Is it possible that there would be actors who would execute such progressive program? Political change cannot rely on just one person, but there must be one generation of national leadership. If this Republic only relies on Soekarno, on Hatta, if there was no Sjahrir, this Republic would be gone. Our dream today is to create a national leadership generation that together would be responsible for the fate of this big ship. Optimism Fadjroel very much admires Sjahrir, Hatta, and Soedjatmoko, whom he called Father of Democracy of this Republic. In addition,
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Fadjroel also calls the physics expert and philosopher Karl R Popper as a figure that influences his way of thinking, that pushes the application of scientific ideas on social movement. Social political policy is hypothetical, temporary, fallible, and complies to critical approach, said Fadjroel. While at Bandung Technology Institute (ITB, Institut Teknologi Bandung), Fadjroel matures with a number student actions that sent him a number of times to jail. The culmination, August 5, 1989 action led to three year sentence (with once being sent to Nusakambangan) plus being fired as student of ITB. While in jail, his humanity is protected with the chances to write and to garden. Also, in jail Fadjroel learned to cook. One of the memorial menu that his wife often misses is pizza-likepoverty. Young Fadjroel learned karate as means of self-defense. Now, this father of two children prefers to hike with family. Any advantage of Indonesian position post reform like today? People reflect and contemplate. The pace of consolidation of New Order elements is far quicker than that of the alternative political power. Change must be progressive and local. If not, what happens is just compromise like today, stopping us from jumping to democracy regime. We are in a prolonged transition of democracy. You are still optimistic that reform would find its goal again? It is only one more step to finish this. The most important lesson of the past nine years is that reform can easily be hijacked by snake people because we are not strong enough to formulate program and agenda of political change, not serious in developing organization that is truly mature that we are easily infiltrated and be defeated by enemy. We are wrong, they too once were wrong, but we learn from disappointment. Democracy is like a flood of history. New Order people, military, and the recondition order would definitely be eliminated by the rush of history. Perhaps now is just a founding stone for future democratic regime. Many activists use reform as stepping stone. Many have changed, but not all. As a journey, some stay for a while, some move on. Hopefully the caliphs could continue to
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complete the journey to the oasis of democracy. For those who stay for a while, its okay as long as they are not disturbing the journey. Because indeed what we are doing is trial and error. Democracy is about struggle of ideas, convincing people to believe in ideas. The last sentence (Soe Hok Gie) in the Gie movie was really good. It is better to be exiled than to give up to hypocracy. (Sidik Pramono)
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Epilogue
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Epilogue
Shouting (for Democratization) Without Frustration

By: Effendi Gazali *)
he closing words for this book of M. Fadjroel Rachman should be just short. Or else they will be more as a disturbance for comfort instead of a closing for what were presented by this young intellectual and advocacy activist. Certainly, this book is very comprehensive. From its sub title, we can start seeing Fadjroels attempt to describe and take stand on the phenomena of freedom, democracy and the welfare state. On certain side, because of this quite broad attempt, I suggest from the start that the kind readers should be ready with a little note book or with your electronic cellular note. Start to pay close attention to the names and main ideas of Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stephan since the early part of this book up to Proudhon, Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Robert Owen on the last pages. I intentionally chose the names that are relatively unheard of to our ears than Marx, Foucault, and other close friends of Fadjroel. In an extraordinary discursive exploration, Fadjroel tried to zigzag to look to the left and to the right, searching anywhere, both from main mass media to newest scientific research product, plus discussion, whatever could answer his anxiety on the mentioned freedom, democracy and the welfare state. In his wildness and humorous way of thinking and communicating, he tried to deny that there is no more problem of democracy transition after General (Ret.) Soeharto who once jailed Fadjroel stepped down. Although we must zig zag (I hope you, the kind readers, feel this because this is the uniqueness of
