O serv i g the Proto-b Urban n Conditio ns

www.protourban.com

Table of Contents:
Background, aim, description and presumptions............ ... An introduction to method: 1.Introducing Boeri.......... ........................... ...06 2.Introducing Bunschoten..... ........................... ...08 3.Interviews............... ........................... .....10 4.Bean Drops................ ........................... ....11 5.Main Matrix............... ........................... ....15 11 interviews Conducted in the Cape Town Metropolitan Area: 01.Chico, Parking Attendant from DRC..................... ..17 02.Michael A Berk, Proprieto r, 4 Loop St................ ...18 03.Joanne Harding, manager, SCAT....................... ....24 04.Daniel Katshwa, barber, Khayelitsha................ .....36 05.Muzemi, Radio Zinobele.... ........................... ...38 06.Thope Lekau, Kopanong B&B , Khayelitsha................ ..40 07.Fabio Todeshini, Professor in Urbanism, UCT............ .48 08.Tobie Cotzee, manager, Num que Parking................. ..64 09.Christiate, Big Issue ven dor........................ ....71 10.Sipho, homeless.......... ........................... ....74 11.Barbara Southworth, Head of Planning, City Council.. ....76 Bean Drops: # 06. V&A Waterfront........ ........................... ....89 # 13. Central Station........ ........................... ...91 # 23. Pinelands............ ........................... .....96 # 37. Khayelitsha.......... ........................... .....99 Analysis................... ........................... ...........102 .....04

n op-dow pt a t o d mer a r o o f the ents t ) m 4 n 0 ty r 0 e 2 v 3 ing ci r go ound: 5 (200 oncern d dono 3 c n t a g s i n m s i e t Backgr O d l a smel prob t th ng NG orting evere he fac cy amo t s t n S e e e d h h t . n t t i y e i p a to es tod t. W is a t ies, d commit tries lopmen There countr ed to d coun o deve l d l t i l r a r o h f o W c W a t d bute hird Thir appro rnmen contri y in T acing n gove t f s a r m i e s e g v m l e o e b w p l o Nor ore ban prob e pr ping m and ur , thes erious Develo forces growth most s . bric, l e a e a k f h b i t o of re al urban of gl o m d d l a d r e n o ithin is one r a W more hird elop w ric sp T v e g e n n e d e i h g m t n o of bec s ca h the ng the itions dition spaces ed wit standi e cond se con r urban h e e Combin t h d d t n l g u r n w o i f ho e to rd W serv ding o ortanc to Thi for ob vel. erstan of imp tools d n e bal le e u b o s l i n o g c a t a g e he pre n v n i o o t r eri, t bric l crea ight p ano Bo ban fa f r e s of as wel ext, m u t e t S c n e r o h d o c own en an ual f s in t t t e o x g h e n c t ing a s n their h n o c nt c r stay ul Bu ionary mporta n thei by Rao i i y; d t d t evolut e u e i s b t c o le, limi f a prop inuscu ace ions o ories m p t e s o h t m t s n e n a o i b e ur th aga ing t unique ce are re set Accord ts of sistan rces a e e o k r f c o f l p o a glob rces small an ese fo tion s1 . ng urb on. Th i innova t dition a n r o evaili u c r d p n d a e d n b h e a r t m u ch for opower protoin whi ively d prot re the espect bmerge he way r u t s e e v y o they a g a l t n h l cha ri tia ble nd Boe he ini e we a ire to oten a over t ons ar he des h c i t c n t s u i y n d b u o n B t o , le e c Guided viewed are ab g thes gm is vealin s that e l r o . o h s paradi t g p u o l thro evel ationa pace d . Only observ rban s itions u d n h o c c i h urban y in w the wa change obal the gl ing tween e b analys d s n a a l l r l e e d w r Third , as the bo s in a itions l d o rving n o e o t s c Aim: b s o ten urban m at unscho protoves ai aoul B erged R arrati m n b d u n f s a o e oeri A set and th ss fano B rities s acro of Ste y t simila i ussion l c a s n i o d i e t nc for but t. the fu odate distri contex accomm e and r urban o a t h d s l d r e o o W ge t creat langua ll be isual ace wi v f r a e t g n i usin A user void, tional a c o v a ation. inform

Description: The tools are to be utilized and tested in Cape Town, South Africa, a hybrid city with assertive global qualities, the presence of a middle class, and a growing urban poor population. Through the description of dynamic, urban mechanisms, both global and contextual; and through typological observations, identification, and registration in realspace as well as metaspaces, this work is in large parts an analysis of tools originally devised for observations in European space. One of the tasks of this diploma will therefore be to investigate whether the tools are capable of discerning between contextual forces formed outside a European territory compared to the ones operating within it. Will the narratives and their analysis be successful in respecting Cape Towns urban context? The tools are not to be compiled as a single object, but rather tested as separate theories within a common framework, given the possibility of additional amendments that comply with the context of the site.

Presumptions: 1. The political undertones of the respective theories that fuel the use of anti-linear, circulatory systems and a dualistic worldview have to be accepted as the means to a theoretical approach. 2. Observational tools for a European identity are transferable to Cape Towns urban context, due to the generic value of global processes. It will be a task of this diploma is to assert if this presumption is true. 3. It is possible to make an analysis of the tools universal values based on only one case study, without the presence of comparative sites, because the global processes are a fact: If the observational tools yield results in Cape Town, it is highly likely that they will function in any other urban context.
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The global parts of a city exceeding local conditions (Urban Flotsam, Bunschoten, 2001, p 27). / *proto- or prot- (pref) 1. First in time; earliest: protolithic. 2. First formed; primitive; original: protohuman.

Observing the Proto-Urban Conditions

Investigations into Global Processes and the Urban Poor

An introduction to method >>

1. Introducing Boeri In Notes for a research Program Boeri states that the contemporary urban territory brings together a multitude of individual, unsynchronised actions within a few very regular physical movements, and that the vocabulary used to describe urban space is impoverished and quite simply non-functional. Boeri therefore introduces eclectic atlases as a means of observing the multitude from several viewpoints at once. With eclectic atlases Boeri implies that only through correct observational techniques is it possible to understand, and consequently harness the energies of the city. Eclectic atlases are based on four main points: account for mutations in real-time, limit observations to samples of territory, compare and map the samples of territory, and inquire into the identity of the inhabitants. Through eclectic atlases it is possible to distinguish two distinct currents: a highly repetitious processes of modification on one hand, which includes mass individualism, systems of professional rationality, and the

spread of transnational flows. On the other hand one finds forms of autopoietic innovation of inhabited space which seemingly adapt on original terms to the great global energies. According to Boeri these two currents are pitted against each other, resulting in a set of conditions he refers to as combinatory regularities. These, he says, are laid down upon a historical territory and are autonomous in their very nature. They rarely mutate into other forms. The six combinatory regularities are: linear attractors, bowling pins, islands, cloning zones, grafts, and zones of metamorphosis. Boeri states that there is no mutual contamination between the combinatory regularities, but it is tempting to see this as a discussion of physical space only. Comparisons to Bunschoten, together with on site observations clearly indicated the need for introducing a cultural, political and social aspect to the matrix, making it possible to observe linkages between the combinatory regularities, without any contamination of physical space.

However, when introducing the concept of combinatory regularities to the townships in the Cape Flats, problems arise. It becomes apparent that the typology, and moreover the cultural, political and social aspects of township structures functions differently depending on the scale of observation. Boeri is unclear when defining the scale of combinatory regularities, thus opening for possible interpretations. By introducing a connected zoom and a disconnected zoom, Cape Towns landscape is divided in two. While a connected zoom correlates with the current terms of combinatory regularities, a disconnected zoom demands a translation of

these terms into a new vocabulary. This also imposes change on the dynamics that exist within cultural, political and social space. When introducing this to bean drops in the CBD or in affluent or middle class zones clearly defined territories with the inherent implications of such territories - they fall under a connected zoom, thus keeping in line with Boeris original theories. In the case of bean drops in township or informal settlement, they arguably belong to a disconnected zoom.

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2. Introducing Bunschoten In Urban Flotsam Bunschoten introduces a more linear set of tools than Boeris almost circulatory system. Bunschoten calls for a more practical, hands on approach to observing the dynamics of urban space which, he states, goes through transitional phases when one of the following happen: the loss of collective memory or the evolution of new cultural identities, the growth of previously unknown urban form, the transformation of political environments, and new social structures brought about by the eruption of volatile communities. To utilize these transitional phases, Bunschoten introduces a set of miniscenarios. The miniscenarios highlight the transitional processes that have taken place, or are taking place at the site of a bean drop, and uncover any underlying currents through a site. The four miniscenarios are: Erasure, Origination, Transformation, and Migration. Erasure is a process of emptying out, of taking away, but also of making space opening up, and creating distance. Erasure allows for renewal and change, and creates increased spatial identification. Origination is a turning point, such as change in zoning or the renaming of a place. Separations between the erased parts and those that remain will emerge, and traces of order arise. Transformation is the exchange of certain parameters for others. It is the overlaying of various conditions, creating structures. Migration refers to mobility and projected ideas. Migration is a dynamic process producing assertion, integration, transformation and assimilation. With migration new identities unfold.

Through the mapping of these E O T M miniscenarios, Bunschoten claims, it is possible to uncover what he refers to as submerged proto-urban conditions. The proto-urban conditions are the emotions of a city. They are submerged forces strongly affecting behaviour and action in urban spaces, and incite change in the urban fabric. The proto-urban conditions are initially submerged, but are revealed through E O T M miniscenarios. Only through the utilisation of the revealed proto-urban conditions is it possible to achieve new forms of urbanity.

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3. Interviews As both Boeri and Bunschoten point out the importance of inhabitants and their identity, 11 qualitative interviews were carried out in the Cape Town Metropolitan Area. Six of these were planned ahead of time, and the remaining five were carried out spontaneously. The informants in the interviews range from university professors to homeless people, from City Council planners to DIY grass-root entrepreneurs.

Daniel Katshwa - barber

Fabio Todeschini, UCT Sip ho, hom els s

Barbara Southworth, City C

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4. Bean Drops Directly utilizing Bunschotens method for gathering data, 38 bean drops were located in the Cape Town Metropolitan area, whereby 18 of these were concentrated in the CBD. These bean drops are random, and according to Bunschoten, through the repetition of such randomness, a complete picture of Cape Town is acquired. The bean drops showcase the variety of Cape Towns urban landscape: from inner city pulsations to tranquil nature reserves, from affluent suburbs to informal squatter camps along the highway. Each of the bean drops are systematically channelled through the four E O T M miniscenarios, creating a narrative of the city as a whole through samples of its territory.

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Repetitious process of modification

Combinatory regularities

Autopoetic inovation of space

Open dynamic city

Certain urban problems

Submerged Proto-Urban Conditions

External view

Combination of methods

Metaspaces (E O T M)

Governance / Policies

New forms of urbanity

Proto-Urban Conditions

5. Main Matrix Returning to the main matrix, it should now be possible, though the analysis of the bean drop sites, to uncover any submerged proto-urban conditions. For instance, if starting with Bunschotens premises, a random set of bean drops are gathered. Then, through Boeri, the bean drops are mapped, and combinatory regularities uncovered. A sense of context is obtained through qualitative interviews, which in turn brings us back to Bunschotens E O T M miniscenarios. Finally, by reviewing all the gathered data, it may be possible to uncover the underlying currents in the city in other words: the proto-urban conditions.

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11 interviews conducted in the Cape Town Metropolitan Area

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Interview with Chico, parking attendant, Kloof Street, Wed 14.09.05 AE: Your name is? Chico: My name is Chico. AE: So Chico, where do you come from? C: I come from DRC AE: And what When did you come here? C: I came because the country is not nice, they are killing us yeah So we are leaving the country to come to South Africa. AE: So why particularly South Africa? Why Cape Town? C: I was coming here in 1998, and until today Ive been in South Africa. AE: And what did you start off with when you came here? C: The time I was coming here I was before to work at a Command Security, I leave Command Security and start to work on All Guard. And then I start to make small drama, then I finished with small drama, because the people that were with me, they disappointing me. Because Im a refugee I can do any job I can do. Thats why Im parking the cars. AE: So now youre a parking attendant. C: Yeah, so now I park the cars. AE: And youre self employed? C: Yeah, Im self employed. AE: So can you tell me a bit how that works? How does the parking work and C: When I park the car it depends on the day, sometime like Monday you can work 60 Rand, 40 Rand, and Wednesday you can work 75 bucks, Thursday 80, and Friday sometimes you can see 120. AE: So is that better than working as a security guard? C: Is what I can say: Is better to work as security, because security gonna give you all of the money at the end of the

can work, month, and as a car guard you d to eat, nee you ey, mon you can take the need to pay you need to do something, you ng like goi is the rent yeah, the money that. AE: So never get to save. away the C: Never, never safely put money. k? There are AE: How does the system wor working as many people along the street car guards. ty, and they C: All these people they par ple are gone peo the n the and party (?) got place e theyre gone. Like, me Iv places. ir the got other friends have of yours? s end fri all are AE: And these y have the e C: Yeah, the friends of min king. wor are y also their places so the ? DRC m fro o als AE: So they are working as car C: They are also from DRC, guards. in relation to AE: And how does this work re are also the n tow In ? ers municipal pow employed by some car guards, but they are the city council. ebody was C: No Before it was like som 10 R. But and R 10 the t lec col to coming re working we now that thing finished, so free, alone. grabs. AE: OK, so now its up for h. Yea C: work in front AE: And the restaurants you entive? inc any you e giv of, do they thing. any me e giv t don y the C: No, e these mak I Nothing only myself go home. I n the , ish fin things, when I reciate app t mus ts ran tau res AE: So the k. that you are doing this wor me very well. C: I belong here, they know work this I why ts Tha al. I dont ste l. job. Everybody they are coo

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Interview with Michael A Berk, Proprietor, no 4 Loop Street, Fri 16.09.05 AE: I just thought wed start off if youd like to say something about this place. MB: Sure, this building in particular? AE: Yeah MB: Id say this building is probably about 60 or 70 years old, and initially this area was an industrial area. On the site behind us there was a power station, and this served for heavy mechanics and industrial processes. So the city changed and the industrial areas tend to move out of the city. Reason also being that the rent tends to go up and the industrial companies dont want to pay a high rent. This building, in 1999, we decided that we couldnt get a decent commercial rent. AE: So you owned the building prior to MB: Ja, the buildings been My father bought the building in the 70s late 60s. They had a liquor supermarket chain at the bottom.

AE: I see, so in 1999 you decided. MB: During the 90s, well, during the 80s it was very bad, the market was very slow. It also had a lot to do with the politics at the time. South Africa was isolated from the world. So in the 90s you couldnt get decent rentals for commercial office space, you couldnt get 20 or 30 R a meter, so it wasnt viable to convert the space then into better commercial space and let it out at a higher rent. So at that time we decided to convert the top floor we thought wed start with the top floor. On the top floor we used to have squash courts. There used to be a gym. So there were three squash courts and an office area, so we

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decided to convert the top floor to apartments, and we got eight apartments in. Three of the squash courts are about 150 square m each (?), and they are self contained with mezzanines. AE: So it was very high under the roof? MB: Ja, these were high ceiling, double volume spaces. We had an architect in there for a long time, probably about four or five years. And thats obviously the type of tenant you want. The space suits his business. AE: So it was both a home and office space? MB: Both home and office, thats the idea. AE: And was this something you saw throughout the city, or the CBD, or was it only you that were transforming these spaces into apartments? MB: It was only us in this part of town. It had already started in Victoria Junction AE: Which is not in the hub of the city. MB: No, not really. But the reason why we did it is we saw an opportunity for a residential / commercial development, it wasnt purely residential. It was built on the idea that the person would work and live in the same space. This was the ninth floor, and it was ready for the millennium, and it lent itself very well. We were initially in the other building across the street which goes down all the way to the convention centre. Basically I

think the convention centre was the catalyst for upgrading the city. Upgrading it from a residential point of view, from a commercial point of view, from a retail point of view. When they decided to put the convention centre into town, there was a change. AE: So do you see the centre as a sort of political tool then? MB: Ja, I think it was the Central Improvement District, which was initiated about the same time as well, around 2000. There basically was a vision to change the city, to bring people into the city from a retail point of view and from a residential point of view and obviously, now, the residential part of it is taking off. AE: Yeah, you can see there is a lot of building activity going on would you characterize it as a building boom? MB: It is in ways a building boom AE: On South African terms? MB: Yes, definitely. I mean, Cape Town has never seen so much money being brought in to the city centre. As I was talking to you previously, in the 90s, there was a lot of decentralization. To Clairmont, and then Century City was built. Those areas the southern suburbs, and the northern suburbs people generally didnt want to travel into town. There was a crime problem in town. And for various other reasons the image of town wasnt good. And it was at that point the Central Improvement District was initiated and set up an infrastructure for keeping crime under control, for keeping public spaces clean, and they have done a very good job. And now that that has been successful there has been a huge investment.

