Vol3 PDF

psychosocial trauma rehabilitation work
Learning Experiences Study on Civil-Society Peace Building in the Philippines
Psychosocial Trauma Rehabilitation Work

PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA AND HUMAN RIGHTS PROGRAM OF THE CENTER FOR INTEGRATIVE AND DEVELOPMENT STUDIES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES (UP-CIDS-PST) M ARCO PAA P UZON WITH E LIZABETH P ROTACIO - DE C ASTRO AND A GNES C AMACHO
2005
VOLUME 3
UP-CIDS
LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL -SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING IN THE PHILIPPINES VOLUME 3: PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK
Published by the UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP CIDS) in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Copyright 2005 the United Nations Development Programme Manila Office. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means including information storage and retrieval systems without permission from the UNDP and UP CIDS. Inquiries should be addressed to: UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies, Bahay ng Alumni, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City 1101 Tel/Fax: (632) 9293540 Email: cids@up.edu.ph United Nations Development Programme 30/F Yuchengco Tower RCBC Plaza, 6819 Ayala Ave. cor. Sen Gil J. Puyat Ave., Makati City 1226 Philippines Tel: (632) 9010100 Fax (632) 9010200 The National Library of the Philippines CIP Data Recommended entry: Learning experiences study on civil-society peace building in the Philippines.- - Diliman, Quezon City : UP-CIDS, c2005. 5v. ; cm. CONTENTS: v.1. Framework and synthesis of lessons learned in civil-society peace building / Miriam Coronel Ferrer v.2. National peace coalitions / Josephine C. Dionisio v.3. Psychosocial trauma rehabilitation work / Marco Puzon, Elizabeth Protacio-De Castro v. 4. Peace education initiatives in Metro Manila / Loreta Castro, Jasmin Nario-Galace and Kristine Lesaca v.5. Peace building experiences of church-based organizations in the Philippines / Jovic Lobrigo and Sonia Imperial. Published in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 1. Peace-buildingPhilippines. 2. Peace-buildingCase studies. 3. Civil societyPhilippines. I. UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP-CIDS).
JZ5538 303.69 2005 P061000334 ISBN ISBN ISBN ISBN ISBN 978-971-742-095-0 978-971-742-096-7 978-971-742-097-4 978-971-742-098-1 978-971-742-099-8 (vol. (vol. (vol. (vol. (vol. 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)
cover design Ernesto Enrique book design and layout East Axis Creative
The opinions expressed herein are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the views of the UNDP .
contents
vii ix xi 1 11 13 24 42 70 79 87 89 91
list of acronyms acknowledgments list of interview

Introduction
pst study
Consequences of Violence / Armed Conflict The Evolution of Psychosocial Intervention in the Philippines Psychosocial Interventions of Selected CSOs Conclusion
learning modules : a journey for us all, peace building and psychosocial work part 1: understanding conflict situations and their consequences
Introduction Chapter One: Conflict, Structural Violence and Conflict Situations
91 Module 1: iba kayo, iba kami 95 Module 2: anong bali-balita? 101 Module 3: ang lumalaking bola ng kaguluhan 106
Chapter Two: Understanding the Consequences
106 109 112 119
Module 4: bowling na ang gamit ay bolat bomba Module 5: lamat ng bote Module 6: sa isang bagtasan Module 7: bumabangis ang halimaw
125 127 129 137
part 2: finding the psychosocial in peace building and addressing the consequences of conflict
Introduction Chapter Three: Psychosocial Help
129 Module 8: tulong!

Chapter Four: Addressing the Consequences
137 141 146 152 154 157
Module 9: kung sakali paano na? Module 10: muling pagbangon ng pamayanan Module 11: muling pagtibay ng puso, damdamin at isipan Module 12: muling pagsasaayos ng nasirang pagsasama Module 13: muling pagbalik sa pamayanan
Chapter Five: Toward Convergence
157 Module 14: isa, dalawa, tatlo 159 161 164
part 3: preparing the journeyraising the sails

Introduction Chapter Six: Going to Journey
164 Module 15: mga bituin ng kapayapaan 165 Module 16: pagbabago 168 Module 17: pagwawakas at panimula 171 179 185
endnotes references appendices
acronyms
AFP AICM ARMM ASG CAFGU CARHRIHL CCF CFSI CIAC CNSP COP CPP-NPA-NDF CRC CSOs CVO DSWD FGDs FLAG FTOs GOs GRP HDI IDPs IMT ISHTR IPs ISTGP KAPATID KIIs MAG MERN MIMAROPA MILF MNLF MPC Armed Forces of the Philippines Appreciative Inquiry in Community Mobilization Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao Abu Sayyaf Group Civilian Arned Forces Geographical Unit Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Christian Childrens Fund Community and Family Services International children in armed conflict children in special need of protection Community Outreach Program Communist Party of the Philippines-New Peoples Army-National Democratic Front Childrens Rehabilitation Center civil society organizations Civilian Volunteers Organization Department of Social Welfare and Development focus group discussions Free Legal Assistance Group Foreign Terrorist Organizations government organizations Government of the Republic of the Philippines Human Development Index internally displaced persons International Monitoring Team International Society for Health and Human Rights indigenous peoples Integrated Summer Group Therapy Program Kapisanan ng mga Kamag-anak ng mga Detenido key informant interviews Medical Action Group Mindanao Emergency Response Network Mindoro-Marinduque-Palawan Moro Islamic Liberation Front Moro National Liberation Front Mindanao Peoples Caucus
vii
LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

NDFCAI-WED NGOs OCD OIC PCSUCS PCTC PDAP PETA PhilRights POs PNRC PMDF PRW PSWDO PTSD RDCC SAC Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities Inc.Women in Enterprise Development non-government organizations Office of Civil Defense Organization of Islamic Conference Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Children as Soldiers Philippine Center on Transnational Crime Philippine Development Assistance Program Philippine Educational Theater Association Philippine Human Rights Information Center peoples organizations Philippine National Red Cross Philippine Disaster Management Forum psychosocial rehabilitation work Provincial Social Welfare and Development Office post-traumatic stress disorder Regional Disaster Coordinating Council Social Action Center Extension AdministrationInstitute for Peace and Development Studies SCF SIPDM UATC UNMDP UNICEF UP CIDS PST Save the Children Fund Summer Institute for Peace and Development Motivators United against Torture Coalition United Nations Multi-Donor Programme United Nations Childrens Fund Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights Program, Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines
SCC CEREA-IPDS Southern Christian College Community Education, Research and
viii | A C R O N Y M S
acknowledgments
This documentation work never would have been possible without the collaborative effort of
many individuals and organizations. On behalf of the UP CIDS PST, we would like to thank our friends and colleagues from the following organizations for their participation in the research: Christian Childrens Fund and the Nagdilaab Foundation in Basilan; Balik Kalipay, Balay Mindanao Office, and the Southern Cotabato College Community Education, Research and Extension Administration - Institute for Peace and Development Studies (SCC CEREA IPDS) and Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities Inc.Women in Enterprise Development (NDFCAI-WED) from Central Mindanao; and PASAKAMI (Federation of Mangyan Organizations) and the Social Action Center (SAC) of the Vicariate of San Jose from Mindoro Occidental. Special thanks also goes to the Mindoro Occidental Provincial Social Welfare and Development Office, particularly to its sub-office in San Jose; Lorena dela Cruz, Balay Executive Director; Flora Arellano of Polytechnic University of the Philippines Human Rights Center in Manila, Elizabeth Protacio-de Castro and Agnes Camacho for their insights and comments on the draft, and the rest of the family-team at PSTOmna, Mary Rose, Mike, July, Norawhose support throughout the project was invaluable. The journey in making this workour part in the five-volume Learning Experiences Study (LES) on Civil Society Experiences in Peace Building led to other journeys. Last but not the least, we give our heartfelt thanks to Professor Miriam Coronel Ferrer of the University of the Philippines, and to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), who had started this journey and brought us to more journeys. UP CIDS PST is proud to have documented the experience of generations of communities that had experienced armed conflict and of peace builders of all genders, faiths and ages who have painstakingly and selflessly rebuilt their lives and those of others. We would like to dedicate this work to them and to the memory of CCF-Basilan Program Director Eliza del Puerto, who put back smiles and laughter among children in Basilan. Travel in peace, Eliza.
ix
interviews
Flora Arellano of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines Human Rights Center Manila, August 31, 2004.
Esperancita Hupida, Coordinator of the Nagdilaab Foundation Isabela City, Basilan, June 2, 2004
Fr. Bert Layson, Immaculate Conception Parish Pikit, Maguindanao, June 10, 2004.
PASAKAMI Chairman Juanito Lumawig San Jose, Mindoro Occidental , June 30, 2004
Norman Novio, Program Coordinator Social Services Commission, Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose Mindoro Occidental, June 30, 2004
Lorena dela Cruz, Balay Executive Director, Balay Head Office, Quezon City, August 30, 2004.
FGDs
Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building at the SCC Global House in Midsayap, Cotabato from June 8 to 9, 2004, attended by representatives from the Balay Mindanao Office, Balik Kalipay, the NDFCAI-WED and the SCC-CEREA-IPDS.
Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building at the Bishop Querexeta Formation Center in Isabela City, Basilan from June 2-3, 2004, attended by representatives from the Christian Childrens FundBasilan and the Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc.
Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building at the Sikatuna Hotel in San Jose, Mindoro Occidental, from June 29 to 30, 2004, attended by representatives of the Social Action Center of the Vicariate of San Jose, Provincial Social Work and Development Office (San Jose sub-office) and PASAKAMI.
xi
introduction
The end of the Marcos regime in February 1986 and the subsequent restoration of a democratic system of government ushered in a period of renewal in the history of the Philippines, a country that has been plagued by armed conflicts. The nonviolent EDSA Revolution brought renewed hope to the people that the long-drawn armed conflict could be settled through peaceful means (Protacio-DeCastro et al, 2000: 2). Finding a just and lasting end to the protracted armed conflicts between government forces and various armed groups like the Communist Party of the Philippines-New Peoples Army-National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) became a major societal concern in the post-Marcos period. This study, made by the Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights Program (PST) of the University of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UPCIDS), is part of the five-volume Learning Experiences Study (LES) on Civil Society Experiences in Peace Building. It is a pioneering work documenting the experiences of Philippine civil society organizations (CSOs) involved in addressing the psychosocial consequences of conflict or violence. Given the protracted and cyclical nature of armed conflict in the Philippines, a major challenge faced by society in general is the healing of the less visible wounds of war (and), integrating (the healing as part of ) the process of transforming the violent nature of the conflict into a more positive atmosphere amenable to the resolution of the root causes of the armed conflict (ibid., 3). In effect, this study documents efforts by CSOs to respond to this challenge. Despite the very limited number of NGOs and academics doing actual psychosocial rehabilitation work (PRW) in the Philippines, there is already a wealth of published and unpublished research on the effects and consequences of armed conflict and violence on the community and on vulnerable groups, like children, in particular. In 1985, Elizabeth Protacio released a pioneering study on the effects of armed conflict on children, which resulted in the establishment of the Childrens Rehabilitation Center (CRC). The CRC was one of the first NGOs to develop psychosocial programs and services for children affected, either directly or indirectly, by armed conflict (Protacio-Marcelino, 1985). The CRC published the newsletter Children of the Storm, which featured articles on children and their families. Featured articles ranged from descriptive cases of human rights violations committed

by armed groups to literary works by the CRC staff and children-survivors. The formation of the PST at the UPCIDS in 1993 mainstreamed psychosocial trauma rehabilitation work in the academe. Since its inception, several researches on the effects and consequences of torture, armed conflict and violence have been done. In 2000, the UPCIDS-PST released a pioneering study on community participation in the recovery and reintegration of children affected by the armed conflict. The study focused on three areas where armed conflict between the AFP and the CPP-NPA had taken its heaviest toll and where various government organizations (GOs), non-government organizations (NGOs), and peoples organizations (POs) have applied their best resources and energies to mitigate the impact of armed conflict. Most published material in the country consists of regional or provincial NGO profiles and reports of services; community case studies; and papers on the themes, children in armed conflict (CIAC) and internally displaced persons (IDPs). There is no comprehensive, nationwide study on Philippine CSOs with programs to address the effects and consequences of violence and armed conflict and the positive roles that these organizations have played in peace building. Perhaps this situation corresponds to the very small number of organizations doing actual psychosocial rehabilitation work (PRW) and conducting active research on the psychosocial aspect of programs for CIAC and IDPs. In any case, this study attempts to fill the gap in the literature. A review of the initiatives in the provinces of Basilan, Cotabato, and Mindoro Occidental would show that different contexts have necessitated particular forms of intervention and have led to different outcomes. All together, the organizations approaches helped us draw useful insights and determine, to a certain extent, the various impacts of civil-society peace building on war-affected communities and Philippine society at large. The study aimed to: document the psychosocial activities of Philippine CSOs in selected, conflict-affected, areas from 1986 to 2004. draw lessons from and tentatively evaluate the impact of these interventions on a) policy-making, b) the ground-level situation, and c) the perception, attitude, and behavior of primary stakeholders. The Framework provided by Miriam Coronel Ferrer in Volume 1 described the Philippine peace process as anchored on the main agenda of finding a just and peaceful solution to the armed conflicts, an unfinished aspect of the of democratization set off by the downfall of the autocratic Marcos regime. Sporadic eruption of conflict has stalled development efforts, created more suffering and trauma, and derailed the overall process of social and political reform. This study developed six categories/themes of peace building initiatives addressing the psycho-social impact of armed conflict. These are:
2| I N T R O D U C T I O N
VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

post-hostility physical and social reconstruction psychosocial counseling and trauma relief reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships fact-finding and cease-fire monitoring missions demobilization and reintegration of former combatants, and conflict-prevention efforts.
The first five categories were developed from the types of peace building activities, according to aims or objectives developed by Fisher et al 2000 (cited in Palm-Dalupan 2000), and discussed in Volume 1. Participants of the focused group discussions (FGDs) in Midsayap, Cotabato, suggested the addition of the last category/theme. Conflict prevention, as viewed by the FGD participants in Midsayap, includes everything.1 The category, as a result, tended to overlap with the other activities. However, a closer look into the activities placed by the participants under this category indicated that their notion of conflict-prevention efforts included initiatives to advance the communities right to their ancestral domain and other land rights, territorial governance and self-determination, which are all objects of conflicting claims. Conflict prevention was thus added as a separate category in recognition of this framing by the workshop participants. A reviewer suggested that conflict prevention also includes practical measures to prevent escalation of hostilities such as dialogues and agreements forged by the community with combatants and efforts to prevent disadvantaged children in Cotabato and Maguindanao from joining armed groups. Participating organizations, however, put the latter under the the category of demobilization and reintegration of former combatants. The UPCIDS-PST teams replaced the truth commissions category with fact-finding, mercy and cease-fire-monitoring missions since these were the actual activities of the CSOs studied. The participants largely understood the term, truth commissions to refer to the more familiar fact-finding and cease-fire-monitoring missions that they had been involved in.2 The revised category is reflective of what we find in the Philippine context. The study utilized several qualitative research tools, among them, literature review, focus group discussions (FGDs), case studies, and key informant interviews (KIIs). The adjoining Cotabato-Maguindanao provinces in Central Mindanao; Basilan in Western Mindanao; and Mindoro Occidental in the Luzon group of islands were selected as the study areas because these provinces continue to experience armed conflict. The socioeconomic conditions, history, and the nature of the conflict in the three study areas are provided on the next pages, along with a background on the non-state armed groups that operate in the area and the CSOs that participated in the FGDs. In each of the study areas, the research team conducted the necessary documentation, collection, review and analysis of data, and one FGD that was participated in by representatives of
INTRODUCTION
|3