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Fadjroel in daily lives or in his writing), nearly all parts of this book are locked with strong concepts of participatory democracy, participatory socialism, participatory economy, and such; also two types of main emancipation, i.e. individual emancipation and social emancipation. The symbolic political triumph of (New) White Group was also used by Fadjroel as symbols of temporary victories of this movement of struggle. Yes, to oppose, because our democratic transition turns out to walk more on the side that generates storms of disappointment in society after seven years of total reform movement was launched to the sky by demonstrators and activists in 1998, which because of force was later adopted by the then political elite. Let us for a moment, I ask the kind readers, to look at this book and Fadjroels explorationi from the viewpoint of political communication, my field of study (hopefully in the context of complementing the introductory words of Donny Gahral Adian). With his position as young intellectual and activist, Fadjroel is a political communicator, who for long has been loyal to speak and nowadays we can begin the echoes of his messages (on the definitiation as this political communicator, see the state of the art writing from the field of political communication by Graber, 2004). Once again, as a researcher from critical stream, I can never separate Fadjroel from his actions on field. Before extending messages, Fadjroel checked the main concepts of public participatory involvement and in turn tried to challenge why big institutions and elite appear playing important role while it may not be true; the same anxiety was experienced and voiced by Benson (2004) in a modern political communication debate lately. On certain parts, politics for Fadjroel is also a cultural practice (especially in Chapter 4), exactly like us the scholars and researchers of political communication in seeing various problems of today, like what was required by Schudson (2001). If it is, when individuals bring those important concepts to be formed as messages, they would very much dependent on the logic of media and logic of political communication (Altheide, 2004) that exist in certain political cultural practice at certain time. Even about our relationship (Indonesia) and the adopters of participatory concept of neoliberalism hegemony, they must be
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Epilogue
critiqued and demanded by referring to questions of logic of media industry and political communication that are happening around them (Gazali, 2006, Gilboa, 2005). When expressing the mentioned main threat, as an introductor from political communication field, I immediately have worries that I had added the length of list of names and concepts that you, kind readers, must write to the note that I mentioned earlier. To avoid such thing, I squeeze dry the content of what I want to describe by saying: Fadjroel attempted to question the assumptions that are usually raised by the elites, other thinkers (among others the intellectuals who betrayed and the New Order intellectuals), also (most importantly) those of people who are still in power (including the merchants around the palace circle or merchants in ABRI/TNI). By looking at the political culture that surrounds us, we indirectly question the logic of media industry and logic of political communication, which bring messanges from the groups that Fadjroel was pointing to. Amid his busy schedule to question the theoretical and empirical side of political communication in this country, little people such as victims of incidents of Trisakti, Semanggi I and II, Nirmala Bonat, and human rights figure like Munir, are very close to the heart and community of Fadjroel. How this community is able to maintain its cohesion and made their voices continously heard is also part of Fadjroels anxiety, along with us, researchers of political communication, as required by Chaffee (2001). Eventually, this book could be a means to create new synthesis and antithesis that would maintain the cohesion and resistance movement of those participatory groups. In political communication, they (read: should) do certain things, although democracy that people think is working is without the presence of democrats. Thus, as long as democracy has no democrats, there must be someone who shout without frustration! *) Effendi Gazali, Coordinator of Master Program of Communication Politics Program at UI, alumnus of Cornell and Radboud University.
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Sources of Writings
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. Demokrasi Tanpa Kaum Demokrat, Kompas, Tuesday, 09/ 16/2003, page 4. Indonesia, Ke Arah Demokrasi dan Emansipasi Sosial, Kompas, Thursday, 10/16/2003, page 4. Republik Tanpa Publik, Kompas, Wednesday, 02/11/2004, page 5. Korban Yang Dikorbankan, Kompas, Thursday, 13/11/ 2005, page 4. Pemilih Radikal, Golput, dan Golput Aktif, Kompas , Wednesday, 01/7/2004, page 4. Oposisi Sosial, dan Kelas Menengah, Kompas, Friday, 03/ 26/2004, page 4. Golput, Pemenang Pemilu 2004, Kompas, Saturday, 04/ 15/2005, page 4. Golput, Penakluk Lima Capres 2004, Kompas, Thursday, 07/22/2004, page 4. Bumi Manusia, Bumi Para Koruptor, Kompas, Tuesday, 04/06/2004, page 4. Pengkhianatan Cendekiawan, Kompas, Tuesday, 04/25/ 2005, page 4. Kembalikan Indonesia pada Nirmala Bonat, Kompas , Saturday, 05/29/2004, page 4. Intelektual Istana dan Negara Dagang, Kompas, Monday, 03/07/2005, page 4. Runtuhnya Moralitas Kami (Seminar paper of KPMSI, Surabaya, 02/10/2005) Individualisasi Demokrasi, Media Indonesia, Monday, 09/ 20/2004, page 10. Di Bawah Bendera Oposisi, Kompas, Saturday, 02/02/2005, page 4. Bangkitnya Negara Dagang, Koran Tempo, Saturday, 02/ 19/2005, page 10.
