Running head: THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL

The children of the revolution: A complex turmoil rocks the core

Camilo Francisco Ghorayeb 248, Dr. Carlos Guimares Street Campinas, SP 13024-200 camilofghorayeb@gmail.com 55-19-92751686 Complexes DJA 810 Track Y, Second Year Dr. Jennifer Leigh Selig June 8, 2013

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL The children of the revolution: A complex turmoil rocks the core In 1964, due to the growing fear of the establishment of a communist federal administration, the Brazilian government of that time, as well as democracy, got hit by the countrys own military forces. Ironically justified as a necessary response in defense of the traditional values of an organized and modern society, the military regime took control of the country creating new enforced laws that ranged from intense state censorship practices, regarding all types of cultural material produced, to violentand even deadlyrepression against any that fought the new government (Sua pesquisa.com, n.d.). During that period, a number of cultural movements ecloded attempting to oppose so

much control over freedom. Music became one of the strongest forms of giving life to the voices of the young people that more intensively felt such oppression, and through it Brazil went deeper looking for its own identity. In fact, although the question of identity is well known as one that is common both to any individual or any cultureespecially in times of globalizationscholars in Brazil have repeatedly described the countrys birth as one that happened with an intense identity issue, causing what can be seen in Junguian terms as an orphan cultural complex (Gambini, 2000). According to the Brazilian sociologist and anthropologist Gylberto Braga (as cited in Do Carmo, 2011), the atmosphere in which Brazilian life started was of almost sexual intoxication (p. 13), and he goes on, the women were the first to throw themselves onto the white men, the most excited rubbing against the legs of the ones they assumed were gods (p. 13). What followed that apparently fortunate encounter was still a growing dissociation with a state of integration and identity to such a degree that ended up creating what Gambini (2000) would call the drama each Brazilian carries in a more collective level, an introjected idea that the existence

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of Brazil and Brazilians was purely an accident. That idea perpetuated the notion that it was also no mans land and could be used and abused at will, even though it had, in fact, been inhabited for the previous thirty thousand years. Gambini (2000) also claimed this is the very drama in which the first Brazilian is born, already what he calls a hybrid orphan (sons and daughters of the conquerors who abandoned their children, and left their mothers without a social group, since the women who gave birth to these children were thrown out of their tribes), with a deep identity complex. Later, he went on to affirm that even the cutting down of Pau Brasil (the tree after which the country gained its name) is the great symbol of the beginning of our story. Embezzlement and the attack against nature are our sings of baptism, as well as it is the possession of the indian women by the white invader (p. 22). And continued stating these invaders lived phallic adventures . . . for they were exclusively governed by the phallic principle of penetrating in the unknown, penetrating and enjoying, taking possession of what was easily within reach. The Portuguese women were left at home as bereaved widows of living men . . . these women lived under rigid moral and behaviorist canons . . . when abstinent-by-force sailors cast their eyes over indian women, whose physical beauty had been described in a letter by Pero Vaz de Caminha, . . . they suddenly realized that there, in that southern paradise, not only their lust was allowed, but also encouraged by the greatest authority of the very system in which their moral code was included. For had not the Pope Alexander VI pontificated that no sin existed under the Equator (p. 167)? A truly segregational force that left physical and emotional scars, cutting identity and existence, especially through the consequent abandonment of the indian women and tradition to their own fate. But before going on with the Brazilian complex story, in order for certain aspects of this cultural phenomena to be better imagined, the concept of the term complex, coined by Swiss psychiatrist Carl Gustav Jung, would need further exploration. In the book C. G. Jung lexicon A primer of terms and concepts (Sharp, 1991) a complex is described as an emotionally charged