governmental and non-governmental institutions and other players, ranging from community leaders to NGO or government social workers. The team also conducted KIIs with at least three people from the local NGO and government communities. Moreover, in Basilan, the team observed the Puhmalin Childrens Peace Festival that coincided with the visit to the target area. In 2005, the entire project team of the LES study held a validation workshop in Metro Manila. Some respondents from the study areas attended this validation workshop. In Basilan, the participating organizations in the study were the Isabela City-based Christian Childrens Fund (CCF)-Basilan, and the Nagdilaab Foundation Inc. In Cotabato and Maguindanao, the UP CIDS-PST research team collaborated with the Southern Christian College (SCC), particularly its Community Education, Research and Extension Administrations Institute for Peace and Development Studies (CEREA-IPDS); the Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities Inc. Women in Enterprise Development (NDFCAI-WED); Balik Kalipay; and the Mindanao Office of the Balay, or the Balay Rehabilitation Center. In Mindoro Occidental, the Provincial Social Welfare and Development Office (PSWDO) assisted the research team in identifying organizations to participate in the study. Of the four that were originally identified, only two organizations, the Federation of Mangyan Organizations (or the PASAKAMI) and the Social Action Center (SAC) of the Vicariate of San Jose, participated in the study. Appendix 1 provides a brief background on these organizations.
basilan
Basilan island has a population of 332,828 and a total land area of 2,092 square kilometers (2000 data). It is rugged to moderately steep in the interior, with the coastal areas marked by hilly terrain planted with coconut and rubber trees. With a predominantly Muslim population, Basilan is one of the five provinces comprising the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The provincial capital city of Isabela, however, did not vote for inclusion in the ARMM. The six municipalities of Lamitan, Lantawan, Maluso, Sumisip, Tipo-Tipo, and Tuburan make up the province. The NGOs that were chosen to participate in the study each have programs in Isabela City and in most of the municipalities of the province. Public infrastructure and utilities like potable water, postal network, and electricity, public education and health services are either nonexistent or underdeveloped in many areas. One of the countrys 10 poorest provinces, Basilan held the distinction of being the countrys first and only island city for almost three decades until it was reorganized into a province in 1973. For the most part, prior to 1973, government positions were held by non-Muslim politicians/ bureaucrats. Basilans strategic maritime location made it an attractive and convenient post for Spanish colonial designs on the Sulu Archipelago and the rest of Mindanao. The island was subjected to both the control of the Sultanate of Sulu and the Spanish colonial government based in Zamboanga, with neither side, despite respective claims of sovereignty, effectively exercising complete hold. After the
establishment of a naval base in Isabela in the late 1800s, the Spanish gained a degree of control over the northern part of Basilan, the traditional homeland of the indigenous Islamicized Yakan community. With no political superstructure, the Yakan engaged in clan warfare and were regarded as vassals of the Sultanate of Sulu. Ironically, the Yakan were first united in the 1880s under the rule of a Christian fugitive, who established himself as ruler of Basilan. From the start of the American occupation until the late 1960s, migration of Christian ethnolinguistic groups to Basilan was encouraged. Large multinational companies such as BF Goodrich and the American Rubber Company set up rubber plantations throughout the island. The influx of migrants displaced many of the Yakan, who followed a way of life distinct from the Visayan and Chavacano migrant-settlers. Nonetheless, the Yakan community underwent changes as a result of increased contact with the Christian residents, decades of armed conflict, and the rise of Islamic fundamentalist groups/movements on the island. The province has been struggling to recover from the war between the Marcos government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in the early and mid-1970s. The signing of a peace agreement between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the MNLF in 1996 further strengthened efforts along this line. However, some areas of Basilan remain as a main area of operations of other anti-government forces. One of these antigovernment forces is the Al-Harakatul Islamiya or the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Although it professes to fight for an independent Islamic homeland in the southern Philippines, the armed group is notorious for its criminal activities like kidnapping for ransom, extortion, assassination, and bombings. From the rugged interior of the island, the ASG descends on towns and villages with a sizeable Christian population. The armed group is documented to have recruited into their ranks, young (below 18 years old) members of the Tausug, Samal, and Yakan cultural communities. Ranked second on the U.S. list of so-called Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) in 2002, the ASG was founded sometime in 1991 by Abdurajak Abubakar Janjalani. He was killed in a clash with Philippine police in northern Basilan in December 1998. Khaddafy Janjalani, his younger brother, assumed the leadership of the ASG which, government observers say, has splintered into smaller commands based on geographical location. In 2001, the ASG took hostages from a resort island in Palawan and brought them to Basilan. They attacked Lamitan town and took more hostages as they retreated into the interior. The groups spokesman, Aldam Tilao, more popularly known as Abu Sabaya, was reportedly killed in an encounter with the Philippine Navy off the coast of the Zamboanga Peninsula in 2002. Another armed group based in the province is the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), whose units in Basilan operate mainly in the municipality of Tipo-Tipo and the outlying Tapiantana Islands. Government officials and the military leadership suspect tactical alliances and collaboration between the MILF, which operates mainly in Central Mindanao, and the ASG. The MILF has denied this link and has signed a special agreement with the government to cooperate in tracking down criminal groups. Smaller armed groups, or the so-called Lost Command groups operating in the province, include former MNLF members-turned-bandits, kidnap-for-ransom gangs, pirates, and other lawless elements.
INTRODUCTION
|5
cotabato / maguindanao
The predominantly Christian province of Cotabato and its predominantly Muslim-populated neighbor, Maguindanao, are primarily agricultural lands planted to rice, corn, coconuts, bananas, and cassava. The Pulangi River, which flows through part of both provinces, and its tributaries support inland fishing. Maguindanao is generally flat and low, with mountains rising in the southwest. Marshlands occupy a portion of its border with Cotabato province, whose terrain varies from extensive mountain highlands to flat and fertile plains. The chartered city of Cotabato serves as the principal commercial, social, and educational center for Maguindanao and the rest of the Central Mindanao area. Maguindanao has a population of 801,102 and a total land area of 5,425 square kilometers. It is one of the countrys 10 poorest provinces and is part of the ARMM. The NGOs chosen by the UPCIDS-PST research team are operating programs in Shariff Aguak, the provincial capital, and in twelve of the twenty-seven municipalities of the province. These are the municipalities of Ampatuan, Barira, Buldon, Buluan, Datu Montawal (Pagagawan), Datu Odin Sinsuat (Dinaig), Datu Piang, Matanog, Pagalungan, Parang, Sultan Kudarat (Nuling), Sultan sa Barongis (Lambayong). Many of these areas were once or are still under the MILF sphere of influence or control. One of the NGOs also has programs in Cotabato City. Larger and more populated than Maguindanao, Cotabato province has a total land area of 6,565 square kilometers and a population of 958,643. The province is composed of the City of Kidapawan, the provincial capital, and seventeen municipalities. The province, previously called North Cotabato, was renamed Cotabato in 1983. Unlike Maguindanao, the province did not opt to join the ARMM in 1991 and it again voted against inclusion in the expanded ARMM in the 2001 referendum. The NGOs who participated in the study have completed and are operating projects in the municipalities of Carmen, Matalam, and in the so-called PALMA Complex, comprising the towns of Pigcawayan, Alamada, Libungan, Midsayap, and Aleosan. Along with the province of Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao and (North) Cotabato were carved out from the original Cotabato province by Presidential Decree No. 341 dated November 22, 1973, Creating the Provinces of North Cotabato, Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat, because the many conflicting political, social and economic interests that have limited the progress of the province must be resolved in order to promote the stability and accelerate the development of Cotabato . Of these three provinces, only Maguindanao remains predominantly Muslim. Conflicting political, social, and economic interests run deep in the history of the Central Mindanao region. As early as the 1590s, the Spanish attempted to conquer the areas around the Pulangi River, which they called the Rio Grande de Mindanao. However, the independent and competing principalities in the lower and upper valleys, among them the Sultanates of Maguindanao and Buayan, resisted. In 1854, the Spanish succeeded in establishing a politico-military district in the area but they exercised very little control outside their naval base in Polloc and their garrisons in the principalities or tribes whom they were able to put under their control. In 1899, the Americans began their military occupation of Mindanao. By 1903, the Pulangi River valley and surrounding areas were organized and administered as a single political unit.
The American colonial government and its successor governments encouraged the migration of Christians from the Visayas and Luzon regions to the province and elsewhere in Mindanao. This eventually caused social friction. Some of the Christian settlers, familiar with the land titling system, aggressively grabbed lands, displacing the less educated Muslims (Vitug and Gloria, 2000: 113). Also displaced were members of the other ethnic communities in the Cotabato area, including the Manobo and its subtribes. At the same time, some Christian tenants and non-Muslim communities suffered from the abuses of Muslim landed elites (Gomez, 2000: 109). The collusion of two different and competing sociopolitical and economic systems at work among the Muslims and Christian farmers is an important root cause of the conflict (ibid., 168). By the late 1960s and early 1970s, the situation had resulted in fierce fighting in Cotabato between Muslim armed groups and vigilante groups organized by Christian politicians and the Philippine military. Not long after, a larger war was waged by the MNLF in North Cotabato, Maguindanao, and many other provinces in Mindanao. Even after the signing of the 1996 GRP-MNLF peace agreement, Central Mindanao continued to be besieged by periods of armed hostility between the government and the ascendant MILF. Founded in 1984 and led by Islamic scholar Sheik Hashim Salamat until his death in 2003, the MILF leadership broke away from the MNLF. Compared to the more secular and Tausug-dominated MNLF, a significant part of the MILFs leadership descended from the aristocratic and religious elites of Maguindanaon society. The MILF promoted Islam and the preservation of Islamic society as the overarching frame of its struggle for national self-determination. Although a ceasefire agreement was signed between the Ramos administration and the MILF in 1997, the Central Mindanao region became the scene of intense fighting in 1997, 2000, and 2001. In February 2003, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her former Defense secretary Angelo Reyes launched another offensive against MILF camps in the Maguindanao-Cotabato area purportedly to quash lawless elements allegedly being protected by the armed group. Like the previous eruption of hostilities, the fighting created massive displacement and all its attendant problems. Before the eruption of hostilities with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in 2000, the MILF had five major camps and ten other subcamps in Ampatuan, Buldon, Buluan, Datu Piang, Pagalungan, Sultan Kudarat, Sultan sa Barongis, and Upi. Among the major camps were Camp Abubakar Assiddique, which also served as its general headquarters, and Camp Darulaman. Both camps are spread over the municipalities of Barira and Buldon and are embedded in the local communities. The western half of Cotabato province is also considered a traditional MILF stronghold. It hosted Camps Rajah Muda and Madriagao in Pikit, Camp Usman in Carmen, and the subcamps in Aleosan, Kabacan, and Matalam. Although the MILF lost their main camps in Maguindanao and Cotabato during the 2000 military operations, the MILF still maintains a formidable presence in these two provinces and many other areas in Mindanao.
INTRODUCTION
|7
mindoro occidental
Mindoro Island was governed as a single province until 1950 when it was politically subdivided into Mindoro Occidental and Mindoro Oriental. It falls under the Southern Tagalog administrative region, and the newly organized MIMAROPA (Mindoro-Marinduque-Palawan) sub-grouping. Separated from Mindoro Oriental by a mountain range running northwest to south across the central portion of the island, the province has wider lowlands and flat lands along the coast. Rice and corn are the main products of Mindoro Occidental. The province also engages in fishing, mango production, and the tobacco industry. Despite its rich marine and highland ecosystems, Mindoro Occidentals ecotourism potential, is underdeveloped, although this socio economic thrust is slowly gaining support from the local government units (LGUs). Mindoro Occidental is dotted with smaller islands off its northern and southernmost portions. It has a total land area of 5,879 square kilometers and a population of 380,250. The province is divided into eleven municipalities, namely Abra de Ilog, Calintaan, Looc, Lubang, Magsaysay, Paluan, Rizal, Sablayan, San Jose, Santa Cruz, and Mamburao, which also serves as the provincial capital. Given the great distance between Mamburao and the southern municipalities, the provincial government has established sub-offices in San Jose. Mindoro Island is the traditional homeland of at least eight ethnolinguistic groups known collectively as the Mangyan tribes. Described as shy, withdrawn, reliable, unwarlike and non-confrontational people, they live mainly on subsistence farming. Characteristically, the Mangyan avoid trouble at all costs, even losing territory they have long occupied. (Servano, 2003) Inhabiting the highland areas of the two Mindoro provinces, each of the eight recognized groupsthe Alangan, Bangon, Tau-buid (Batangan), Buhid, Hanunoo, Iraya, Ratagnon, and Tadyawanhave a distinct language and culture. Intensive migration by other ethnolinguistic groups like the Tagalog, Visayan, and Ilocano during the American and post-independence periods, forced the Mangyan to retreat even farther into the mountainous interior. Wily lowlanders time and again have tricked the Mangyan into dubious debts, barters, (and) labor contracts, and often succeeded in displacing the natives from their ancestral domain with the use of spurious land titles.(Ibid.) The island is also the site of the protracted conflict between the government and the CPP-NPA. In 2001, AFP sources reported that the two Mindoro provinces were fast becoming communist bases in the Southern Tagalog region, saying that the CPP-NPA had established more armed fronts on Mindoro Island. The military also claimed that the rebel group was recruiting Mangyans into their ranks.3 Human-rights violations committed against civilians accompanied AFP operations against insurgents. These included arbitrary detention, destruction and divestment of property, harassment, physical assault, torture, and the economic dislocation of nineteen families. In July 2003, members of the 204th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army massacred a Mangyan family in Magsaysay. A pregnant mother and her two young children were among those killed in the incident. Troop deployment increased in early 2004, affecting both the Mangyan and migrant Christian upland farming communities in Abra de Ilog, Mamburao, and Paluan.
Mindoro Occidental was ranked 55th of seventy-seven province in the 2003 Human Development Index (HDI). Government officials argue that the continued presence of the insurgents in the province does not only pose danger to the people but also adversely affects their socioeconomic activities.4 However, for some local residents, there are other sources of troubles in Mindoro Occidental. While the insurgency problem has severely affected the highland agricultural communities particularly the Mangyan groups, it was not seen by the non-Mangyans as serious a problem compared to the state of elite politics and alleged corruption in the provincial bureaucracy.5 The insurgency problem provided an expanded and confusing dimension to the intense political and economic rivalry between the two leading political families of the province, with the units of the CPPNPA and Philippine military described as pawns in the squabble for social control.
INTRODUCTION
|9
PST study
consequences of violence / armed conflict
PST study
T
Ager, 2001: 32)
he physical destruction of communities is perhaps the most

obvious impact of armed conflict. War destroys homes, schools
and basic infrastructure such as roads, bridges, community markets, health centers, and electricity. Places of worship like mosques and churches, and revered burial sites are desecrated. State services are disrupted and productive assets such as livestock, farm implements and seeds are lost. Worse, civilians are killed or injured. Little or no distinction is drawn between men with or without weapons, and women, children, the elderly and the sick are not spared. (Loughry and
According to figures from the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), the series of armed confrontations between government forces and the MILF during the first quarter of 2003 affected 415,233 persons or 82,012 families. The DSWD also reported that since the onset of the conflict in January 2003, the number of dead totaled 238 and the injured at 184, with 5,846 houses and properties totally damaged, and 1,262 more suffering partial damage. Balays critical review of most displacement concluded that the targeting of noncombatants is not incidental but central to the modus operandi of what has been termed as total war at the grassroots level. Families are separated, exposing children and the elderly to greater risks. Their homes are destroyed, and their means of livelihood lost or disrupted. Dislocation continues even after the displaced families have returned to their homes or resettled in a new area. According to the report of a July 2003 investigative mission in 13 conflict-affected communities in Central Mindanao:
There (was) a general feeling of fear and insecurity among many evacuees who returned to their villages. Some residents claimed in interviews that they were forced to return to their communities even if there was no bilateral ceasefire yet at the time. The return was imposed upon the evacuees (and was accompanied by) promises, persuasion and threats such as stopping relief supply in the evacuation centers, bulldozing the centers, non-provision of core shelters and even physical harm. Having returned to their villages, the former evacuees found themselves facing even graver problems. Whatever (was) left of their farms was under water due to floods. They hardly had any source of livelihood. Source of potable water was scarce.
13

Hunger and outbreak of disease followed them, not unlike in the evacuation centers. (Anasarias, 2004b: 25)
The experience of armed conflict and displacement affects not only individuals and families but also entire communities who endure collective suffering. Armed conflict tests and damages the effectiveness of socio-cultural institutions, threatening to destroy the protective factor that communities attach on group solidarity and collective security. This may trigger mistrust, social tension and discord, which, if left unchecked, may ultimately lead to community distress. As a traumatic event weighs down on the psychosocial well-being of groups, peoples and communities, its impact should be also understood in the context of its social, political, economic, and cultural dimensions and indicators. (Anasarias, 2004c: 27, 15) The many psychosocial consequences of armed conflict are organized in the left column of Table 1, and the corresponding interventions are found on the right.
Table 1
Psychosocial Consequences of Violence / Armed Conflict
Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services Social restrictions on mobility and communication Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood sources Breakdown of traditional sociopolitical institutions The interrelated experience of loss, separation and exploitation leading to chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability and trauma Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the destruction of social relationships Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information Recruitment into the armed group Deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones
Category of Activities to Address Consequence

Post-hostility physical and social reconstruction
Psychosocial counseling and trauma relief Reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships
Fact-finding, mercy, and cease-fire-monitoring missions Demobilization and reintegration of former combatants Conflict prevention efforts
14 | P S T S T U D Y
deprivation of and limited or no access to basic needs

During fighting, communities that previously survived on their own become dependent on external assistance for their daily needs. They suffer from being cut off from their sources of livelihood and basic utilities. Evacuees such as those from the affected Maguindanaon and Christian communities in Cotabato and Maguindanao bring only what they can carry to the safety of evacuation centers. Other groups, like the Yakan community in Basilan, prefer to stay at the homes of extended family members or to flee deeper into the forests. This was illustrated in the case of some Mangyan tribes in Mindoro and the indigenous Isneg and Aggay groups displaced from Marag Valley in the Cagayan Valley-Apayao area in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Government evacuation centers are often inadequately prepared and equipped to accommodate the huge number of displaced families seeking protection and assistance. During the armed confrontation between the CPP-NPA and AFP in the Cantomanyog, Candoni, and Manlocahoc areas in Sipalay, Negros Occidental in the second half of the1990s, the living conditions were so bad that some families sought shelter elsewhere because they believed that they were going to die in the evacuation centers (Protacio-de Castro, p. 38). The displaced families who hid in the forests of Apayao did not fare any better. The food blockades imposed by the military forced the people to scrounge for food. Wild root crops and other edible plants became the staple source of nutrition and streams, the main source of drinking water. Children suffered from malnutrition and weakened immune systems, making them susceptible to diseases like measles (ibid., p. 37). During the military operations to capture MILF camps in 2000, tens of thousands of refugees fled to the poblacion or town center of Pikit. The evacuees had to contend with food shortages, delayed deliveries, and inadequate rations. Their pitched tents covered the entire plaza, the school grounds and the surrounding areas. The farm animals like carabaos and goats that they managed to bring along were placed near the drainage. Sanitation was very poor. Things were worse when it rained.6 Like the evacuees, the members of the communities hosting the evacuation camps put up with many things. For example, when the military controlled a major highway-crossing in Central Mindanao in 2000, the supply of gas and kerosene ran out in the stations and the prices of commodities skyrocketed. People panicked as the supply of rice available in the market dwindled (Layson, 2004: 6). During hostilities, schools are forced to close down since the buildings are either used as evacuation centers or destroyed during the armed operations (Protacio-de Castro, p. 37). The resources of the local government health units or centers are stretched to the limit, medical
CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLENCE / ARMED CONFLICT
| 15

supplies or equipment are often inadequate, and supplies invariably arrive late. The people, particularly the children, suffer from various communicable but otherwise preventable diseases such as bronchopneumonia, respiratory tract infections, intestinal parasites, malaria, skin lesions, typhoid and conjunctivitis. Health conditions are aggravated by the poor living conditions. Measles is a major cause of death among children while adults suffer from amoebiasis, tuberculosis, anemia, heart failure, hypertension, peptic ulcers, endemic goiter, and liver failure (ibid., p. 38).
social restrictions on mobility and communication

Enforced social restrictions on mobility in areas of armed operations are done through blockades and the imposition of curfew hours. Checkpoints and detachments are established in strategic areas such as thoroughfares. People are subjected to searches and the arbitrary confiscation of goods and personal belongings that are suspected to be supplies for the armed groups (ibid., p. 40). Some members of the military or paramilitary units manning these checkpoints and detachments commit various HRVs such as harassment and torture of suspected supporters or militia of the other armed groups. Blockades prevent the entry of outside help and badly needed medical and food supplies to the area. During the conflict in Marag Valley and in Sipalay in Negros, people leaving the area even as evacuees were prevented from seeking shelter on the accusation that they were CPP-NPA supporters or militia (ibid., p. 41). Restrictions on communication are also imposed. Some affected civilians set the restrictions on communication themselves for fear that frequent communication would make the military suspicious (ibid.). The military demands the cooperation from the leaders of the communities or the barangay captains to report the presence of suspected NPA units or personnel in their respective areas and not to conduct any meetings or assemblies without prior approval from the local military command or civilian authorities. These restrictions imposed by the military prompt people to stay away from each other, and make them mistrustful or suspicious of other people in their community and outsiders who come to their areas (ibid., p. 42). A case study on the conflict in Digos, Davao del Sur, claims that the military and the CHDF had control over information that people obtained and deliberately attempted to sow fear among the communities that the NPA would conduct another attack (ibid.). In Sipalay and Candoni, leaflets justifying the killing of NPA members and hurling accusations against progressive organizations as collaborators of the NPA were distributed in the communities (ibid.). People living in the crowded evacuation areas also face many social restrictions on mobility and communication. Children and young people are prevented from freely engaging in play,

sports, and other recreational activities. In the Sipalay and Candoni evacuation centers, it was reported that the children of the displaced families, who were mainly from underprivileged farming communities or the hinterland areas, had to withstand the discrimination by members of the host community (ibid., p.41). The restrictions dictated by life in the evacuation centers, fear and shame affected the overall development of the children.
economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood sources

Counterinsurgency operations disrupt the strong ties the people have to the land, their main source of food and livelihood. Homes, farms and the basic infrastructure for the operation of small-scale businesses are destroyed. Income and productive assets like livestock, farm tools and other implements are lost. Crops are left behind unharvested, or the planting season passes without people working the farms. Immobilized by armed conflict and confronted with a warinduced crop failure, the families are left with very little or no alternative source of livelihood. They may also refuse to return to their places of origin for security and economic reasons. These consequences were reflected in the 2001 social assessment survey by the World Bank on 400 internally displayed people (IDPs) from resettlement, evacuation, and rehabilitation sites in the towns of Kabacan, Carmen, and Pikit (World Bank, 2001: 11). Uncertain peace and security, loss of homes and livelihood, and the establishment of a livelihood source in the new domicile areas were the top reasons for the respondents decision not to return to their place of origin. About 75 percent of the respondents who still had plans to return to their place of origin wanted to go back because it is their place of birth and a farm awaited their return. The effects of armed conflict on the economic outlook of the affected community linger long after the outbreak of hostilities. In Sipalay, uncertainty of the situation caused the people to be hesitant in investing in long-term socioeconomic activities (Protacio-de Castro, p. 44). Fears include the recurrence of violence, the absence of security on land tenure and the unproductive outlook that such socioeconomic projects were doomed to be short-lived.
breakdown of traditional sociopolitical institutions

Armed conflict directly affects traditional socio-political institutions, namely the family, school, and government units, all of which serve as external support systems for individuals, groups and communities. As internal resources break down, individuals tend to rely on these sociopolitical support systems, which are likewise weakened by the circumstances of war. Mutual
| 17

support systems are either dispersed or exhausted, even in communities that remain intact. There would be individuals separated from their family and friends for months (World Bank Report, p. 13). War and its circumstances unsettle the family which suffers most when significant adults fail to perform their specified roles as they are acutely affected by stress, disruption of routines, and displacement (Protacio-de Castro, p. 37). The familys experience of death or prolonged periods of separation, loss of a secure economic base, the remoteness of opportunities, lack of capabilities, and weak prospects of recovery especially in a situation of recurring conflicts, wreak havoc on family well-being. As mentioned earlier, war disrupts the functioning of educational institutions. Schools are converted into evacuation centers for prolonged periods of time and teachers fail to report due to worsening security problems (ibid., p.44). War also disrupts the functions of the local government units (LGUs) which, under devolution, are responsible for delivering basic services such as health and education. The influx of refugees and the large wave of needs to accommodate them strain the meager resources of these LGUs. In some cases, the barangay governmentsthe basic unit of the Philippine political system ceased operating in their respective areas. Since 1998, between five and nine of the inland barangays of Lantawan in Basilan have been virtual ghost towns due to the strong presence of ASG units and fierce military operations in these areas.7 The affected families from the interior settled along the coastal areas, including Atong-Atong, the seat of the municipal government, although Lantawan officials mainly operated in the nearby former municipality of Isabela.8 At the peak of the campaigns against the CPP-NPA, in some areas in Negros, the military assumed control over the LGUs and designated some of its officers as LGU officials (Protacio-de Castro, p. 45). The military also required the barangay units in Marag to engage in counterinsurgency activities. Local men were recruited into paramilitary units like the Civilian Home Defense Force (CHDF). Fearful of being suspected of being communist supporters, the residents did not initiate meetings that were not sanctioned by the barangay captain, or local or military officials (ibid.). Impositions like these have been experienced in many other communities in the Philippines.
loss, separation, and exploitation leading to chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability and trauma
The interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation are the direct result of violence and the cumulative hardships experienced by an individual or community caught in conflict situations. People learn to cope with losing members of their family and relatives, their homes and possessions, and means of livelihood. They are separated from family members,

relatives, other people and things of importance to them, such as the land they till and their homelands. Deprived of a safe and secure environment, children lose their trust in the environment and in significant adults. Social support systems like the family, community, schools, and local governments become unreliable and uncertain (ibid., p. 47). With no recourse, many get involved in situations where they are further abused and exploited. Fear becomes the predominant factor in the lives of the people. The sporadic and protracted nature of armed conflict in the Philippines means that refugees and displaced people are returning to situations of ongoing uncertainty and insecurity (World Bank Report, p. 13). Uncertainty becomes chronic. The following narrative of a villager who temporarily settled in Kabacan sums up the effects of chronic uncertainty:
Evacuation and conflict (are) very tiring. Whenever new armed groups enter our communities, tensions immediately mount. The community becomes unstable even if violent confrontations do not occur yet. We are always in a constant state of alertness and our deep fright prevents us from engaging in farming or other forms of livelihood. At any rate, gunfire erupts and we are forced to leave everything.(ibid., p. 12)
People who have experienced armed conflict may demonstrate intense anger, grief, mourning, anxiety, or hostility due to damage done to their domain and their separation from their community resources (Anasarias, 2004c: 27). Adjustment difficulties at the time of their forced exodus may not necessarily indicate trauma or any medical illness (ibid., p. 16). For example, the accumulated effect of being deprived of basic needs, of having only limited access to education, and living in an unstable environment may delay the development of the cognitive, affective, and behavioral aspects of children, but these could not be readily diagnosed or identified as trauma. Nonetheless, there are individuals (who) may be afflicted by post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or other related psychological or behavioral condition as a result of their exposure to a traumatic incident (ibid., pp. 16, 27). One example is an 11 year-old Maguindanaon boy who developed a speech impediment and resorted to eating soil after a bomb exploded near his boat during an aerial attack in May 2000 (Puzon, 2003: 1). Chronic uncertainty also affects the individual and collective commitment to work for peaceful and lasting solutions to the conflict.
lack of confidence, breeding of mistrust and hatred

The chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability can lead to lack of confidence in other people. Mistrust and hatred in and between divergent communities fester. The young and im-
| 19

pressionable members of the community are not spared:
After being asked whether he would treat a Muslim if he ever became a doctor, a Christian pupil expressed hatred, saying that he would even kill him. In response to the same question, a Muslim pupil faced his Christian classmate and said, Never. I will also kill you! (Ibid., p.1)
Displacements also occur not just because people want to escape the fighting but also because they have to take cover from their neighbors who are perceived to be different. Throughout and after the eruption of fighting between government and rebel troops in Basilan, Maguindanao, Cotabato, and other areas in Mindanao, there were movements across villages and even within villages or barangays of Christians and Muslims who tried to distance themselves from the other (World Bank Report, p. 18). In many areas, residents have settled (in) areas where they can seek protection (in) their own ethnolinguistic group (ibid.) The Mangyan groups of Mindoro have further isolated themselves in the interior, away from the damuong (non-Mangyan). Even if group polarization does not lead to outright conflict, it frequently encourages a marked lack of empathy or understanding between these groups. (Stewart, 1198: 111). The absence of an effective mediating authority aggravates the situation. Small differences are magnified and accumulate, leading to further polarization and intransigence. In extreme cases, bitter blood feuds ensue drawing in the involvement of bigger players like the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), MILF and political clans, with disastrous results.
prolonged sense of injustice

The negativity, resentment, and desire for revenge felt by individuals and communities that were victimized by government or non-state armed forces cannot be assuaged, unless they are allowed to confront and reckon with the past. In an environment where there is no acknowledgment of or accountability for past violent events, tensions among former disputants persist. (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 1998) The failure to bring justice to many victims of human rights violations during the Marcos regime has generated a prolonged sense of injustice and an underlying mistrust and lack of confidence in the government in many communities in Basilan, Cotabato, Mindoro and elsewhere. The mobilization of cultural resources is crucial for a community to recover from its suffering or losses resulting from armed conflict. It is a fundamental premise that what victims of terror and the upheavals of the war experience is a function of what these events mean to them, or come to mean. (Loughry and Ager, 2001: 36) Given the tenacity of social memorywhich

contains views of history, cultural identity, and the communal and individual pride of being a Yakan, Mangyan, or Christianbiased perceptions can develop in time and override reality. This is especially so if social restrictions on information are enforced. Fear, mistrust and biased perception of the contending forces can stall the process of national reconciliation and social development. Furthermore, as localized conflicts are correctly or incorrectly interpreted in terms of ideological, historical and cultural narratives of conflicts between diverse communities, there is the dangerous consequence of drawing the government and the opposition armed groups into the picture, resulting in a larger conflagration.
recruitment into the armed group

Recruitment of vulnerable groups like children and indigenous peoples (IPs) into armed groups is one consequence of violence/armed conflict. This is especially so in areas of protracted armed conflict where there is constant recruitment. Local men are recruited into paramilitary groups like the CAFGU and Civilian Volunteers Organization (CVO) to supposedly assist the AFP in counterinsurgency operations. Some became ruthless vigilante groups and fanatical sects, such as those that mushroomed among Christian and IP communities in Mindanao during the 1970s and 1980s. Despite pronouncements and directives from both the MILF and the CPP-NPA that they do not recruit children into their ranks, the media and NGOs working in conflict areas report and confirm the existence of child soldiers in the field (Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2004: 4). The UPCIDS-PST documented cases of girl child-soldiers in the ranks of the CPP-NPA and MILF. While the actual number of child soldiers in the Philippines is not known, cases studies and military sources indicate that majority of the NPA combatants killed in encounters and many of the MILF casualties during the government offensives were inexperienced recruits aged eighteen and below (ibid., p. 9). Peculiar to the Philippine context is the phenomenon of part-time child soldiers, or children who join the armed groups but do not necessarily stop going to school unless they are asked to go on tours of duty that last anywhere between ten and ninety days (ibid., p. 6). The communities victimized by violence, injustice, oppression and neglect may come to accept as truth that violence is the only remaining solution. As such, recruitment into the armed groups perpetuates the culture of violence that has persisted in many areas in Mindanao. Gun ownership and membership into an armed group are viewed as providing a sense of individual and collective security and prestige, or as an act of religious duty. The consequences of recruitment on the individual and collective are just as complex as the
| 21

sociocultural, political, and economic factors that lead people to join armed groups. However, regardless of gender or age or amount of physical or mental training, a combatant is not spared the danger of death or serious physical injuries and the grave psychological effects of direct or indirect participation in the conflict.
deepening of preexisting conflicts and generation of new ones

It is claimed that tensions over land rights and use of resources between Christians and Muslims in Cotabato have been a cause of recent localized fighting that is magnified when the bigger armed groups cast these localized conflicts in the context of their bigger narratives and recruit the local protagonists to fight in the name of the bigger war (World Bank Report, p. 19). The deepening of preexisting sources of tension, such as competing claims over land ownership, creates and increases more tension and perpetuates its effects onto the next generation. The large-scale militarization of Mindanao in the 1970s, including the rise of state-endorsed fanatical sects and other paramilitary groups in the counterinsurgency campaigns and the activities of the Presidential Assistance on National Minorities (PANAMIN) in the IP homelands, rather than solving problems, created new ones, sucking more and more of Mindanao society into the vortex of intensified violence (May, 1992: 142). Left unaddressed, the consequences generated by wars and violence take on a life of their own, not least through the spillage of weapons from war zones to other social arenas (Loughry and Ager, 2001: 31). The proliferation of cheap and portable weapons is one of the factors supporting recruitment of child soldiers. Also, there is the reported entry of the drug trade in the insurgency or secessionist movements. The drug lords can finance the activities of these rebel groups to create social unrest or sow terror in order to shift government attention from the drug trade to this problem. (Philippine Center on Transnational Crime, 2002) Internal political struggles among the insurgent and secessionist groups have also affected the arena of conflict, with new players coming out of the war factory and laboratory of violence. For example, the so-called Lost Command groups that emerged from the MNLF are engaged in kidnap-for-ransom activities and hijacking. The real danger in insurgency-affected areas, say some peace advocates, is the breakdown of law and order that paves the way for the rise of criminal and predatory gangs. (Gutierrez, 2000: 289) The AFP accuses the MILF of coddling organized crime syndicates in the villages under its control. Kidnapping is described as a community activity where, according to the testimonies of the victims, different families are involved in specific tasks ranging from taking charge of the cooking and security chores to negotiating for ransom (ibid.). The military, for its part, is also accused of providing protection to these gangs. In

February 2003, the military attacked the MILFs Buliok complex in the municipalities of Maguindanao and Cotabato purportedly to run after the Pentagon Gang, which operates with impunity in Central Mindanao.
| 23
the evolution of psychosocial intervention in the philippines
the need for a holistic, integrated and participatory psychosocial approaches

In the Philippines and in many other countries of the South, structural poverty and injustice, falling commodity prices, unbridled environmental exploitation and landlessness are all linked to the withering away of traditional self-sufficient ways of life (Loughry and Ager, 2001: 48). Even if the threat of renewed escalation of armed conflict is stamped out by the conclusion of a peace accord, the root causes of the armed conflict and its host of effects and consequences, if not addressed, exert a potent, cumulative, and inhibiting effect on social development and the achievement of lasting peace.
why holistic, integrated and participatory?

Political violence is damaging to community resources. According to the United Kingdombased Psychosocial Working Group, these resources can be categorized into three interrelated and interconnected types: human capacity, social ecology, and culture and values. Human capacity includes the mental, emotional, and physical health and well-being of community members, the skills and knowledge of the people, their households and livelihoods (Alger and Strang cited in Anasarias, 2004c: 15). Social ecology encompasses relations within families, peer groups, religious and cultural institutions, and links with civic and political authorities (ibid., p.15). Armed conflict also disrupts the culture and values of a community, leading to a sense of violation of human rights and undermining cultural values, belief, practices, and self-determination (ibid., p. 16). Kaloy Anasarias of Balay elaborates:
Hence, any impact on the economic and social resources, would subsequently take its toll on the relationships and well-being of community members, and vice-
24

versa. For instance, the burning of crops and destruction of farms due to air strikes may be seen not only as an attack on physical resources, but on the symbol and way of life that gives meaning to the loves of the affected population. For indigenous peoples, the destruction of land, plants and animals is a desecration of the spiritual domain that is connected to their humanity. The destruction of lands and religious shrines and places of worships may leave a gaping wound in the collective consciousness of an affected community. The inability of civilians to go on with their productive existence and practice their rituals and customs due to military offensives may also bring about certain feelings of resentment, rancor and hostility. (ibid.)
PST study
Given this perspective on the consequences of armed conflict, many of the NGOs and CSOs working with the affected communities think of peace, democracy and development as holistic and integrated concerns. The Community Education, Research, and Extension Administration-Institute for Peace and Development (CEREA-IPDS) of the Southern Christian Colleges (SCC), for example, believes that peace is not just the absence of violence, but the presence of justice and human dignity. Development is an interrelated process calling for self-reliance, social justice, and economic growth, which are attainable through peoples participation. Liberation is the natural consequence of the process. One mission of the CEREA-IPDS is the propagation of the culture of peace or the peaceful resolution of conflicts and genuine peoples development through a contextual, liberating, empowering, and relevant education that is faith-rooted and responsive to peoples needs. The Nagdilaab Foundation also believes that the commitment to peace building and development has to be done in partnership with the communities. Inter-religious activities and dialogue form the core of its initiatives on peace and development.9 For its part Balay believes that the peoples movement for a just and humane community rests on a population that is fit in terms of the most accepted indicators for social well-being and thus capable of managing their own lives as well as the affairs of the community.10 The organization believes in preserving and nurturing the social bedrock by restoring the well-being of those who actively contributed to organized peoples actions. In effect, a holistic approach gives attention to the range of issues faced by the affected population and the context of their experiences. Integration is achieved through a rights- and community-based approach that is sensitive to gender, children and culture; works within existent community structures and social network; uses local resources; and incorporates local knowledge, skills and mechanisms for healing. Also, the importance of a participatory approach cannot be overstated.
THE EVOLUTION OF PSYCHOSOCIAL INTERVENTION IN THE PHILIPPINES
| 25
why psychosocial?
Political violence has complex psychological and social effects (Loughry and Ager, 2001:76). Psychological effects mean those experiences that affect emotions, behaviour, thoughts, memory and learning ability, and how a situation may be perceived and understood (ibid. p. 75) Social effects refer to how diverse experiences of war alter peoples relationships to each other, (including the) economic dimension (ibid., p. 76). These two effects constantly influence each other. The term psychosocial underlines the interrelatedness and interconnectedness of the psychological and social effects of political violence. This understanding of the interconnectedness and interrelatedness of the psychological and social effects of armed conflict form the core beliefs of organizations doing psychosocial rehabilitation work (PRW) in the country. Even in its early years, the CRC saw PRW as part of an alternative that would focus on the rural areas, propagate a rehabilitation technology geared toward the elimination of the causes of psychosocial problems, and prioritize the prevention of emotional and psychological problems over the use of curative treatment measure (CRC, 1994: 1-2). Balay, meanwhile, believes that a persons mental health and overall well-being are directly related to his or her social environment. Balay points to a psychosocial continuum, which should be protected from disruption such as internal displacement. What makes Balays work a pioneering one is its holistically packaged psychosocial character as expressed in its curative, preventive, and proactive components (de la Cruz, 2004a: 15). The marriage of the psychological and the social, implies that each person is made up of an integration of the mind, body, spirit, and the social world, and that healing is a process of transition toward greater meaning, balance, connectedness and wholeness, both within the individual and among individuals and their environment (Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2003). Psychosocial intervention can be defined as an attempt to positively influence human development by addressing the negative impact of social factors on peoples thoughts and behavior (ibid.). Such an intervention also aims to ameliorate the effects of negative thoughts and behavior on the social environment through facilitating activities that encourage positive interaction among thought, behavior and the social world (ibid.). As such, PRW is not just about counseling or therapy. In terms of disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation, and reintegration (DDRR) of CIAC, it implies that any program should always consider the social world, and that any recovery program must always involve the community and the family. In the global arena, the UNICEF and the Joint Committee on Education of the UNESCO in 1993 called for the prioritization of psychosocial trauma counseling and education for peace. As such, psychosocial programs have become part of the standard work of UNICEF, whose country

program reports include a separate heading for psychosocial activities (UNESCO cited in Pupavac, 2000). Considered vital for rebuilding communities that have been ravaged by armed conflict and violence, psychosocial intervention has become very popular with donors (ibid.). For the UNESCO, more than a decade later and despite its popularity, there is both uncertainty over the nature of psychosocial intervention and a lack of analysis and proper evaluation of its benefits. Although the term is frequently used today and appears in many humanitarian aid programs, its meaning is assumed. The term is not defined in aid documents, and aid agency staff express confusion over its meaning and what activities constitute psychosocial intervention (ibid.).
the development of psychosocial rehabilitation work (PRW) in war-affected communities in the philippines
Since the 1980s, CSOs, including church-based organizations, NGOs and peoples organizations (POs) have been working to develop and deliver programmed responses. Activities along psychosocial intervention ranged from trauma counseling, nonviolent conflict resolution programs, life skills to education and self-esteem-building initiatives (ibid.). These services have been initiated and implemented in spite of overwhelming constraints faced by NGOs due to organizational limitations, the lukewarm response or cooperation of local government officials, or being caught in the ideological debates between and within the contending parties (Protaciode Castro, p. 2-3). The CRC, Balay, UPCIDS-PST, Tabang Mindanaw, the Mindanao Emergency Response Network (MERN), Nagdilaab Foundation, the Christian Childrens Fund in Basilan, Balik Kalipay, and the Social Action Center of the Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose are the NGOs advocating and doing PRW in the Philippines covered in the study (see boxed profiles). Eight themes have been identified to help aid the discussion. Under each theme, some historical data are given as illustrations.
PRW as a response to emerging needs and realities brought about by the changing political context in post-1986 Philippines

PRW as a response to the needs of IDPs and other sectors PRW as a result of the dynamic experimentation on methodology, frameworks, and approaches

PRW as affected by the ideological divide among Philippine NGOs and other factors The evolution of mercy missions and psychosocial interventions Promoting and mainstreaming of PRW The role of research
| 27

Efforts toward a regional and interagency coordinated response
PRW evolved as a response to emerging needs and realities brought about by the changing political contexts in the immediate post-1986 period
Among the first NGOs to develop psychosocial rehabilitation programs in the Philippines were the CRC and the Balay Rehabilitation Center, established respectively, in June and September 1985. The CRC was set up as an institution focused on helping children and their families who suffer emotional, psychological, and health problems due to arrests, torture, forcible displacements, strafing, massacres, and other forms of human rights violations (Acuna, 1988: 55). Balay was primarily established to provide immediate documentation, medical and legal services to political detainees who suffered from torture, and to facilitate their reentry into society. The history of these two organizations is a dynamic coming together of professionals in various fields like psychology, child education and social work, and of concerned citizens wanting to help victims of human-rights violations. Founders of both the CRC and Balay shared a
background of having close bonds with relatives and supporters of people incarcerated or killed by the Marcos regime. Political prisoners released from detention had special needs but there were no programs to respond to these needs and those of their families, including their children. The democratic space opened up in 1986 helped social-development workers realize the need for a more integrated approach. PRW was thus essentially an offshoot of the evolving approaches to broaden the advocacy for civil and political rights and respond to pressing needs of a special class of people. It is a product of coming to terms by NGOs and civil societies with the social realities of the post-martial law period. The CRC limited its programs to addressing the needs of children affected by political violence, particularly the children of political prisoners. The CRCs inception came about from the firm resolve of two former political detainees, Alex Marcelino and Elizabeth Protacio, to do something about the troubling psychosocial behavior manifested by children of political detainees. The NGO began in 1985 as part of the Welfare Committee of the Kapisanan ng mga Kamaganak ng mga Detenido (KAPATID), an organization of relatives of political prisoners in the Philippines. With five members, the CRC organized play/group activities for thirteen children, counseling and discussion sessions in two detention centers in Metro Manila (de la Paz, 1995: 14). Within a year, the CRC established its separate identity from KAPATID. After the release of a significant numbers of the political prisoners by then President Corazon Aquino, the CRC was requested by reunited families for support in their adjustment to a new life as a family. The number of its child-clients increased to 145 (ibid., pp. 14-15). Understaffed, the young service institution solved the problem by tapping psychiatrists, doctors, nurses, psychologists and social

workers as consultants. Student volunteers were mobilized in program implementation. The Balay Rehabilitation Center was first called the Philippine Center for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture Victims. Balay was founded under the auspices of the late Senator Jose Diokno, outspoken Marcos critic and former political prisoner, and Dr. Mita Pardo de Tavera who became Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) secretary during the Aquino administration. In 1986, it was renamed the Balay Rehabilitation Center. The organization initially provided legal assistance through the Free Legal Assistance Group (FLAG), which Diokno established after his release from prison in 1974. Services were soon extended to include scholarships and loans for livelihood projects for former political prisoners and their family members. Through the efforts of Pardo de Tavera, psychological help through counseling and medical assistance became one of the core programs of the NGO and these were provided through the voluntary participation of health professionals (Balay at www.balay.org). It must be noted that the political prisoners often came from conflict areas. They included captured militia or members of the CPP-NPA, members of political organizations, grassrootsbased and student activist groups that were declared subversive by the Marcos regime. In a way, the psychosocial services offered to them and their families were a respite from the violence that marred their lives. The question that accompanied the situation was how to find a way to reintegrate them into society so they could rebuild their personal and family life. Notwithstanding the stigma placed on the term rehabilitation, both the CRC and Balay adopted the term in recognition of the socio-economic-cultural rights that needed to accompany the partial recognition of the civil and political rights of those victimized by the dictatorship.
PRW as a response to the needs of IDPs and other sectors

The fall of the Marcos regime did not bring about the hoped for national reconciliation and peaceful settlement of the conflict. Since 1987, both the CRC and later Balay, had to respond to new waves of militarization and fighting between the government and the different armed antistate groups. The accompanying displacement of communities was massive. The CRC expanded its mandate to include victims of open fighting. During its first three years of operation, the CRC served about 3,500 children throughout the countrya fraction of the estimated 170,184 children affected by armed conflict in 1988 (Acuna, 1988:55). One of the first areas reached by the CRC was Cagayan Valley, where heavy militarization directed at flushing out CPP-NPA camps took place in the late 1980s. The CRC also serviced the Davao provinces in Southern Mindanao, Albay in the Bicol Region, and Bacolod and Iloilo in the Visayas. Services offered by the CRC included the provision of medical supplies, food and clothing, workshops on health and nutrition, counseling and play therapy. In these areas, the CRC also conducted fact-
| 29

finding missions. In 1988, the CRC established its first regional center in Davao, where the intense fighting between the AFP and its paramilitary groups on the one hand, and the CPP-NPA on the other, had displaced many families. Several other centers in the Bicol region in 1989, on Panay Island in 1990, and Negros Island in 1991 followed. Major natural disasters such as the earthquake in Northern Luzon in 1990 and the eruption of Mount Pinatubo in Central Luzon in 1991, and the rising phenomenon of child abuse and child prostitution, moved the CRC to respond. It eventually included in its clientele the survivors of these natural calamities and social ills. The CRC delivered psychosocial rehabilitation services through its Community Outreach Program (COP). The COPs also gave local service institutions and POs assistance in the establishment of similar programs for children caught in the crossfire. Grassroots workers were trained and developed as facilitators for the activities, and eventually as volunteer counselors a move that sought to strengthen the communitys capacity to cope with crisis situations (Gobrin and Guan, 1996). The CRC conducted its COPs among displaced families in Zamboanga del Sur, General Luna in the Bondoc Peninsula in Quezon, and the Marag Valley area along the Cagayan Valley-Kalinga Apayao border. Entry to many of the affected areas was difficult since the AFP and the CAFGUs in the area treated NGO workers with suspicion and readily equated them with the CPP-NPA (ibid., pp. 24-25). In 1992, Balay considered extending its rehabilitation service to IDPs, but it was only after 1995 that the organization was able to do so. Balay extended its psychosocial rehabilitation services to IDPs in Iloilo, Negros, Tacloban and Basilan. It tapped the services of caregivers, health professionals, lawyers, human-rights activists, and social workers to work either as volunteers or full-time staff. While former political prisoners who pass certain requirements may continue to avail themselves of services, Balay has since defined traumatized victims of internal displacement as its primary clients. These include those victimized by development aggression or families moved out of their settlements to give way to development projects. Given the seriousness of the armed-conflict in Mindanao and to make operations easier, it set up three regional offices on the island, covering the western, central, and southern regions. Currently, Balays Mindanao office and only regional center is in Kidapawan City, Cotabato.
PRW is a result of dynamic experimentation on methodology, frameworks, and approaches