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AE: So you are saying that from the turn of the century up till now there has been a positive development in the city centre. MB: Ja. AE: And yours was actually one of the first buildings to be a part of that change, in fact, prior to the change. MB: Well, we obviously did a peacemeal. The ninth floor in 2000, we did the eighth floor in 2001, seventh in 2002, and last year we did this floor. And our intention is not to go further down. AE: The rest is commercial? MB: Light industrial even. There are various other tenants in the building, so its a mixed use building. Were not going to have residential space any further down. Youll have problems letting it out. AE: For security reasons? MB: Not only for security reasons. Its partly on the appeal level. You want to be high up, you want views. And obviously also for security. The higher up, the more
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secure you feel. So were going to keep it as is now, except well have three levels of parking at the bottom. We have two now. Parking is the most essential. You cannot let or sell residential space without parking inside the building. AE: This is something that fascinates me. South African driving culture. The CBD in Cape Town is quite compact its not a sprawled out area its a fifteen minute walk from one side to the other. Still, everybody in town drives a car. But perhaps they all stay outside the centre? M: The problem with that is that the transport system in Cape Town the public transport system is non existent. Taxis are about the same price as in London. There are minibus taxis, but I assume there is a certain stigma attached to them, and they are obviously dangerous with 20 people inside where there is room for 12 AE: And you sit there and wonder when the breaks fail.

MB: Yeah. But they are in fact being used more. It just needs to be regulated a bit more. AE: I actually saw a white female minibusdriver the other day. MB: You did? (laughs) Thats pretty much the first Ive heard of. AE: Well, I dont know. Maybe she was doing private work. But she was filling up a taxi. MB: Well, you get them driving school kids and such Ja, the public transport system really needs an overhaul in the city. Youve got the trains that take you from the centre of town to the southern suburbs like Muizenberg and Simons Town. AE: And that is the only commuting system? MB: Well there are busses, but they are not functional. The public transport system has failed basically because apartheid did exactly that. The blacks would live somewhere else, and the whites would live here. So the transport system just supported the whites. And with apartheid changing, the
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public transport couldnt cope with the huge amount of people. So the taxi industry has been quite successful at transporting people, but at the same time AE: Because there must be quite a number of people who didnt move after apartheid. I mean people who stayed in Langa would still be staying in Langa and working in town. MB: Yes, they would. AE: So for them the minibus taxis are the only means of transport. MB: Well, I definitely believe this residential boom is going to continue. This building across the road is going to come up and it will be massive. 15 floors. 3 building all together. AE: One of the largest in Cape Town then? MB: Yes AE: And so you feel that the transport sector is the sector that needs to haul ass to keep up with the current development. MB: Sure, yes. (tape ends)

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Interview with Joanne Harding, Manager, SCAT, Fri 16.09.05 AE: I read Rural Voice, your book, and on the inside cover there were all these logos made at different workshops which I found very interesting. The way I understand it there were different groups from different areas doing this? JH: We work with 60 different communities, and in every community our entry point is a community based organization. Our focus is rights-based development, and they are all commonly referred to as citizens advice bureaus which basically offer a paralegal service. AE: In relation to getting work? JH: It depends. People come with a range of problems from socioeconomic- to paralegal rights. (The people we use) are resourced people in the community that have an understanding of the constitution and the legislation that broadly applies to the rural population, and obviously in particular to women and children, and any other vulnerable group like the disabled. So thats their core business. But because of what they do in relation to the rights issues, they will take it to another level which is lobbying, advocacy, and development. So a woman will come to the office and say My partner is abusing me and my children. I need help and then there is legislation which protects them, or is supposed to, and prevents the man or perpetrator for coming near them, and there should be some support system in the community. AE: And these spots on the map, are these the communities you are in right now? JH: Yes. Its the Northern, Eastern, and Western Cape. In the book you will see there is a map. AE: I used to live in Zambia and Kenya for some time, and I also did a bit of studying in Uganda, and one of the main issues

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there in terms of legal assistance is the ques tion of secure tenure. Land rights. Is that a problem here? JH: Its particularly bad in the North Eastern Cape, because there are no land rights yet. They are enshrined in the constitution, but the land is prot ected by the chiefs and tribal authorit ies. Historically under apartheid it was under curatorship to the tribal authorit ies, and they havent as yet and there has been a lot of work done - around ways for people to secure land. Whereas in the other provinces you could access land through subsidies and purchase a piece of land, and that would depend on how the land has been divided up. (In North East ern Cape) the land is owned by a chief, and the chief decides who gets the land , an often when the men die the land doesnt go to the woman who was their wife or partner, it will go to a brother or a fath er. AE: So its a sort of patriarchal system. JH: Yes. This is a very rural area . It is ex-Bantustan. So in that area land tenure is a problem. AE: In the Cape Area though, what s the situation like there? JH: Security of tenure for peop le who have lived and worked on farms, and whose families have been employed on farms for 2-300 years isnt a prob lem. There is a security of tenure act, and it allows people I dont know the act that well but it allows people who have lived on a farm for a certain peri od of time some level of security. And if a farmer wants to evict workers, he has to make alternative arrangements for their accommodation, either in town or on a piece of land. AE: This is at the farmers expe nse? JH: Yeah. Because a lot of farm ers, due to the violence on a lot of farm s, are trying to move workers off thei r land. A measure of security due to the fear and uncertainty with what is happenin g with the new government especially in the
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early days there was a lot of fear from white commercial farmers. So they tried to evict farm workers. AE: So when you come nearer to the Cape Town metropolitan area, like say, Kaylieshta Kayelitscha? Sorr y I got that wrong JH: Khayelitsha. Khaya is a hous e and Cha is nice, so it means my nice house. AE: So Khayelitsha and Langa and places like that have been there for a very long time. Langa has, I don t know about Khayelitsha JH: In the separate zoning those were townships where black people were sent to live, and they have grown enormously in the last ten years. AE: So how is the land issue there? Is it allocated for further development? JH: Generally it was municipal land that people have just squatted on. AE: And that is accepted in the sens e that squatting is accepted? JH: Yes. There is some protection in terms of squatter rights, but the government, as far as I know, also have rights in terms of the land, and they are moving people, and ther e have been forced removals of peop le from land that was zoned for cert ain purposes. AE: Right. There is for example some industry in that area, around the airport. JH: Yes. Well. Some of the land was zoned for housing, even dense hous ing for people to move into. And then you have squatters on the land so the houses cant be built. But they go in and they move the people out. And I dont know if they make alternative arrangements. My knowledge is not very good of urbanization, or the urba n setting. I know more about the move ment from the rural areas to the urban areas. This has had a huge impact on

the rural communities, because you tend to get the younger male population leaving the rural areas. AE: From my experience, further north, you see the gap between urban and rural areas diminishing because there is a constant economic flow. Its not a substantial economic flow, but it is from all the people coming in to the inner city or the suburbs to take work, and the money flows into communities further out. Do you see that in South Africa as well? JH: Mmm To some extent. I wouldnt say all the money, and I wouldnt say a large portion of it. The rural areas are densely populated still, in South Africa, and definitely have the highest poverty levels. Why we support rural organizations is because there tends to be no other welfare system, and people tend to spend their money in the cities even though they earn them in rural areas. So there is not a lot of money moving around in a rural community. They will catch a taxi and go to the nearest town or city and buy clothes, buy food, and then leave the city and go back. AE: It is quite logical because the economic hub of an area tends to be the most urbanized area. Thats where you get the goods. JH: But what is difficult is to create employment and to create reasons for people to stay in rural areas since there is not much economic activity. AE: So how big is the migration into the Cape area? What is the percentage, do you know? JH: I wouldnt know, no. AE: But is it a problem. I mean, are there overpopulation problems from the rural areas. JH: Oh, yes. But its evident. There are 5 million people living in Cape Town. Thats the same amount of people as in the whole of Norway! I think the biggest problem is the breakdown of family and community in the rural areas, because a certain group of people are leaving. They tend to leave the young children behind, and old people who are raising young children. AE: So you get a gap of a certain age group.
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JH: Yes. And what we are seeing now is a return to rural areas for people to die from HIV, so that puts an extra burden on the rural community, because people without money have to care for people who are sick and dying. AE: So the income group is There is a void there, in rural areas. JH: Yes. And people who have come to urban areas to earn money and do send money back to the communities become unemployed or they lose their jobs because of their illness, return to their area, no money, no income for that family, and the burden of someone dying, and the cost of the funeral when they do die. So I think there is a heavy burden on the rural community. The opportunities in the rural areas is having land so you can grow some level of subsistence, and support yourself on that subsistence. But that is probably the biggest opportunity. AE: Are there a lot of subsidies to farmers? JH: No. Only buying land through the subsidy system, which is only 20 000 Rand. And that doesnt get you a lot. AE: How much land would that acquire? I guess it depends on the province? JH: Yes. It depends on the province. It depends on what the land has been allocated for. The people could get a quarter hectare for 20 000, or some people have put their money together. AE: So like a commune? Built on a sort of Soviet model? Thats interesting. Does it work? JH: We interact a lot with that kind of subsistence farming. We see a lot of conflict. It depends on how well its managed. People dont always have the capacity to set up governance structures that are effective. They dont always know how to manage money when they do generate a surplus. And when people are poor, the connection between making money to buy new seedlings to sustain the project is not always made. AE: So there is a management issue there that sort of falls out.

JH: Which is where we intervene to some extent, just to build management capacity. But there needs to be a lot more done to make it work. If you have high levels of education I think there is greater potential. AE: But you wouldnt necessarily move back to your home community if you had a high level of education. JH: No. AE: They tend to stay in the cities. JH: During apartheid there were a lot of good schools that were set up by missions. Catholic, Anglican and some Lutheran. There were very good schools in Transkaai, where people like Mandela were educated. A lot of

those schools have struggled to continue to exist. Its hard to get money and to justify international funding in the new dispensation. AE: So how is the freedom of movement after 94? Has the decrease in the income group in rural areas worsened after 94? JH: Just in terms of observation I mean, Khayelitsha grows daily. AE: And so does the CBD. JH: Yes, well, Ive been here eight years, and Khayelitsha was just land that gave you the

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sense that you were moving into rural areas. Thats just not there anymore. So, yes, I would say that its urbanizing at quite a rapid rate. And theyre not coping in terms of water, sanitation, housing, lighting, electricity. You can see people connect electric wires to one building, so theres like a net above because there is inadequate electricity. People are expected to pay for services, and dont necessarily have the money to do so. A lot of houses have been built to alleviate some of the problem,but they are not keeping up with the amount of people coming in. AE: It seems you are seeing the same problems as elsewhere in Africa, in terms of urbanisation. Its just skyrocketing, but its interesting here in South Africa because it was clamped down upon to a certain point, and then it was freed, and you get the effects of that. JH: During apartheid. Not the last ten years of apartheid, but before that, you needed a pass book to leave the Bantustan and move into the city. And you needed a job before you got the pass. AE: Still, you had a lot of migrant workers at that point, especially in the Johannesburg area. JH: Yes. And they were recruited by TEBA(?), the recruitment bureau for the mines, and they would give them passes and so on. But the problem has been the people who were

retrenched from the mines and returned to the rural areas, with retrenchment packages, but depressed, not able to find other employment because they were very specifically trained. And then theres also HIV/Aids. There is a backwards and forwards movement, but I think there is a higher level of urbanisation than there is of people returning to the rural areas. AE: Do you see the I forget there is this act. Its BB something That in any institution or organization, or place to work you need a certain percentage of black people. JH: Oh, the BEE Black Employment Equity. AE: Is there a demand for a black workforce in the cities? JH: There is a demand for an educated black workforce. AE: Which then would keep them away from the rural areas. JH: Yes. So people who are educated are seldom going to find themselves unemployed. There is a high demand. AE: I spoke to this white South African down the road, and he said that he would have problems finding work if he was to be unemployed. Or, at least, he wouldnt have that many options.

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JH: Well If you are very specialized the law requires that you set up your qualifications for a job, and if people are suitably qualified, youd take the black person over the white person. In the areas of accounting, IT, engineering, architecture,you still tend to have predominately white people. AE: Just from observation it seems like the street jobs are predominately black, and all the business jobs are predominately white. JH: There are a lot of black people in the area of business development and corporate development, but in the specialized fields within that you tend to find the white people. And that has a lot to do with our history of mass education, which was very poor in the black schools. So you still find 20-30 year olds who at least in their grounding had a poor maths and science education. So thats why there is such a high level of technical skill in the white community. AE: At the end of apartheid schooling was for everyone JH: Schooling is for everyone. It is still

shocking in the black community. You have 50 children in a classroom. There are still a lot of kids who cant get into schools because there are no schools in there area, and they cant afford the taxis to other places. AE: Is there a lack of teachers, or is there a lack of funding? JH: Theres a lack of teachers, theres a lack of funding, theres a lack of governance, theres a lack of electricity. I mean, the schools are in a shocking condition. There will be a few good schools, but everyone will compete to get into those schools. The schools that are in the wealthy areas are AE: Would you get into the school if you have money? Is that what you are saying? JH: You get into schools if you have money. There is definitely a growing rich, black middle class who are living in those areas and are going to those schools. But proportionally to white people it is still quite low. And what a lot of white people tend to do, after their children go to university or before they go to university, they send them overseas, they get certain skills, they get exposure, and they will have an advantage, still, over a young black person who hasnt had that exposure.

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JH: If you go to UCT here, most of the young black people speak British English, and are going to compete equally with the white people in terms of capacity to speak a language that is internationally used and they will AE: They will be headhunted for jobs in the urban areas and will not go back to the rural areas. JH: Unlikely. AE: So are there any programs obvi ously SCAT is one participant but are there any programs for the government to sort of push people back to the rural areas? JH: There is something you can look for on the net, its called Rural Deve lopment Framework made by the Department of Agriculture, which is partly a stra tegy to improve rural areas, beckoning (?) more people to move there and stay. How affective its been? I think we still see such deprivation in rural areas ther e has been some level of improvement but ther e are actually areas where it has gotten worse. AE: I saw NORADs report from this year which states their aims and goals for the coming years, and they dont ment ion urban areas at all, so they are solely into rural development. Do you see that happ ening? Is that a trend among other donors? Or: are you well funded, or is there a lack of funds is basically the question. JH: SCATs funding has reduced quit e dramatically. International donors have cut down their grants to South Africa. We are still the biggest recipient of mone y from Norwegian Church aid. AE: I think South Africa receives the highest percentage of grants from Norwegia n aid in general. Because I mean, obviousl y South Africa would be the country where you see results. JH: But we get a reduced grant from what we used to get. AE: Thats interesting because Norw egian aid has never been as high as it is now. JH: Is that for Africa?
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AE: No, on a whole. So what Im sayi ng is, NORADs funds are larger than ever, but South Africa is receiving a smaller amount than before. JH: Generally funding is reduced (her e). Places like Malawi and Mozambique are seeing increasing funding. Its based on the fact that South Africa is now a middle inco me country. AE: In some areas. JH: Yes. In some areas its still as poor as any of the poorest in the world. But it is based on that fact, and I think it comes from the view that we need to find more strategies for redistributing wealth within the country. A lot of industries are owned by international companies, though, who are not necessarily going to care. They are not going to care about BEE, because they don t have to. But it affects local companies. AE: And it will affect agriculture in rural communities as well because they are probably selling to multinationals Or? JH: Well, also we dont have subsidie s for farmers anymore. And our farmers are competing with European farmers that are heavily subsidised. AE: There has been a change in gove rnment in Norway just now, so maybe well see a reduction in subsidies to Norwegian farmers. So when are elections in South Afri ca? JH: We just had. AE: And Mbeki got re-elected. JH: Yes. AE: Thats for four more years? JH: Yes. And the ANC got a 70 percent vote, which means that they could change the constitution if they wanted to. AE: So are they going to change the constitution at some point? JH: No, not yet. AE: What do you suspect would be chan ged? I mean, would it affect the dynamics between the rural and urban? JH: No. ANCs policies in terms of most things are fairly liberal. Its the implementations its not conserva tive but

the service delivery (?) is shocking. The levels of corruption are astronomical. AE: You mentioned governance earlier. That there was a need for governance. JH: Yes. Our local municipalities have very low levels of skill in terms of governance. They have to implement huge budgets, and we see that a lot of that money goes to salaries. High salaries to people like the mayor and town clerks. AE: Governance can mean so much Are there any attempts at empowering the, well, take for instance the people who join together in communes is there an approach for that? JH: Not that we have seen. AE: And there wont be either? JH: There is a political will to empower local government, which is good. But were not seeing it. So I think at the level of the

cabinet and at the level of parliament there is the will to build capacity to empower people. AE: Is it too liberal? Is that what youre saying? JH: No. Its not too liberal. I just think that there arent enough resources that are being put in the right places. AE: So it just peters out as it goes down the chain. JH: And there tends to be a lot of unspent money that should go to development that is not getting there. We just dont have the infrastructure in place, and the levels of skill. That is needed to make sure it happens. AE: So you are not talking about corruption, its just that there isnt any chain for this to sort of run through.