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group of ideas and images (p.37). But the book goes on quoting Jung himself (as cited in Sharp, 1991) in the description, Complexes interfere with the intentions of the will and disturb the conscious performance . . . they appear and disappear according to their own laws; they can temporarily obsess consciousness, or influence speech and action in an unconscious way. In a word, complexes behave like independent beings . . . . Complexes are focal or nodal points of psychic life which we would not wish to do without; indeed, they should not be missing, for otherwise psychic activity would come to a fatal standstill . . . . some degree of onesidedness is unavoidable, and, in the same measure, complexes are unavoidable too . . . .The possession of complexes does not in itself signify neurosis . . . and the fact that they are painful is no proof of pathological disturbance. Suffering is not an illness; it is the normal counterpole to happiness. A complex becomes pathological only when we think we have not got it (pp. 38-39) According to these definitions, one can think of complexes as quite expected dynamics of anyones psyche. In fact, more than that, Jung apparently suggests there is no psychic life if not through them. In other words, ordinary psychic life itself is only possible through the knots, or as he calls them, nodal points of images and ideas that are autonomous entities and constantly take over ones affective life. If that is true, Jung not only seemed to be implying complexes are within any action or reaction, any behavior one has in life, as if ones own personality were constantly shaped by them, but also that psychic life only exists through relationships, for they are the very cause of appearance of such affective knots. If a system of complexes (be it in a country or in a person), with all its flaws and tendencies, exists alone, there is no sign that such unbalances are present. But only when a different one comes along relating and showing itself as another possibility of existence, the first system is provoked to experience what it is not, opening room for self-analyses and self-consciousness. In another book, author Robert H. Hopcke (1989) added another layer to the definition of complexes, Any one complex has elements related to the personal unconscious as well as to the collective unconscious. A disturbed relationship to ones mother, for example, may result

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in a mother complex, that is a group of representations, conscious and unconscious, of mother with a particular feeling tone attached to that group of mother images. However, the preexisting archetype of mother in the collective unconscious common to all human experience can magnify, distort, or modify both the feeling tone and the representational aspect of the mother complex within ones psyche . . . . Like the archetypes, complexes are potentially both positive and negative. Conscious knowledge of the scope and affect of a complex can serve to modify its negative consequences whenever a particular stimulus constellates the complex, that is, activates the images and feelings surrounding the complex within an individual (pp.18-19). Complexes, thus, also always refer to a more collective idea, and are not, in themselves, any good or bad, just the way a person deals with them will provoke better or worse consequences both to ones inner and outer life. Consciousness is seen as the only way a complex can become less harmful or dominating, as it is for any author who works with depth psychology. So Brazilian history begins with at least one very strong complex, namely, of the orphan and that, as result, a possible Brazilian identity seems to never become whole enough, as if after abandonment the Brazilian ego had lost and not been raised in a environment that was comforting enough, offering a way into maturity. And if the countrys psyche forms a certain idea that its own existence is accidental, it could be translated, much in the same way a mother who gets accidentally pregnant feels, as an undesired child or existence. This particular aspect of the complex is easily seen among the natives of the country and their common feeling of inferiority, as shown by Brazilian psychologist Denise Ramos (2004) in her attempt to shed light on the fact Brazil is still one of the most corrupt countries in the world, It is common among the upper and middle classes in So Paulo . . . and most likely among the Brazilian upper and middle classes in other cities as well to observe the constant use of derogatory adjectives when referring to their own nationality. Jokes and examples of Brazilians denigrating their own image are easily found on Brazilian television and can also be heard in expressions used by Brazilian people every day. Comparisons are constantly being made with people from the first world, with Brazilians portraying themselves as incompetent, ignorant, arrogant and corrupt. (pp.104105)