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17. Ada Apa Saudagar Memimpin Partai?Media Indonesia, Monday, 09/20/2004, page 10. 18. Kritiklah Daku, Kau Kupecat (Paper at National University, Jakarta, 2005) 19. Menyambut TNI di Bawah DEPHAN, Media Indonesia, Tuesday, 09/11/2004, page 10 20. Senjakala Dasasila Bandung, Kompas, Saturday, 04/23/ 2005, page 4. 21. BUMN-ku Sayang,BUMN-ku Malang, Media Indonesia, Tuesday, 09/28/2004, page 10. 22. Jejak Langkah Para Koruptor, Pikiran Rakyat, Tuesday, 11/ 30/2004, page 5. 23. Seratus Hari SBY-Kalla, Kompas, Tuesday, 01/18/2005, page 4. 24. Belajar dari Intelektual Orde Baru , Kompas, Saturday, 09/17/2005, page 43. 25. Bersama (Siapapun) Kita Tetap Menderita, Kompas , Monday, 10/17/2005, page 6. 26. Selamat Datang Impunitas, Kompas, Saturday, 09/12/2006, page 6. 27. Bersama Kita Reshuffle Kabinet, Kompas, Monday, 11/ 14/2005, page 6. 28. Jalan Sesat ke UUD 1945 Asli, Kompas, Wednesday, 02/ 28/2007, page 6. 29. Akhir Drama Gertak Sambal, Kompas, Wednesday, 05/ 30/2007. 30. Cabut PP 37/2006!, Pikiran Rakyat, Wednesday, 02/14/ 2007, page 6. 31. Akhir Drama Gertak Sambal, Kompas, Wednesday, 05/ 30/2007, page 6. 32. Partai Politik, For Sale, Kompas, Monday, 06/18/2007, page 7. 33. Selamat Datang Calon Perseorangan, Kompas, 07/27/2007, page 7. 34. Jejak Langkah (Daripada) Partai Golkar, Kompas, Monday, 12/05/2005, page 6.
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Sources Of Writings
35. Ke Arah Revolusi Demokrasi (Pengantar Buku Revolusi Demokrasi, Larry Diamond, YOI, 1986) 36. Fasisme dan Korporatisme Rezim Orba (Makalah untuk Rakernas PMKRI di Pontianak, 25 Mei 2001, dan Kolom Forum Keadilan No.45/February 18, 2001) 37. Multifungsi ABRI: Politik, Teritorial, Bisnis (Dimuat Pers dalam Revolusi Mei: Runtuhnya Sebuah Hegemoni , Gramedia, 2000) 38. Negara Kebangsaan: Proyek yang Tak Pernah Selesai, Kompas, Wednesday, 01/12/2000, page 4. 39. Luka Papua, Luka Indonesia, Kompas, Tuesday, 03/21/ 2006, page 6. 40. Merayakan Matinya Reformasi, Kompas. 41. Saat Israel Membunuh Anak-anak, Kompas, Thursday, 08/ 03/2006, page 6. 42. Merdeka dari Hukuman Mati, Kompas, Wednesday, 08/ 23/2006, page 6. 43. Tuan Presiden, Tangkaplah Pembunuh Munir, Kompas, Friday, 10/6/2006, page 6. 44. Saya Bermimpi Soeharto Diadili, Media Indonesia, Monday, 11/13/2006, page A6 45. Surat untuk Tuan Bush, Media Indonesia, Monday, 11/20/ 2006, page A6 46. Berburu Harta Soeharto Inc., Kompas, Monday, 03/26/ 2007, page 6. 47. Konfrontasi Dua Kebudayaan (Discussion paper Barbarisme Seni dan Politik, at Galeri Nasional Indonesia, June 23, 2001) 48. Indonesia Dalam Perubahan: 233 Tahun Kesunyian, Kompas, Friday, 10/07/2005, page 14. 49. Quo Vadis Kemanusiaan dan Peradaban Kita, Kompas, Tuesday, 10/16/2001, page 4. 50. Scientifico Critical Democracy (Literature and Cultural Magazine Horison /08/XXXIX/1994, page 13-19). A manuscript completed in Sukamiskin Jail of Bandung in 1991-1992.