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JH: I dont think corruption is unassociated, but I think in rural communities people tend to go missing. They dont get noticed before there is some huge scandal. Whereas in urban areas youve got huge newspapers and media who can expose things quicker, and people will notice, so you have to react and deal with things. In rural areas things tend to go on for longer. People are getting angry, which I think is quite new in the last ten years. Youre seeing a lot of strikes and a lot of community action, people taking the law into their own hands. Theres a go slow in the Eastern Cape: teachers are only working until 11 oclock in the morning, because they are worried (?) about the schools, the conditions they are working under, the salaries they are getting and so on. In the last six months there have been

huge strikes within the big corporate companies. AE: Still 70 percent voted for ANC. JH: Yes. That was last year. AE: Do you know the distribution of votes? Urban compared to rural areas? JH: The support for ANC is probably higher in the rural areas. (But) there might be a swing. Theres been a lot of political loyalty to the ANC for bringing about transformation in South Africa. But I think the ordinary person on the street is loosing

that loyalty. I dont think there are

enough political alternatives for them. The Democratic Alliance is the second biggest party. Its very liberal to the point of conservative. ANC is more radical liberal. The Democratic Alliance doesnt offer a

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for e possibility rnative, or th e, te iv al at le rn ab te it al su cal to a more radi people to go than the ANC. ft wing more left wing has a quite le C AE: But the AN history. litics and in terms of po JH: Yes. But re radicalmo s to be nd te it nt me govern socialist. the other liberal than saying is that e ar u yo at nd to be more AE: So wh of parties te s rm the te in s option you consider n minded. If ba an ur rb , u st d li an ta capi industry t) is al it ap le fact that (c there are peop JH: Yes, and ould sh s ea ar go together. l ra e view that ru l who are of th exists that people wil There is a view that just die out. and to t wan y the because stay in rural areas us imately we have to foc ult but e, hav always e cop we make sure that on the urban areas to ws. vie se re are tho with urbanisation. The n. That would the st hli wis r AE: So you include... entive for business JH: I think more inc as, more incentive to invest in rural are rural areas, nurses, for people to work in es, . with higher salari doctors, teachers, etc in t men est s, more inv better leave condition Personally I believe . ion cat edu housing and If we dont look e. that there is a balanc be as theres going to out for our rural are d, foo te era ive to gen less and less incent fer areas are going to suf an urb in and people to take care of our too. I think we have the government needs and rural communities, in terms of long-term to think about that sustainability.

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35

Interview with Daniel Katshwa, Barber, Khayelitsha, Sun 18.09.05 AE: So, Daniel, this is your barbershop? DK: Ja, this is my shop. AE: And its also a photo studio? DK: It was before. Unfortunately my camera was broken, it was about two years back and I couldnt afford a new one. So I had to stop and just continue with the barbershop. AE: Did you build this place yourself? DK: Ja, I did build it myself. AE: And did you by the plot as well, or is this just on the side of the road? DK: Its just on the side of the road, I didnt buy it. AE: So do you live nearby then? DK: Ja, but not on this side. At the back here. AE: And how many customers do you have, say, on a good day? DK: I can say I get 11-12 people in mid-week. But in the weekends its much more busy. At least its not bad, but anyway, I need more customers. AE: So do you do this all by yourself, or have you employed someone? DK: Back in 2001 I started a saloon, but

unfortunately the guys were not committed to their jobs, and then by summer they intended to go home and that cost me a lot, because I ended up working alone, and it was very difficult a tough job for me. So I decided no, I have to stop and I started here with a job I can manage by myself. And well, Ive tried to get this thing Unfortunately I dont have photos. It was a saloon before, but this guy hit it with a car, and I had to start over again. Its the second time Ive started. () Its a long way to have this thing, and it takes guts and courage. AE: So to start a business like this, is there any permit required from the municipality? DK: No, you know, I didnt get any kind of permission. The government says (Something in Xhosa). AE: What does that mean? DK: Wake up and do it for yourself. If you notice, this side (points all around his shop) doesnt have anything. Everybody is free to put up a plot, as long as it benefits them and the community to give the right service to the community. If somebody can just put up a shelter here and just rob people, that would be a huge blow for him

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or her. You have to make sure that you put up shelter and benefit from it. Then the community loves your services. AE: So its a self help effort. You provide a service and theres a free economy. DK: Exactly. I started like that. I had to put something here.

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Interview with Muzami, Radio Zibonele, Khayelitsha, Sun 18.09.05 AE: Nice to meet you Muzami. What is your job at the radio station? Do you run it? M: At this present moment I am just a presenter, I am also heading the spot about () AE: Can you tell me a bit about the history of this radio station? How did this radio station come to be? M: The station started officially in 1995. If Im not mistaken it was the 5. August 1995. It started as a tool for the health workers. We were not here then, we were in Isheitu not far from here. They were promoting health issues. You remember at that time in Khayelitsha there was a problem of dirtiness around the area. Their aim was to teach the community members how to look after this beautiful community. So the main people at the station wanted to use the station to reach out to the people around the area. But this idea developed, because then, it was only for people in Isheitu. So they enlarged the frequency to cover the whole of Khayelitsha. AE: So now you are covering the whole of Khayelitsha and more as well? M: From 1995 up until early this year we were covering Khayelitsha and the surrounding areas. But for two months now we have increased our coverage to the greater peninsula. AE: So this means you are not only covering issues regarding Khayelitsha, but also M: Yes. Not only health issues, but also issues like sports, current affairs, news, educational programs, women, and all different types of music AE: So, anything from entertainment to politics. M: Entertainment, politics, education, magazine programs AE: And how many listeners do you consider having? M: Presently, I think we have something more than 133 000. AE: Right. Thats quite a lot. M: Thats quite a lot. And thats on record. I understand that by the time they were issuing these figures out, we were only covering Khayelitsha only. But now that
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we are talking about the grater peninsula, obviously, as soon as they release the new figures, we will be talking a different case. Maybe a million or more than that. AE: Thats very many listeners. And would it all be in Xhosa? M. Yeah. I think that 90 percent of our programs are in Xhosa. But in our community we have a few Sotho-speaking people, and also, this is Cape Town, so you have the Afrikaans-speaking people, and the Englishspeaking people. But now we are only covering news in Xhosa and Sotho. We are looking forward to see what we can do to cater even for other people who are speaking different languages. AE: On your level, being a local station that covers local issues. Are there many radio stations like yours? M: In Cape Town we are the only Xhosa broadcasting station. But we also have a couple of other stations, like Porsche (?) radio station, they are situated in Woodstock, and broadcast mainly in English. We also have some Christian stations. AE: That would probably say something about why you are so popular, because you are the only radio station in Xhosa. M: Yeah. But thats not only the reason. If you listen to our programs, our programs are very informative (?) programs in attending (?) education All those things. That is why we are so popular. Its our programs that makes us so popular.
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Interview with Thope Lekau, Owner of Kopanong B&B, Khayelitsha, Sun 18.08.05 AE: One of the things which caught my interest is this: Thope Lekau has a mission to replace gawping tourists in their busses with guests who engage with township life. (From Rough Guide) Thats a sentence that sort of TL: Catches you? AE: Yeah, it does, doesnt it? So tell me a bit about that. Whats your mission. Really. TL: When you start like that its difficult. I thought you were going to ask me why I started this (B & B). Maybe I have to give you a little background AE: Sure. TL: Why I started this bed and breakfast Because I used to work for Social Change Assistance Trust (SCAT) as well, as a community development worker. AE: And this was up until 1999? TL: I joined SCAT in 1992. In 97 98 I was away on study leave in the United States. Then I came back late 1998 just coming to wind up to resign at SCAT. Then at the beginning of the year 1999 I joined another NGO part time, Womens (?) Education and Training Trust, but on the other side I was converting my home into becoming a bed and breakfast. I was then registered as well to becoming a tourist guide. While doing my tourist guiding course, I started to meet with many tour operators, I started to really learn about the tourist industry. Because there were so many tour operators who were coming into the townships, but they were not stopping anywhere. They were just driving their busses around with guests. Cameras click click click from the busses. So that was my greatest challenge, that; No, no, no. You guys cant just drive around in our townships as if this was a zoo.

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How about stopping over at my place with your guests that youve been with to the townships on a tour just for refreshments and other stuff? Thats how it started. Then I started to have tour operators that were stopping over with visitors, for different things, just to pop in and talk with us, but also for refreshments. But why bed and breakfast? In the first place, coming from community development background, I was challenged with the unemployment in communities, especially women and youth yes, men as well are unemployed but my greatest focus was to do something that would inspire women and youth. AE: I saw a picture of you with an apron that said A womans place is in the struggle. An interesting way of putting it. TL: (Laughs) So, from then I started to involve so many people. When I started in 1999 I used to invite so many other women from the neighbourhood. I asked them to bring I would have a group here, so bring beans (?), Ill make bread, you do We would host visitors for lunches and all that. Then I started to create jobs for them.But the main aim was to inspire others to see that, with the high unemployment in the townships we can create jobs ourselves and create jobs for others. Then the involvement right now of the youth in the neighbourhood to give waking tours I have this philosophy that tourism is a big cake. When I have lots of visitors, let me have my slice and eat my cake, but out of those slices, others can also have their pieces. Like the young tour guides, when they are here, I always say to my guests: If you need a walking tour, I have some boys and girls that can give you a walking tour. But give them an incentive. Because unemployment is very high, and I wouldnt want them to be running around for ever and ever, becoming discouraged. But once they see they are learning a lot
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as well this interaction for them with different visitors coming from different parts of the world that are coming here it gives them another, wider exposure as well. But I also encourage that they be given some incentive as well. AE: So you see this as a sort of two way street. Us coming here and learning, but then also these people that you are employing ing TL: They are learning as well, gett . know you , well as sure expo a lot of AE: And at the same time you are keeping the money within Khayelitsha you are keeping the money within t the township which is an importan point, is it not? TL: Yes. I believe again, when I have visitors, buying from fruit and vegetable hawkers around, buying from retailers because I also do tours, I am a registered tour guide when I do tours I take people to Goldens r place, to the craft market, to othe eve beli I re. Cent ni places, to Pila s that if I do that, the Rand that come nd arou e from my place will circulat Khayelitsha. There will be so many other beneficiaries from the visitors that we bring here. By the end of the day, the economy in this township will grow. AE: So if we rewind now, to the time when they started with the township tours, the tour operators would just go in and they wouldnt leave any money. TL: Not any money! We used to hear from the guests that they used to say dont take your purses, its unsafe in the townships. People would come and run around here, and they go out. y Of course, if there is that curiosit le peop , ship to come and see the town y in the township wouldnt really enjo zoo. a in were they as ted trea to be Mahala being taken photos and photos,

and people are walking out of the township after that. But at least,if people are coming here and planting some seeds in different places, going to people like Golden, going to our craft market, then, thats what people want. Also, with the taking of photos so much that when I do my tours I say to my guests Yes. Take your camera with you. But when you want to take photographs, let me ask. Especially if you are taking people directly. This little bed and breakfast has grown to a level whereby I have taken courses in training other B&B owners. Actually, tomorrow I am waiting ladies from Sutherlands. Sutherlands is where you get the satellite outside Cape Town. They are coming for training, they will be staying here with us, Ill be doing training for them. But I also do the training for the local women. AE: So you are actually at the forefront of starting an industry in many ways. TL: Yeah AE: Or at least changing an industry. TL: Yes! Thats my main challenge. Many people still feel that and I feel that way as well its an extension of my development work. But I call it tourism development because I want this tourism to benefit our communities. We hear all over that tourism will create job opportunities, but our people here know nothing about tourism. So they need to be educated to get to know how they can be involved in tourism, so that at the end of the day they can also benefit from all these visitors coming to South Africa from all over the world. AE: Because all these visitors they will be coming in, and they will be leaving money in the formal economy, while the informal economy wont really be benefiting from it. But you are registered, I guess, as a bed and breakfast. So you are a formal business. This is not an informal business. So you are a part of the formal economy involving itself in the informal economy. Often those are separated. TL: I am part of the formal economy, still living in the second economy. Im still in
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the second, because my business is still very small. AE: Im thinking of it as two sides; theres the formal and theres the informal. When I spoke to these people today, having their barbershops and what not, they said and the boys from last night were saying as well that in the townships the municipality are saying that its a free economy. If you want to start a barbershop you start a barbershop. You dont need a permit. Is that so? TL: Well, the barbershops, yes, I think they are free to start their own thing. But with this one, this one is a little tricky sector here. There are so many regulations in the hospitality industry, whereby you have to comply with certain standards. I serve right now in the Tourism Grading Council. The Tourism Grading Council, when I was appointed to serve on that council in the year 2000 by the former minister of tourism, Vali Muza (?), we were given the task to create criteria for accommodation standards, from B&B, guesthouse, chalet, national parks, hotels. Everything. Self catering places. Now weve actually rolled on to restaurants and all that. Because its an industry which has a sensitivity. You need to comply. It needs someone to regulate it up there. Because we are dealing with visitors from all over the world, like yourself, and we have to comply to certain standards. AE: So you feel that everything that has to do with the hospitality industry has to be part of a formal system? TL: When I started a bed and breakfast in the township I was pioneering something that wasnt in the township. But I often say now, when I talk with my colleagues also when I talk with some other women that are coming for training that people, lets try to do it professionally, to show to prove the point that given opportunities in South Africa 30 years, or 100 years ago we would also have been owning large establishments, but we are only entering now the industry, so lets try to do it well. AE: So your approach to this has to do with

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standards, really. TL: Yes. We have to. We have no choice. As much as we have started informally, then a person must commit him or herself into learning all the new things about the industry. Like, for instance, myself when I started in this industry, I didnt know anything about tourism, what I was really coming from totally different fields working as a community development worker. So I committed myself to doing lots of courses, learning about this industry. Yes, today you find that a lot of people are being referred to me to come to me for information, but you find that I have sometimes acquired that information by just being curious, and learned from doing courses upon courses, to the level that I now have done a course to train other B&Bs. After doing my tourist guide course, I did a course to become an assessor. I can easily asses other tourist guides. But you find that we are so overstretched now. Im busy with the B&B. We also do co-operative marketing, where now you find that I get bookings for over 20 50 people. When I get those bookings, I dont say to people no, no, no. Im not a hotel. I say Ok, Ill take you, but Ill have to split you around to other B&Bs and homestays. So one other extra job that I do when I have those large groups, is to go around to other people and say People, please, please. We have visitors. Please see to it that their bedrooms are clean; clean linen, clean towels, everything. The whole house must be clean, because no one would want to come back again if he or she has been hosted in a house that is not clean. Its a process. An educational process. AE: You mentioned that there was a lot of curiosity for learning and that was how you got into the tourism industry. Do you see that curiosity as having a spread-effect in Khayelitsha? Are there other entrepreneurs starting up in different fields? TL: There are so many entrepreneurs starting up. You know, when we started pioneering this B&B, I remember when we just started in 1999.
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I think it was September. I won an award from Tyger Bay Tourism. I won that award, and television was here and I was interviewed. And after that there were so many people coming, wanting to be assisted into starting their own bed and breakfast. AE: Bed and breakfast is one niche. And that market fills up. TL: Sometimes you find that the person will come here because she saw you on the television being interviewed as a bed and breakfast owner. When that person comes here you see that ah, ah. This is not really a bed and breakfast person. Thats where I then ventured into trying to assist people identifying their fields. Ive encouraged so many people to becoming crafters, to become bakers. When I now have large groups that are coming for tea here, I have people that I order cookies from, but who came here some time wanting me to assist them to starting their own B&Bs. Then I encouraged them rather to do

courses into baking, so that when the B&Bs have visitors, they can be our suppliers. I use to say to them People, try to produce good quality instead of large quantities. So that when our visitors are around, we take them to your products. They must be able to buy little gifts and take back home. But if you just rush in to produce, and you dont even identify your market: Who will be buying this? No one. You will be sitting there those days with your wares no one will be buying. So you find that we have pioneered this, but there have been so many other entrepreneurs who have just mushroomed. The B&Bs are all over now, but we also have other people in different fields who are aware that now, here, we are hosting the entire world. The market. And there is an acceptance in that as well, and that there is money in it. TL: The life in the township will improve. AE: And, is there a and now I think we are coming to the core of what I am after Are you, or anyone else afraid, then, that this global

stream of influence will that in some way affect life in the townships negatively? Can you see that happening? Will it affect it in the way that culture disappears? TL: I dont think so. We are people that are very strong in our culture. The visitors that are coming over, we want to expose them to our culture. But I dont think that that the visitors that are coming will make us not respect our culture. African people respect their culture. AE: Yes they do. TL: Instead we would change you by exposing you to our culture. AE: So there is a keen understanding then, that it is through culture that you are being exposed, and that you need to keep that culture intact. TL: I dont think well ever lose our culture. Because for instance, right now, we host visitors from all over the world. We dont pretend to be like them. They must fit into who we are here. When you are here from the UK or from Norway, we dont want to be like you. We are who we are here (laughs). AE: Still, I mean, you have your education from the states, Mpho has her education from a private school in Cape Town, and these boys, at least one of them was at the technical university in Cape Town. Those are high levels of education, and you have been exposed to a high degree of globalization prior to coming here and starting your bed and breakfast. And youve been a community worker for so and so long. Do you feel that you are on another level than some of the people living in Khayelitsha? Because you moved here as well, didnt you? You moved from TL: From Guguletu. We moved from Guguletu, and before I was born on the south peninsula. Steenbek. When I moved to Khayelitsha it was 1985. 13. September I got this house. AE: Oh, you remember the date. TL: I remember the date. AE: Was that a good date? TL: It was Friday the thirteenth. It is my lucky day.
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Interview with Fabio Todeschini, Professor in Urbanism at the University of Cape Town, Mon 19.09.05 AE: I came into contact with what they call RDP (Reconstruction and Development Programme) housing. Which is the national housing scheme? FT: That is the national scheme, which is the very thing, amongst others, that will be under discussion at this weeks conference in Johannesburg. Because, clearly, many of us think that its complete rubbish. AE: Ok. So why is it rubbish? FT: Its rubbish because it conceptualises housing simply as shelter. Individual shelter formal individual shelter. It produces settlements which are absolutely AE: No community building. FT: Not only no community building, they are totally unsustainable. They are economically and socially disasters. What more need I say? Its just that its based on a conceptualisation of housing which is entirely questionable. AE: But the funding scheme? FT: The funding scheme, it relies only and essentially on the notion of first time subsidy, and its a subsidy system focused on producing this product. So there are many criticisms one can label at it. It doesnt work. Its not a good way of using public funds in relation (?). And this is a problem: It completely denies the ability of people to do certain things themselves. It also flies in the face of the realities of economics, which clearly indicate that land is about a third of the value of the total unit, the services are about another third, and the top structure is at best about a third. Clearly the policy arena that should be addressed is not the top structure, but ways of thinking about Oh, and by the way the implication of that reality is that most of the RDP housing is very far away. Its on the edge of the metropolitan area. Its always 20 30 kilometres away from job opportunities, which ensures therefore that the community and individuals that are housed will find it
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virtually impossible to either continue with the payment of the balance of the funding, and so on, and so on. Its a disaster! AE: So it just continues along the same lines that always have FT: Yes. In fact the disaster of it is the fact that it is a policy that is virtually exactly the same as the nationalist government had from the 1950s when the townships In fact the townships in the 1950s, in particular townships like Guguletu are much better, for the simple reason that the housing stock that was being devised there was row housing. Whereas the housing stock that RDP focuses on and its the only kind that it really funds is detached houses. AE: One of the bean spots that I visited actually hit on Guguletu, so we went to see the row houses. And those are from the 50s? FT: From the 50s, yes. AE: The thing you said about individuals in the communities that are able to build up things themselves FT: Its a complex story. Its not that simple. Its not just that they are individuals and have shown their ability to provide for themselves within a city framework. Its much more than that. Its an economic framework. What is clear internationally, and certainly from the evidence here, is that if a policy framework permits and allows, and actually tries to support the process of lodgings provision within the private sector, what that leads to and you see that very clearly in Langa for example is a gradual upliftment of the owners capacity to accumulate capital. To accumulate resources by providing lodgings for others through the rental system. And then with time, through that surplus, they are able to build a shop, they are able to build more housing for themselves, and whatever, and there is a gradual process of AE: So they are accumulating money within the community. FT: They are accumulating money within the housing system.