Central to the development of PRW is knowing the limits of the biomedical model dominant in Western health and health care-delivery systems (CRC, 1994: 1). The medical practitioneroriented and institution-centered approach was seen by the CRC as inadequate in analyzing and responding to the psychosocial problems faced by Filipino children of war and their families. The

CRC realized this limitation as early as 1987several years before the UNICEF and the Joint Committee on Education of UNESCO called for the prioritization of psychosocial trauma counseling. The workshops on health and nutrition it conducted during its relief missions in 1987 highlighted the use of readily available herbal medicine (Acuna, 1988: 59). NGOs and members of the academe endeavored to develop an indigenous psychology suited to the needs of Filipino children and families affected by political violence (Domingo, 1993: 4). Balay saw that on many occasions, the use of and reliance on psychological tools such as psychiatric diagnostic checklists in evaluating the impact of a disaster in a community, led to the clinical interpretation of the survivors responses to traumatic events (Anasarias, 2004c: 16). This has helped de-emphasize the material and social factors contributory to collective and individual suffering. It encouraged curative intervention instead of an integrated psychological response among groups and communities (ibid.). Critics also argued that a clinical approach, which is generally abstracted within a medical or sickness framework, does not necessarily consider social or cultural dimensions of the effects of armed conflict. Neither does it include strategies for addressing the long-term issues such as socioeconomic integration. The years 1987 to 1989 were a period of experimentation in methodology for the two early NGOs involved in PRW. The CRC looked at different frameworks and approaches in analyzing and responding to the problems faced by children of war and their families. The NGO noted that the concepts of stress and coping, family systems approach, and Filipino Psychology significantly contributed to building a healthy relationship between the CRC and its clients and to the effective delivery of its psychosocial programs (Domingo, 1993: 4). Along the way came the realization of the importance of involving the family in the healing process. The CRC paved the way for the interdisciplinary synthesis of the different approaches in child protection work. An example is the integration of theater arts and creative skills into psychosocial work. In developing their Treatment and Rehabilitation (TR) Program, the CRC tapped the expertise and experience of institutions like the Philippine Educational Theater Association (PETA). The PETA helped develop a curriculum for facilitating, observing and developing basic integrated art skills. The use of this approach proved more effective than a topic-based approach in group therapy, and generated a higher level of interest among young participants (Acuna, 1988: 56). Through its TR Program, the CRC provided skills to the affected children and their families to help them adjust to new life situations. These came in the form of individual or group therapy programs supplemented by support programs for families. Rather than a directive type of work, the TR Program is facilitative in nature (Malabed, 1993: 12). Part of the TR Program was an annual summer program for parents and children that complemented the group therapy programs. The program had three components: childrens activities, parents activities, and joint par-
| 31

ents-children activities. One of its objectives is to give the child-client an opportunity to integrate with other children-clients and their families with similar experiences. In 1988, the CRC was mainly using a center- and home-based approach to therapy and rehabilitation. The Integrated Summer Group Therapy Program (ISTGP) was seen to lay the groundwork for future community-based approaches. In support of these programs, the CRC also provided for the medical, educational, and nutritional needs of the children and income-generating projects for parents (Acuna, 1988: 57). (For more about this annual summer program, see Sample Program of CRC: Integrated Summer Group Therapy Program (ISGTP) in Appendix Two.) Balay utilizes what it calls the Appreciative Inquiry in Community Mobilization (AICM) or the application of partnership-building processes with stakeholders that encourages the community to build on available resources and capacities. The approach led to positive breakthroughs in community-based psychosocial rehabilitation and mass intervention (de la Cruz, 2004b: 2,11). Balay provides a wide range of services that aim to rehabilitate and empower its partnerbeneficiaries. Aside from debriefing, counseling, therapy, immediate relief and medical services, it provides livelihood support, educational assistance for youth and children, capability enhancement trainings and human-rights education. It also conducts public-awareness activities and policy research, advocacy and campaign, among others. Balay maintains that to facilitate peace-building initiatives among IDPs, organizations supporting IDPs should create avenues for the implementation of programs that go beyond raising awareness levels and stress debriefing activities. As such, there is need for integrated and comprehensive programs (de la Paz, 2004: 33). Indeed, central to the NGOs work experience is its holistically packaged psychosocial character as expressed in its curative, preventive and proactive components (de la Cruz, 2004a: 34). The experience of the CRC, Balay and all the other NGOs shows that PRW as practiced in the Philippines has been an unending learning and unlearning process. For example, a 1994 case study of the psychosocial work of the CRC-Negros in a relocation site in Namulo, Binalbagan, Negros Occidental reported that the absence of a comprehensive treatment plan was regarded as the major weakness of the project. It noted the tendency of the community to either not identify psychosocial health as a need because it is not understood well, or to consider psychosocial problems less severe or less life-threatening as to warrant serious attention (Camacho-de la Cruz and Camacho, 1994: 9,11) The CRC nevertheless learned from these mistakes and limitations and continued to enhance its service programs. PRW practitioners were to first to point out to the need to ensure the safety and psychosocial well-being of the caregivers, given the highly stressful nature of their work, high turnover rates, and the threats they receive from sectors of society that have branded them as sympathizers of the CPP-NPA. Addressing these needs would ensure the sustainability of programs and increase

the scope of its services. In 2000, the UPCIDS-PST noted that consciousness in caring for caregivers was already fast gaining ground among NGOs (Protacio-de Castro, p. 60).
effects of the ideological divide on PRW

Since a number of the pioneers and people employed or volunteering in PRW-oriented organizations were either involved in the struggle against tyranny and were previously affiliated with underground groups such as the CPP-NPA, developments in the insurgency movement had repercussions on PRW in the country.11 The split of several large staff and territorial party units from the central leadership of the CPP-NPA in mid-1993 affected development and human rights organizations. NGO workers identified or allied with groups that left the CPP could not provide psychosocial intervention in areas under the control or influence of the CPP leadership. Moreover, funding resources of the institutions were affected. Funding agencies cut down on grants for various reasons, including the fear that social development-oriented institutions were fronts of the insurgency movement. The ideological divide also bred personality feuds among people working in the field of psychosocial intervention work and this resulted in hatakan ng lubid or tug-of-war over people, areas of operation, and resources. Some of the organizations involved in PRW had internal management problems and, along with the effects of the ideological divide, these translated into lulls in the provision of services and operations of organizations like the CRC and Balay. Many of the organizations and individuals involved in PRW have realized the importance of not being identified with any political party or particular ideology. One of the core issues confronted was the question of exclusivity of provision of psychosocial services. Because of belief in a particular ideology, some organizations refused to extend services to children or families of military or paramilitary personnel.
evolution of mercy missions and psychosocial interventions

Organized mission proved an important part of PRW in the Cantomanyog area in Negros, Marag Valley, and Rano in Davao del Sur. The relief missions required a high level of coordination and the pooling of resources of all the groups involved (Protacio-de Castro, p. 52). Three types of missions have been developed: relief mission, or the delivery of basic services to meet the basic survival needs of the distressed evacuees; medical mission to provide medical care and first aid, nutritional support, emergency referrals, and in some cases, exhumation and other forensic investigations; and fact-finding mission, which involves investigation or gathering of facts on reported cases of HRVs (ibid.). The conditions, severity of HRVs and the extent of the conflict in Marag Valley popularized
| 33

the term mercy mission, which has come to cover all types of assistance given to affected communities, including psychosocial first aid to children and the commencement of livelihood projects. Often associated with the church or religious groups, mercy missions evolved as an emergency relief operation strategy. With considerable time, planning, coordination, and community involvement, mercy missions have proven to be most effective in delivering services even at the height of military operations. These emergency relief operations seek to meet standards of immediacy, adequacy and quality. In recent years, another form of mission, the cease-fire-monitoring mission, has taken shape as a grassroots-based mechanism to stave off war in their communities, report breaches of the truce and, in general, reduce irritants to the ceasefire implementation (Mindanao Peoples Caucus/Initiatives for International Dialogue, 2003). This civil society-type of intervention grew as a consequence of the interest of the community to keep the ceasefire forged between the government and the MILF in place. The cease-fire-monitoring missions were organized by the Bantay Ceasefire (Ceasefire Watch), a network of CSOs led by the Mindanao Peoples Caucus and the Initiatives for International Development (IID). More than twenty NGOs, POs and coalitions have joined the Bantay Ceasefire, which fields monitors alongside the government-MILF monitoring teams. Two of the many organizations that have participated in the series of Bantay Ceasefire missions are Balik Kalipay and Balay, which provided psychosocial first aid to the communities.
promoting and mainstreaming prw

Appreciation of psychosocial work and support took time. In the 1990s, many of the NGOs still had to harmonize their operating systems with the requirements of the job and to make the necessary structural changes. How to promote psychosocial management was still being learned. Since the 1990s, PRW-oriented NGOs began to promote and mainstream psychosocial work in governmental and civil society organizations, locally and internationally. Through the socalled Our Unified Task: Rehabilitation for Empowerment and Change (OUTREACH), the CRC shared with other childcare workers its experience in psychosocial service. Among the topics discussed in the course were children in crisis and their common responses to stress, child developmental theories and developmental milestones, casework processes and methodologies. Its culminating activity was a visit to the CRC-Panay Regional Office to observe the actual implementation of psychosocial service in the Philippine context. In 1993, the CRC reported:
Then and now, we tried our best to respond by giving trainings and orientation on psychosocial help and child development in the context of armed conflict. These, however, remain limited depending on the schedules of the staff trainers.

The CRC was invited to share its experience in Sri Lanka in 1992. In 1995, it conducted an international training course on psychosocial service for children-victims of state violence. The move to mainstream PRW in other programs or organizations, train and develop more PRW practitioners was also intended to ease the demands on the pioneering groups. The NGOs, for their part, felt they needed to go beyond referrals and to expand their mandates to include the provision of psychosocial services. For example, the Iligan City-based Balay Integrated Rehabilitation Center for Total Human Development (BIRTHDEV) more or less developed its PRW along the same lines as CRC and Balay. Initially, they referred children of political detainees and relatives of children of victims of human rights violations for assistance. After joining medical and fact-finding missions conducted in areas in Mindanao that have experienced displacement in the late 1990s, BIRTHDEV has since included, among its programs, community-based counseling, and rehabilitation and reintegration programs focusing on the psychosocial aspect (Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soliders, 2003). Balay was one of the institutions that responded to the needs of the displaced communities in Central Mindanao during the 2000 outbreak in hostilities. It decided to concentrate its efforts in the embattled region, but still made its response teams available for deployment. For example, Balay provided psychosocial intervention for the survivors of the ASG siege of downtown Lamitan in 2001, where Christian captives in the villages of Balobo in Lamitan and Golden Harvest in Lantawan were beheaded. The organization subsequently provided training for staff and caregivers of the Nagdilaab Foundation, its partner organization in Basilan. Nagdilaab now provides its own psychosocial services for the province. Nagdilaab Foundations staff, then working for the Womens Desk of the Isabela Foundation, provided crisis intervention and healing for the widows of the armed conflict in Basilan. Describing themselves as trained out of the situation, the staff further strengthened their capabilities by tapping the resources and learning from the experience of Balay.18 Tabang Mindanaw, a consortium of business, church, and media foundations, started in 1988 as a response to the food crisis caused by the El Nio drought. In response to the massive evacuations in Central Mindanao in 2000, the organization has since developed various peace and development programs, including the provision of psychosocial services especially in Central Mindanao areas affected by the 2000 fighting. Their programs include the Integrated Emergency Health Management Program (IEHMP), which provides humanitarian assistance to IDPs; and the Integrated Return and Rehabilitation Program (IRRP), a comprehensive human development program integrated with the peace process and with LGUs, Christian and Muslim religious leaders, NGOs, GOs, the AFP and even the MILF as collaborative partners. Two strategies that have greatly helped in the mainstreaming of PRW are the provision of training and continued advocacy. For example, the UPCIDS-PST encourages the development
| 35

of human resources in the field of research and direct service through its various training programs and workshops in line with the mandate of the University to educate, train, and equip people with necessary skills and knowledge (UPCIDS-PST Brochure). Balay has an equally vibrant advocacy program. The organizations advocacy program unit manages the website, produces a newsletter, the Balitang Balay, and other information materials. It also lobbies for the passage of laws and the adoption of executive policies for the humanitarian protection of IDPs. Under the umbrella of its advocacy program are other tasks, such as alliance-building, promotion of solidarity, and networking with and among local and international NGOs and bodies. Human-rights education; workshops on the rights of children and IDPs; and the conduct and release of occasional studies on displacement toward the development of appropriate psychological intervention approaches for uprooted peoples are all part of its portfolio. Balays advocacy program forms a vital and integral part in the organizations other programs, such as its integrated rehabilitation program and its program to promote children as zones of peace. The NGOs advocacy efforts have won international recognition, particularly by the Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General on IDPs, Mr. Francis Deng, who welcomed the initiative taken by the NGO to translate the Manual on Field Practice in International Displacement into several languages. The translated manuals were launched in Davao City and Cotabato in late November 2002.13 To strengthen its impact on promoting welfare and well-being of IDPs, Balay maintains contact with other organizations through the use of modern technology. It assigns staff members to regularly attend meetings of various networks. It submits documented reports to the members of the GRP and MILF peace panels and members of its local and international networks. Balay is a member of networks like the Council for the Welfare of Children (CWC), Mindanao Peoples Caucus (MPC), Peace Educators Network (PEN), Philippine Disaster Management Forum (PDMF), United Against Torture Coalition (UATC), the International Society for Health and Human Rights (ISHHR), and Sulong CARHRIHL.14 Its active participation in the Bantay Ceasefire missions is proof of the recognition of the need to provide psychosocial services to affected populations. Based on Balays experience, the role of advocacy for psychosocial development response and peace-building can be summed up by the following points: The advocacy program has become an indispensable and facilitative tool in the empowerment and mobilization of IDPs, whose needs have already been provided or answered by the other programs of Balay, making them actors for human-rights promotion and peace building. This is exactly what was earlier referred to as programs that go beyond raising awareness-levels and stress-debriefing activities. The advocacy program has become a venue and opened up venues for the vital participation of IDPs and affected communities in the conceptualization, planning, and execu-

tion of peace and development projects, thereby making them proactive contributors to the overall peace-building efforts in their respective areas.
The advocacy program has become an important support system for any communitybased initiative undertaken by the IDPs and the other programs and peace-building efforts by network partners and other NGOs.
An example that best highlights the role of Balays advocacy work in peace building is the resulting Twinning of Schools Project under the Youth and Child Development Program of the Integrated Rehabilitation Program. The project, linking high school students from schools in Metro Manila with students from the twelve schools in Pikit, is the fruit of Balays advocacy efforts through cooperation with the PEN. (For more about the project, see Children and Youth Participation: Balays Twinning of Schools Project on pp. 64-65)
The role of research in PRW

Research plays an important role in the mainstreaming of PRW. It is important in influencing the collective and individual values, formulation of policies, and the nurturing of an active and responsive community life. While the respective organizations have their own research programs, the active collaboration between NGOs and the academic policy research organizations was facilitated by the UP Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights Program or the UPCIDS-PST. Established in 1993 as a special program under the Peace, Conflict Resolution and Human Rights Program by Lisl and Leo Eitinger Human Rights awardees Elizabeth Protacio-de Castro and June Pagaduan Lopez, the PST brought together academics, field practitioners, NGOs and communities. In two decades, it has generated a wealth of information on psychosocial trauma and related themes. Two of the objectives of the university-based program are to undertake policy-relevant research on the effects of violence-related psychosocial trauma on victims, survivors, and caregivers, as well as communities exposed to, or recovering from, the psychosocial consequences of violence and to explore and assess a range of alternative forms of intervention for caregivers, communities, and individual survivors of violence (UPCIDS PST Brochure). The university-based organization remains at the forefront of research on issues such as childhood and childrens rights, and torture prevention and rehabilitation. In 2000, the UPCIDSPST released a pioneering study on community participation in the recovery and reintegration of children in armed conflict. The study focused on three areas where armed conflict between the AFP and the CPP-NPA had taken its heaviest toll and where various GOs, NGOs, and POs have applied their best resources and energies to mitigate the impact of armed conflict. These areas
| 37

are Marag Valley in Kalinga-Apayao; Cantomanyog, Candoni, and Manlocahoc in Sipalay, Negros Occidental, and Rano in Davao del Sur. The study gave important recommendations in solving the problems of children and communities in situations of armed conflict. Moreover, the various research outputs and training programs of the UPCIDS-PST, as important inputs, have helped shape the development of PRW in the Philippines. While the NGO community can link up with the academe in the area of research, the former remains the best source of researchers since their people are the ones who know the situation in the field (Ferrer, 1997: 32). However, NGO workers are tasked to do numerous functions. An observation made by Ferrer in 1997 may still hold truethat research efforts by NGOs lag behind other activities such as campaign or advocacy work. A dynamic cooperation between NGOs and the academe in research thus helps bridge the gaps. The UPCIDS-PST believes its research should be facilitative of PRW and peace building. Along with the Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights), the UPCIDS PST has done extensive research work on the use of children as soldiers in the Philippines and the effect of armed conflict on children. The UPCIDS-PST, which sits as a member of the Steering Committee of the Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS), has led or participated in the following researches: Adult Wars, Child Soldiers: Voices of Children Involved in Armed Conflict in East Asia and Pacific Region (UNICEF, Bangkok, 2002) Children in Conflicts: Assessing the Impact of Conflicts in East Asia and the Pacific on Children (forthcoming publication in 2006) Armed or Not, They are Children, a Primer on the Use of Children as Soldiers in the Philippinespublished by the PCSUC in Manila 2004.
The publications are also tools to build the capacity of teachers, peace builders, NGO workers and caregivers. An example of such publications is the Teaching Peace, Human Rights, and Conflict Resolution Manuals. This set of training and teaching manuals puts together lesson plans for teachers in public and private schools in Mindanao that would positively promote nondiscrimination, respect for others beliefs, opinions, and cultural practices, and appreciation of plurality of cultures and ideas . (For more about the Teaching Peace Project and manuals, see Sample Project of the UP-CIDS-PST: Teaching Peace, Human Rights and Conflict Resolution in Appendix Two.) Another is the handbook for social workers on bio-psychosocial help for children in special need of protection (CSNP). The idea behind the book is to upgrade the capacities of caregivers by providing a concise and practical resource material based on a rights-based approach and Filipino psychology. The integrative, participatory, holistic, interdisciplinary, and policy-oriented approach in

conducting the researchparticularly the active and pivotal participation of individuals and communities that have experienced armed conflict and of NGOs and other relevant agencies in the conceptualization, planning, and implementation of the various projects of the UP-CIDSPSThad empowering, enriching, and mainstreaming effects. As such, the process was as important as the output.
toward a regional and interagency-coordinated response

In terms of geographical coverage, and perhaps given the situation in Mindanao, most of the NGOs and GOs doing PRW are based in southern Philippines, an area that has seen more armed conflicts than any other region in the country after World War II. For example, five of the seventeen participating agencies in the Balay-organized First Psychosocial Conference had nationwide coverage, and six operated in the Mindanao region only. Three of the agencies operated only in a province in Mindanao, and another three worked in Third World countries apart from the Philippines (De la Paz, 2004: 33). Moreover, only two of the participating organizations are into actual psychosocial work. The organizations have numerous functions other than PRW. However, they are all involved in coordination, which was defined as going about a project with the assistance of a partner organization who shares the same task (ibid.) The year 2003 marked many milestones in civil society efforts to build a coordinated regional and interagency response to the needs of the IDPs in Mindanao and the other consequences of political violence. The First Psychosocial Conference was held in Davao City in 2003. Its theme was Toward Healing and Empowering Displaced Families and Communities for Peace and Development. The conference participants sought, among other things, the development of strategies and mechanisms where critical assessment of the outcome and impact of civil society efforts in PRW can be made and linked with government efforts and policies and promote reflections on peace and human rights advocacy for peace in Mindanao (ibid., 31). The year 2003 also saw the establishment of the MERN, perhaps the most expansive Mindanaowide mechanism for coordinated emergency response. Tabang Mindanaw, a co-convener of MERN, is at the forefront of these regional networking initiatives and interagency cooperation in Mindanao. The other co-conveners are the Community and Family Services International (CFSI), the governmental Regional Disaster Coordinating Council/Office of Civil Defense (RDCC/OCD), Save the Children Fund (SCF)-United States Disaster Preparedness and Response Program in Mindanao, and the United Nations Multi-Donor Programme (UNMDP). It has forty members from throughout the region, including international aid agencies like Accion Contra El Hambre and NGOs such as Balay, BirthDev and Nagdilaab Foundation; church organizations like the
| 39