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL In the same study, Ramos pointed out that foreigners tend to see Brazilians or Brazil more positively, but they also recognize an existent feeling of self-rejection or low self-steem, which I could add, at times can be switched to an incredibly great, perhaps even violent,

overidentification with the qualities of the country and culture. Although the author did not relate these contradictory reactions to a complex of abandonment, it would not be too difficult to place them both as opposite consequences of the same complex. Extreme optimism and pessimism walking hand-in-hand, generating trust and hopelessness, symptoms that are acted out leaving natives blind and never allowing the culture to get to the core of the problem. English author and psychoanalyst Donald Woods Winnicott wrote extensively about childcare, growth, and the possible healthy development of a childish ego. In his book, The maturational processes and the facilitating environment, Winnicott (1983) affirmed that many people do become able to enjoy solitude before they are out of childhood, and they may even value solitude as a most precious possession (p.32). He suggested that capacity is one of the most important signs of maturation and emotional development. But such condition depends on how well one, especially during childhood, paradoxically can be alone in the presence of ones mother. In his words (Winnicott, 1983) Here is implied a rather special type of relationship, that between the infant or small child who is alone, and the mother or mother-substitute who is in fact reliably present even if represented for the moment by a cot or a pram or the general atmosphere of the immediate environment. (p. 33) And later, The relationship of the individual to his or her internal objects, along with confidence in regard to internal relationships, provides of itself a sufficiency of living, so that temporarily he or she is able to rest contented even in the absence of external objects and stimuli. The capacity to be alone depends on the existence in the psychic reality of the individual of a good object . . . . Maturity and the capacity to be alone implies that the individual has had the chance through good-enough mothering to build up a belief in a benign environment. It is the main part of my thesis that we do need to be able to speak of an unsophisticated form of being alone, and that even if we agree that the capacity to

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be truly alone is a sophistication, the ability to be truly alone has as its basis the early experience of being alone in the presence of someone. Being alone in the presence of someone can take place at a very early stage, when the ego immaturity is naturally balanced by ego support from the mother. In the course of time the individual introjects the ego-supportive mother and in this way becomes able to be alone without frequent reference to the mother or mother symbol. In this way I am trying to justify the paradox that the capacity to be alone is based on the experience of being alone in the presence of someone, and that without a sufficiency of this experience the capacity to be alone cannot develop. (p. 34) Although not a Jungian, a connection between his work and the Jungian idea of the archetype of the great mother has been made, particularly in regards to the concept of the goodenough mother. According to Jungian author Sherry Salman (2002), The postulate of an archetype helps explain the common discrepancy between the experience of mothering a child and the real mother. Jungian analysts are very careful to differentiate a personal mother from the archetypal image of a Mother, which is bigger than any human mother can personify. In many aspects, Winnicotts formulation of the good-enough mother relates to Jungs formulation of the mother archetype: the goodenough mother is that which is capable of satisfying and mediating the archetypal image of the child. She only needs to be good-enough to do it. (p.74) If Winnicotts good-enough mother could be more related to a mother archetypein other words, a mother image or symbolthat is introjected in a child, one might be led to think the same ideal conditions would need to be present in the making of any mature ego, even one of a nation like Brazil. The lack of any of those mother feeling tones, or even the presence of a corrupted mother land that has been sexually assaulted, raped and left with no integrity and respect whatsoever could have been profoundly shaping in the making of a Brazilian psyche. Looked at it through these lenses, one might even think corruption and all other manifestations of any self-inflicted damaging attitude, which continues to feed symptoms and conditions related to orphanage and abandonment, even turning it into an everlasting curse (just as it happens in the personal psyche, when one attempts to solve an unconscious problem by acting it out, and ends up feeding it back, which, in turn, will instigate more attempts to solve it in the same way), is not only a sign of low self-steem, but a representative of the concrete