AE: And they are keeping it ther e as well. FT: And moreover they provide quite extensive nobody know s the exact quantum a quite extensive housing in terms of quantitatively for relatively transient people. AE: Because there is a transient group. FT: Of course there is! There is a very complex migratory system in the South African reality. AE: There are a huge number of immigrants from, say, the DRC. FT: There is that, but its not only that. Theres a very complex migratory system which is basic to the culture of Xhosa Africans. Whereas you ask them Where is home?, and they will answer their vill age in Eastern Cape, although they may have lived for two or thre e generations in Cape Town. Beca use they return, many of them, on a comp lex migratory system. They comm ute, so to speak, between a number of cent res. AE: I spoke to Joanne Harding at SCAT. And she was obviousl y very concerned with the deruralisati on, or the depopulation of the rural communities. FT: Yes. Of course. AE: But you are saying that this is a more complex pattern. FT: Its not just people movi ng from rural areas to urban areas. Its much more complex than that. Youll find weve actually done quite a lot of research on that ther es a lot of evidence that poin ts to, for example; children who are sent from the rural areas to relative s in the urban areas in order to get an education. They dont live with their parents. They live with relative s. Its an extended family syst em. So both in terms of survival and in terms of trying to impr ove their conditions, there is a process that harnesses this transitory nature this migratory cycle. Which mean s that a model that just conc eptualises home as the urban home is not a model that is appropriate in South African society, particularly in that cultural group. And quit e a complex model needs to be put in place, which is permissive of a range of identity constructions. AE: And in the townships? FT: Yes. Look. We had a populati on growth that was well over 2 percent per annum. It is now, dependin g on where you go, but overall, the most recent statistics indicate that it is below 1. So it is happenin g. If
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is y that cturall of rgy u e e r v n t a e s w t s this and thi eople in the boa tion, iss p s a s t e i r s m o we m apacity e c l th own, we s transp tation. , l s a i T i n th in or trai Cape he keys ansp dded t c tr e third embe cturing i f l o b pu on te ru ne rest tely. O keys is know is rd priva e i l e u h t p h o t a m t th co of as y nd one Of pack one ort a f un ot true. and ansp -taxi, i r t , y n e c i l h i b l s t l m a Pub d co Actu at that ving in e the thir erall. i r th d one v n ty l in a o i u f jori the tra y used, cle o a i y m h e , t l v d se as hard i an a o wi he v rati , for t ombi-tax uses are sed for book e c B p s a e r e . l l u h d co col who s t ize ship util tem has itten a town eavily s r y w s h ve at us s th most , the b ons. We ng i e mid s i an a y e e a m r th I y s of call fter ety basi icies a vari t. e r es. ha ou pol lici d on t at y nge in o h p w n So hei cha e i AE: the hang he apart c e t o i n t desp out ally irtu nking ab 90s eres v i s th Th I wa g. FT: ll, e W d n in AE: em e syst

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FT: Theres a macro change of policies in that now we are nominally a democracy. But the actual policies contin ue and perpetuate. Exactly the same stuff. AE: The economic and geogra phical display of this has not changed muc h. In fact its going the same way.FT: Exa ctly the same way. There is complete conformit y. Theres a lot of rhetoric to the contra ry. For example the well located housing that is being counted (?), and the res a wholebeing counted (?), and theres a whole lot of including the N2, supposedl y. But much more trenchantly a whole lot of projects. Theres the Eisterplaat its an old military base which is still in use whi ch is very well located. Its government land. It could be actually be given over to development of well located, low income housing among other things. Theres a whole mas sive corridor, hundreds of hectares of rai lway land that could be its been the subject of many project that could be rea llocated to low income housing. Theres You ngsfield, which is another military base which is largely disused in terms of land. Its very well located. Those things alt hough there has
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been a lot of rhetoric abo ut them, and a lot of commitment to doing that nothing is happening simply because the macro picture has not been reformulated sufficiently to connect to restructuring policies. Its a serious problem. AE: One of the things I fin d very interesting and one of the things I observed while travelling around the met ropolitan area, if you want to call it that is the and I find it interesting that youre saying that the transport system has collapsed, because what it seems like is tha t all these places outside the CBD are very well connect to a highway in some sense. I mean, there is extremely easy access to an intersection or a highway that will take you straight to Cape Town CBD in a matter of 15 minutes. FT: Well, ideally and the oretically. In practice, of course, it doe snt. AE: But is this model sti ll applicable for people who view themselve s as urban Cape Townians? FT: I dont know how to ans wer your question other than to say that the re are very complex identifications within the community.

selves majority view them Its not that the em yes th of ny Ma . wnians asurbanite Cape To them of be that, but many view in reality may ey th y, wa lves in that , dont view themse is me ho u yo I said to if themselves like en somewhere else. Ev for many, not all, ch shows home. And resear its only a mental ng lo a r fo e been hom that many havent re. he is me ho ve ti al ac time, and their re on a go re complex. They For others its mo much a on s me ey go someti seasonal basis, th ich is Wh e. iz al re we s than more frequent basi in Langa, Guguletu or why, if you go to all their huge busses with e Epping, youll se wards and ck ba g in keep on go stuff on top that abeth, London, Port Elis forwards from East reveals It . , and back here whatever, whatever y or at gr mi d ttlement an quite a complex se system.
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elitsha, ople I met in Khay AE: A couple of pe om, they fr re we where they when I asked them were re from PE or they would say they we from of them, there is, for most FT: Yes. And yet are here. ity is that they the economic real t r thing that migh AE: Right. Anothe atory gr mi e th of on ti strengthen the no only find lot of people can pattern is that a g area of or the surroundin work in the CBD, ips, so wn live in the to sh the CBD, but they y. ng every da they are travelli sic mes back to the ba co is th FT: Well, g is not in us ho P RD h ic m wh structural proble rican city Af h with. The Sout getting to terms nable ai st su un actured, is a segmented, fr theid. ar ap h ug ro th about system that came ly also al artheid. It actu Well, not just ap rn de mo of application came through the ples of ci in pr ng ni an town pl architecture and at ok lo a di bla. If you separation and bl

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the straight (?) data, in 1900, the average dwelling unit density in Cape Town, it was three times as much as it is today. So what has happened is the dematerialisation, a kind of suburbanisation, both through township policy and also suburban white high income policy. And Cape Town has become this kind of oil puddle that has grown enormously. And there is an enormous amount of transportation to overcome distance. The reality is that where the real economic opportunities, and not just the economic opportunities also the social opportunities in terms of the infrastructure of institutions is that they are remote from the townships. They are quite well embedded with regards to structure for the access of the more wealthy. The problem then, can be conceptualised, and we certainly conceptualise it an essential part of the problem - of harnessing current and future growth in the so called housing sector, in a way that will actually structurally modify the overall structure of Cape Town. If you dont you dont harness it in that way, by the time the boom ends and it will end population demographically will begin to decline or stabilize completely. Its already stabilizing. Its beginning to happen in terms of a decrease. AE: Driving around in private car it does. FT: It depends on the time of the day. The system is so reliant on essentially one mode, which is the freeway or the so called limited access highway system, that of course it gets completely clogged. It will take you, on a normal weekday, more than an hour to go from the airport to town at peak period. Its bumper to bumper. AE: And it takes 15 minutes in FT: Yes. At normal time it takes no time at all, but actually it takes a huge amount of time, energy, and pollution. Of course this has been used by the lobby of road construction and the engineers to argue for more loans. Which is what they are doing. They are building more lanes. So they are reinforcing and investing millions in the same structure. Now Cape Town is interesting,
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because of all South African cities it is the best endowed in terms of heavy rail. It has the most extensive - if you take it literally, per capita, population numbers of kilometres of heavy rail, Cape Town is the best endowed city that has inherited a rail system. The system was extended to Khayelitsha, it goes past Guguletu, Nyanga, Langa, and so on. If you look at ridership (?) and if you look at level of service, you will find that its been falling off because the system is not properly maintained, the funding for it is not very good, its been semi-privatised. There are a whole lot of issues again in the transportation sector. Although they actually get heavy carriers (?) of transport. If you look at the figures youll find that for a very substantial proportion of Cape Townians, particularly the trip home to work is carried by the railways. But there have been fluctuations, and it could actually have been much higher if it was more efficient as a system. While the major thrust of investment from the public side has been in road construction and road based transport. And its not just road based transport. Its essentially limited access road transport capacity. This is of course structurally doing the exact opposite of what one wants it to do. Its not integrating, its further fragmenting. So it always comes back to the structural problem of the South African city and of Cape Town in particular. AE: And that is exactly what Ive observed. While a place like Khayelitsha is starting to have an internal structure where it focuses on itself FT: Thats the trouble. They are cells, you see. And when you put a lot of poor people together, you never find enough There are a lot of people in the same boat. They are trying informally to make a survival, because thats the other aspect to this whole issue. Formal employment is not going to accommodate the situation at all. Its extensively informal activity. For informal activity to be economically successful, its got to be well integrated. Because the separation of where the production occurs and the market

is brought about by structural fragmentation, and the transport cost of every item sold is increasingly a very large portion of the total cost, because of the dislocation of where it is produced and where it is marketed. Again it proves that what needs to occur is a structural change in the system to introduce and bring about further integration. Khayelitsha cant rely on itself. Guguletu cant rely on itself. Why Guguletu is more successful is precisely because the NY1, which is the major route that runs through it, is much better connected at both ends. Khayelitsha is dislocated. AE: Its further south and has the sea at one end. FT: Weve done lots of projects on exactly this point. AE: This is a very interesting point. FT: And its the key point. Unless any project makes a contribution to structurally integrating the South African city, all its providing is additional shelter, and not necessarily make it possible for people to survive. It will simply provide more people with adequate inadequate shelter. AE: I stayed with Thope Lekau, who runs a bed and breakfast in Khayelitsha, and these are sort of popping up. FT: Yes they are. There are tourist things and there are guides But the

information highway - and I think she is very smart - is a way of breaking this fragmented nature by making it possible for very literate, very often reasonably wealthy in comparative terms people, making them aware of the situation, which then, as you say, brings them there And through this network the lady that youre talking about is making it possible for a whole number of other people to have income that they wouldnt have otherwise. The downside of it, unfortunately in my view is that those not part of the network have neither no knowledge of this and their environment is in no way altered or changed. And therefore it works in the reverse order, in relation to democratising the whole situation. AE: It actually stretches that gap. The inequality. FT: Thats the problem. That technology is a crutch. It has a positive side, but you cant rely on it. Its an addon that is

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useful, the way I like to see it. But its not key to doing things. There have got to be some other ways, some other policies, other threads that have to be pushed. AE: I discussed this with her as well, I mean, I mentioned the same thing as you, that it has a downside. But for her it was a tool because she was into it. FT: Thats fine! I have no problem with that.

AE: No, neither do I. But making this available is a problem. I mean, if you are an entrepreneur in Langa or Khayelitsha and maybe there are that brings in two computers and you connect to the telephone line, and suddenly you have an internet

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caf. It might be that its actually there FT: It will come. It will proliferate. Thats fine. But its not going to really materially in very substantial terms change the situation. AE: Ok. Let me ask you about Lets go further north FT: Have you been to Atlantis? AE: Atlantis? No. FT: You should go to Atlantis. AE: It sounds like a theme park. FT: I wish it were its a horror story. Atlantis was conceived of in the 70s as a new town. This was very much in the apartheid era, as a new town separate from Cape Town, as a satellite, which would grow for the so called coloured people. This means that the apartheid authorities could remove more people from Cape Town that were of colour and put them in Atlantis. FT: They spent a lot of money, which was national money, to establish Atlantis. Go to Atlantis now, and I think you will find that its a horror story. An absolute horror story. Mitchells Plain is a kind of counterpart, except that Atlantis was an extreme because Atlantis is much further away. Its more than 27 kilometres. Mitchells Plain is 27 kilometres away from Cape Town. And Mitchells Plain in any case is a dormitory town. There are a few things now in recent times, its got a few institutions and hospitals that not only are a community

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service, but obviously supply some jobs locally. And the core , Mitchells Plain centre is both in terms of formal and informal a ma gnet. AE: There is a huge parking lot there. FT: Not just that. The whole public space which initia lly was blank is comp letely occupied by informal trade. AE: And its connected to the rail. FT: Yes. And its connected to the rail. But th e fact of th e matter is th at its not essentially a city. Its a dormitory town. Most pe work there. ople dont They have to commute long But why I me distances to ntion Atlant work. is is, if yo which you u want to go were saying no rt h in should visit relation to Atlantis beca Cape Town yo u use that exem extreme term plifies, in s, the same more trends as in but in a spat Mitchells Pl ial location ain, that is much and therefor more dislocat e brings to the fore many ed you said to problems. Bu the north, ho t when w far north you going to are you goin Johannesburg g? Are or where? AE: Tyger Va lley. FT: Well, Ty ger Valley is In fact I ran a studio should show the first ha you I lf of this ye pieces which ar where we were 16 kilo took two me tres long ea kilometres wi ch, and abou de. One was t three in the Tyger was in Gugule Valley area, tu. And then and one we compared made a design them, and ob approach, yo viously u know, an in Guguletu scen tervention wi e, because it th the s hardly as needs it Al if this othe though, in fa r place ct does need it. Tyge r Valley is a theme park it is everyt , it is subu hing of the rbia, and worst of Dall UCLA. as and Housto n and AE: There wa s just this one strip go divided the ing through highway and and they put these bu FT: Yes, that ildings s the Durban Road. My stud compared Durb io did exactl an Road with y that; NY1.
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AE: It is about the same thing, isnt it? FT: It is about the same thing, but its completely different. Its a car word. If you dont have a car youre buggered. AE: And they sell a lot of cars up there. FT: We observed a lot of domestic workers, because there are actually a lot of black people who work in that area. Most of them dont have cars. And we mapped and observed how they move around, because they dont have cars, they come with (combi-) taxis and some busses. It is quite horrific to see how they have to operate within that system which is designed essentially for the motorcar. And its this kind of model of the green suburbia garden ad so on. Theres no place for pedestrians to walk. Its all for plants to grow and be lovely and pretty as a backdrop while you go from A to B in your car. Thats how its designed. And then you get this Tyger Valley Waterfront. Do you know of that? AE: No. FT: You should go and visit it. Its a complete theme park of the worst possible kind. AE: There is a lake? FT: There is a lake. It used to be an old quarry which always had water in it. And now they have converted it to the Waterfront. Theyve seen how successful the Waterfront in Cape Town is economically. They want to be Belleville by the Sea Tygerberg by the Sea so theyve now got a waterfront. Its just west of Durban Road, less than a kilometre away. There is a major centre which is very mixed. Its got the restaurants, its got the housing, its got the high profile office headquarters. Imagery, that kind of stuff. And its simply a continuation of that suburbia, but into a node. Its tied to, of course, a major regional shopping centre. Again, which you cant get to unless youve got a car. And its a protected zone, like a gated community. If you dont arrive by car youre not really welcome. But if you were a
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black person from, not even a terribly remote area, south of Bellville, and want to go to shop there for some reason - youre not very welcome. So its an exclusive racial largely white AE: Its what (Stefano) Boeri refers to as islands. FT: So these two realities; Durban Road and NY1 are two realities that exist in South Africa. And you can go to Durban, to Johannesburg, to Port Elisabeth, and you will find these two realities. They will essentially be in conformity, be similar (?) systems. They will take particular shape and form of course, depending on the regional character and the quantum of development, but they are very Im afraid stereotypical of the South African reality. So in the white, well to do areas, there are increasingly ghettos. Walled communities, protected, and so on. AE: Another thing that I saw, and it was just basically because of one infrastructural implement a wall and this was in Pinelands. One of my bean spots hit exactly on the edge of Pinelands, where there is a wall with a barbed wire on top, on the Pinelands side. Its a silly question, but just answer it anyway: Is the wall there to keep kids from Pinelands from venturing into the road, or is it there to keep the people from Langa away? FT: No. Its blatant! Look. Lets not over romanticise this. If you look at the crime statistics you will see, obviously if you get a place like Langa with a lot of poor people and many of them can hardly survive, and next to them theyve got relatively wealthy people, obviously youre going to get a lot of crimes. Thats why the wall was built. It was for crime prevention, it was that blatant and clear. Of course it has other overtones, but that was its purpose. And Im afraid, as long as we have such stark differences in South African society between the haves and the havenots, this tendency to create islands and perpetuate a system of violence is

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increasingly rationalised on the basis of security. And Im afraid its like a vicious circle, and in a sense its real, its very real. If you are going to get killed tomorrow because someone wants to hijack you and your car and your baby or whatever, of course you are going to put a wall up. I mean, its a rational response.AE: Yes. Its a reality here, but its just the way the mind works. Its not a South African problem as such. FT: No. But it is a South African problem in the sense that Look. For instance you dont get the same in Istanbul. You dont get the same in most of India. There are other cultures where there are massive differences between the rich and the poor. And the question then is, are these ghettoes prolific? Do they appear everywhere? And the answer is no. They dont. Ive just come back from Istanbul, and there are rich and poor living right next to each other.