Immaculate Conception Parish in Pikit; and agencies like the Philippine National Red Cross (PNRC). The MERN pursues an effective, efficient, timely, and appropriate emergency and humanitarian assistance and services, while seeking durable solutions to displacement, MERN has initiated the holding of the following workshops: Executive Workshop for Government Humanitarian Agencies November 2003 Strategic Planning for MERN August 2003 Workshop on Humanitarian Standards July 2003 Workshop on Contextualization of Minimum Standards in Emergency Management in Mindanao January 2004.
The Workshop on Humanitarian Standards held in Davao City, resulted in a landmark code of ethics, the Principles of Conduct for Nongovernment Humanitarian Agencies in Mindanao (see box on page 41). Its 15 principles were drafted after deliberations on international instruments on human rights, international humanitarian law, and the United Nations Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, among others; the conduct of a stakeholders analysis; and an examination of the Mindanao context. It urged the principles adoption and dissemination by all nongovernment humanitarian organizations. In addition to the adoption and promotion of the Principles of Conduct, the members of the network set up several mechanisms that would maximize the participation of beneficiaries, coordinate and maximize the use of resources, enhance capacities and capabilities, and integrate workers security and welfare in humanitarian work. Members of the MERN committed to link humanitarian work with peace work, and to adopt peace information and awareness-building in their respective mandates. Regional networking and interagency cooperation can be effective strategies to make the most of limited and precious resources. It also provides on-the-job training in managing and coordinating relief efforts and developing preparedness for any complex emergencies. The process also reinforces relationships with local partners. An example is the role played by the Pikit Parish church in coordinating efforts in Pikit (for more, see Convergence and Complementation in Pikit: Immaculate Parish Church, on pages 61-62). The Pikit Parish experience also underscores the learning that humanitarian intervention in times of complex emergencies is about fostering of peace, the empowerment of affected communities and individuals, and effecting the needed changes for the elimination of the root causes of the conflict. As such, CSOs must always be on the lookout for innovative ways to address the consequences of violence or armed conflict, for windows and opportunities, and for new partners, principles and practices in peace building.
principles of conduct for nongovernment humanitarian agencies in mindanao

We shall put the humanitarian imperative as the utmost consideration in our work. We shall give assistance regardless of the race, ethnolinguistic affiliation, creed or nationality, and other similar adverse distinction. Priorities are calculated solely on the basis of the communitys needs and rights. We shall not use assistance to further a particular political or religious standpoint. We shall not act as policy instruments of government and parties to the conflict that are (sic) inconsistent with humanitarian imperatives. We shall respect culture, tradition, custom, and belief. While performing emergency response, we shall take into consideration the need to reduce vulnerabilities and to strengthen the communitys disaster response capacities and capabilities. To the extent possible, we shall involve the communities we seek to serve in the management of relief assistance. In our information, publicity and advocacy activities, we shall recognize disaster victims as dignified humans, not hopeless objects, whose rights must be upheld at all times. Our presence, work, and assistance shall in no way cause further harm to, or prolong suffering of the community we seek to serve. We shall coordinate efforts for maximum benefit. We shall take gender into consideration and give particular attention to vulnerable groups. We hold ourselves accountable to the beneficiaries and the donors. We consider volunteers as integral part of our work. We are committed to adhere to exit strategies. We recognize our role as complement to the primary role of the government in disaster and emergency management.
| 41
psychosocial interventions of selected CSOs
his section
will describe and discuss the responses
of the selected CSOs to address the consequences of armed
conflict and violence using the six categories identified in the framework for this study. It will also provide a preliminary assessment of the impact of psychosocial interventions responses on three areas, namely, on the policy issue, on the ground-level situation and lastly, on the primary stakeholders perception, attitude, and behavior. Table 2 provides a graphical representation of the psychosocial responses of the organizations that participated in the FGDs in Isabela City in Basilan, Midsayap in Cotabato, and San Jose in Mindoro Occidental. The table is based on how the participants classified their programs according to the categories presented during the FGDs. Five of the eight organizations are engaged in programs or projects lumped under Category 2 (psychosocial counseling and trauma relief ). The same number of organizations is involved in projects or programs classified under Categories 1 and 2 (post-hostility physical and social reconstruction, reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships). Only three are involved in Category 4 (truth commissions, fact-finding missions) activities, and four have programs under Category 5 (demobilization and reintegration of former combatants). While there are only two organizations that listed their activities under Category 6 during the FGDs, all the other organizations, except those based in Mindoro, pointed out that their activities were essentially conflict prevention measures, given the protracted nature of the armed conflict in Cotabato and Basilan. It should be noted that many of the activities were listed under more than one category. Participants from CCF-Basilan, for example, listed the conduct of peace festivals under Categories 1, 2, and 3. The particular focus and scope of the projects conducted by the participating organizations can be seen from the table. One organization, Balik Kalipay, focuses on the provision of psychosocial counseling and trauma relief. In comparison, only one other organization, Balay, has projects and programs that covered all the categories in the study. However, during the categorization of activities, the participants from Balik Kalipay described their provision of psychosocial services as cutting across categories given its overall effects on both the post-hostility physical and social reconstruction work and in rehabilitation and rebuilding social relationships. For purposes of discussion, however, the specific consequences of armed conflict and violence in
42
Table 1 Types of Psychosocial Interventions of Selected CSOs (based on self-classification)

Category 2 Category 3 Category 4 Category 5 Demobilization and reintegration of former combatants
X X X
Category 1 Psychosocial Reconciliation counseling and and rebuilding trauma relief of social relationships Fact finding, mercy and ceasefire monitoring missions
X X X X X X
Category 6 Conflict prevention measures
Post-hostility physical and social reconstruction
X X X
X X X X X
PST study
PSYCHOSOCIAL INTERVENTIONS OF SELECTED CSOS
Balay Balik Kalipay CCF-Basilan Nagdilaab Fdn. NDFCAI-WED PASAKAMI SAC, Mindoro Occidental SCCIPDS/CEREA X X
| 43

relation to the categories as shown in Table 1 will be used as a guide. As such, while the conduct of peace festivals may be classified under Categories 1, 2, and 3, it falls under Category 3 in this discussion because, following Table 1, peace festivals primarily seek to address the lack of confidence, mistrust, and hatred of other ethnolinguistic groups or members of other religions, and the destruction of social relationships. Two of the organizations, PASAKAMI and SAC, both based in Mindoro, did not categorize their projects or programs as efforts to address the consequence of violence. The SACs programs were geared toward institutional reforms, promoting participation in decision- making, developing good governance, and education for peace and justice. The two Mindoro-based organizations did not in effect use the language of psychosocial rehabilitation work to describe their programs. However, as we have defined PRW here, the two organizations in effect undertake activities that make up elements of PRW. For example, they participated in a fact-finding mission to determine the circumstances behind the massacre of a Mangyan family in Magsaysay, Mindoro Occidental in 2003. The insights shared by the church workers and Mangyan representatives on the particular dynamics of the conflict in their province provided important lessons in peace building. The situation in Mindoro also reflected the importance of looking into indigenous knowledge and worldviews in doing peace building, including psychosocial intervention work among war-affected communities. (See Indigenous Responses of the Mangyans of Mindoro on pp. 64-67) The responses of the selected organizations varied, but they were also similar in many ways. Under each category below, a synthesis of common points in the objectives and strategies of the programs, and the facilitating and hindering factors in the implementation of these programs are provided, along with examples of innovative projects or pioneering programs. The discussion here is limited to structural responses, under a program or project of an organization. A few illustrations of specific responses, such as those by a church group or an indigenous community, are highlighted in sidebars.
post-hostility physical and social reconstruction

objectives
Interventions along the lines of physical and social reconstruction after an outbreak of hostility aim to: repair and rebuild infrastructure destroyed or damaged during the conflict and facilitate the return of the displaced communities provide the affected communities access to basic services

provide the communities access to livelihood assistance and income-generating mechanisms
strengthen traditional socio-political community structures that were weakened or severely affected by war, and
help prepare community members to consciously work for peace in their areas and foster their participation in peace-building efforts.
One of the primary objectives of physical and social reconstruction work after the eruption of armed hostility is to repair and rebuild infrastructure destroyed or damaged during the conflict and facilitate the return of the displaced communities. The construction of new structures such as core shelters, roads and community centers not only physically rebuilds the community but also gives them hope of having their lives back. An example is a critical-intervention project carried out by the precursor of the Nagdilaab Foundation, the Womens Desk of the Isabela Foundation. Their project included the reconstruction of 22 housing units, repair of the community chapel, and construction of a community learning center in communities that experienced atrocities in the hands of the ASG in 2000 and 2001. The effort (gave) the children the chance to see that even if the structures were burned or destroyed by bombs, a newer and more useful and beautiful structure would be built in the area and this (gave) them hope.15 Post-hostility physical and social reconstruction work also seeks to provide the affected communities access to basic services. These services naturally include medical care of those hurt or injured during the conflict or those who contracted diseases while in the evacuation centers or other areas of refuge, and access to water and power supply. These services were often severely affected or hindered as a result of the armed conflict. The Inspiracion de los Pobres Project of the CCF-Basilan in fact did not only regularly conduct medical and dental services. It also helped build water management systems which were virtually nonexistent before the eruption of armed conflict. For this purpose, the CCF-Basilan acquired the necessary materials, such as PVC pipes and cement. The construction was closely coordinated with the local waterworks units and local government officials. (For more about the project see Appendix 2, Sample Project of the CCFBasilan: Inspiracion de los Pobres.) The Inam (meaning hope in Maguindanaon) Project of the NDFCAI-WED and private partners such as the Cotabato Chamber of Commerce, the Davao Doctors Hospital, and the Jerome Foundation of Davao City, provide specific health services such as harelip and cataract operations and prosthetics to indigents communities, including those injured in the armed conflict. Physical and social reconstruction work also means providing the communities access to livelihood assistance and income-generating mechanisms. The NGOs helped the affected families regain their self-sufficiency either through agricultural production support programs, loans
| 45

through microfinancing systems, or entrepreneurship skills trainings. The SCC-CEREA-IPDS, for example, in cooperation with the Bangsamoro Women Association, conducted a cow-dispersal project in barangays Nabalawag, Tugel, Mudseng, and Kapinpilan of Midsayap. Through its College Hill Learning Resources Center (CHLRC), the university promotes sustainable agriculture by hosting trainings, seminars and workshops on plant breeding, organic rice milling, and other relevant issues in agriculture such as the controversial issue of genetically modified organisms (GMOs). The NDFCAI-WED conducts the Basic Skills and Entrepreneurship Training (BEST)a threeto five-month training designed for people without any background on garments-making, foodprocessing, and small-business management. BEST also exposes trainees to special learning exercises to build self-awareness and self-confidence. Sessions on social responsibility, value formation, personal health and hygiene, bookkeeping and others are included in the course. As follow-up training, NDFCAI-WED offers the Advanced Skills and Entrepreneurship Training (ASET), designed to provide BEST graduates and other entrepreneurs with advanced and specialized skills through classes on garments manufacture, handicrafts, and entrepreneurial management. For its part, the Nagdilaab Foundation lists microfinancing activities as one of its areas of expertise. The SCCs Extension and Learning Resource of the Community Education, Research, and Extension Administration (CEREA-ELR) introduces to Menuvu fathers and young men of the community alternative farming methods such as the diversified integrated farming system, sloping agricultural land technology (SALT). Animal husbandry, and the establishment of community nurseries are also encouraged. In essence, physical and social reconstruction work builds peace by first helping meet the peoples livelihood and other basic needs. In doing so, it lays the groundwork for peace-building in the long term. Thus, part of this intervention is the strengthening of traditional socio-political community structures that were weakened or severely affected by war. Projects are geared toward rehabilitating children and families in their community setting. For example, the Inspiracion delos Pobres is a holistic program aimed at making families physically healthy and self-sufficient by, among others, providing their children and youth access to education. Schools damaged by the conflict are rehabilitated. The Service Learning Program of the SCC Library Science Department, in partnership with the Books for the Barrios Foundation, conducted learning activities in Rajamuda Elementary School in Pikit. Books and learning resources were delivered as gifts, and games, storytelling and book talks were facilitated by library science students (Quinones, 2004: 2). The Darkness to Light Program of the SCC through its CEREA-ELR services an isolated community of 62 poverty-stricken Erumanen ne Menuvu families in Agkir-Agkir, Libungan, Cotabato. Menuvu villagers are taught how to read, write, and compute. Instruction is made

relevant to their culture, economic, political, and social realities. Mothers and young women of the community are given lessons on health, sanitation, preventive medicine, and the essentials of food nutrition. Physical and social reconstruction programs of communities directly affected by the outbreak of armed hostilities help prepare community members to consciously work for peace in their areas and foster their participation in peace-building efforts. Education services are taken to another level through the integration of peace education in the curriculum. For example, the SCC instituted peace education in the university curriculum in 1999. All its college graduates take up peace education classes. Another initiative of the SCC-CEREA-IPDS is the Summer Institute for Peace and Development Motivators (SIPDM), which seeks to educate students and young people on how to behave in a pluralistic community, build a strong group composed of dedicated and devoted young peace cadres, and prepare them to work consciously for peace in their respective communities. The SIPDM curriculum equips students with knowledge on and basic skills in organizational management, community organizing, networking and advocacy applicable to their context. In 2003, Balay and the Philippine Development Assistance Program (PDAP), assisted in the rehabilitation of five conflict-affected barangays in Damulog, Bukidnon. Community members were given training on participatory rapid appraisal and community planning by Balay. A seminar on peace and development became the basis for another round of activity, the Barangay Rehabilitation Planning. The training program helped the barangay development councils build their capability to do damage, needs, and capacities assessment, and formulate a Comprehensive Barangay Rehabilitation Plan (CBRP) executable within a six-month to a full-year time frame. The Plan was turned over to the PDAP and the Damulog municipal government. The PDAP provided work animals to each of the barangays, the Department of Agriculture distributed palay for planting, and the DSWD took the lead in rebuilding damaged shelters. The cooperative process also increased the awareness of the family, community, and local governments on basic human rights, and international instruments such as the IDPR and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Such awareness is integral to the nurturing of traditional socio-political structures that serve as the basic support system of the community. (Quintos, 2004: 26)
strategies
The strategies commonly used by the NGOs in post-hostility physical and social reconstruction work included community organizing, leadership and skills training, capacity building, linkages, consultation and dialogues with stakeholders and local government officials and traditional leaders, planning workshops, advocacy through the use of media and appropriate and commu-
| 47

nity-friendly IEC materials. As far as getting the message across to the communities is concerned, NGOs in Basilan, Maguindanao and Cotabato found that the meaningful involvement of traditional and religious leaders as conduits are very effective in reaching out to a larger number of people and in ensuring their participation in the projects. The NGOs in Basilan also noted that in networking, the use of personal channels is more effective than using the structural channel, especially in dealing with local government officials. The use of the mass media and the participation of the private sector are also key strategies used by the NGOs in post-war physical and social reconstruction.
hindering factors
In Basilan, the slow or lack of response or no response on the part of the LGUs, the presence of armed groups, language barriers, and the negative impressions among the Muslims that the participation in the projects would ultimately mean or lead to conversion to Christianity, were identified as the hindering factors to effective peace-building. The participants of the Isabela City FGD notably decried the pervasive phenomena of goons, guns, and gold and patronage politics in the province which in turn reflects the prevailing attitude of the community in the selection of political leadership. It was also common in Basilan for key officials of a particular barangay or municipality to live elsewhere. The changes in leadership as a result of the May 2004 elections also caused discontinuities. If the choice of leadership were done conscientiously and if the elected leaders were genuinely pro-poor, progressive and proactive, peace building would be greatly facilitated. Participants in the Midsayap FGD pointed to the apathetic attitude of some members of the local leadership and the poor response from the community, the occurrence of natural calamities such as flooding in the Cotabato river basin, and the cyclical nature of the conflict as hindering factors in implementing post-hostility physical and social reconstruction work. The NDFCAI-WED shared the same experience as CCF-Basilan many Muslims initially had reservations about participating in the projects for fear of being converted to Christianity. The SCCCEREA-IPDS listed technical problems such as frequent power shortages, conflict in schedules, the limited number of peace education teachers, and worn-out facilities as hindering factors. In both Basilan and the Cotabato/Maguindanao areas, traditional attitudes such as the tendency of the Muslim community to be withdrawn in the presence of Christian outsiders or visitors were also identified as one of the hindrances, particularly in the initial phase of the projects. Participants also pointed to budgetary limitations as a hindering factor.
facilitating factors
The facilitating factors identified by the participants include the hiring of Muslims, especially at the fieldwork or grassroots level. It was also important to have a qualified, culture-sensitive, efficient and effective staff. These measures helped ease the Muslim communitys initial fears of conversion to Christianity and overcome the language barrier. Fluency in the dialects or languages is seen as a facilitating factor. Steps are being made to make the staff knowledgeable or at least conversant in the medium of the community being served. The Balay Mindanao Office, for example, actively pursues a policy of making their Christian staff gain fluency in the Maguindanao language by learning ten new words a day. Even simple measures such as giving words of encouragement to staff members and the community and maintaining a healthy and positive attitude or being happy to help others who are in need were identified as facilitating factors. The supportiveness of LGUs, traditional and religious leaders, and the private sector, the active participation of the community, the strong spirit of voluntarism, and partnerships with other NGOs and agencies are the other facilitating factors that were identified during the FGDs in Isabela City and Midsayap.
psychosocial counseling and trauma relief

objectives
The provision of psychosocial counseling and trauma relief are intended to address specific needs. However, forms of intervention are multiple and integrated with other services. Specifically, this type of intervention aims to:
improve the psychological well-being and overall medical health of the affected community
help the community come to terms with the interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation, and their feelings of uncertainty and increased vulnerability, and
prepare and empower the community to become responsive and active partners in social change.
One of the primary objectives in providing psychosocial counseling, trauma relief, and related services is the improvement in the psychological well-being and overall medical health of the affected community. For example, under its Integrated Rehabilitation Program, Balay pro-
| 49

vides direct services such as psychosocial first aid, social casework, psychosocial processing, counseling and therapy, medical support, relief assistance, and legal aid. However, as discussed earlier, while some adjustment difficulties have been observed among the members of the affected community at the time of their forced exodus, this may not necessarily indicate trauma or any medical illness. Another primary objective of the provision of psychosocial intervention and related services is to help the community come to terms with the interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation, and their feelings of uncertainty and increased vulnerability. This means enabling a transformation towards a realization that they are survivors and not victims, and that they can be agents of change. Such activities help them process the effects of armed conflict and violence. The provision of psychosocial intervention activities, in the form of counseling and debriefing and play or art therapy, provides this continuum for healing and rehabilitation. The main objective of Balik Kalipays project in Pikit, for example, is to continue to facilitate the psychosocial recovery of day care- and primary-school-aged children and their families from the experience of war. Balik Kalipay has served 10 evacuation centers in Maguindanao and Cotabato. The provision of psychosocial counseling, trauma relief and related services prepare and empower the community to become responsive and active partners in social change. Trainings are a means to build their skills in conflict resolutions, and in handling community-based psychosocial services. The Nagdilaab Foundation, for example, assisted some 160 families and women victimized by the ASG in Barangays Golden Harvest and Materling in Lantawan, Balobo in Lamitan, and the town of Tumahubong in Sumisip. Aside from organizing relief services, trauma healing sessions and other psychosocial services in these areas, the NGO conducted trainings on community organizing and capability building. Psychosocial rehabilitation programs have come to include components covering livelihood support and assistance, coping skills management, and youth and childrens development. Balays Youth and Childrens Development activities include peace camps, skills training, peer counselor seminars, parent-child encounters, workshops on childrens rights, and fund-raising for youth organizations. Its Coping Skills Development activities include workshops on traumatic stress management, critical incident stress debriefing, and peace dialogues. The Livelihood Support and
Photo 1: Youth participants at work at the Recycling War Trash for Peace Project of the Nagdilaab Foundation in Isabela City, Basilan.
Assistance component meanwhile teaches stakeholders how to set up therapeutic and sustain-