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51. Gerakan Mahasiswa, Gerakan Politik Nilai (Paper for Limited Panel Discussion of Kompas, Friday, March 2, 2001 and revision for Dies Natalis of Keluarga Mahasiswa ITB). 52. Kepemimpinan Politik Kaum Muda (Discussion Paper at Institut Teknologi Surabaya, Universitas Brawijaya Malang, and Universitas Udayana, Bali, 2002). 53. Kritisisme: Tantangan Mahasiswa Indonesia (Paper for opening Campus Center ITB, Kabinet Keluarga Mahasiswa ITB, 2005). 54. Merayakan Perbedaan, Merayakan Pembebasan (Apresiasi novel Mahadewa Mahadewi Nova Riyanti, at Trisakti University, 2004, published in review column Mata Baca, 2004). 55. Musim Semi Terakhir Dua Totaliterisme, Mata Baca, 2006. 56. Kamp Konsentrasi, Ideologi, dan Kita, Kompas, Saturday, 04/21/2007, page 14 57. Kritisisme di Jantung Demokrasi, Kompas, Friday, 01/19/ 2007, page 14 58. The Third Way Giddens dan Indonesia (Paper for Masyarakat Sosialis Indonesia or MSI, 2001) 59. Merintis Jalan Demokrasi ke Sosialisme: Sosialisme Partisipatif (Discussion paper on Sutan Sjahrir dan Pemikirannya, Teater Utan Kayu, 2000) 60. Sutan Sjahrir dan Politik Negara Kesejahteraan (Paper for Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Studi Awal Gerakan SosialDemokrasi/Sosialis di Indonesia, Jakarta, May 2001) 61. Amerika Latin Melawan Neoliberalisme, Kompas , Thursday, 02/23/2006, page 6. 62. Demokrasi Partisipatif dan Kepemimpinan Politik Baru (Paper for Social Engineering Departement, Institut Teknologi Tokyo, 2003) 63. Pasca Pembangunanisme ke Pemerataan Sosial (Paper for Asia Pacific Youth Forum, Tokyo, Agustus, 1996)
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Sources Of Writings
64. Dari Negara Predator ke Negara Kesejahteraan (Paper Refleksi Akhir Tahun 2005 , Asosiasi Ilmu Komunikasi Politik, University of Indonesia, 2005) 65. Kritisisme dan Kebebasan Harus Dipertahankan (Interview by Kajian Islam Utan Kayu/KIUK, aired by Utan Kayu Radio and 68H News Agency and Islamliberal.com, and Jawa Pos, Friday, February 24, 2006, and Indo Pos, Sunday, February 26, 2006) 66. Fadjroel Rachman, Aktivisme Seorang Intelektual Muda (Profile Kompas, Wednesday, 09/01/2004, page 12. 67. Fadjroel Rachman, Sosok dan Pemikiran, Kompas , Saturday, 05/26/2007, page 5.
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Short Biography
Fadjroel Rachman, active in developing Research Institute of Democracy and the Welfare State (Pedoman Indonesia, Lembaga Pengkajian Demokrasi dan Negara Kesejahteraan ), and international cooperation in network of Southeast Asian Forum for Democracy and Asian Pacific Youth Forum (Tokyo). He was once active in Democracy Forum (Forum Demokrasi) and founded and was the coordinator of Confederation of Indonesian Socialist Youth and Students (KPMSI, Konfederasi Pemuda dan Mahasiswa Sosialis Indonesia), and Indonesian Socialist Society (MSI, Masyarakat Sosialis Indonesia/ Head of Working Committee). He was a candidate (top 42) of Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (KKR, Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi). Several of his researches and articles were compiled, such as Social Democracy Movement in Indonesia (FES, 2001), May Revolution and Mass Media (Gramedia, 2001), Soetan Sjahrir: Guru Bangsa (PDP Guntur 49, 1999), and others. The antology of his poetries Sejarah Lari Tergesa (GPU, 2004) was nominated for Khatulistiwa Literary Award 2005. His other antology of poetries, Catatan Bawah Tanah (YOI, 1993), Pesta Sastra Indonesia (Kelompok Sepuluh, Bandung, 1985) and Dongeng untuk
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Poppy (Bentang, 2007), and also Bulan Jingga dalam Kepala (Novel, Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 2007) and Republik Tanpa Publik (Pledoi, in press). He actively writes in: Kompas, Horison, Tempo, Koran Tempo, Gatra, Forum Keadilan, Pikiran Rakyat, Media Indonesia, Jawa Pos, Suara Pembaruan, Banjarmasin Post, Ganesha, Mata Baca, Warta Ekonomi, and other publications. Afrizal Malna recorded his name in Leksikon Para Penyair (Sesuatu Indonesia, Bentang Budaya, 2000), Dewan Kesenian Jakarta in Leksikon Sastra Jakarta: Sastrawan Jakarta dan Sekitarnya (Bentang Budaya, 2003), and Korrie Layun Rampan in Leksikon Susastra Indonesia (Balai Pustaka, Jakarta, 2000). He was a presenter (anchor) of talkshows in television and radio: Central TVRI Jakarta (Debates for Students, Dialog of Small and Medium