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corruption of the flesh of the Brazilian motherland. Brazilians, since then, would have been born more sinners than the largest Catholic nation in the world (which ironically and reinforcing the complex is, in fact, Brazil), for they are born from a corrupted mother into a corrupted land and, therefore, take corruption as the most palpable and ordinary condition of existence. Obviously, corruption would be only one of the implications such complex could generate. Defenses, projections, surviving through mischievous paths while residing in a world where there is less of a linear, moralistic and straightforward-oriented society, where things are blur, have double meanings and, thus, more individuality is brought forth, and where all can be confusing and possible, creative and uncertain. Also, a nation that becomes strongly Catholic attempting to resolve a psychic guilt, but it is also extremely adapted to polytheistic religions of Africa and, in fact, can have individuals with multiple beliefs at the same time. A country where one might not be born into the world as most people know it, but rather remains in a certain limbo, a place inbetween, which also makes one feels very far from the world, not worthy of it, alone without that introjected good-enough mother. As psychologist Gustavo Barcellos (2000) pointed out in one of his talks at a conference on Archetypal psychology, Brazil might be souther than south. Souther than the southward direction the father of that psychology, James Hillman, refers to in his attempt to bring the science back to the Mediterranean culture. So, Brazil, raised in a broken family, not having developed the capacity to be alone and rest contented, without the belief of a benign environment (to this day, there has always been a feeling that there are more and more accounts of how the environment feels very unsafe in a everyday basis), is left with an ego that seems to be always in search of settlement, or an identity. So as to expand on that problem, I would like to suggest that Brazils capital is seen as if it is a central conscious part of a being, or in other words, an ego. Junguian author Edward C.

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL Whitmont (n.d.) described the ego as something that works as a center, the subject and the object of the personal identity and consciousness, that is, consciousness of the personal identity which extends and continues through a sequence of time, space, cause and effect, which is possible to reflect upon itself . . . it is the center and the causative agent, at least apparently, of plans of action, decisions and personal choices, and a reference point for value judgment. It is the causative agent of personal impulses, the desire that translates decisions into actions directed to specific purposes. (p. 206) A capital, then, seems to carry functions that are close enough for an imaginal inclusion as an egoic part of a nation. It is the place where plans of actions and decisions are made, and where there is also value judgment and a sense that it will reflect upon itself, as well as organize an identity throughout time and space, among other aspects. Keeping that in mind, along with Winnicotts contributions on the healthy development of an ego, it is now possible to examine

the three capitals Brazil has had and compare their coming to existence, the type of environment and mothering they had, attempting to dive deeper in the cultural complex and how it might have been transformed. Going back to the beginning of this work, where military repression is taking over the recently built capital, Brasilia, it is quite difficult to avoid the feeling that the original Brazilian complex was still at work. The fact that a military action takes control of the capital, which can be similarly imagined as a type of inflation as described by Jung (as cited in Sharp, 1991), identification with the self can manifest in two ways: the assimilation of the ego by the self, in which case the ego falls under the control of the unconscious (p. 49), tells about one of the last major happenings in Brazils ego. The military can surely be linked to unconscious forces of a country that has had a supposedly pacifist position like Brazil, but it is also always a force kept hidden up to a moment it needs to burst out and act, somehow like a hidden beast, or a great amount of anger and violence inside a morally restrained person. But Brasilia is only the last of

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL three different other egos Brazil has throughout its life. In 1549, only 49 years after the discovery of the country, Salvador, the first one, is chosen for merely practical reasons that benefits the newcomers, it has a safe port which explorers could use to come and go as they pleased, taking all they wanted from the rich nature around (Souza, n.d.). Being the first manifestation of an ego of the country, it can be said Brazils chance of growing it is enslaved, and along with it, Brazils identity. In fact, there is no plan of having any type of organization that serves the country at that point. Everything that becomes more organized does so for the