AE: Thats the same in Shanghai. You get the differences FT: Yes. And there are other ways in which the culture and the whole system has rationalised the way forward. AE: But there is a different mental, cultural understanding. FT: Well there is also a different history. Here, the reality is that we have emerged from 50 odd years of absolute impositionary and undefensibe law where we racially separated people. The memory of that is not only erased in no time. It leaves footprints in the head, in the mind, in the culture. They are like wounds that need time to heal, and they will take a long time to heal. AE: You could almost look at, or juxtapose South African political history with political history in China to some extent because they are two oppressive policies that have been placed down upon normal people,

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giving rules and regulations on when to move and where to go and when to do what. And one would assume that in China, after having gone from communism to a transitient, semi FT: Semi-market economy. AE: Yeah. Sometimes extremely market economy. You would expect things to go completely haywire and that there is no respect for political governance once everything is free. But what you see is that they still totally respect these laws and reforms and what not. Seeing that Shanghai is 15 million people, there is no crime, in the sense that I can walk down any street at any time of the day or night and nothing really happens. And people park their cars and live in these nice houses next to really dilapidated houses. FT: Well. The same you find in Mumbai where you get these absolute ghettoes of wealthy next to the very poor. That is a cultural thing. And the cultural point of departure

here and that is why I say we cant forget the history and its a reality. Its not going to change overnight. Its going to take a long time. And it has implications for what seems sensible to be done. And also some quite tough set of implications for us designers that want to try and integrate the structure. Because there are questions of Yeah, get as much integration as possible, but how do you do it? So that within that thick people can still construct their identity and a sense of safety and security. So the projects need to go, in our world, quite far down the track to demonstrate that. Otherwise they are seen to be pie in the sky simply untenable and unrealistic, particularly by the white elite.

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, anager zee, M t e o C obie nday with T lein St, Mo w e i v r P g, Inte Parkin Numque 5 0 thing 19.09. t same w c a x e is no had th ing of ncept TC: We u are speak al. The co m o r that y versus info in a place d ). We formal y originate malanga (? u l P tly actual Middleburg Exac dy l a m r o called hat the inf ormal. Nobo ly t e inf ntual found hey ar nd they eve hey t t tha m a nd t ls the in crime. A o r t n o c volved ists. e get in y bug motor old by som t l l y a l u l act tua ere was ac they w AE: I eople that p other d. y what e s exactl prepared s a s i har t a s. Th e not ot TC: Ye . If you ar e tip is n h s t n happe p, or l actually e a ti l ate to giv ugh they wi or intimid o e big en your vehicl women. e e h g t a m y a l It d cial e p this? ustry s E s i g i d you. b n t how able i AE: Bu ike a verit ts i l seems nse because e s rica in a s uth Af n we d o n S a s n u i tho re the erywhe . And em of TC: Ev l find them t s y s l is you wi ong with th t this a h t d l e a d i e c de cam er and we is nev ours, thing that g n i k e Par as is som o go away. e r e h t t going nts will be a e. attend we are her rive cars s a e opl d . long use pe his country a c e B t AE: n d i n here ne, a a lot l, thats o s, l ob TC: We ople need j ple e p p r, eo , two: re poo So we said a e l p . e g peo m n o i c h n in is t need a ts turn th t a i e l e k ma no, lets ome. , d n u aro inc nable sustai

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Lets make this into an entrepreneurial opportuni ty, and give people som that will turn the attitu ething de of the motorists aro und. Because, now, people paying because they are are afraid that their car wil l be scratched or someth Lets rather render a ser ing. vice. And then we came up with our system that patented. And then we too is k the informal guy and formalized him, giving a hand held computer. And him now we changed him from beggar to employee, or entrepreneur, and he is now generating his own income. AE: So what youve done is taken people that wer e formally informal and youve made it formal. now This is a part of the mun icipality, isnt it? TC: Yes. Curb side parkin g. Everything that is on the curb belongs to the municipality and we hav e a contract with them to do this. Now we operat system in two different e the ways. In Cape Town the system is operated slight different than our other ly 14 operations countrywi de. The other guys (?) are actually employed by they us. They render a servic e and work on a basic sal plus a commission. In oth ary er places we actually run them as entrepreneurs. Totally. So the guy goe s out there, runs his lit tle business. And the mon he generates, an x portio ey n of that is his. And tha t encourages him and the motorist is happy with that. Now its formal. He doesnt determine the the tariff is determine tariff; d by the city. And everyt hing is electronic; the says how long youve sto clock od there so you pay for what youve spent in the At the same time there bay. s a service being render ed; youve got eyes and the street combating cri ears on me. Our people are linked to the inner city securi They have radios with whi ty. ch they can communicate, so they can address pro at the same time. They blems are formalised, they loo k neat, theyve got uni unlike the old, informal forms that was obviously not always a beauty for the eye, you know.

And there is a structure; when youve go t a problem yo u now know where to go. You report it and something can be done. They have a code of conduct. AE: So let me see if I understand th is. You are actually look ing to expand then? Because the inner city is mostly your pe ople it seems, and once you reach just th e outside the periphery th e informal star ts. TC: Weve got a contract, an d we only just started on th e First August. AE: Youre th at new? TC: Thats ve ry new, yes. We deployed in th e CBD, and th en we deployed in Seapoint on the Fifteenth August, and
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on the First now a couple of days ago, we deployed in the Southern Suburbs in Claremont. So we still have to do the whole of it. Were getting there; its just a systematic rollout. So you do find the guys that do apply that fall through the sift and obviously cant do the training, or have criminal records, or have things outstanding against them. They tend to run away. So they will go to the areas that we arent, but well catch up to them as we go along. AE: So you are contacting these people that are already (on the streets), and youre training them, and youre putting them in uniform. TC: We have numerous of our people here, we even have managers that have gone through the ranks and were former informal car guards. AE: As I understand a lot of these people are also immigrants; the informal part. From DRC a lot. TC: The informal are. The majority of them are. AE: They wouldnt have a work permit, would they? So there is a problem. TC: There is a problem. Look. We have determined a policy where we say that we need to create jobs for our own people. So we dont have any of them employed with us. There is a reason for that, and you can probably look at it both ways, but we believe that we first need to look after our own people, you know. There are thousands of them out there that havent got jobs, so we only employ South Africans. We have about four of the DRC-guys here. When we took over the contract on the first, there were a couple in the employ of the other company. So for the sake of continuity we took them over. I mean, we dont want to drop them without jobs when they are used to an income. So they are in our employ. But thats the beginning and the end of foreigners; its only South Africans we employ now. The reason why the informals are so many foreigners I think to employ foreigners in South Africa there is a bit of a And I think they have language problems too, you know. So when you work as a car guard you dont have to know much except accepting the tip. You know what Im saying? Yeah. There might be numerous reasons why they do it AE: Someone also told me, and this is what they are saying, is that they didnt think that poor South Africans would stoop to the level of becoming a parking attendant in the informal sector. TC: I think they are wrong when they say that. You can go everywhere in South Africa and youll find them. They are all over. And its not because of colour or race. Youd find any colour, any race, any gender doing this job. TC: So in CapeTown, in the whole of the metropolitan area, would you hazard to guess how many there are, both formally and informally? TC: In Cape Town? Youre talking major. Let me tell you how many we have employed thus far. We have, in the CBD, we have about 240 people, we have in Seapoint a further 50
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AE: And these are all on the street? Not people in the offices? TC: Yes. All on the street. Plus another 25 in the southern Suburbs. So we are talking over 300. Thats formal guys. AE: And they are not as many as the informal? TC: No. There should be at least three times the amount of informal. I think there are about, you know, 2000 odd people earning a living like that. AE: From guarding or not guarding cars. TC: Guarding or not guarding. Now you need to remember that this is during the day. At night you have a major influx of these people as well, because youve got a lot of nightlife in certain areas. Some of them work during the day, and some of them work during the night. AE: So there is a shift. TC: In the parking areas youve also got a lot of these people, I dont know if you have seen that. They are also formalised. Also neatly dressed, but they are run by different people, different companies. So you find in your big shopping centres like Bayside in Tableview, I Tyger Valley, youll find these guys all formalised, all neatly dressed.
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AE: And they are employed by the shopping centres? TC: Well, I think they are employed by private people that again are contracted to the shopping centre. But they are not employed, they are hmm AE: I interviewed some of these parking attendants, or talked to them, and at least from the informal side I mean, obviously you are paying monthly wages but the informal people outside restaurants, they are not receiving anything from the restaurants? TC: No. It is totally determined by the client to give them a tip. With that in mind, this is how our system came about. We developed the system from that we realized this will never AE: Whats the feedback now? Obviously youre only one month into TC: Well. What makes our system different from the normal parking metre I guess you have parking meters back home where you come from? AE: Yes. TC: Now youve obviously realized in South Africa its slightly different - that law enforcement isnt that big. You can park

and hopefully when you come back in an hour nothing will have happened with the old system where you had the parking metre. So we realized that with all the changes in South Africa law enforcement lacks slightly, so the only way of doing it is to have somebody physically in place. AE: And youre also employing people by doing that as well. TC: Were creating viable opportunities. So that has had a great success rate. Payment rate in the city was for instance, and Im talking under correction, but something like 30 percent. We have pushed that up to right under 85 percent. Because now people are confronted by the person, the human being and not the pole a bottomless pit you throw it in and where does the money go now he can see the person, and he also get the feeling that hes helping uplift and helping create So its all in the spirit of creating opportunities for people. The poorest of the poor. AE: A lot of women in your company. TC: Yes. I havent looked at those figures, but yes AE: Is it about 50/50, or is it even more perhaps? TC: Good question that. I see them every day in front of me and I havent really looked at it like that. Were past the stage where we look at women and men, eh? But Id say very close to 50/50 Im sure. AE: And what would the normal salary be? TC: That can vary quite a lot. I dont like to get out on that one. It depends on what your position is and where youre working.But
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Id say a marshal can earn himself and let me immediately say why I cant AE: Lets compare it to the informal then. TC: Well, its difficult to say. Currently we have a contract with the city, but we do not employ the people; we have a labour broker who does that. So I pay the labour broker and they pay the employees (?) But Id say that they are earning in the vicinity of 1600 and 2500 a month, which is, yeah, your opinion. Whereas the informal its difficult to say. Nobody knows what he is earning because he is totally on tips. But what you must add immediately is that for the service they (formal) are rendering they are also getting tips, so they have the double income. If you are rendering a good service and people are kind some of them manage to render 50 to 60 bucks a day in tips. So that is in addition to his salary. AE: I think one of the guys I spoke to, and I think he was doing a good job, said that on a weekday it could be 30 and in the weekend and this was outside a restaurant it could be 100. TC: 30 a day is 150 a week. Thats 450 a month. Plus 300 on the weekends. AE: Well, it varies. He said he used to work for a security company earlier, and that he much preferred that because it was a steady income. TC: How do they do parking in your country? AE: Parking metres. TC: Parking metres and law enforcement? Would you park there and not pay? AE: No Because you get a 500 Rand fine.

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, th Christiate ay 19.09 Interview wi dom St, Mond ry St H , or nd ve e su Is Big Issue? sell the Big AE: So you sue. ll the Big Is C: Yeah, I se re at he re normally AE: And you corner? this street erday I ekends. Yest we on C: Even gazines sold three ma was here. I g. in 0 and someth pretty and I got 10 s at Th gazines? AE: Three ma do you ll me, where good. And te Issue? get the Big om the Big Issue fr C: I buy the office. bute it you redistri AE: And then here? nd 60 y it for 5 Ra C: Yeah, I bu nd. Ra 11 r fo ll it each, and se , nd and almost 11 Ra 10.95. Its nts. ce 5 Rand 35 my profit is ? ss re homele AE: And you r. homeless, si am I C: Yes, ? long AE: For how joined 98. Cause I om Fr m Mm C: I cant t bu , e in 98 the Big Issu month. remember the years now. been seven s it So AE: Ok. h year. is my sevent sleep then? C: Yeah. This ly al you norm do e er wh So AE: day. ther. there yester . With my mo oads? I was C: Crossroads sr os Cr in u live AE: Oh. So yo y? ere yesterda th re we u C: Yo Khayelitsha. in s staying wa I s. Ye : AE Khayelitsha? C: Where in think. B section I AE: Ahh In out B. t tell me ab C: Oh, Site s right. Bu at Th B. te AE: Yes. Si s it slow? slow. But it business. Is d month its mi get s to it er en tt s. Wh ip. Its be sh wn C: It happen to o e tw th er than staying in Rand is bett ty better than en tw ce r instan something. Fo to say. ng what I want doing anythi s at cents. Th make a profit to le ab t no AE: So youre ossroads? lem is the ip, or at Cr sh wn to e but the prob th g, in in th me so nt to do C: Yes. I wa robbers.
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AE: Is it? C: Ja, they kick in our doors. If you do something and want to get something AE: You have some things and they steal it? C: Yeah, yeah. The kick (in) the door at night and want AE: So theres no chance of making a profit. C: Theres no chance to make a profit. Its better here in town, but the problem here is we have to rent to get something. So I think the Big Issue is better. AE: So you come in by (combi-) taxi in the morning?C: I come in with a taxi every morning. I dont want to use the train. AE: Why is that? C: Im far away from the station. But the main point is the robbers. AE: Even on the trains? C: In trains is where they stay. AE: Is it? C: Really! AE: So is it organised? Are these organised robbers? Is there a gang or are there just individual robbers?

C: They are individual robbers. They rob us with firearms, or with knives. AE: But I saw there were a lot of people taking the train on Saturday, when I was in Khayelitsha. The train station was a very busy place. But Crossroads is far from the Its easier to take a taxi? C: Yeah. The nearest station the station I have to use is the Filipe (?) station or the Stockroad (?) station, and they are far away from me. But the main point is I am scared of the robbers. Thats the main point! AE: So all these people selling I mean, you sold the Cape Ads one day, didnt you? C: Yes. On Thursday. Just one day per week. AE: And all these people selling different things (here). You know all of them? Like this man here for instance, you know him? C: Yes, I know them. AE: So how do you find a spot to start selling? When you came to this intersection here, how did you find this place? Were theremany people here selling already? C: You know what, I start here in the

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morning. Theres another guy selling here, but hes nothere right now because he has another job. So now Im in charge of this spot for the time hes not here. AE: Ok. So theres another man that you C: There is another guy, but now hes not here. AE: Ok. So theres a system whereby you come and you sell, and he comes and you go C: Jaja. If hes not here I use this spot. AE: So this is an agreement between you? C: Yes. Its an agreement. AE: So the Big Issue have nothing to do with it. They dont tell you where to go. C: No. You know what. This guy is not here. For instance: I use this spot. I have to report first to the office: I use this guys spot because hes not here. The reason why is: If theres something that happens here, they must know who is there who used that spot. AE: So you tell them at the Big Issue that you use this spot. So its all systemized. C: Yeah.

AE: Tell me a bit about these security people walking around here. There are very many people with security why are they here? C: They chase me away if I dont wear the bib, and if I dont have a card. Theres a Big Issue membership card. Maybe if I dont have one of those they chase me away; Im not allowed to sell. But they know me cause they see me every day. AE: So one of their jobs is to make sure that you are registered. C: Yeah. If you can see here it says Please buy from badged vendors. AE: So how do you become registered? What does it take to become registered? C. An ID book and AE: And then you go to them and say Im homeless C: Yes. Yes. When you join the Big Issue they give you five magazines free just to make a start. So when you finish you can go to the office and buy more magazines. Thats 55 Rand.