Industries), Indosiar Television (Jurdil 1999, Dinamika), RRI Pro 3 Jakarta (Pustaka-Pustaka Book Review kerjasama Mata Baca dan Bank Naskah Gramedia). Members of Lingkar Muda Indonesia (Kompas discussion group), resource person for political economic analysis at SCTV (Topik Minggu Ini and Liputan 6), Metro TV (NewsdotCom/Republik Mimpi, Open House Republik Mimpi, Metro Hari Ini, Todays Dialogue and Save Our Nation), Trans TV, ANTV, QTV-Cable TV, Global TV and Indovision Cable TV, Indosiar (Republik BBM/Pengadilan BBM/co-panelist), radio 68H and Elshinta. He went to college at Bandung Technology Institute (Institut Teknologi Bandung, majoring in chemistry), and Graduate Program of Faculty of Economy of University of Indonesia (Finance Management). and Graduate Economics Study Program (Monetery) in Faculty of Economy of University of Indonesia (now). He was involved in ITB August Five Movement (1989), which demanded the stepping down of General (Ret.) Soeharto, and the dissolution of New Order fascist dictatorship, he became political detainee, moving in and out of six jails including Sukamiskin and Nusakambangan Island. Before, he was a brief political detainee for Kaca Piring Incident (1989), Long March Bandung-Badega/Garut Incident (1989), and was detained in West Java Bakorstanasda after ITB New Year incident (1987).
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Short Biography
Six years later, at University of Indonesia, in May 1998, he was active as the Presidium of Forum of Graduate Students (Forum Mahasiswa Pascasarjana. Forum Wacana) University of Indonesia, together with all components of UI students, active in toppling old enemy General (Ret.) Soharto and New Order fascist dictatorship, including to occupy DPR/MPR building in Senayan, Jakarta. At ITB and Bandung, he was active in activities of literature, press, culture, and study groups, among others: President of Literature Appreciation Group (Grup Apresiasi Sastra, GAS), Gatharing of Social Science Study (Perkumpulan Studi Ilmu Kemasyakatan, PSIK), Saturday Student Discussion Group (Kelompok Diskusi Mahasiswa Sabtu, Kodim Sabtu), Activity Unit Coordination Agency (Badan Koordinasi Unit Aktifitas, BKUA) of ITB, Committee of Student Defendor (Komite Pembelaan Mahasiswa, KPM) of ITB, ITB Ganesha Magazine (Founder and Chief Editor), and Bandung Ten Group (Kelompok Sepuluh Bandung).
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Committed to Social Democracy

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, a German political, non-profit and public interest institution, is active in international dialogue and development cooperation. It was established in 1925 as a political legacy of Friedrich Ebert, Germanys first democractically elected president. The foundation acts as a German and European NGO and places special empkasis on establishment of platforms and processes for political dialogue and cooperation between countries, political representatives, governments and civil society organizations. It also maintains special relations with the German and international labour movements. Presently, in the field of development cooperation FriedrichEbert-Stiftung maintains its own representations in some 60 countries of Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America. Some 80 German staff with the assistance of local staff are enggaed in projects in the fields of socio-political development as well as economic and social promotion.. In addition, FriedrichEbert-Stiftung maintains in 33 countries of Europe and the former Soviet Union, in the USA and Japan. In these countries it fosters dialoque between all democractic forces with the aim of bringing about a balance of interests, resolving conflicts and drawing up policy options. Approximately half of its budget of some Euro 110 million (largerly from public funds) is used for activities in international cooperation and development. For additional information on the international work of Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, please visit our website at http:// www.fes.de Address: Godesberger Allee 149 53175 Bonn/GERMANY Phone: (49) 228 883 0 Indonesia Office Jalan Kemang Selatan IX No.1A-B Jakarta 12730/INDONESIA Phone:+62-21-717 926 36 (hunting) Email: info@fes.or.id, 384 Website: www.fes.or.id
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Democracy Without The Democrats

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