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benefit of explorers, and so the image one is left with is of so little care and consideration that it any chance of maturity is out of the question, as well as realization of any of the countrys potentialities. The child archetype of the country is not only abandoned, now, but also abused (and considering the penetrating type of abuse, one might even imagine a sexual abuse), without any sort of beneficial environment or good-enough mothering. It is the beginning of what would become a self-flagellation as a result of a corrupted feeling of self-love. After Salvador, the capital is moved to Rio de Janeiro in 1763, where, later, an important fact takes place, namely, the coming of the Portuguese royal family to Brazil (Souza, n.d.). That fact alone can represent a first beneficial moment Brazil has as it can be compared to the realization of a bastard childs dream, with the return of the father. The fact takes Brazils chance of growing to another level. Rio is the biggest city in the country, and is completely changed and improved for the arrival of the Portuguese. That is the moment when Brazil appears to have taken a better shape, and is becoming the being it can become. But it is not out of love and guilt that the royal family comes to see and live with their bastard son. If Salvador offered control over the production of sugar cane in the north of the country, Rio, in the same way, could offer control over the recently discovered possible extraction of valuable metals, particularly gold, for

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL it is located close to Minas Gerais, the state where metals are found (Souza, n.d.). So if on one

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hand the child, seeing dad coming close again, felt stronger and more confident, on the other, the child also continued to wish for a delusional love that would never be. Brazil still longs for goodenough mothering (for the father has also not come to redeem himself after leaving her), but now wears good clothes and goes to good schools, and perhaps imagines the care it has always needed has finally come. Also during that period, the son of the Portuguese king, while living in Brazil, decides to stay in the country to defend its political autonomy declaring its independence (Andrade, Frazo, & Aguiar, 2013). To some degree, it seems, the orphan complex repeats itself as Brazilian history cannot escape from being made and told without the use of words such as sons or children, many times seen as forces of opposition in stressful relationships. It is a final act of separation, releasing the countrys identity from expectations with the abandoning of the family, but still only made possible through a member of that same family. In 1960, Brazil makes its first move to stand alone. With an ambitious plan of economical development, specially prioritizing industrialization (energy and transportation) education, reduction of social inequality and exclusion, president Juscelino Kubitschek builds a new capital at what appears to be the closest place to a central area of the country. The intention is also to go deeper inward, populate the countryside. Brazils self-identity is brought to a new core, chosen by a Brazilian, and the inward directions looks promising. But the new capital, Brasilia, is far from being the final resolution. It is built as part of program to modernize Brazil 50 years in five, a presumptuous idea that, through the imaginal lenses this work is using, resembles an extreme reaction to the unstable identity, as if creating one by force. Force, in fact, had already been threatening the ego as military moves seemed imminent at times. When Brasilia is finished, successful people from different areas are invited for a visit. Their impressions are most

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disturbing. Author Aldous Huxley (as cited in Marcelo, 2012) told Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre he thinks a new city is a problem of life and, therefore, for anthropology, sociology and biology. Not at all only a problem for architecture, (p.23) to which Gilberto answered, maybe Brasilia is reproducing a theatrical or scenographic set of buildings without biological roots or sociological articulations (p.24). The same impression hit Simone de Beauvoir (as cited in Marcelo, 2012), in her visit with husband Jean-Paul Sartre. She criticized the craziness of building a city so artificial in the middle of a desert, a had a feeling of having seen the birth of a monster whose hearts and lungs work artificially, thanks to processes with incredibly high costs, and later considers it the most insane ravings a human brain has ever conceived. This city will never have a soul, heart, flesh or blood (p.24). Brazilian-raised poet Clarice Lispector (as cited in Marcelo, 2012) expressed her feeling following that same tone, there is something here that scares me. When I find out what scares me, I will also know what I love about here. In Brasilia there is no way in or out, (p.25) and called it an open-air prison. The building of the capital is too quick and brutal, as if, still, no maturation of an ego is made possible, as if the pain is so constant and unbearable that it needs something to cut through and put an end to it; the very construction of a persona that tries to truly be someone not as broken as it is. The past has not yet been absorbed and cared, but rather has been pushed under the carpet and apparently done with, although symptoms always remain, are seen and felt in the very looks of the place. The building of Brasilia also costs lives as workers are pushed to their limits and many cannot take it. The ego is built out of an immediacy to have what has not been naturally formed, maturity, becoming deadly during its formation and quite soulless as a result. As a reaction to the egoic forceful intent of solving a broken ego, the military takes over, afraid so much instability might lead to communism (Sua pesquisa.com, n.d.). The dream that seemed