able income-generating projects and cooperatives. Another notable example of a livelihood component is the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP) Project of the Nagdilaab Foundation and the Ateneo Research Center of the Ateneo de Zamboanga University. (For more about the project, see Appendix 2, Sample Project of the Nagdilaab Foundation: Recycling War Trash for Peace)
strategies
The strategies commonly used by the NGOs are the conduct of trauma healing sessions, crisis debriefing, and play therapy for the affected families and diffusion for staff and caregivers. These are supplemented by community organizing, leadership and skills training, capacity building, linkages, consultation and dialogues with stakeholders, gaining the support of local government officials and traditional leaders, planning workshops, advocacy through the use of media and appropriate and community-friendly information, education and communication (IEC) materials. As in the conduct of post-war physical and social reconstruction work, the NGOs in Basilan and the Cotabato/Maguindanao area strategically nurtured the close involvement of traditional and religious leaders. They also used existing community structures such as daycare centers, barangay halls, and schools in the conduct of the activities. Both Balay and Balik Kalipay found the utilization of a child to child campaign effective in reaching a larger number of children and in ensuring their participation in the projects. The NGOs in both Basilan and Cotabato particularly noted the importance of practical and culturesensitive approaches, such as the fielding of male facilitators particularly when dealing with an allmale group. In the daycare centers, trained daycare workers utilized culturally appropriate play therapy modules to address the childrens psychosocial needs. In the conduct of trauma healing sessions and other activities, the Nagdilaab Foundation found helpful the grouping of participants into manageable sizes and according to ethnolinguistic groups. Balik Kalipay adopted a comprehensive approach that involved the youth, parents, and key people in the community in promoting the rights of the children in their barangays. The community-based interventions conducted by youth volunteers targeted out-of-school children and complemented the daycare center-based psychosocial intervention. Trained parents through filial therapy helped facilitate the delivery of rehabilitation services to these children.16
Photo 2: Participants engaged in an activity with their children during a parenting session conducted by Balik Kalipay in Barangay Gli-Gli, Pikit, Cotabato.
| 51
hindering factors
The FGD in Basilan revealed hindering factors such as the existence of the armed group and the recurrence of tragic events that trigger the resurrection of biases and prejudices between the Christian and Muslim residents. The other hindrances include the continuous threat of terrorist acts, and the lack of support from the LGUs. The fear or suspicion of connivance among some members of the military, LGUs and the ASG continues to breed uncertainty. The non-residence of key officials of a particular barangay or municipality in the area they are supposed to represent also posed problems in providing psychosocial rehabilitation work to the community. There is also the difficulty of convincing donor agencies to provide aid to organizations based in Basilan, given the reputation and highly politicized leadership of the very few NGOs in the province. The Nagdilaab Foundation noted the cultural and other barriers in providing psychosocial services to very sensitive cases, particularly the widows of ASG fighters and their families, who cannot grieve publicly and face discrimination and lack of sympathy. In providing psychosocial services, the field workers noted the distance between the affected communities and Isabela City where the Nagdilaab Foundation and CCF-Basilan are based, and the lack of reliable and regular public communication and transportation facilities. Participants in the Midsayap FGD again mentioned the apathetic attitude of some members of the local leadership, the low-level response from the community, natural calamities such as flooding, and the seasonal nature of the conflict as hindering factors in implementing psychosocial counseling and trauma relief services. Like the experience of their counterparts in Basilan, the NGO workers from the Cotabato and Maguindanao area noted the initial reservations of the Maguindanao community in participating in the projects for fear of being converted to Christianity and their tendency to be withdrawn in the presence of Christian outsiders or visitors. Aside from these factors, the participants singled out the re-eruption of armed conflict as the most serious hindering factor in PRW. For example, Balik Kalipays programs were seriously disrupted in February 2003 as a result of renewed armed hostilities between government troops and MILF fighters in the MILFs Buliok Complex, which includes parts of Pikit municipality. Budgetary limitations were also identified as one of the hindering factors. It should be noted here that the cultural practices of a particular community can plays a strong facilitating as well as a hindering role in the conduct of psychosocial intervention work. Cultural practices concerning death or loss, worldviews, and religion, may present aspects that are more helpful than outside intervention. Observations on the culture of the Mangyan community in Mindoro for example revealed traditional practices that support psychosocial healing practices.
Field workers found that the acceptance and recognition by the affected community of the existence of conflict, its effect on them, and of the need to resolve it, facilitated provision of psychosocial services. Other facilitating factors include the careful hiring of a qualified, culturesensitive, efficient and effective, multi-cultural staff; and mobilizing the support and active participation of LGUs, traditional and religious leaders, the private sector, and funding institutions. A clear understanding of their roles in the projects and programs helped facilitate the implementation of projects and generated a strong spirit of voluntarism. Aside from good coordination and partnerships with other NGOs and agencies, the Nagdilaab Foundation also stressed that the very nature of the projects, particularly the dynamism and creativity of the programs and projects and the processes involved are just as helpful as any of the aforementioned factors. Positive attitudes exhibited by the leadership and rank-and-file workers of the Nagdilaab Foundation towards their job, such as the belief that community organizing is a way of life and that every project or program is a journey were also crucial to effective PRW.
reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships

objectives
Programs on reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships provide continuity to the process of healing, empowerment, and change. Specifically, they address the lack of confidence in, mistrust of and hatred for the other (ethnolinguistic) groups, and the destruction of social relationships as a result of armed conflict and violence, and help establish dynamic and empowered communities living in peace, respect, and love. The first step in the process of reconciliation is raising the collective and individual consciousness of the existence of biases and prejudices. The Summer Institute for Peace and Development (SIPD) of the SCC, the GENPEACE Project of NDFCAI-WED, and the Twinning of Schools Project of Balay, all aim to increase awareness, understanding and appreciation of the cultures and beliefs of the various communities in Mindanao, and the promotion of cultural diversity, which are necessary for a pluralistic community to live in peaceful coexistence. For example, the core theme and message of the GENPEACE Project stresses the need of living and working together peacefully, on shared goals and seeking non-violent solutions to the conflict. (For more on the project, see Appendix 2, Sample Project of the NDFCAI-WED: UNESCO Gender, Peace, and Development (GENPEACE) Project.)
| 53

The tri-media advocacy programs of the SCC-CEREA-CMA include hosting the Kapihan sa Kalinaw (Coffee for Peace), a weekly community and issue-oriented show aired over local cable television, and the Paaralang Pangkapayapaan (Schools for Peace), a radio advocacy program aired over a local radio station covering five provinces. Both programs discuss current issues relevant to peace and development. The two shows serve as venues to air peoples dreams, aspirations and hopes for their future and advocate public policies. Program content fosters among its listeners a deeper understanding of social issues and respect for different religious beliefs. Efforts towards reconciliation are also geared towards the establishment of dynamic and empowered communities living in peace, respect, and love.
strategies
The strategies commonly used by the NGOs to advance reconciliation include capacity building and skills training on leadership and conflict and resolution, technical trainings and literacy programs, culture of peace seminars, peace campaigns using the mass media, and livelihood assistance. The other strategies are community organizing, linkages, consultation and dialogues with stakeholders and local government officials and traditional leaders, planning workshops, and the use of appropriate and community-friendly IEC materials. Perhaps, the most popular and colorful of the strategies are the staging of the annual peace celebrations and peace camps. Since 2000, the Nagdilaab Foundation has been conducting the annual Memorial for Peace. Survivors, partner GOs and NGOs all participate. Events include livelihood exhibits and presentations. On May 29 to 30, 2004 in Isabela City, the CCF-Basilan held the Sixth Puhmalin Childrens Peace Festival, a two-day celebration of talent and skills exposition, dance and music competitions, and exchange of experiences. The name of the Puhmalin was coined from the name of the three projects being undertaken by the NGO: Inspiracion delos Pobres, Punukubung, and Maluso Outreach. Described as part of the debriefing of the children, many of whom have witnessed armed conflict, the event included a symposium wherein human rights and child rights workers talked about the importance of peace and the issue of child soldiers, a phenomenon not alien to many in Basilan. Balay, for its part, also organizes and conducts youth peace camps and youth consultations, such as the one held with youth from the conflict-affected barangays of Dalengaoen, Panicupan, and Takepan in Pikit. Consultations in 2003 revealed that the youth in Panicupan want to take active part in the promotion of peace talks. One slogan they adopted is, Peace talks, not putok (Peace talks, not firing of guns). The youth of Dalengaoen made plans to hold peace dialogues between the Christians and Muslims, and the holding of prayer meetings for peace (Lascano, 2004: 20).
hindering factors
The participants in Basilan identified the following hindering factors to reconciliation: the unstable peace and order situation in many areas in the province, unresolved biases and prejudices, conflicting interests and priorities between Christian and Muslim residents, lack of resources and lack of resourcefulness of the LGUs and some sectors, and the language barrier. There is also lack of knowledge and understanding on the cultural and religious heritage and practices of the different communitiesthe very same issues that reconciliation efforts are trying to address. Meanwhile, participants from the Cotabato and Maguindanao area identified the following hindering factors: continued displacement due to armed conflict, budgetary limitations, the apathetic attitude of some members of the local leadership, poor response from the community, technical problems such as intermittent but frequent power failures, and worn-out facilities. Other hindering factors include the existence of armed groups, particularly the Lost Command groups, unsympathetic sentiments of the Christian community towards the Bangsamoro struggle, and reservations of the Maguindanao community in participating in the projects for fear of being converted to Christianity.
Facilitating factors include sufficient training and exposure of community organizers; the active participation of the affected community; the support of empowered leaders, traditional and/or elected); linkages and networking with other NGOs, POs, and GOs in the area; the sustained interest of members of the community in the learning process; and the dynamism and creativity of the programs. Also crucial are the communitys desire for peace, the commitment of the youth sector in achieving lasting peace, and the bayanihan spirit of the community. The SCCIPDS-CEREA particularly noted the importance of feedback from televiewers and listeners. Their interactive participation in the Kapihan sa Kalinaw and Paaralang Pangkapayapaan made the tri-media advocacy programs effective.
| 55
fact-finding, mercy and ceasefire monitoring missions

objectives
Special missions aim to gather information on the status and needs of the affected community, and help prepare for a credible and respectable peace, human rights and emergency response in the affected areas. At the end of the day, they hope that networks involved in human rights, peace and development work are further strengthened. One of the primary objectives of fact-finding and ceasefire-monitoring missions is to verify the facts or circumstances surrounding an outbreak of conflict or a crisis situation in an area where armed conflict has erupted. Ceasefire-monitoring missions are conducted particularly to ensure full implementation of the ceasefire agreement on the ground. Mercy missions generally aim to provide a wide scope of services, including distribution of food and water, medical care and psychosocial first aid. In general, these missions gather information on the status and needs of the affected community, and help prepare for a credible and respectable peace, human rights and emergency response in the affected areas. Balay participated in the second Bantay Ceasefire fact-finding mission organized by the Mindanao Peoples Caucus (MPC) in the MILFs Buliok Complex in July 2003. The mission was a response to the appeals for support by the displaced villagers from Pikit, Pagalungan, and Pagagawan (now Datu Montawal). Balay lent its documentation and coordination skills. The mission found the following: fear and insecurity among civilians; Philippine Marines camps situated within civilian communities; enforced clustering of civilian houses; the presence of unexploded bombs, landmines, other ordnances and booby traps; recruitment and training of paramilitaries; restrictions on civilian movement; and the use of the Islamic Center in Buliok as headquarters of the military. Even after Barangay Inug-og in Pikit was declared a sanctuary of peace, residents refused to return to their homes. (Mindanao Peoples Caucus/Initiatives for International Dialogue, 2003: 44-45) The mission recommended to the government and MILF peace panels a host of measures relating to education, livelihood, and public health. The SCC participated in the visit of the International Monitoring Team (IMT) from the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) to the Buliok Complex in March 2004. In 1994, more than twenty-five organizations including the CRC and other organizations conducted a factfinding mission in areas affected by armed conflict on Samar Island. Given the resources and coordination work required to launch such missions, an accompanying objective of this type of undertaking is to strengthen networks involved in human rights, peace, and development work.
strategies
The SCC listed the following among its strategies: interview with IMT members; coordination with GOs, NGOs, POs, the military and the MILF, and key elected and traditional leaders of the community; and the conduct of campaigns at the grassroots level. Aside from networking and linkaging with the Mindanao Peoples Caucus and other organizations in the conduct of the factfinding mission and the series of Bantay Ceasefire missions, Balay noted the use of its Appreciative Inquiry and Community Mobilization (AICM) approach in gathering the necessary information. Balay also listed among its strategies the conduct of assemblies, regular and unscheduled meetings, and use of modern technology to facilitate communication. It noted the importance of having an assigned staff to participate in the meetings and the activities of the networks and assemblies hosted by partner organizations.
hindering factors
Hindering factors include continuing military operations and unresolved human rights violations, the unpredictable peace and order situation, the unstable situation in the community, limitations on budget and manpower, and lack of support from the national government.
Facilitating factors include the support of LGUs and the community leaders, their desire and commitment to peace initiatives, the bayanihan spirit, and the credibility and respect that the programs have earned in the area.
demobilization and reintegration of former combatants

objectives
The primary objective of demobilization and reintegration programs for former combatants is to aid them in their re-entry to the family and community. These programs include the provision of educational and livelihood assistance to both ex-combatants and the victims of armed conflicts. The Nagdilaab Foundation and CCF-Basilan have no specific or special programs for the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants but their educational assistance
| 57

programs have also been extended to ex-members of armed groups. These two organizations also help facilitate, assist, and coordinate the reintegration and rehabilitation of former combatants in cooperation with the provincial and municipal social welfare development officers. Balays psychosocial programs are also extended to former combatants. Participants to the Peace Literacy Program of the NDFCAI-WED also included active members of the MILF. The NDFCAI-WED has been invited by segments of the MILF ranks to conduct literacy programs in their communities. Facilities like the madrasahs and houses were made available for holding classes. The NDFCAI-WEDs Credit Assistance Program also aids in the reintegration and rehabilitation work of ex-combatants. The financial assistance program is designed to provide seed capital to graduates of the Functional Literacy, Adult Education, Entrepreneurship and Skills Training Programs so that they can start their own home-based businesses. Technical assistance is also provided in the marketing, design, and packaging of the products, with the WED Crafts Center in Cotabato City serving as the display center. The applicants entrepreneurial potential is one of the criteria for selecting beneficiaries of these assistance schemes. The SCC-IPDSs support and legal assistance to members of the IP community who are jailed for dubious crimes or false charges have also benefited members of armed groups.
strategies
Among the strategies identified by the care include the provision of relief and welfare assistance; the conduct of home visitations, and sessions with the family and individual; coordination with key agencies such as the provincial and municipal social welfare development officers and the military; dialogues and consultations, and networking among NGOs and various agencies.
hindering factors
The participants from Basilan and the Cotabato/Maguindanao area identified the following hindering factors to successful reintegration of ex-combatants: the fear of being stigmatized, and repercussions or retaliation from aggrieved parties or former comrades; the unstable peace and order situation, and continuing violations of human rights. In the conduct of its literacy classes, the NDFCAI-WED identified security issues such as the safety of learners and facilitators, the distance of the communities to be served, and the difficulty of travel to these areas as among the factors that impede its work. The ineffective implementation of and lack of information over child protection laws and directives, particularly the Inter-agency Memorandum on the Han-

dling and Treatment of Children Involved in Armed Conflict,17 have caused problems in the reintegration of former child combatants who were wounded and/or arrested, and put under government custody.
Facilitating factors include the openness and willingness of former combatants to undergo the process of reintegration, family support, the formation and utilization of networks and partnerships with organizations like the Medical Action Group (MAG) and the PCSUCS, and a qualified and competent staff or caregivers. In the conduct of literacy classes, the NDFCAI-WED noted the importance of the participation of the community and the leaders or commanders of the local MILF units. The ceasefire is also seen as a strong and facilitative factor.
conflict prevention
objectives
The primary objective of conflict prevention efforts is to stem the deepening of pre-existing conflicts and arrest the generation of new ones. This necessarily involves addressing the root causes of the conflict. The promotion of the concept of ancestral domains as peace laboratories or a Zone of Peoples Peaceful Coexistence (ZOPPEC), and the Technical Assistance on Ancestral Domain Claims of Erumanen ne Manuvu Communities in the municipalities of Pigkawayan, Libungan and Alamada in Cotabato, are among the SSCs efforts to facilitate indigenous territorial governance. Loss of land and the competing socioeconomic systems of the Muslim, Christian and IP communities are among the roots of the conflict in Mindanao. The SCC-CEREA-IPDS is also actively supporting the initiative for a United Nations-supervised or managed referendum in Mindanao as one political mechanism to resolve the Bangsamoro conflict. Another conflict prevention effort spearheaded by the university program is the innovative Mobile Institute for Peace and Development. It works on the premise that for the cultivation of peace, education must be borderless and liberating. A wide space to understand a multi-ethnic society that embraces diverse outlooks is needed. Peoples solidarity must be enhanced and a deep sense of partnership between the community and the academic institution, promoted. (For more on the project, see Appendix 2, Sample Project of the SCC-CEREA-IPDS: Mobile Institute for Peace and Development)
| 59

Preventing children and youth from joining the armed groups is just as important. The NDFCAI-WEDs Philippine Youth Leadership Training Program (PYLTP) dubbed Make a Connection, Nurturing Future Leaders aims to provide the indigenous Teduray, Maguindanaon and Iranun Muslim youth skills training and micro-lending services. In cooperation with the telecommunications industry giant Nokia, the Consuelo Foundation, and GOs like the Department of Education (DepEd), the project seeks to nurture the leadership potential of the youth from disadvantaged communities and distance them from the influence of armed groups. (For more on the project, see Make a ConnectionYouth, private sector and NGO partnership in peace building on pages 67-68.) Specific preventive measures have also been negotiated between the community and the AFP . The PASAKAMI in Mindoro proposed that the leaders of the communities should be informed of the entry of soldiers into their areas. The military should not use any tribal member as a guide nor use force and intimidation in dealing with them. They also stressed that the soldiers or armed groups should respect indigenous culture and not to stay long in their communities.18 (For more details on the responses by the Mangyan, see Indigenous Responses: Mangyan of Mindoro on pages 64-67.)
strategies
The strategies identified by the participants from the SCC include the conduct of conferences and community consultations, the establishment and coordination with IP organizations and networks, and lobbying the international community. The utilization of existing tri-media programs, such as the Kapihan sa Kalinaw and the Paaralang Pangkapayapaan were also vital strategies.
facilitating and hindering factors

Budgetary constraints were identified as the primary hindering factor in the conduct of conflict prevention work. The receptiveness of IP communities to such efforts and the existence of active IP organizations were meanwhile identified as facilitating factors. The following section provides a description of sample responses by the religious and indigenous people towards peace building. The discussions include examples of cooperation between the youth sector, NGOs and private sectors, and the responses by the IDPs themselves.
convergence and complementation in pikit: immaculate parish church