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Interview with Sipho, homeless car guard, Gardens, Tuesday 20.09.05 AE: Your name is? S: My name is Sipho. AE: Sipho. And you make money by looking after cars? S: By looking after the cars. AE: And you live underneath the bridge? S: Yes. AE: Is it that bridge over there? S: Yes. AE: Are you many? Are there many of you or is it only you living under the bridge? S: No. Some others are small boys. AE: Street boys? S: Street boys, living in the streets. AE: Where did you use to live before? S: I used to how? What were you asking? AE: Where did you live before? Before you lived here? S: In Guguletu. AE: In Guguletu? So you came into town instead? S: Yes. My mother died, so I came into Cape Town. So here it is better because of the location. Its hard to get the money for food. Sometimes you look for the jobs, you stand there and they chose, then you get hungry and you dont get the job. Then you employ yourself like me now here, I am

employing myself. (Calls out to white passer by) Sipho! AE: Is that a man you know? S: Yes. He can speak my language. He likes us, he knows about us. AE: So is it Xhosa? S: Him? Me? AE: Yes. S: Me, Im Xhosa. AE: You know there are some parking attendants in town with the orange vests and the computers. So how do you see that? Are you afraid they will come here? S: Here by this parking? AE: Yes. S: Ja. When they come here we dont make money. See. Many parkings (formal parking attendants?) by the day they are there, so its always fighting because they make their money, they are on their job, so you are not employed there. AE: I know that they sometimes employ people from the street to do the job. S: Sometimes, if you have your ID, then you get it. AE: Oh, I see. And you dont have? S: I dont have. Im trying; Im waiting for my ID. AE: How long does that take? S: You see, the place, the address, man. Thats the problem. I give a street address,

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so its hard. So I must go and check. AE: So you dont have a home address? S: A fixed address, no. AE: So do you get harassed by the security when youre sleeping under the bridge? Are you allowed to? S: No. There is no harassment. They leave us, because even if they say we must go we come back. Sometimes they say we must go, but we come back. Even if I sleep here they can come and say hey. Go, go, go. But I come back because I have nothing to lose. I sleep outside. AE: So what is your future plan? What is your hope? S: My future plan is I trying you see, this other guy gave me a phone number. He says hes gonna teach me advertising. I was parking his car one day there in Long Street, because I sometimes park cars there at night. AE: So youre going to contact him then? S: Ja. AE: So how long hours do you work here? S: From the morning till they close there (Gardens Shopping Centre).

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Interview with Barbra Southworth, Head of Planning Department, Cape Town City Council, Monday 19.09.05 AE: Ok. Lets cut to the chase since you dont have much time. Despite the political change in the mid 90s can one say that the economic and geographical environment has not changed? BS: Not much, no. In fact it has gotten worse. AE: Its still going in the opposite direction; or in the wrong direction? BS: Yes. AE: Do you mind elaborating? BS: Well. Look. Its a fairly open ended question youre trying to ask What exactly are you trying to ask? Lets cut to the chase properly. AE: Right. My research deals with testing methods of observation, using Third World urban areas as testing grounds for methods that have been applied in Europe for changing European situations; the fall of the Soviet Union, the transition of Yugoslavia into different states. These were methods that were started upon, and also applied during the mid 90s, late 90s. My thesis deals with the global values that are seen throughout urban areas today due to a generic development, one could say. You find that a lot of third world cities are developing along similar lines. Cape Town is a sort of hybrid, and I did studies this spring in Shanghai, which is also a hybrid. There are very many similarities but also quite a few differences, and these methods thats exactly what these methods do they manage well, the question is; do they manage to pinpoint local pockets of resistance against this generic development; more contextual responses to a generic development. Therefore I was in Khayelitsha doing field work there, and I also went up to Tyger Valley, just as a clear example of the extremes.
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e Therefore th with Fabio on si us sc di on the (Todeschini) which way change and is going (the city) ok? start of BS: Ok. To itsha was with Khayel fore 94, designed be emented pl im it was so before 94, theid ar ap an s it say To t. construc has g in th no that to do changed has e of cl cy with the the in t en pm develo th no ing has city. Yes, how long it use that is Patterns at ca of changed be tablished. es be coarseness to ings udeness and cr bio Fa of takes for th if nd ki dont know mean the I I t e, er ou al t sc that being pu was a minist tified? It settlements en ge id em hu s th e wa t os pu th site ts pty site, le out how that told you ab heres an em that. Now, t e ov ng dr yi sa at pter s ntality th me of in a helico e 94 there rt nc so e ever si was the os l at pp wa Th su ne . I re e d n er th e urba ion, an its incept d fix it; th an of ir le pa up re co ever since to are a ese attempts sha. There of been all th th Khayelit wi es a kind g er in th th t me bu so x, Do le oric mp m. st co ra hi prog y its es a and obviousl ucture, ther tr as h fr ic in wh realities, ty, that rt of the ci vestment in historic in into that pa for example, ng , vi ty mo ci e le th op pe at s of en n be er patt velop method me Ive the The ti trying to de of at ; e wn ts it To mp sp te pe in us at in Ca been numero integration is there have d increase an Khayelitsha y e tr er wh to n es io gi at te nt ra me and st es. of frag the levels those extrem example of to deal with l? nd ve ou le of ic pr e most an econom probably th vels. Its g level, or le in e us os ho th a on on hasnt been AE: This is ve not had ouble is it planners ha tr e e th th t , Bu No BS: housing. level. a planning budgets like nt me has le tt se only been at n system that the big urba of ing subsidy us ch ho mu al control over at on th afford is a nati ly e on er t n th ca e em il at So wh to impl en idy, th ent that is capital subs em f pl of im ce to on y a wa re, the only infrastructu
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it on the cheapest land in the city. My view is that the whole housing subsidy system has facilitated, or exacerbated the whole in fact its not a Cape Town situation, its a South African situation. It doesnt matter what anybody says, what planners say about you cant put the poor out onthe periphery and all that its just going to keep on, while the mechanism for developing infrastructure for the poor is through this; that being the only mechanism. You cant break that cycle. So theres this cycle thats been rolling out this increasing investment for the poor only in those locations. AE: The periphery development is obviously something that has been the case in most western cities as well for decades. If you look at, I suppose, L.A. would be an extreme example. BS: Of course. And that was the great usefulness of the planning paradigms that prevailed, that they aligned so beautifully with apartheid. You could talk about New Towns and Theres a much worse place than Khayelitsha called Atlantis. AE: Yes. We were talking about that earlier. BS: So their idea of the neighbourhood, and all those good things that were planning speak it was easy for the apartheid

government to say well, in all these other international cities all the new developments are out there on the periphery, so whats the problem? AE: L.A. doesnt need to be an example. I suppose Joburg is just as good. Well, the last time I visited Joburg was four years ago, Im told that things have changed, or are changing. And I also read this book which is Four Cities under Siege which deals with Lagos and Johannesburg and also Freetown and Kinshasa. And it seems the development is that I see there are a lot of offices to let out here as well BS: Very few. In terms of South African cities, the amount of vacant office space is negligible in Cape Town. Its partly because a lot of the B and C grade spaces are being converted into residentials. Occupancy levels in Cape Town are approaching 90 percent. There is not a lack-of-flat-from-the-CBD-scenario (?) in Cape Town at all. AE: So thats very different from Joburg then. BS: Completely different. Were completely different to all the other South African cities in that regard. On top of that is the construction of A grade office space. There has been an enormous amount of

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construction of office space in Cape Town. AE: There is a lot of construction going on. BS: For a tiny centre compared to Joburg there is a lot of construction. AE: The CBD itself is quite compact. BS: Yes. Its compact and its also smallin real terms. Its not even as big as Durbans city centre. AE: But there are obvious geographical reasons for that. And the sprawl that spreads out into Mitchells Plain, Khayelitsha, and Langa the Cape Flats does it You are saying that there are very few offices to let in the centre, so the economy is centred around this area. BS: Strangely Well, it depends on how you define the economy. The employment? AE: Well I was thinking more in terms of the formal economy. BS: No, even just economy in general. The economy is made up of obviously things like port operations and its broad. If you want to talk strictly about employment, which isnt necessarily reflective of the economy, or directly correlated, this central city accounts for 25 percent o the jobs. Theres another zone here (points to a map) that accounts for 45 percent of the jobs in Cape Town. Theres an old planning model, I suppose you could call it (begins

to draw) its increasingly becoming a myth, that that is the centre of Cape Town and all the infrastructure and rail infrastructure focuses on this point here, on the assumption that this is the economic heart of Cape Town.And what were saying, were busy with the metropolitan plan, we think that this is actually the economic heart of Cape Town now, which completely changes the dynamicsfor a place like Khayelitsha. In that (old) conceptualisation its totally peripheral. If you start to think about that (new) as the economic heart, and the development corridor doing that, it changes the position of Khayelitsha completely in terms of the economy of the city, and thats what were busy working on at the moment. And were saying two things: The solution is not inside Khayelitsha, its about connecting Khayelitsha to the city. And the other thing is that what has been happening for the last 15 years well, ever since Khayelitsha was constructed is that the poor are being superimposed upon poor. The immigration into the Cape Town has just intensified the proportion of poor in that part of the city.

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AE: And their economy well, they are spending money outside not only here, but some here (pointing) (They are not spending money in the townships) BS: What we are saying is that we need to find ways for people in Khayelitsha to become a meaningful part of the economy. And one of the thing s we have to stop, that we are proposing, in fact its just being discussed with our politicians tomorrow, is that weve got to stop pushing more and more of the poor into that part of the city. And bring other things into this part of the city, like opportunities for another level of development. Up until now the focus has been on delivering housing and delivering basic services, and were saying that doesnt give people a foothold into the economy. It doesnt take people out of the trap that theyre in. Youve got to connect people into the economy of the city to make a difference. AE: I met this lady in Khayelitsha who ran a bed and breakfast. She had been to the States to do some studying, she was with SCAT earlier, and she quit there because her main concern was that there was not enough entrepreneurialship in the townships, and especially then in Khayelitsha. BS: Yes. But its not going to happen Its not a kind of spontaneous combustion thing, you know, where entrepreneurs suddenly find something clever to do in an environment where there is no economy and there is no market, so what were saying is that youve got to find ways of making those opportunities more real. AE: But what she did was she was connected to the internet. The information highway that is not the N2, And she was in touch with anywhere basically, and was also able to get in people from anywhere without having to use a lot of money. BS: Yes, I hear what youre saying. The city is working on that kind of thing as well. Our economic development- and our IT department are working on something called the Library (?) Business Corners and the Smart Cape
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Project, which is putting computers and internet connections into community centres the poorest parts of Cape Town for exactly that reason. I dont know how many there are now, I think there are 20 or 30 sites in Khayelitsha, and Browns Farm, and those places where people can There are two things that people can do. The Library (?) Business Corner is the Economic Development Initiative where you can get information on because obviously there are hundreds of organisations offering support, but people arent finding them. So its about allowing connections between emerging entrepreneurs and the network of support and resources and material and all that stuff. Basic stuff like how to prepare a business plan. And that is also linked up with the Smart Cape Initiative. AE: Thats quite a few places then to go and get an internet connection. BS: Yes. Either in community halls or libraries. AE: Fabio called this a crutch. The ITthing. In his understanding of it, it was double sided because it also increased the polarisation between those who could afford to be on the internet BS: But its free though. So thats not an argument. AE: Ok! Good! It seems he didnt know about this, because I asked him whether there werent any places to go in the townships to get an internet connection. BS: You see, Fabio comments on things that he doesnt always know! And there are other initiatives. There are NGOs that are connected to some European initiatives that are reconditioning what Europe considers to be second hand computers that are being shipped in here in huge numbers. AE: Yeah, that usually helps I was just walking down the street now, and I saw some guys sitting on a corner and they were looking at me and looking at my hand, and I realized I was carrying my cell phone and my car keys, and it struck me just then that carrying those two things in my hand was what set me, or you, aside from people in

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Khayelitsha. Its the information gadget the connection BS: I dont know if it sets them apart. The cell phone ownership AE: Yeah, its high. BS: In fact the whole of Africa is pretty high. AE: Perhaps a bad image, then. BS: Probably the computer side of things AE: Ok, so if I had a laptop. And then you have the car key. Going around to these different places; going around the whole of the metropolitan area BS: Its very difficult if you dont have a car. AE: Very difficult! And once you have car its so simple. BS: Too simple. AE: Why? BS: Because it just facilitates mobility for the rich who dont feel impacted on by the poor public transport system and so the pressure doesnt exist; isnt exerted on the public transport system. But this is changing, because at last, the rich are being impacted in a way that cant be fixed by more roads. AE: Whats that? Oil prices?

BS: Well, thats one part of it, but its also the Bloberg area where a huge amount of development is happening, and there is not enough road infrastructure, and there can never be enough road infrastructure, because of the configuration of that area to bring everybody in by private transport. So public transport is becoming essential. So we are starting to say that, for example, we should be looking at integrated development where you tie investments and public transport to facilitate a mix of income group developments. The problem has been in all South African cities, but Cape Town has probably been the most profound, because of the scale at which things were done. (end of tape)

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Bean Drop 6. V&A Waterfront

Bean Drop 13. Central Station

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Cape Town Central Business District

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The following table summarises the cumulative job creation at the Waterfront: Cumulative Jobs at the V&A Waterfront : 1992-2000 Activity PERMANENT JOBS Retail/Offices/Entertainment Fishing/Harbour Industrial SUB-TOTAL TEMPORARY JOBS Construction/Development TOTAL 1992 1700 4500 6200 2200 8400 1994 4100 4500 8600 5500 14100 1997 6730 4220 10950 10600 21550 2000 9130 4220 13570 15100 28670 2003 11850 4220 16070 18700 34700
projected

2010

14640 4220 18860 24500 43360

The research findings also indicated that for every job directly created at the Waterfront, a further two are sustained elsewhere in the regional economy of the Western Cape.

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Bean Drop 6: V&A Waterfront Erasure: Though the oldest remains of built fortifications in the basin date from 1714, it was not until the 1860s that the trade routes to the East created a demand for a functional harbour in Cape Town. Soon after, the discovery of gold and diamonds in South Africa required the further expansion of the docklands. The construction of the area went on till the 1920s. Origination: As was the case in many other cities, Cape Towns harbour had become detached from the city centre by the 1970s, but through the redevelopment the area has undergone a change from heavy industrial land-use to light commercial, tourism, entertainment and residential usage. An important element to the concept of the waterfront was the retention of the authentic feel of the harbour, contrasting the new development. Features that have been kept include the harbour tugs, pilot and fishing boats, traffic to the synchrolift and dry dock, and a converted, former oil tank farm. The restored historical fabric provides a simulated maritime experience for visitors as well as posing as an educational feature. The V&A Waterfront Company is both the developer and property manager of facilities that include shops, restaurants, coffeeshops and taverns, seven hotels, an aquarium, cinemas, an IMAX theatre, art and craft markets, office space and a luxury marina residential component. The core business of the V&A Waterfront revolves around: 1) The harbour the waterfront is still a working harbour. Through an imitation of life, visitors are free to mingle in the daily doings of the Cape Town fishing industry.
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2) The commercial 100 000 square metres of office and conference spaces in an historical environment lends an image and identity to corporations and their venues. Though centrally located, the area is secured along its perimeter and crime free. The waterfront parking facilities with 6500 parking spaces are directly accessible from the freeway into Cape Town. 3) The international engagement - the economic success of the V&A Waterfront has led to their advisory role on other waterfront developments on an international level. 4) The retail - the waterfront offers up scale shopping in all varieties. 388 retail tenants occupy over 42 000 square metres. This includes 68 restaurants and eateries. There are also 7 hotels in the basin providing 1850 beds all together. 5) The attractions a wide variety of attractions and activities are offered at the waterfront. 6) The residential luxury apartments ranging from 90 600 square metres with jetties, landscaping and 24 hour security are offered in the basin. When construction is done, there will be a total of 600 dwelling units with 200 private boat moorings. Transformation: In the 1970s, container transportation had developed as the major method of cargo handling on a worldwide basis. It was this, together with South Africas economic isolation at the time, as well as the reopening of the Suez Canal, that led to a sharp reduction in the utilisation of land and harbour facilities surrounding the basin. The success of waterfront developments on a global scale is perhaps a sign of the need for creating identity and points of focus in a diffuse urban territory. Cape Towns harbour area and the CBD has benefited dramatically from the development of the waterfront.