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL much too Puer, too young to be freed, is taken by the Senex, the old. The dynamics also show

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weakness trying to be solved by force which, in turn, generates more forceful domination of the countrys psychic energy. Both ends can easily take over an ego that is lost and runs the risk of being constantly caught by opposite forces if complexes are not touched. With the military in control of the country, claiming it is the only way to restore order, a great feeling of oppression grows. Artists and scholars are banned from the country, and resistant groups are formed. The moment is the closest to a civil war Brazil has ever had. And still, right there, at the core of the country, in the dead city of persona Brasilia, life begins to sprout again. In the boring afternoons with nothing to do, the children of ambassadors and teachers that believed in a new life in the new capital gather around and, influenced by the new musical movement growing in Europe, the so-called punk, and begin to show their feelings about the country, Brasilia and the future. This is not just a movement that grows out of the repression established, against the establishment, which has always happened in different places and moments throughout history. This particular gathering begins to form the most influential rock bands in the history of the country, along with the most influential rock singer, Renato Russo, and becomes a cultural movement which carries and denounces the psychic conditions of the nation (Marcelo, 2012). Once again, the mother and orphan Brazilian complexes can only be brought forth by the children, and again through rage and martial feelings as it is linked to the punk movement with its strong political vein. It is not an accident that, to this day, the inner and latent civil war the country has to live with through intense everyday criminality and violence (hidden by all the fun it is known for)and which it is very often compared to wars such as the Vietnamcommonly carry the participation of Brazilian children, the meninos de rua (children from the street); the very individuals that come from broken families with no support or

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL good-mothering, and who reenact the original psychic situation, as if they were the symptoms that will never go away until the country truly watches and cares for them. Renato Russo, himself, as the leader and bearer of the voices of the children from the core begins his own formative years as a broken child when, early in his life, he is taken by a disease that keeps him in his room for two years reading and listening to a great number of influential authors and musicians from all over the world (Marcelo, 2012). Russo quickly becomes the boy all others look up to, particularly when he forms, in 1978, his first punk band

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named Aborto Eltrico (Electric Abortion)the name cannot go unnoticed when included in the story of these Brazilian complexes. If an electric abortion is the name that represents what the children from the core of the country want to express, it certainly seems to bring out feelings of a potential life that is terminated unnaturally. After a period of relative success, but no record label contract, the band ends. Russo continues on his own for some time and later gets together with other kids from Brasilia to form, in 1982, Legio Urbana (Urban Legion). The rock movement in the city gets big as other bands are formed as well and are recognized throughout the country; they all carry that first punkrelated idea of political discontentment more strongly expressed by Russo. Through the following years, Legio Urbana puts out records that are full of political content, slowly becoming the most influential band to young Brazilians (in fact, to this day, after 17 years, the is still the third best selling musical group in the world with Record Label EMI, reaching 250 thousand every sold albums every year) (Marcelo, 2012). But if Legio is the band that most vividly exposes the wounds Brazils ego has gained in the course of its growth, it also ends up carrying its fate as if anything or anyone that only acts out such psychic forces may suffer as a result. The very act of exposing seems to create back

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL reality and turns it into the very chance of either acknowledging these psychic traps or falling