One of the oldest parishes in the Archdiocese of Cotabato, the Immaculate Parish Church in Pikit, has seen decades of armed conflict between government troops and Muslim secessionist groups. Within an eight-year span alone, the mainly agricultural and multi-ethnic town of Pikit experienced four major armed conflicts. In 1997, fighting erupted between government troops and MILF fighters, displacing 30,000 civilians. In 2000, a new round of fighting forced 41,000 people to leave their communities and stay in evacuation centers; in 2001, more than 24,000 were displaced; and in 2003, close to 38,000 people were forced to evacuate in another eruption of armed conflict. Fr. Bert Layson (2004), who has been based in Pikit since 1997, wrote that Muslims and Christians in the area previously lived in peace since the first batch of Christian migrants arrived in 1913. The recent eruption of armed confrontation between government troops and Muslim separatists broke the spirit of community between the two groups. These years of bloodshed pitted Christians against Muslims and separated the two communities. The Church did not just stand from the distance and watch silently. She was caught in the middle of a tragedy and she had no choice but to act in favor of the victims, many of whom were Muslims (Layson, 2001). The parish extended aid to thousands of IDPs in every conflict. During the conflict in 2000, described as the most difficult man-made calamity experienced by both the Christian and Muslim residents of Pikit, the Parish Pastoral Council met to organize the Disaster Response Team (DRT). The DRT was composed mainly of both Christian and Muslim youth. It was organized into committees with specific tasks. The parish kept track of the affected barangays and the number of families displaced and it became a repository of information relevant to the crisis. The GOs and international and local NGOs all coordinated their efforts with the Pikit parish, which readily provided the information needed. They were strongly advised to work with the Rural Health Units (RHU) and Municipal Social Worker and Development Office (MSWDO). The parish church also networked with the media in order to advance its advocacy against war and promote support for the people of Pikit. According to Layson (2004: 8-9), The goal was to complement and not to duplicate or discredit the other. This was the kind of relationship that was developed between the church, NGOs and the government of Pikit . In 2000, the parish ventured into rehabilitation work. With the help of Tabang Mindanaw, the Pikit Parish helped facilitate the return of the evacuees from Barangay Nalapaan to their homes. The multi-ethnic village, which was severely affected by the armed conflict, was declared a Space of Peace. Its inhabitants appealed to both the MILF and the AFP to respect their declaration and spare Photo 3: The Parish of the Immaculate Conception,
Poblacion, Pikit
| 61
Barangay Nalapaan from becoming a battleground. At the end of the year, the parish carried out a two-month supplementary feeding program in the 42 villages of Pikit for 10,000 Muslim and Christian children aged six years old and below. The program, through the generous support of the Canada Fund, involved close coordination with the local government and national line agencies and utilized a combined force of Muslim and Christian mothers as village nutrition volunteers. In July 2001, the parish sponsored the training of 35 Muslim and Christian volunteers on stress debriefing, trauma healing, and para-counseling. The team was given the task of conducting psychosocial interventions for children of different age levels in the different conflict-affected villages in the municipality. The Pikit Parish made representations with local and international NGOs for assistance. It also embarked on a series of Culture of Peace seminars for local leaders, which included a study of Mindanao history, the processing of prejudices and biases, and cultural exchange. It established open lines with the military and the MILF, in the belief that in war, whether combatants or civilians, all are victims. Even though it received strong criticism from the Christian community, including religious and lay members of the Parish Pastoral Council and the provincial government, the dialogical approach with the Muslims and the MILF used by Fr. Layson helped to restore the collective trust between the Muslims and Christian communities in Pikit. Fr. Layson argues that his parish is not only for the Christian, but also for the Maguindanao and the Manuvu communities.19 Field workers from Balay and Balik Kalipay believe that the people of Pikit exhibit a higher peace awareness and are more compassionate towards evacuees compared to the neighboring municipalities.20 A loose coordinating group has served as an important mechanism for mobilizing and coordinating responses. It is composed of local and international NGOs and aid agencies like the Movimondo, Balik Kalipay, the Catholic Relief Services (CRS) and OxFam; the Mindanao Peoples Caucus; the LGUs; and the Pikit Parish. It aims to maximize resources in times of conflict or complex emergencies, avoid the duplication of efforts, and ensure that all intervention work is sensitive to the multi-cultural community and appropriate to the context of Pikit. It strongly believes in the need to integrate peace building efforts in any rehabilitation work for the latter to be sustainable. Any organization wishing to extend its services in Pikit has to coordinate with the group through the parish. The formation of the grouping is the result of a realization of the importance of convergence and complementation of efforts, and that competition may destabilize and adversely effect collective efforts to aid the displaced families. It was observed that during the 2000 and 2001 conflicts, some NGOs and funding agencies were not ready to work with the LGUs. Fr. Layson admits that membership in the group depends on an NGO or agencys willingness to work within its framework. The Pikit Parish Church is not the lead agency, but serves as the main coordinating body in multi-track rehabilitation and conflict prevention work, advocacy efforts for policy change, and support for the peace process.
building bridges of understanding, solidarity, and peace between children and youth: balays twinning of schools project
For those living far from the sights and sounds of conflict, the situation of children in situations of armed conflict (CSAC) may only be as real as the image of young boys and girls lining up for soup in evacuation centers that they see on television or the pictures of students sitting in the floor as they continue their education in bullet-ridden schools. Across the seas, the displaced children may also painfully watch other children on television and ask why they are not in school and playing like them. Like a silent whisper, we may hear the hint of distress afflicting those children, and yet not really see. Nor comprehend. (Balay Rehabilitation Center) The children and young people from the villages of Buliok, Bago-Inged, Barongis, Bulod, Dalengaoen, Gli-gli, Kabasalan, Macabual, Rajamuda, and Talitay are no strangers to war. These villages were among the 15 in Pikit that were severely affected when fighting erupted between government troops and MILF fighters in early 2003. Many of the children from these villages have experienced evacuation more than once in their lives, staying for months in cramped evacuation centers. They were unable to go to school, not just because of the armed conflict, but because their parents could not sustain their schooling due to lack of income. Others were ashamed of that fact that they were unable to pay the requirements for school. Driven by the need to help their families earn money to sustain daily life, many of the boys worked as porters. According to the results of a youth consultation workshop conducted by Balay (Lascano, 2003: 20), uncertain peace and order situation and access to education were among the primary concerns of these children. An understanding of peace and compassion forms the core of the Twinning of Schools Project of Balay, which only serves as a facilitator until such time that the partner schools in Metro Manila and Pikit can sustain the activities. As the conduit between potential partner schools, Balay initiates the orientation workshops until the formal linkage is established. In the initial part of the twinning, correspondence between schools and students from the two areas is coursed through Balay. Eventually, the children are able to directly establish communications through postal service and e-mail. Correspondence is not limited to letter writing, but also include the exchange of art works such as posters and drawings, with the frequency and themes determined by the participants. Linkages are done by grade level, by entire departments, peace clubs or schools, depending on the readiness of partner school authorities and students who are all part of the Peace Educators Network (PEN) (see also the volume on Peace Education). The project served 2,667 school children in Pikit during its first year of operation, school year 20032004.21 On its second year, the Twinning of Schools Project successfully linked up students from Pikit with their counterparts from private or exclusive schools in Metro Manila, including the Miriam College Grade School, Don Bosco High School, and Immaculate Conception Academy. Aside from raising the material support such as book donation campaigns, support for school fees, pad papers and school supplies for the children in the conflict-affected areas, the project aims to raise
| 63
awareness about the Mindanao peoples, their rich and diverse culture, and the conflicts and paths to peace taken for and by the young people. To encourage the participation of children and youth as rights holders, mutual solidarity actions such as joint or coordinated activities in commemoration of the Mindanao Week of Peace in November, the International Childrens Month in October, and the International Year of Peace in September are held. In November 2003, three young people from Pikit held a week-long campus tour in Metro Manila to draw support for peace-building efforts in Mindanao. More than 1,300 students attended the peace forums in seven schools in Metro Manila. The situation in Mindanao was shared from the perspective and language of the young people themselves. Information on the Muslims and indigenous peoples, and other related socio-cultural issues helped correct some biases against the peoples in Mindanao (Anasarias, 2004c: 22-23). Acording to Balay executive director Lorena dela Cruz, It corrected and widened the children and young peoples perception about Muslims, most of which they form from their interactions or observations of Muslim vendors in the flea markets and shopping centers in Manila or from what they see on television or the news regarding the Abu Sayyaf or the MILF. For their part, the Manila-based schools were able to collect several boxes of books and assorted school materials for the students of Pikit and Pagalungan in December. Moved by the solidarity they got, the teachers and students from Rajamuda elementary school began corresponding with the principal and students of Don Bosco High School. The students in Pikit were very thankful, saying that they felt loved by the outpouring of support from Manila, that there were Christians who cared after all, said de la Cruz. In essence, the Twinning of Schools Project is an attempt to cross boundaries and tear down walls of prejudice. As Balays concept paper puts it, is an initiative in reciprocity of experiences, ideas and mutual encouragement on the promotion of children as zones of peace.
indigenous responses: mangyans of mindoro

On the morning of July 31, 2003 in Talayob, Barangay Nicolas, Magsaysay in Mindoro Occidental, soldiers from the AFPs 16th Infantry Battalion killed a Mangyan family of four. Among those killed in the incident was the mother, who was eight-months pregnant, and her two young sons aged three and two. The incident also resulted in the displacement of 10 Mangyan families. The military claimed that the incident was a legitimate encounter with the CPP-NPA and that the family of Roger and Olivia Blanco was just caught in the crossfire. However, a fact-finding mission organized by the Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose found otherwise. The missions report said that witnesses, including the lone survivor and relatives of the deceased, contradicted the militarys account. The Vicariate also extended paralegal assistance to the bereaved families. Representatives of the Social Services Commission and the Mangyan Mission of the Vicariate of San Jose; the Office of Mangyan Affairs (OMA), which is the extension arm of the local government of Magsaysay tasked with handling the affairs of the Mangyan residents of the municipality; the HAGURA,
an indigenous peoples organization comprised of members of the Hanunoo, Gubatnon and Ratagnon Mangyan; and the PASAKAMI, the umbrella organization of five Mangyan organizations from throughout Mindoro, participated in the fact-finding mission. Subsequently, the Vicariate and the PASAKAMI organized several dialogues with representatives from the military, local and provincial governments, and the Office of the Presidential Adviser and the Peace Process (OPAPP). These dialogues became the venue for imparting the negative impact of militarization on the lives of Mangyan communities, and in securing agreements that would protect Mangyan civilians from further human rights violations. A dialogue process with local NDF representatives has also been initiated. The mechanism practiced by the PASAKAMI and its component organizations is evidence of both the strong non-interference policies of the respective Mangyan tribes in the affairs of the other tribes, and the steadily growing influence of a pan-Mangyan approach in facing issues that concern the entire Mangyan community in Mindoro. The different tribal organizations are autonomous in planning and carrying out programs in their respective territories, but they act as a cohesive unit in areas concerning the welfare of all Mangyans. All decision-making is done in consultation with the council of elders and traditional leaders of the different Mangyan groups to ensure that measures planned would be sensitive to their culture. Using their traditional methods of voting, the leaders for the tribal organizations are chosen. In turn, the leaders elect the person to lead PASAKAMI. Conflict prevention also forms the core of the Mangyan communitys search for peace. Mangyans are known to flee rather than fight and are generally non-confrontational. However, according to PASAKAMI Chairman Juanito Lumawig, serious conflicts can occur between the non-Christianized Tau-buid Mangyans clans of the same tribe or between tribes, especially on serious issues like territorial breaches. 22 Warfare, according to Mangyan informants, is waged only by the revered katuntunan, who are reportedly well-versed in magic and in the formulation of spells that could result in plague-like attacks on the opposing community. However, the exercise of such magical powers requires much responsibility and discretion on part of the katuntunan, who are restricted from using them against the tagapatag or lowlands or members of a different religion. Peace is negotiated when there have been enough deaths as a result of attacks and retaliations by the respective katuntunan of the warring tribes through their spells. On the issue of the entry of soldiers into their territories, the PASAKAMI asked during the dialogue with the AFP that the leaders of the communities be informed beforehand. They also asked the AFP not to use any member of the tribes as a guide nor use force and intimidation in dealing with them. They stressed that Photo 4: DJ on air at the DZVT, the soldiers or military units should respect indigenous culture and a radio station run by the Vicariate of San Jose Social not stay long in the tribal areas. For their part, the Mangyan tribes Action Center, and an active and grassroots organizations promised to try their best not to be champion for the Mangyans in
Mindoro Occidental.
| 65
influenced by the leftist groups.23 An appreciation of the distinct cultures of each of the Mangyan groups is important in understanding the psychosocial effects of the fighting between the AFP and the CPP-NPA units in Mindoro. According to members of the Tau-buid Mangyan, the mere presence of armed men in their territory, let alone the occurrence of atrocities and unfortunate events like the massacre in Magsaysay, is enough to send villagers fleeing to the forests or to other areas. They decried the desecration of sacred areas like the taguan or places where harvested crops are stored, the disrespect of the military towards the community, including the highly revered ulangan or council of elders and the katuntunan or hereditary traditional healer-leaders, and the theft of precious farm animals such as chickens and pigs by soldiers.24 These demands reflect the general Mangyan worldview, which is marked by a divide between the Mangyan and the non-Mangyan, the members of one tribe and their counterparts from other Mangyan groups, and the members of one tribe living in Mindoro Occidental and their counterparts from the Mindoro Oriental area. For example, the Hanunoo Mangyan term damuong refers to all non-Mangyan people, and to all outsiders. Used by Hanunoo mothers to hush up their crying babies, the term is defined as some kind of bogeyman or threat-object. The word kristiyano is also used as a synonym, suggesting the negative image that Mangyan groups have of their Christian neighbors (Servano, 2003). Like other Mangyan tribes, Tau-buid Mangyan families abandon their thatch houses after the death of a family member, whether by natural or unnatural causes, and move to a new area. The practice is based on the belief that the house is already full of bad luck and that abandoning it would prevent the ghost of the dead from haunting the living. The old house is then left to fall into disrepair. Moving to a new house appears to be helpful in the healing process. As a form of social support, the ulangan makes inquiries into the cause of death, on what the family needs, and helps to provide such needs as part of the collective support effort. The council also helps look for and determine the site of the new house. Appropriate burial rituals are performed by the katuntunan or by the Catholic priest. Prayers are offered against the reccurrence of such misfortunes. The immediate family of the deceased is never left alone by relatives and neighbors, who make great efforts to make the bereaved smile. The family of the deceased and people paying their respects to the dead are provided food and entertained by endless kamatuanan or storytelling and alubadan or singing. If, after a long period had passed since the death of their loved one, any member of the surviving family is still experiencing grief, he or she is sent to relatives living in a distant village or sitio. Again, there is the indigenous practice of separating them from the locality where the death occurred, and this is said to help facilitate healing and prevent any haunting by the dead. They are advised to return to their new home only when they believe that have recovered from the death of their loved one (ibid.). The council of elders of the tribe to which the Blanco family belonged also conducted these interventions to help the family of the victims. It is apparent that the Mangyan tribes, through their respective organizations like the HAGURA and
the PASAKAMI or the council of elders and traditional healers, have a range of responses based on their worldview and experience in interacting with people from other communities. They create spaces to heal the social wounds of armed conflict and political violence using indigenous knowledge, available resources, and linkages with organizations such as the Social Action Center of the Vicariate of San Jose and the Mangyan Mission in order to restore peace and stability in their communities.
make a connection: youth, private sector and NGO partnership in peace building
The 2000 Census of Population and Housing showed that multi-ethnic Cotabato City registered a total population of 163,849, more than 50 percent of whom are Maguindanaon. According to the National Statistics Office, about 83 percent of the total household population, aged five years and over, had at least attended or completed elementary education. However, the data was not disaggregated according to ethnolinguistic group. One will thus find many children and youth from the Teduray, Maguindanao, and Iranun families in Cotabato City who are unable to go to school due to extreme poverty. Life had appeared to be hopeless for Khomeini and Baila from Barangay Bucana until they were given the opportunity to join the two-year Philippine Youth Leadership Training Program (PYLTP) dubbed Make A Connection: Nurturing Future Leaders of the NDFCAI-WED. Khomeini and Baila are among the 50 out-of-school Teduray, Maguindanao, and Iranun youth aged 15-24 from remote and impoverished villages in Cotabato City who benefited and are still benefiting from the special project, a model project of cooperation between NGOs and the private sector towards peace building (Estabillo, 2004). Through skills training, micro-lending and credit assistance, the project hoped to build their selfesteem by helping (them) understand and appreciate themselves better as individuals and as members of a group with a distinct cultural identity. (MindaNews, May 23, 2003) As part of the project, Khomeini and Baila completed a four-module training workshop on topics such as the search for meaning and identity, cultural appreciation, indigenous leadership and knowledge, and community participation. The Consuelo Foundation and telecommunications firm Nokia provided funds for the initial capital awarded to the graduates of the training program to start their own enterprises. The children and youth involved in the project were encouraged to undertake individual or group projects that would benefit the individual and the indigenous community. Young Tedurays, Maguindanaon and Iranun Muslims from the villages in Pansacala, Bucana, and Kidpo have embarked on businesses like baking, silkscreen and framing, fish vending, and crab farming Estabillo, ibid.). The Make A Connection Project is an example of a social intervention that prevents the emergence of armed conflict eliminating the circumstances or possible pathways to the participation of
| 67
children in armed conflict. (Cagoco-Guam, 2002) It was pointed out that the design of the educational system in government and private schools caters to the cultural values and practices of the Christian lowland Filipinos. The modules in the training program address this observation, eliminating one of the reasons for a segment of a population to internalize the idea of separateness and to express such sentiment in radical armed struggle (ibid., p. 78). The project is an example of the conceptualization and implementation of appropriate and culturesensitive income-generating programs, with the project partners, in this case the Teduray, Maguindanaon and Iranon youth, identifying what they could do. It is a model of how a project could make use of locally available resources and indigenous knowledge and skills, and how the private sector could be tapped to provide the needed funds to start these programs leading to peace and development.
suara kalilintad (voice of peace)

News reports on the conflict in Mindanao often showed images of the bakwit or evacuees living in cramped evacuation centershelpless victims of war and, in military parlance, collateral damage. The bakwit are portrayed as powerless creatures, relying on other peoples support as they count the length of days in evacuation centers (Anasarias, 2004: 21). However, from June 24 to 26, 2003, some 80,000 evacuees, organized themselves into a groupthe Suara Kalilintad or voice of peace in Maguindanaonand staged a peaceful protest after the repeated calls for the cessation of hostilities between government troops and the MILF went unheeded. Trooping from the evacuation centers in Pikit, Pagalungan and Pagagawan [now Datu Montawal], the young and old evacuees gathered in Pagalungan, where they presented their six-point manifesto to the Secretary of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP). The document included a call for the government and the MILF panels to return to the negotiating table. With placards bearing their demands for a ceasefire and calls for peace, they formed a line along the Davao to Cotabato highway that stretched almost 10 kilometers. The event, an expression of Bakwit Power, was described as historicthe first ever collective action by people who experienced evacuations repeatedly ever since they can remember (Ibid, p. 23). Their manifesto read: We have ultimately placed our lives and safety in the hands of the merciful and ever-protective God, our Allah, our Magbabaya. But we realize that the conflict in Mindanao that has made us evacuees can be settled peacefully through negotiations and political settlement. We therefore dedicate Bakwit Power to this continuing search for the end of the conflict in Mindanao (ibid.). NGOs like Balay and Balik Kalipay, Muslim and Christian religious and traditional leaders and groups, local government and barangay officials, and peace networks based in Metro Manila and Mindanao hailed the peaceful protest action by the evacuees. From July 13 to 15, 2003. representatives from
the Suara Kalilintad participated in the 50-member team that conducted the Bantay Ceasefire 2 mission in Pagalungan and Pikit. They joined their barangay officials, and organizations such as Balay, Balik Kalipay, the Mindanao Peoples Peace Movement (MPPM), the Immaculate Conception Parish Church Pikit, and the Mindanao Peoples Caucus in the ceasefire-monitoring mission. The peaceful protest by the evacuees and Suara Kalilintad moved the military machinery of the AFP and the MILF to respond positively. On July 19, 2003, the government and the MILF declared a bilateral ceasefire and the resumption of the peace talks, which had stalled as a result of the eruption of fighting in February. Doubtless, the protests helped hasten the moves towards the cessation of hostilities. (ibid.) The Suara Kalilintad is an expression of the resilience of the evacuees. Bakwit Power stems from their collective acceptance of the difficulties they are facing and their firm sense of what is right and wrong. The peaceful nature of their July protest is proof of their capacity to be self-motivated. Suara Kalilintad speaks not only of peace but the desire of the evacuees to regain control over their lives.
| 69
conclusion
T
impact on policy
his section provides an over-all assessment of the various responses described in the impact of these projects
and strategies on the a) on the policy issue, b) on the ground-level situation, and c) on the perception, attitude, and behavior of primary stakeholders. A set of lessons learned and a conceptual diagram cap the case study.
The various strategies and projects described in the preceding sections made significant impacts on government and armed group policy. For example, political and legal mechanisms of protection of displaced communities and vulnerable groups like children have been identified, established and operationalized. Examples of these mechanisms are the development of an enhanced and more realistic community response disaster plan in a number of conflict-affected areas, and specific ordinances or local laws that support and legitimize the declarations by communities of their areas as peace zones. The coordinating councils of some barangay and municipalities have also become more functional. A strengthened and unified community spirit, and the bridging of differences has taken place. There is a growing a realization of the need for protection mechanisms at the grassroots level, given the perception especially in the remote areas that the national and even municipal governments are unable to effectively carry out their mandates. All these are greatly connected with a change in the perception, behavior, and attitude of the concerned population. Tasks and mechanisms, including existing structures, laws and policies, were laid out after conducting research and consultation in the planning stages. More systematic ways of resolving conflict were or are being institutionalized and these in turn, helped enhance or further complemented existing structures. This was true not only for government, but also for schools and other institutions. These bodies have adopted appropriate resolutions for inter-agency cooperation, memorandums of agreement to help solidify their commitment with the NGO concerned and with the community.
70

Some examples are resolutions for the mainstreaming of peace education in the curriculum, the celebration of important peace-related events such as the Mindanao Week of Peace, and memorandums of agreement between NGOs and LGUs for the provision of project counterparts. The projects and strategies were generally successful in mobilizing the support and resources of the barangay, municipal, provincial governments, government agencies and organizations, and other groups in the locality. The development of a close partnership between the NGO, community and the LGU embodied and institutionalized in resolutions and memorandums of agreement - resulted in significant accomplishments in the delivery of services. This happened despite the prevalent perception of NGOs that certain local government officials were not serious in their commitments to socioeconomic reforms. As a result, the projects helped evoke a strong sense of togetherness and cohesiveness among the target communities. Along with this is an increased credibility and capability of the local or existing structures of governance. From a psychosocial viewpoint, a strengthened community spirit and the utilization of existing community institutions like the church, barangay and even tribal council of elders, strongly helped in the provision of normalcy in the lives of the members of the community affected by armed conflict. It gave back to the community and individuals a sense of direction, which had been seriously eroded in the breakdown of normal structures in society as a consequence of armed conflict. The LGUs institutionalization of a community-based disaster response program gives them renewed hope that there would be someone who would come to aid them at their level. They no longer need to be dependent on outside help. This renewal of hope or trust towards government structures and community leaders helped facilitate the return of harmony, decreasing the level of uncertainty and confusion. All these, particularly the harnessing of the community in the search for solutions, helped the people believe in themselves again and in what they can achieve collectively or individually.
PST study
ground-level situation
The strategies and projects identified by the UP-CIDS-PST research team in this study made impacts at the ground-level situation. The impacts can be summarized in two key areas: the provision of conditions towards a safe environment and the laying of the groundwork for a secure economic base. Even if not substantial, many improvements were made in housing, health, and sanitation conditions. The communitys awareness on the importance of anti-environmental pollution measures, and ecological preservation and management was also increased. The repair and improvement of school facilities were also conducted. Through literacy programs, more avenues
CONCLUSION
| 71

for the accumulation of knowledge were provided to the community and individual. Through functional literacy and livelihood assistance projects, communities and families have become self-sufficient, allowing them to regain or create a secure economic base for themselves. This is crucial to the communitys recovery. In addition, at the more personal level, the projects helped rebuild family and community relations that were broken or strained as a result of the conflict or violence. The projects and programs generally improved the ground-level situation in the community in terms of rebuilding social relationships. An example would be the very good relations among Muslim, Christian, and indigenous people in Pikit. Although most projects targeted specific groups such as children or women, the multi-track efforts in rehabilitation, social reconstruction ultimately worked to benefit the entire community. Ensuring a safe environment also meant empowering the communities and the leaders in conflict management. As a result of the projects, the communities have become more eager in participating in communal activities, and more conscious in making systematic ways of resolving conflict as a part of their lives. They practice these new skills. Cultural biases and prejudices have lessened. With community participation playing a pivotal role, the projects helped foster deeper understanding on social issues, of the different cultures and religions, and respect for such differences. For example, individual families have become more able to manage their resources, more participative, and responsible for safeguarding and respecting the rights of its younger members. The communities concerned have also become more aware of their rights and the rights of other groups. A strong example is the formation of the Suara Kalilintad by the evacuees from the affected towns in the Cotabato and Maguindanao area. To further ensure a safe environment, the NGOs and community members strived towards a credible, respected peace and human rights and emergency response in their areas. They have become more vigilant against HRVs and determined in the search for justice. From the psychosocial viewpoint, the improvement of the ground-level situation helped rebuild the community spirit and sense of pride, and these in turn have helped revive communal and individual productivity. The improvement of the ground-level situation, whether through the provision of new shelters, the rehabilitation of schools, or conduct of cultural exchanges and peace-related events has a snowball effect, capitalizing on the havens or spaces of peace that have been achieved at the personal, family or interpersonal levels through psychosocial rehabilitation work. Any improvement in the housing, health and social conditions of the community goes beyond the economic returns, touching even the spiritual side or innermost core of an individual. Existing even in the midst of war, these havens or spaces of peace provide an atmosphere essential to the healing process of an individual, a family, a group of families, or a neighborhood. This positive atmosphere is further reinforced as they regain the power to do initiatives,

the strength to motivate themselves and others, the ability to solve problems, and the sense of belonging. The processing of shared experiences of misery and hardship through psychosocial intervention has helped facilitate the strengthening of community spirit and motivation towards change. Bayanihan is, after all, a general trait shared by all Filipinos regardless of ethnic grouping or religion. The various projects, like the peace festivals, have also helped foster greater respect for culture and community practices. Respect can be easily translated into the avoidance of using violence to achieve ones goals. Through the networks and linkages with organizations based in Metro Manila, the NGOs have also helped crystallize support from within and outside the community. There is the realization on the important role of culture and even ethnic identity, both of which are part of the problem and the solution. The various projects took different facets of the divergent cultures and concrete steps were undertaken to ensure the cultural-sensitivity of the projects and staff. A renewed sense of pride or identity in being a Yakan, Maguindanao, Teduray, or an Ilocano helped bring about healing with the beauty and value of their heritage as one main source or mechanism. While it appears that significant changes have been made at the policy, ground-level situation and the attitude, behavior and perception of the communities, the continuing threats to their security, such as the cyclical and unfinished nature of the conflict in Central Mindanao, present the possibility that whatever has been gained could be lost again in another war. Living under a situation of continuing threat, however, resulted in various ways of coping. Nonetheless, the projects have helped the communities to become less vulnerable, and more conscious of their rights.
perception, attitude and behavior of primary stakeholders