Migration: The advertisement rea ds:The Victoria & Alf red Waterfront has become South Africas most visited destination. Set against a backdr op of magnificent sea and mountain views, exciting shopping and entertainment venues are intermingled with ima ginative office locati ons, world-class hotels and luxury apartments in the residential marina. We invite you to dis cover the experience... liv e, work, shop and pla y at the V&A Waterfront. Calls for greater pub lic access and a wid er use of Cape Towns histor ic harbour started in the early 70s. In 1988, the state-owned transp ort corporation, Transnet Limited, established a subsidiary company, Victoria & Alfred Waterfront Limited, to redevelop the doc klands with the participatio n of a wide spectrum of organisations and int erest groups. When opening in 91, there were just short of six million visito rs to the waterfront. Today, it is the top tourist destination in South Africa, att racting 20 million visitors annually. 25 percent of these are foreign tourists, and 60 percent are local Capetonians. In The New Waterfron t - A Worldwide Urban Success Story (A. Bre en and D. Rigby), Cap e Towns V&A Waterfron t is categorised as a major waterfront tra nsformation, along with other internati onal examples such as Darling Harbour in Syd ney, Baltimores Inn er Harbour, the Harbour front in Toronto and Teleport City in Tok yo. According to Bre en and Rigby, many (of the transformations) have had a significa nt effect on the civ ic psyche, touching as they do the souls of their cities and giv ing renewed pride to their residents. Nearly 70% of the ong oing jobs created at the V&A Waterfront are in the low-skilled, entry categories of labour, such as waiter s, salespersons, cleane rs, labourers and security personnel.
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Bean Drop 13: Central Station Erasure: Cape Towns history and the British South Africa Companys expansion of the British Empire northwards is undeniably interlocked with the development of a rail system that was intended to stretch all the way to Cairo. The railroad never came further than British East Africa, but still proved its worth as a means of transporting valuable raw materials from the inland to the coast. As with the heavy rail, the origin of the public transport system in Cape Town stemmed from the need to cater for a white community. Origination: The street is lined on each side by large office buildings, many belonging to the insurance, financing and banking groups. Coming from the sea, the low, moody structure of the Central Station and its Brutalist concrete faade sets it apart from the adjacent buildings. On the square in front of the station, is a permanent open-air market. Here one can find, besides leather goods and shoes, curios and handcrafted goods, cheap clothing and imitation sportswear brands of inferior quality. A pedestrian bridge leads to the Golden Acre, South Africas oldest shopping centre. These days, however, the St. Georges Mall, which runs parallel to Adderley Street, is a more popular shopping venue. According to some daily commuters, the standard aboard the trains, especially those going to the townships such as Khayelitsha, are in a dilapidated state with stolen windows, stolen seats, and large holes in the flooring as well as the ceiling. The trains going to and from Muizenberg, for instance, are in far a better condition.
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Transformation: The end of apartheid brought about the collapse of the public transport network, which was designed to cater for the white population and those black and coloured workers with permits, and was not able to keep up with the sheer amount of people who needed to travel outside the townships in order to search for employment. The public transport system is today not able to keep up with the development in other sectors. Due to the zoned layout of Cape Town, transportation is vital to the further development of the city. The Cape Town Partnership, a public private body promoting the central city of Cape Town, noted in 2003 that: in the central city the Cape Town Station transportation interchange, which included trains, buses, taxies and long-distance buses, needs to be urgently upgraded. The central city can achieve this, because of its relatively small size, through the gradual pedestrianization of more streets and by making all streets more pedestrian and bicycle-friendly. We need an integrated public sector including parastatals, a management strategy (land and buildings) and a policy decision to make available relatively expensive inner city land for social housing and other social objectives such as schools, sports facilities and cultural activities. This will be cheaper in the long run than the unsustainable national transport subsidy currently standing at four billion rand a year. In other words there seems to be a political will in some sectors to dismantle the apartheid imposed zoning to bring people closer to the city, rather than developing a better transportation system. This would, however, result once again in the uprooting of social structures which have started to grow against all odds on the barren Cape Flats.

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The most apparent political decisions that have been made over the last few years, is the increased budget for road development. The dangers connected to the public transport sector are among the things that have led to a drastic increase in Cape Towns car pool. This again has led to constipated highway systems, which in turn has provided enough political leverage for the implementation of new road projects that will improve accessibility for those who can afford to own a car. Migration: In 2004 there were 22 400 passenger a day on average at the station. 58 percent of which were commuters. At the peak hour there were 2942 boarding passengers at the station. In this respect the central station is not the largest communication node in the metropolitan area. The largest part of the population live and commute outside the city centre, most of them in the Cape Flats. Since there are very few employment opportunities and formal shops in the townships people have to travel to suburbs closer to Cape Town CBD to work and shop. They use (minibus) taxis, buses and trains. In all these modes of transport the issue of safety is a pressing problem. Although taking the train is cheaper than the bus by nearly 50%, the trains have a bad reputation, as violent, gang related muggings often take place. One lady mentioned casually that she was robbed 5 times a year on average on her daily travels by train from Khayelitsha to work in the CBD. These problems are not only related to the trains. In 2001 a section of the taxi industry was involved in a violent dispute with the bus company over routes and government subsidies. At least six people were killed and dozens injured when a hitman
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fired at buses under the cover of darkness. Although taking a (minibus) taxi costs nearly five times as much as using the bus, it is by far the quickest mode of public transport available. It is also somewhat safer in terms of theft, but the industry is fiercely competitive, resulting in overcrowding, aggressive and dangerous driving patterns, exhaustion, alcohol and drug abuse, and poorly maintained vehicles. One of the results of a degraded public transport system is of course the increase in private motor vehicle usage throughout Cape Town. This in turn has seen the emergence of parking attendants, a niche carved in the automotive industry by poor people in search of an income. On literally every street in the CBD or other smaller centres around Cape Town, a parking attendant will help you park your car, look after it while you are away and demand a tip when you leave. These parking attendants are a part of an informal structure, working independently and are not engaged by any companies. They are, however, governed by a strict internal logic that decides where people are placed, at what times they work, and so forth. Many people feel harassed by the presence of parking attendants, and feel forced to give them money. This has resulted in a series of steps taken by public companies to try and formalise the industry. There are an estimated 3000 self employed parking attendants in the Cape Town metropolitan area today generating an estimated total of ZAR 150 000 (USD 20 000) pr day.

Bean Drop 37, Khayelitsha

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Bean Drop 23. Pinelands

Cape Town Metropolitan Area

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Bean Drop 23: Pinelands Erasure: The development of Pinelands has a unique role in the history of South Africa as it was the first garden city to be established in the country. In the late 1800s, what is now Pinelands was all sandy waste, sporadically covered with wattle. There was a homestead there and later on a brick making business was started. The area was also used for military purposes during the Anglo-Boer War (1898 1902). When a Bubonic plague hit Cape Town in 1901, the government decided that the African communities in central Cape Town were potential carriers of the disease. About five hundred people were forced to move to a farm called Uitvlug, where Pinelands is today. After an outbreak of the Spanish flu epidemic in 1918, the African community was moved even further a field, to the nearby site where Langa is situated today. Origination: The layout plan for Pinelands followed Howards broad principles and allowed for plenty of open space. The design itself was the result of an open architectural competition. The main road is Forest Drive and the suburb contains two small shopping centres named Howard Centre (named after Ebenezer Howard) and Central Square. Pinelands is served by two railway stations, Pinelands Station in the south and Mutual Station in the north. The suburb is bisected from the north east to the south west by the Elsieskraal River, which has flowed through a large concrete drainage canal since the 1960s. To the east lies Langa, separated from
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Pinelands by an extensive concrete wall with barbed wire on top. Langa is the oldest township in the Cape area. In parts of Langa water, electricity and toilets are generally available. In 1994 Pinelands had grown into a suburb of over 20,000 inhabitants. There were over 3,000 houses and 750 flat units and Howard Centre, together with Central Square, had developed into a thriving commercial area of shops and offices. Transformation: In 1919, the South African Government formed the Garden Cities Trust for the purpose of establishing a garden city to deal with issues of deteriorating urban conditions due to an influx of people, higher rents and disease. The Garden City planning model adopted from Britain was executed in Pinelands in 1921. In 1927, Langa was built on a nearby site using the same model but with a different intent, emphasising control and surveillance of a displaced black population. Migration: Until recently, perhaps the most significant feature of the development of Pinelands has been the establishment of a wide range of community facilities and activities: The Garden City built a number of churches of different denominations, nursery, primary and secondary schools, homes for the aged, various sports clubs and a large number of social and cultural societies. Community spirit was always a hall-mark of its society; a society that looked out for each other and was charity orientated. Everyone knew everyone else; and many

families either returned to Pinelands having temporarily drifted away or have lived for several generations within its confines. There remains a strong bias against liquor in the community and as such Pinelands is one of two dry suburbs in Cape Town (and probably South Africa). In order to avoid incorporation into the City of Cape Town, the community of Pinelands voted to create an independent municipality in 1948. In 1997 management control was vested in the Cape Town City Council. This change is seen by the residents of Pinelands as distinct altering the character of the suburb and there is a perception that Pinelands and its people has lost considerably more than Cape Town ideologically would ever have gained.

Langa has played a central role in the resistance against apartheid. In the seventies the area was the stage for many protests, for instance against the use of Afrikaans as the first language in all schools throughout the country. But there are also positive aspects worth mentioning; compared to a few years ago, the crime rate is decreasing. Also, entrepreneurs are opening small scale businesses, creating job opportunities in an area with high unemployment.

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Bean Drop 37: Khayelitsha Erasure: Khayelitsha (new home) is the fastest growing part of Cape Town, and although it does not have 20 million visitors each year, like the CBDs generic Waterfront, it is still one of Cape Towns leading tourist destinations. The emergence of townships created a new identity for the black and coloured communities. Coming from Khayelitsha you will today, just as two decades ago, be a black person most likely of Xhosa origin with rudimentary to negligible schooling with a low income, if any. Origination: It used to be that the government would dump sand barriers alongside the side of the highway so that anyone travelling to and from the airport wouldnt have to see the informal settlements from the road. Despite the current governments (sometimes failed) attempts at implementing housing projects in Khayelitsha, there is still an abundance of informal structures (imikhukhu), especially along the periphery of Khayelitsha, evidence of the influx of population form rural areas. These new settlers are called nkonini, meaning by force. Although attempts are being made to introduce water and sewage to the informal settlements, many are still not connected. Many shacks have electricity, however, leasing illegally hotwired connections to the main power supplies in the area. If a shack is granted a street number it is deemed legal and can officially obtain running water, a toilet, and electricity.
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The apartheid structure of townships like Khayelitsha ignored the fact that most of the inhabitants do not own vehicles. The infrastructures of the townships are being transformed by a network of footpaths, making internal communication easier. There is a shopping centre by the train station in Khayelitsha, although its most important function is arguably the informal trading taking place outside. An attempt is currently underway to create yet another shopping centre in the heart of Khayelitsha, boasting the future employment of 50 - 100 individuals. A tourist information centre was also recently opened at Look Out Point, and a new sports field behind the courthouse has been constructed adding to the number of sports facilities in the township. The sports field is yet to be officially opened. Transformation: Khayelitsha was barren land prior to its creation in the early 80s. The modern master plan with its functional zoning and layout suited the politics of apartheid well. Blacks, coloureds, and people of ethnic minorities were moved out of the city into New Towns that today compromise most of the Cape Flats and constitute most of Cape Towns population. The stigma attached to townships, and the geographical placement of such satellites made for easy control of large populations, and still does: The area that comprises Khayelitsha is mostly flat surrounded by a few sand dunes due to its proximity to the sea. There are only three exit and entry points. The employment opportunities within Khayelitsha are next to none, forcing people to commute large distances every day to work.

There are a few attempts at creating job opportunities in the townships and keeping money within its boundaries. Still, at the opening of Khayelitshas new court building, President Thabo Mbeki stated that the government had adopted programmes ensuring maximum, visible, enduring and sustainable outcomes that benefit people in the poorest areas of South Africa, Khayelitsha being one such area. There are, however, quite a few attempts at individual, entrepreneurial thinking in Khayelitsha, although these might have a tendency to drown each other out as more and more small scale enterprises jump on the band wagon. Without any form of formal control it is not easy to regulate the amount of business ventures getting started without any viable market. It seems that the official view point is that the most viable solution for Khayelitsha for the time being is to have an unregulated, albeit internal, market economy.

The interaction between locals and foreigners due to the increase in tourism can also be seen as a catalyst for future development in Khayelitsha. Such ties have become stronger with government sponsored internet cafs where one is able to access the internet for free. Khayelitshas 0.5 - 1.5 million inhabitants are currently sharing 15 such facilities. Migration: Although the harassment and bloodshed of the apartheid era has ceased, young people complain about crime, unemployment, and boredom. The conservative estimate is that the population is well over 400 000. Still, others claim: By 2002 Khayelitsha reached a population of 1.5 million, with an unemployment rate of 69 %. But Khayelitsha is growing every day (...). God knows what the figures are today. (Thope Lekau, B&B owner).

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In any case half of Khayelitshas population is below the age of 18, and are enrolled in overcrowded schools and given inferior educations. The official estimate is that the unemployment rate is around 50 %.From the air one can still clearly make out the initial layout of Khayelitsha, as well as the spontaneous informal developments that occurred as a result of the lack of formal housing, and the initial layouts inability to cater for vital aspect of community life. Churches, bars, barbers, tailors, shoemakers, and bakers have outlets in their homes. Mattresses are folded up during the day as the living rooms are transformed into beauty salons and taverns, a sign of the adaptability one has to commit to in Khayelitsha on a 24 hour program. Any available space is also well utilized and converted in some way into a structure that may generate an income; a shop front, an extra bedroom, or a pen for chickens, goats, or even cattle. Turning to Boeri, this uncontrollable element is evidence of the spontaneous development of large cloning zones, grafts, as well as zones of metamorphosis.

Tourism has taken off in the recent years, resulting in the Bed & Breakfast industry flourishing. This is one of the few industries having a body of control committed to regulating the market. Furthermore, it has created a demand for consumer goods and arts and crafts at a higher rate than earlier, encouraging visitors to leave money within the boundaries of the townships. Still, the increase in job opportunities is marginal. The breakdown of the apartheid regime created a vast influx of job seekers to the CBD and other affluent areas, which in turn lead to the breakdown of the public transport system. Many of the townships are now cut adrift, separated from the economic space in Cape Town by non-negotiable highway systems and distances of 20-30 kilometres. These distances are still traversed daily by thousands of people from Khayelitsha. The money earned elsewhere is also spent elsewhere, further enhancing the very tangible polarisation between economic zones and townships in Cape Town.

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Analysis
Metatheory When discussing the use of the analytical tools of both Stefano Boeri and Raoul Bunschoten, it is important to clarify what the intent of this diploma is. There are two main roads to go by in this instance one is to keep the two sets of tools separate, observing whether or not they are viable when utilising them in a third world setting. This would mean that they are tested separately, results are gathered, and conclusions are made on whether or not the tools are appropriate, and where they lack substance or fail if they fail at all. This is the diplomas aim as described in the introduction. The other road to go by is one of osmosis, where the two sets of tools are molded together as one. When this happens the aim of the diploma will not be to test whether or not Boeri and Bunschotens tools are applicable in a third world setting, but whether or not Boeri and Bunschotens tools can be transformed into a new set of tools that are able to observe the developments in a third world urban fabric. Faced with these issues, it is useful to be aware of the following: Bunschotens methods are derivatives of an art project developed in the 1970s, where he envisaged the natural skin of the earth as clad with a second skin the cities, the built environments, the infrastructure, in short the urban. This project has later evolved into CHORA, and the development of a much more scientific approach, the roots of which are still, however, based in art. In Notes on a Research Program, Boeri states very clearly that he welcomes the expansion of his vocabulary, thus implying that his theories are not to be viewed as complete or firmly cemented.
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It is therefore tempting to challenge some of the conditions both Boeri and Bunschoten put forth and honing them in the face of a new context. In this respect it can also be argued that both sets of tools are formed by the will to change the way in which the prevailing urban paradigm is viewed, and ultimately to change the way in which urban space is developed. Not only is the starting point for creating these two sets of tools the same, but the final conclusions Boeri and Bunschoten offer also stem from the same, highly political ground. Then, perhaps some leeway may be granted when this diploma suggests additions or alterations to the tools, using a common vocabulary, but without the intention of creating a new set of theories. Metaspaces As mentioned, the origin of Bunschotens E O T M metaspaces derives from an art project. It is therefore tempting to see the use of the terms Erasure, Origination, Transformation, and Migration in an artistic context, perhaps giving them some intended connotations, while shrouding others. The descriptions given of these terms, like: Transformation is the overlaying of various conditions are sometimes a bit vague and dubious in an otherwise very clear set of texts. Bunschoten also states that societies go through transitional phases when one of the following happens: i) The loss of collective memory or the evolution of new cultural identities. ii) The growth of previously unknown urban form. iii) The transformation of political environments. iv) New social structures brought about by the eruption of volatile communities.