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into them. Now after a huge success over the years, the band finally plans to go back to the core and perform in Brasilia, in 1988. Russo wants it to be the concert of his life, and according to author Carlos Marcelo, he wanted it to be a gift to the city (as cited in Ligocki, M. & Carvalho, V., 2011), and explained further, I remember arriving for the concert and, right there on the ground . . . shattered glass, in other words, many of the buses that had already arrived, had already been victims of vandalism . . . for many reasons, I think the very experience of Badernao was a reference, because Badernao showed the city could make some noise and also could be, at times, uncontrollable . . . We are talking about hours before the concert. The fact Badernao was connected to a Legio Urbana concert only reinforced the role the band had been playing in the country. Badernao, in 1986, was a great demontration against economical measures taken by the president, and in which buses were burnt, police cars were overturned and window stores shattered. It was the first act organized by the people in the capital after the military repression, and it appeared to have become a catharsis of all that had been kept within (De Melo, 2011). People showed the scars the dictatorship period had left. They also showed they were still active and being touched by the band, some years later. The concert is a disaster. Russo provokes the audience in different ways, through songs and political speeches to the point a fan runs up to him and attempts to choke him. The fan is removed by the police, which had already been repressing the audience from the beginning. The concert is an alchemical fusion between the band and the movement it represents, a second catharsis that keeps the wounds of the abandoned and repressed ego open. In the words of author Marcelo (as cited in Ligocki, M. & Carvalho, V., 2011), When the band goes up on stage, the first words by Renato Russo are Good evening Brasilia, we are here to have fun, right? Cool!, but many songs are heavy, not only in terms of sounds, but lyrics as well. These songs carry a very strong amount of a challenging burden. They reflect the teenage years of Russo and his gang in Brasilia. So,

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although they are being sung by a Renato Russo that is almost in his 30s, as they are presented to . . . more than 30000 people, at that time it was like Russo getting even with his own past. It was as if he were going back to his times of Aborto Eltrico (Electric Abortion), going back to the silenced Brasilia . . . controlled by the military back in 1978, when these songs were born. So, when Renato shows, again, those songs to that city, in that context, he, somehow, closes his cicle, and that has a price. There is fury against the police, but also against the band, as Russo continues his controversial speeches, and the place becomes utterly unmanageable. The band is forced to leave early, and the fans, enraged, tear up Legios shirts while cursing it. From that point on, Legio took a different path, more personal than political in its following works. But the concert would remain a microcosmic, although also immense, reaction to a lot of what the country had gone through and become; narrowed down to the stories of its capitals, Brasilias childrenwho had grown up in it (the children of the revolution)and finally Renato Russo himself, the leader of the pack who had taken in so much of that psychic moment. The story of the abandoned child, the not-good-enough mothering and violence were, once more, closer than ever. Legio Urbana would come to an end in 1996, the year of Renatos death after struggling with Aids, alone and depressed. Russos story alone can be said to represent much of the Brazilian cultural complex, but more than that, it still serves to show how much it is active and not cared for. The same child that longs for love and belonging, is the child that reacts taken by the only resource he/she is left with in an attempt to call attention, namely, violence. The children that destroy or cause trouble demand to be seen, and will forcefully, concretely and symbolically corrupt the flesh and values of the people who inhabit Brazil, almost in the same way Brazilian nature was cut through when discovered, or the forceful way Brasilia, an attempt to have a first independent ego, came alive. The wounds are the same, they only change their strategies of visibility. But the visibility they ask for does not need to come from others anymore.

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL The abandoned condition has been introjected with all its consequences, and now the children harm and kill their own children, their own people. Once more, it seems, the only way out is

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through a deep contact with the wounds that are carried and constantly reproduced, the very child every Brazilian carries within, keeps abandoning as well as violently reacting in a sequential way, without ever breaking the cicle, but rather, closing it, like Russo did, and coming back to the beginning once again.

THE CHILDREN OF THE REVOLUTION: A COMPLEX TURMOIL References Andrade, M. R., Frazo, D. G., & Aguiar, L. (2013). Dom Pedro I Imperador do Brasil [Dom Pedro I Emperor of Brazil]. Retrieved from http://www.e-biografias.net/dompedro_i/ Barcellos, G. (2000). South and Archetypal psychology: The Brazilian experience. In D. P. Slattery, & L. Corbet (Eds.), Psychology at the threshold (pp. 243-259). Carpinteria, California: Pacifica Graduate Institute Publications.

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