If combining these expressions, Erasure, Origination, Transformation and Migration take on new meanings, where Erasure refers to cultural loss or change, Origination deals with physical alterations, Transformation describes political environments, and Migration discusses social upheavals. Thus, it can be argued that the E O T M metaspaces become a vehicle in which to steer the description of a bean drop, and through the bean drops the whole city. This structuring is different than, say, a linear or chronological approach, and forces the data gathered into a predefined mold; metaspaces that enable the user to view the city from a different angle. Here, Boeris term eclectic atlases come to mind as a vehicle of similar intent. The Combinatory Regularities By use of eclectic atlases the combinatory regularities are observed, Boeri states. One of the problems in relation to this is the question of scale. When describing the six different combinatory regularities he uses phrases like: Entire stretches of urban territory, The replacement of elements, Large parts of the city, Small-scale alterations, and Enormous containers, pointing out that a combinatory regularity can be anything from a part of a building to a part of a city. This constitutes an addition to the combinatory regularities, which are referred to in this diploma as connectedand disconnected zooms. This addition is specifically tailored for Cape Towns urban landscape, bringing in one of the most fundamental observations made: The city is divided between a well connected and established conglomeration of suburbs, dwellings, and centres (a connected zoom) on one hand, and a series of disconnected agglomerations of townships, communities and
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settlements (a disconnected zoom). It can be argued that bringing in this contextual element as an addition to the tools undermines their universal essence. On the other hand, it must be pointed out that this addition has only been created through the use of the tools, thus pointing out their functionality as they adapt to a new landscape. Another issue with regards to the combinatory regularities is the fact that they rarely enter into osmosis. If one is to believe Bunschoten, and his E O T M metaspaces, there is absolutely a set of connections detectable in the urban fabric. It is therefore tempting to see Boeris statement with regards to physical space only. By introducing social, political and historical dimensions to the urban fabric, the combinatory regularities do indeed interact. In light of the interviews conducted, as well as through observations at bean drop sites, one thing that is clearly evident is the ever returning historical context that Cape Town, and most probably the whole of South Africa is steeped in. That is not to say no other urban environments have a historical backdrop; it is just that in the instance of Cape Town (and South Africa) its history is not over; it is a living history. The end of apartheid did not necessarily mean the end of injustice. The overwhelming effects of South Africas history are still apparent, and moreover, ongoing and perhaps even necessary for the day to day evolvement of the current urban context. If history is so deeply rooted in the now in Cape Town, it is reasonable to point out that it needs to be a part of the combinatory regularities as a force of its own. By adding these three elements to Boeris combinatory regularities, they harmonize with Bunschotens E O T M metaspaces, but still discuss the implications of urban space on

original terms. The combinatory regularities are intertwined, or perhaps it is more correct to say that they are layered, when observing them through a disconnected zoom. One reason for this may be that they need to rely on each other in order to exist because the vacuum that surrounds them prevents them from generating outward linkages; townships are cut adrift from the economic and social development that has taken the rest of Cape Town in another direction. Similarly, combinatory regularities in a connected zoom do not interconnect with each other because they already exist in a network pattern, and are therefore able to (seemingly) develop on autonomous terms. Context = Political Curiously enough, it may seem as though Bunschoten fails to implement the issue of economy in his tools. It is strange that economy, in many ways being a driving force in any capitalistic society, is not directly mentioned as a structural element in his four transitional phases, or even in the E O T M metaspaces. This is not completely true, however. It can be possible to argue, again in the light of the political undertones guiding his theory, that Bunschoten sees economy as a part of an economic-political landscape, thus incorporating its presence in the Transformation metaspace. This is not so strange, considering the fact that Bunschotens theories also include a practical project-oriented aspect, and the texts are like instruction manuals. Stating that economy can be managed politically is in itself a political statement. This brings us back to the main matrix developed in this diploma to visualise the factors at play in both Boeri and Bunschotens worldview. First of all, it may
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be useful to point out that the arrows shown in the main matrix do not represent a path to follow when analysing, but rather represent the direction of the forces driving the individual parameters towards and away from each other. Not only is the main matrix a circulatory system echoing the almost anti-linear attitude of both Bunschoten and Boeri. It is also a portrait of duality. Therein lays also some of its weakness. If put simply, it seems both Boeri and Bunschoten adopt a view that describes the world as two-sided. The global generic forces on one hand, pitted against small pockets of contextual resistance on the other. The outcome of this struggle is the urban space we navigate today. This view can of course be construed as a modernised version of the workers resistance against the capital. This takes us on to another point of interest. The issue of governance is a part of the main matrix, simply because it needs to be there as a part in the creation of a functioning system. However, the issue is not dealt with in this diploma, as it is not the issue in question. The diploma discusses the use of observational tools in a third world setting. Governance - and the implementation of policies to act upon the findings of these observational tools is another topic all together. Yet, as governance is a part of the vocabulary of the main matrix it is only fair to mention an important point in relation to it, taking us back to the preemptive motive for writing this diploma. In the introduction attention is drawn to Stortingsmelding 35 and the former Norwegian governments failure to act upon, or let alone acknowledge urban poverty as one of the most pressing problem facing Third World countries today.

There has been, and still is a tendency among NGOs and donor governments to analyse the possible effects of a would-be project. In the last decade or so more and more attention has been paid to the existing conditions before implementing a project, or rather, attention has been paid to the conditions prerequisite for a project to succeed. This is very much a top-down approach to development. What is clear through the structure of the main matrix is that there is a universal demand for better, more precise tools for observing the conditions of the urban fabric, and to understand how these conditions can develop within their own context before developing any project ideas. Academics and Architecture When moving from the main matrix into the respective theories, visually representing them, there are certain observable differences despite their common grounding. While Boeris descriptions can be construed in a diagram of a circulatory nature, Bunschoten can be explained through a more funnel-shaped system. It may be that these anomalies can be explained through their respective attitudes to theory. While it is easy to criticise Bunschoten of being too banal in his representations, especially when discussing the concept of bean drops, it is important to point out that there is a very tangible and understandable transition though his texts, all the way from idea to practical implementation. In this sense Bunschoten seems to be result, or perhaps even action oriented, thus explaining the funnel shaped system where the data initially poured into the system will eventually generate a product. This, it may be argued, is not so much the case for Boeri. His texts are often aloof and sometimes almost impregnable. When he discusses theory it is on a very academic
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level. It is, for instance, hard to see the link between theory and practical application in USE (Uncertain States of Europe). The circulatory representation of his theory is therefore very much a representation of his academic positioning on the subject matter. Even though Boeris discussions are of a generic nature, and there is no evidence of a true end product, what the tools he creates eventually uncover, is the existence of a set of contextually motivated, highly particular inhabited spaces. Although Boeri cautions the use of a stereotypical (and consequently, he claims, outdated) urbanism-language, it is tempting to view these spaces as operating on, but never within the perimeter of the global city. As Boeri devised these tools for observations of a European territory, the question that presents itself is therefore whether or not contextual forces formed outside a European territory behave differently than the ones operating within it. And obviously if the tools at hand are capable of observing these. 40 37 10 - 4 There were 40 bean drops originally. Three of these spots were impossible to get to, or were deemed too dangerous at the time. This in itself is of course a set of data worth mentioning, as it does add a facet to the description of Cape Towns urban territory. The choice of 10 bean drops was not done in relation to the tools in any way, a fact that does weaken the train of argument to some extent. The choice of 10 of a total of 37 bean drops was based on subjective decisions as to what 10 sites would, when viewed as a whole, convey the story of Cape Town from as many angles as possible. Other than basing this on the knowledge of what the remaining 27 bean drops yielded, there was no scientific approach guiding this particular selection.

Narrowing the selection down to a further four bean drops was, however, based on the tools. These four bean drops are featured in the booklet and on the presentational boards. They are BD 6: V&A Waterfront; BD 13: Central Station; BD 23; Pinelands and BD 37; Khayelitsha. The selection was based on the concepts of Erasure, Origination, Transformation and Migration, choosing the bean drops which best described these processes respectively. The V&A Waterfront was chosen for its description of Origination, the Central Station for its description of Transformation, Pinelands for its description of Erasure, and finally Khayelitsha for its description of Migration. Observing the proto-urban conditions Do the tools proposed by Stefano Boeri and Raoul Bunschoten pinpoint the global forces acting upon the city? Do they unveil the struggle within is there a contextual resistance? Cape Towns initial identifying features are those of a hybrid city; a First, Second and Third World city all at the same time, thus being an assertion of globalisation theory in itself to some extent. This hybrid feature makes Cape Town comparable to a city like, for instance Shanghai, and there should perhaps have been a comparative backdrop to the tests carried out in Cape Town in order to verify whether or not the tools are functional on a truly global level. Still, there is a clear pattern observable in Cape Towns urban fabric through the method of bean drops and the implementation of the tools devised by both Raoul Bunschoten and Stefano Boeri. Though the official politics of the apartheid era were disbanded almost 12 years ago, the social and economic polarisation that had been nurtured for so many years still continues today, and more over, it is
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ever increasing. Cape Town is a de facto segregated city still governed by the principles of functionalist structures that suited apartheid so well. And Cape Town suffers daily form the practical implications of this. The international image most popularly displayed by South Africa is one of reconciliation, togetherness, and of being a driving force for the future of Africa. Still, there are few indications showing a practical development in Cape Town that verifies this. One might be inclined to say that the development indicates the opposite, and only the fact that South Africa is a middle income country sets it a cut above most African nation states. The statistics are of course based on a pr person average. They do indicate the presence of a much larger middle class than in other African countries, and perhaps they indicate something about levels of government. Even so, they do not say anything about the degree of poverty still found in the townships of the Cape Flats. Does this mean that the rest of Cape Town has gone forward while the townships are left behind in the developmental mire? This obviously depends on the term forward, but the answer is most likely no. There are several indications showing how the protourban conditions that are predominantly found in township structures have the capacity to generate a forward movement a movement it seems many of the more affluent suburbs and urban areas in their very essence are incapable of generating. It may be clarifying to point out that protourban conditions - the emotions of a city are not directly observable in a physical sense. The proto-urban conditions are what cause certain developments in a physical space: they are the cause of the effect. It can therefore be argued, in terms of

Bunschoten, that these emotions are mappable in the Erasure, Transformation and Migration metaspaces. In terms of Boeri, the same proto-urban conditions are mappable in a cultural, political and social space, when observing a disconnected territory. BD 37: Khayelitsha (Migration / Social) In Khayelitsha the proto-urban conditions are the cause of the physical structures that have spontaneously developed since the 80s. Boeri calls such structures an autopoietic innovation of space, meaning that they are self generated structures, produced by the sheer necessity of their existence. These innovations did not occur simply because the original planning of Khayelitsha was unsatisfactory. There are lots of examples around Cape Town, as well as the rest of the world, of badly planned spaces that have been unable to generate such transformations. It was, and still is possible to cater for this transformation in the disconnected territory of Khayelitsha due to the fact that people were, and still are forced to stay there. These innovations take place because without them there simply is nothing. There is Khayelitsha, and then there is a void. Most all the examples of physical alterations of space are seen clearly from the air. One is the creation of footpaths, which is a common proto-urban condition throughout the dislocated zones of Cape Town. The number of well maintained footpaths easily outnumbers the amount of roads in Khayelitsha. These footpaths are the modal means of communication within the township, and are not regulated or governed by the skeletal layout of apartheid structures. They exists as a layers upon a layer. Visualized through the combinatory regularities in Khayelitsha, this is an
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important point. The proto-urban conditions can be seen as layered. And although Bunschoten refers to them as submerged, it is tempting to see the physical ramifications of the proto-urban conditions as seemingly chaotic structures layered on top of the historic formal space. In a cultural (erasure), political (transformation) and social (migration) (meta-)space it may be more correct to refer to them as submerged. The structures are only seemingly chaotic, because in actual fact they are governed by a highly original internal logic which also presides over other proto-urban conditions in Khayelitsha, some of which are found in the social space of Grafts and Zones of Metamorphosis generated along Linear Attractors. In the original sense, combinatory regularities are not capable of producing proto-urban conditions. When observing a disconnected territory (disconnected zoom), however, the vocabulary of the combinatory regularities is rewritten, thus evolving into new forms that are the physical products of proto-urban conditions. In terms of Khayelitsha, the proto-urban conditions exist in the social space of these disconnected combinatory regularities. This is related to Bunschotens Migration metaspace where we find developments that are most clearly autopoietic: The Grafts along the Linear Attractors are the chicken pens next to the makeshift slaughter bench along the main path through the informal settlement. In fact, the only formal structure visible in this area is the train station and the adjacent shopping mall. And all though they are formal, they also adhere to the disconnected combinatory regularities as a Linear Attractor and a Bowling Pin simply because they generate space for proto-urban conditions to develop: You sit down at one of the tables under the ramp that crosses the railway track, while you wait to get served

by the girl at the braai (grill) on the platform who prepares the slices of liver from the cow they slaughtered, that just this morning was feeding off the dry patches of grass growing at the back of the shopping centre. Although this might be seen as an informal takeover of formal space, this Zone of Metamorphosis can also be seen as a protourban condition generated in a Migration metaspace. The final proto-urban condition in Khayelitsha belongs to several metaspaces. Khayelitsha is connected to the internet. This proto-urban condition develops in an Erasure metaspace in the cultural exchange between potential tourists and the bed and breakfast industry. The condition develops further in an Origination metaspace as the information highway can be seen as a much more useful metaphysical connection to the global sphere than the physical N2 highway that passes Khayelitsha. And in the furthest extent of it this proto-urban condition evolves in a Migration metaspace as an addition to the gap between the haves and the have-nots within the township. Networks, knowledge, and ultimately wealth belong to those who are connected to the metaspaces. The others still live in Khayelitshas disconnected realspace. (The way in which to combat such a development could be by bringing this proto-urban condition into a Transformation metaspace through the implementation of computers in schooling and though providing more free access computers with internet connections in the townships.) BD 23: Pinelands (Erasure / Cultural) Not all bean drops in the Cape Flats are of a disconnected character. Some are highly connected, and at the same time, any protourban conditions are hard to come by. Pinelands is one such example. This highly organised historical structure has no need to resist the global energies. At one point
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Pinelands was its own municipality, but when this too fell away in 97, any form of protourban condition present in an Erasure or Migration metaspace vanished. There is, however, one physical entity observable in Pinelands that is the manifestation of an emotion or proto-urban condition: the concrete wall separating it from the disconnected space of Langa. It is important to note that this wall is not a proto-urban condition in itself, but rather the physical side-effect of the emotions evoked by the respectively connected and disconnected spaces Pinelands and Langa situated in geographical proximity of each other. The social differences between the areas create an emotion of fear in a Migration metaspace. This emotion is socially based, but is also a result of cultural differences observable in an Erasure metaspace. BD 13: Central Station (Transformation / Political) In the CBD, like in the connected spaces of Pinelands, the proto-urban conditions are more difficult to observe than in the townships. There are, however, instances where they arise in this setting as well, although without producing physical structures. The self employment industry of parking attendants is a clear proto-urban condition existing in a Migration metaspace, affecting a Transformation metaspace. Relating this to Boeri, it is possible to argue that the parking attendant industry as a proto-urban condition exists in the social and political space of a Linear Attractor. It is difficult, however to determine whether this discussion belongs to a disconnected or connected territory. The niche is carved purely in a social space (Migration metaspace)

belonging to a disconnected territory - due to the lack of any existing formal network in a connected territory. Through the reaction of a political space (Transformation metaspace), a formal network is created to counteract the effects of the proto-urban condition. One could, in fact say that this particular proto-urban condition develops in the rupture between a connected and disconnected territory. BD 6: V&A Waterfront (Origination / Physical) When dealing with a totally generic territory like the V&A Waterfront, it is highly unlikely that it will generate any protourban conditions. By adopting a more general approach to Boeri and Bunschotens tools, it is still possible to make a few important observations in this global territory. The V&A Waterfront is an economic success. It is the focal point of tourism in Cape Town, with a strong sense of historical identity. In addition the Waterfronts physical territory is confined and clear; an autonomous entity which, in many respects is the heart of Cape Town. It is in extension of this that the CBD, at the turn of the century, started a process of reclaiming the inner city. This gentrification process is still under way and has revitalised a centre previously regarded by many as a void space. Although one may discuss the way in which this process is done, as well as its results, Cape Town does seem to have a safer, more economically secure, more vibrant CBD than a decade ago. Perhaps one can argue that the CBD was in fact caught in the rupture between a connected and a disconnected territory, and that the gentrification process that has taken place is a way of reclaiming a connected territory. In this sense, the self employed parking attendants man one of the
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last stockades of disconnected territory still remaining, its walls soon breached. Still, the V&A Waterfront remains the hub of economic activity in Cape Town, and although there is an undeniable trickle down effect, there is reason to ask if there shouldnt be more. The economic viability of the Waterfront should in fact prove the possibility for restructuring the urban territory of Cape Town on a macro level. It is perhaps through the success of phenomena like the V&A Waterfront that enough leverage can be created so to transform the economic centre of Cape Town from an introverted hub to an outstretched corridor where the disconnected territories of Khayelitsha, Mitchells Plain, Langa and Gugulethu all can connect.

In the End
Like mentioned, it is quite possible to regard the proto-urban conditions simply as a division between informal and formal sector, which indeed is what is being done in most current analysis. But this is precisely the point: the current vocabulary is inadequate at observing and describing the urban fabric. By introducing the observational tools proposed by Stefano Boeri and Raoul Bunschoten it is possible to dig deeper, locate the exact position of a proto-urban condition, describe its function and the logic that presides over it, and more over perhaps be able to identify its further development. Thus, the tools become a valuable supplement for NGOs and donor- as well as local governments, making them better equipped at directing the flow of capital and implementing successful aid projects.

Would the results in this diploma have been apparent without the use of the tools incorporated? Most probably, but the results would perhaps not have been so easily identifiable at such an early stage without extensive knowledge of the specific city and its problems. Are the findings in any way new or suggestive of other conclusions than the prevailing paradigm? Not really, but that is somehow beside the point. What is clear to see, is that through these tools, the data collected is systemized in a pattern that refuses to align with the norm, thus forcing the user to view the findings from a different angle. The findings are the same as the findings of more conventional research, but what is important is that through the method of bean drops and subsequent use of Bunschoten and Boeris tools, any suggestions of further developments of practical implementations - will have to follow a different pattern a new matrix. It is this that may prove vitally important to restructuring the way we implement structural changes in the urban fabric.
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Investigations into Global Processes and the Urban Poor Fall 2005 / Institute of Urbanism / Oslo School of Architecture and Design

Observing the Proto-Urban Conditions a Diploma Project by Anders Ese