Before any gains or changes in the policies or ground-level situation were achieved, the community in general needed to have a deeper understanding of the social issues relevant to their lives. The programs needed to foster an increased awareness about local, national, and international issues and concerns that have a direct bearing on their search for peace and development. One important impact of the various projects and programs described in the preceding sections is the generation of a greater social consciousness on the situation, for example, of Muslim and IP communities, and specific groups such as IDPs. Perception, attitudes, and behaviors of the divergent communities towards members of other communities have greatly changed as a result of the multi-track interventions carried out by the NGOs. At the same time, the community and individuals affected by war were relieved from pain
CONCLUSION
| 73

and have become more open to the healing process. For example, Balik Kalipay reports that children have become more participative, gradually regained their trust in adults outside the family or community circle, and were able to release and process their thoughts and feelings about the conflict. The interventions have
Photo 5: Moslem religious dcor beside a Christmas ornament in a restaurant in Pikit.
helped prevent more pain and reduce whatever pain they are experiencing. The members of the commu-
nity in general were able to unload their traumatic experiences and enhance their coping mechanisms in the process. The various projects helped foster better relationships between Christian, Muslims and indigenous peoples. With the projects aimed towards developing them as productive members of their respective ethnolinguistic groups and religions, the once-warring communities learned to live in peace or at the very least, become more tolerant and accepting of their differences. Another impact is the emergence of a more realistic and resilient community and individual. The IDPs for example, have learned to accept the difficulties they are facing and they have made adjustments to the demands of their difficult circumstances. Through the projects, they have regained their capacity to be self-reliant and self-governing, with therapeutic constructions of reality reinforced through the various psychosocial interventions done by the NGOs. They have learned to recover from past wounds and move on with life. Corollary to these is their realization of the role of culture as a key element both in the problem the community is facing and the solutions that it may chose to adopt. In the identification and establishment of mechanisms for protection, community involvement was a strong component. Community leaders, whether elected officials, heads of religious groups and congregations, traditional power holders like tribal chieftains, and other key influential people were identified to become part of core groups. These groups played a vital role in the planning and implementation of the projects. Through different kinds of training, the leaders have become more competent in facilitating plans and analyzing issues and concerns faced by their respective constituents. The sense of control is given back to the leaders and the community, allowing them to become active partners in meeting their needs in times of crisis. Meanwhile, the children and youth, whose role in peace building is often side-stepped by the adult players, were given the chance to express their views about peace. They were given competencies in formulating action plans, solidifying their commitments in achieving lasting peace in their areas. More conscious of their rights to protection, development, and participation, the children from some of the localities declared themselves as zones of peace, and they called upon the AFP and the opposition armed groups to respect this declaration.

From a psychosocial viewpoint, the change in the perception, attitude and behavior of an individual or community affected by armed conflict presents great benefits in their over-all health, way of life, and in their manner of evaluating choices and doing the necessary actions towards more changes. For example, a person whose perception towards the Mangyan as a people that have a distinct culture may well have learned or developed a respectful attitude in dealing with members of this community. Any positive changes in the attitude and behavior will be noticeable and appreciated by the Mangyan and this will undoubtedly be reciprocated, given the universal trait of reciprocating goodness that others have shown. Again, there is a snowball effect and it would not be unthinkable for members of the non-Mangyan community to rally towards the general benefit of the Mangyan as barriers towards understanding are reconstructed into bridges. Both the Mangyan and non-Mangyan would feel better as a result and seek ways to show their capacities for respect and for showing humility, which are two important facets among cultures in the Philippines. There would be then a feeling among communities that they are not alone in their plight. Perceptions, attitudes and behavior are the fruit of generations of cross-cultural interaction, and history. The projects and programs have helped towards an acknowledgement of the various points of view regarding sensitive issues such as land-ownership and self-determination for the Muslim and indigenous peoples of Mindanao. Often, by understanding the roots of conflict, the community can make their way up towards amicable solutions through dialogue and consultation. There is the realization on the important role of culture in defining conflict situations and resolution. Positions towards issues are clarified, and divergent communities become more open towards looking at the different ways they go about things. Communities and individuals, in the process, learn to deal with conflict properlyeven on a daily basisand with understanding about the different contexts of the conflict. Just as patterns of thinking, societal rules and obligations contribute to the creation or continuation of conflict, they can also be pathways towards peace building and healing.
lessons learned
PRW is a work in progress. Several lessons can be drawn from the experiences of CSOs to address the psychosocial consequences of violence and armed conflict. The various responses undertaken by these organizations show a wealth of good practices that could be applied in providing PRW in communities that have been ravaged by war and experienced periods of armed conflict. The following are eight themes identified by the UP-CIDS-PST on the lessons learned by CSOs doing PRW in the Philippines:
CONCLUSION
| 75

Individuals, institutions and members of the community need to be dynamic and creative to address the psychosocial consequences of armed conflict and violence at the personal and collective levels. The experiences of CSOs oriented towards PRW in the Philippines point to the importance of building the capacities of individuals, institutions, and communities as a valuable step in addressing the psychosocial consequences of violence and armed conflict. These include conflict management skills. In conducting PRW, organizations stressed the importance of maintaining credibility in the eyes of the people they wish to servepaying attention not to be closely identified with a political entity or particular religious group. It was revealed during the FGDs in Cotabato and Basilan, that some NGOs were closely identified with certain politicians such that a change in administration made it difficult for them to operate in areas controlled by the rivals of the politicians with whom they had been identified. In conducting PRW, organizations stressed the importance of involving the community, exploring all possible strategies in addressing the issues and concerns. Programs and staff note the importance of paying attention to local nuances, and being careful to become sensitive to culture, beliefs, and traditions of the community. There is the need to be careful not to encourage a dole-out mentality among the stakeholders. By allowing them an active role in the planning, implementation of the projects, they are given a sense of ownership. There is the importance of being non-selective in the provision of psychosocial services and to be transparent in dealings and provision of services, monitoring and evaluation. This means that the provision of services should not be based on religious and ethnolinguistic affiliation, gender, and socioeconomic standing. Networking, linkages and partnerships with LGUs, traditional and key leaders of the community are important. Organizations and workers need to observe a code of conduct to ensure continued good relations with the community, such as observing principles of confidentiality, being gender-, child-, and culture-sensitive and other simple practices such as wearing appropriate clothes when visiting Muslim areas. Programs have to be dynamic and creative to be able to address the needs of the community and there should be constant evaluation and monitoring on the part of the staff to determine the successes or failures/weaknesses or strengths of a given program. Integrative community-based approaches have been described as more successful. There is a need to create (or review and reinforce existing) laws, policies, ordinances, and resolutions on the provision of psychosocial care for people who have experienced armed conflict. However, careful emphasis must be placed in identifying local healing ways and practices. There is also the need to care for the caregivers, to ensure their

safety and well-being.
There is the need to establish programs to address the consequences of violence in areas such as Mindoro Occidental, and the need to push civil society groups to take a more active role in this regard. Much more training needs to be done, stressing the important role of the LGUs in the provision of these trainings, which need to be culture-sensitive.
The experience of CSOs in the Philippines in addressing the psychosocial consequences of armed conflict/violence points towards an existing close association between psychosocial rehabilitation work and developmental work. However, the association of both these areas with peace building remains an unexplored and promising area for cooperation, coordination, and complementation in the search for national peace. As a conclusion, the following diagram describes convergence between peace building, psychosocial rehabilitation, and development work.
PEACE Convergence Diagram
Diagram 1: Developed by UP-CIDS-PST researcher Marco P. Puzon for the paper Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conflict/Violence.
CONCLUSION
| 77
a journey for all of us: peace building and psychosocial work
introduction
an introduction to the manual
What could tree-planting activities possibly have to do with peace building? Does linking children from private schools in Metro Manila with their peers in the predominantly Moslem barangays of Pikit and Pagalungan in Central Mindanao contribute to the elusive goal of peace? What is it in our hearts and the collective spirit that could aid us in our endeavor to attain lasting peace in the Philippines? What is meant by the term psychosocial and what does it have to do with peace building? Given both the tangible and intangible consequences of war, can we link peace building efforts with those that help address the psychosocial needs of a community ravaged by or constantly under the threat of armed conflict? Often, we have seen images of entire families crowded in evacuation centers soon after conflict erupts between government forces and groups such as the Communist Party of the Philippines - New Peoples Army (CPP-NPA) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). But can we know what is in the hearts of these people? While peace is what we have long been aspiring for, the need to look into the psychosocial aspect of our efforts to attain peace is either overlooked or unrealized. This manual hopes to respond to this need to look into what Cotabato-based peace advocate Fr. Bert Layson, OMI, calls the invisible effects of war that are harder to address.
an invitation to a journey
Even the most legendary and most unforgettable of journeys began with a single step. In January 2004, then through the Department of Interior and Local Government United Nations Development Programme (DILG-UNDP) Program, peace and human rights advocate and academician Miriam Coronel Ferrer asked the Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights Program of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UPCIDS-PST) to become part of an exhaustive and pioneering work to document the experiences of civil
81

society organizations (CSOs) in the national search for peace since the fall of Marcos in 1986. The UPCIDS-PST team was consequently formed composed of its co-convenor Dr. Elizabeth Protaciode Castro, as the projects Thematic Coordinator, program manager Agnes Z. Camacho, and researcher Marco Paa Puzon. The journey took Marco and Agnes to the provinces of Basilan, Cotabato, and Mindoro Occidental in May and June 2004. There, they conducted focused group discussions (FGDs) with NGO workers and volunteers from the following organizations: Christian Childrens Fund (CCF) Basilan, Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc., the Community Education, Research and Extension Administrations Institute for Peace and Development Studies of the Southern Christian College (SCC-CEREA-IPDS), the Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities, Inc. Women in Enterprise Development (NDFCAI-WED), Balik Kalipay, the Mindanao Office of the Balay Rehabilitation Center, and the Federation of Mangyan Organizations or PASAKAMI, and the Social Action Center (SAC) of the Vicariate of San Jose, Mindoro Occidental. In the latter part of the year, Marco, with invaluable comments and insights from Elizabeth and Agnes, came up with the draft document entitled Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conflict and Violence. The study identified the activities undertaken by Philippine CSOs to address the psychosocial consequences of conflict or violence. It presented an evaluation of such interventions and determined the impact of these activities on the policy issue, ground-level situation, and the perception, attitude and behavior of primary stakeholders. The study showed that different contexts necessitated different forms of intervention and led to different outcome. The various organizations different approaches are important to discern insights, lessons, impact of civil society peace-building, particularly efforts to address the consequences of armed conflict and violence. The UP-CIDS-PST study resulted in this manual. Freelance artist, educator, and consultant Perlyn Lakan Bunyi, who joined us at this stage of the journey, wrote the engaging activities for the modules. He also developed two syllabi in the conduct of a basic or comprehensive training program towards the convergence of peace building with psychosocial help and developmental work. With all those involved in the making of this module and the NGO workers and volunteers who have unselfishly lent their time and shared their experience, this manual is an invitation to join us in the arduous journey towards peace and towards helping dedicated people heal themselves and others from the unseen effects of armed conflict and violence.
what are the objectives of the manual?

A Journey for Us All: Converging Peace Building with Psychosocial Help and Develop-
82 | L E A R N I N G M O D U L E S

mental Work is part of the challenge faced by Philippine society to heal the less visible wounds of war, integrating it in the process of transforming the violent nature of the conflict into a more positive atmosphere amenable to the resolution of the root causes of the armed conflict. While it aims to help readers, particularly government and NGO workers, policy makers, project implementers, and LGUs towards the convergence of peace building with psychosocial help, the manual leaves much to the experience and contexts of the users. What we have written here is by no means complete or comprehensive. The discussions in the manual are meant to help the readers embark on their own journey to understand the need and to make concrete actions to address the psychosocial consequences of violence and armed conflict. Specifically, the manual has these objectives: 1) To inculcate the need for psychosocial interventions in peace-building and the importance of understanding contexts and realizing diversity in the search for peace; 2) To show through examples how psychosocial interventions have became part of the broader work in peace-building, whether through programs (such as of NGOs) or as part of indigenous practices 3) To provide lessons learned and practical advise in mainstreaming psychosocial work in peace-building; 4) To help readers make their own programs and plans in mainstreaming psychosocial work in peace building.
how should this manual be used?

The manual is composed of three parts: Part One, Understanding Conflict Situations, and their Consequences; Part Two, Finding the Psychosocial in Peace Building and Addressing the Consequences of Conflict; and Part Three, Preparing for the Journey - Raising the Sails. Each of the three parts is subdivided into chapters, which are further divided into modules, each of which focuses on a particular topic. Part One is divided into two modules. Chapter One, Conflict, Structural Violence and Conflict Situations, introduces structural violence as one of the root causes of the conflict, and the basic themes that are highlighted in conflict situations throughout the world. Chapter Two, Understanding the Consequences, treats readers to a description of the impact and consequences of political violence on the ground level. Part Two is divided into four modules. Chapter Three, Psychosocial Help, provides a brief discussion on the development of psychosocial work in the Philippines and a general description of such activities as taken from the experiences of the NGOs in the country. Chapter Four, Addressing the Consequences, describes the various efforts by CSOs in addressing the conse-
INTRODUCTION
|83

quences of armed conflict in the Philippines. It also provides specific case studies on psychosocial interventions. Chapter Five, Towards Convergence, prepares the readers to understand and appreciate efforts towards the convergence of peace building, psychosocial help, and developmental work. Part Three serves as an examination tool for readers in evaluating and programming local or community-based efforts to address the psychosocial effects of armed conflict in their respective areas. It is divided into three modules. Chapter Six, Preparing for Journey, helps readers identify their concept of peace and the means to achieve it. Chapter Seven, Setting the Sails, provides readers insights into facilitating and hindering factors in addressing the consequences of armed conflict and violence. This chapter also suggests ways for groups to develop an action plan. At the end of the manual, we present two syllabi for the conduct of a basic or a comprehensive training program that emphasizes the convergence of peace building, psychosocial help, and developmental work.
the first step

In conducting a workshop, there are some important considerations, such as the size, age, educational and socio-economic backgrounds of the participants; the experience and number of facilitators; and the venue of the workshop. The people at the workshop may not know each other, and have only met for the first time. As such, introductions are always in order. It is important for participants and facilitators to know one another and to lessen inhibitions that may hinder the flow of the workshop. It is also important for the facilitator to have an idea about the attitudes of the participants in order to anticipate possible problems that may arise during the workshop. Participants and facilitators also need to discuss their expectations and limitations about the workshop. It may be helpful for both to ask the following questions: What do I expect from this workshop? What could I contribute? What are my limitations in joining this workshop? How do I plan to use what I will learn from this workshop?
Just as importantly, the participants need to be given an overview of the program and workshop guidelines. And do not forget the icebreakers! They are always the favorite, most awaited, and most memorable part of any workshop. We leave the preliminaries to the imagination and expertise of the facilitators as long as the

objectives are met effectively and as long as the games or exercises may be applicable to the culture and sensitivity of the participants. There are many books that can be used as a source of adaptable exercises. The manuals developed by the Philippine Educational Theater Association (PETA), for example, are an excellent source of materials for conducting the preliminaries.
premilinaries
Focal Topics: Ice breakers, Introductions, Expectations-check, Program Overview, Work shop Guidelines, Attitude Setting Time: Objectives: 90 mins To set the mood and tone of the workshop To get-to-know one another To be oriented on the program objectives, flow and schedules To create workshop rules and guidelines
INTRODUCTION
|85
part one: understanding conflict situations and their consequences
introduction
war erupts on Jolo Island25

On September 16, 2000, at around 3 p.m., news from the Bombo Radyo network in Zamboanga City reported that special operations forces had begun a fierce assault on the Abu Sayyaf bases on Jolo Island to secure the freedom of the twenty remaining hostages from Sipadan, among them three Malaysians, two Frenchmen and one American. Backed by bombers and helicopter gunships, the combined elements of the military and police were expected to finish the campaign in a week. According to the report, the military was enforcing a news blackout and that the areas of military operations like the towns of Talipao, Maimbung, and Patikul, were declared off limits to civilians, including humanitarian aid workers. Many people have been caught in the crossfire and hundreds of thousands of evacuees began to stream into Jolo town. Ship schedules to and from Jolo were suspended and all communication links with the island were cut off. The eruption of conflict in Jolo and the militarys rhetoric to bring the extremists down in a week brought little cheer to the men of a small Christian village in Basilan, who said that it would take more than troops, bombers, and gunships to rid Jolo and Basilan of the feared and much-hated Abu Sayyaf. With the strong perception that some military and government officials were in cahoots with the Abu Sayyaf, the men in the village said that the operation would never succeed. Kill one of them and a younger relative, most probably the son, will take his place to take revenge, said an old man. The women, meanwhile, became extremely worried, for they had some relatives still living in Jolo. Two relatives of one of the women had left Basilan the other day for Jolo via Zamboanga City to visit family members. With the news blackout and the severed transportation and communication links, there was no way of knowing anything. All the villagers feared that the war in Jolo might be a repeat of February 1974 and escalate to the neighboring islands, including Basilan.
We begin Part One with a description of how the small Christian village of Magpantay in Basilan felt about the news of the eruption of fighting between Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) units and government troops on the neighboring island of Jolo. The news of war is not welcome news. The article provides us an insight of how a small community strongly saw the futility of any military solution to end the conflict in Jolo. Despite the distance between the islands of Basilan and Jolo,
89

the news of the war brought only anxiety and fear. These are reactions of a people who are not strangers to war and violence. Also striking is how the men perceived the actors in the conflict. With memories of stories about Jolos destruction in February 1974 still lingering among the adults of Magpantay, time appears to have failed to heal old wounds. Among many people in Mindanao, the memories of the disastrous war between the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the dictatorial regime of Ferdinand E. Marcos remain fresh. Unfortunately, the Philippine government, from Marcos to Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, has always used the military option in its effort to attain peace in areas that are under the control or sphere of influence of groups like the ASG, MILF, and CPP-NPA. After hearing the same news bulletin on the Bombo Radyo network, would anyone from the Christian or Tausug community living in Metro Manila or any city or village in Luzon or the Visayas react and think the same way as did the villagers of Magpantay? What memories would these two groups have of a war that erupted more than 20 years ago? Would they even care that war had again erupted in Jolo? Do they see the military solution as the means to end the conflict in Mindanao? What could they be thinking as national news networks show footages of masked men in camouflage waving their high-powered guns and recoilless rifles in the air? What runs in their mind after seeing footages of battle-hardened Marines marching single file behind Simba tanks and armed personnel carriers? What do they think about places such as Basilan and Jolo and the people who live there? Do they believe that peace in these islands can ever be achieved at all?
chapter one: conflict, structural violence and conflict situations

module one
iba kayo, iba kami (were different, youre different)
Focal Topics: Common and Differential Characteristics, Definition and Forms of Conflict Time: Objectives: 40 min To identify different individual and collective capacities To identify commonalities and differences among people and groups To introduce the concept of conflict, its definition and forms Materials: 2 pcs - Manila papers 2 pcs - Markers Chants sheets Mechanics:
learning modules
1) 2)
Participants form two teams. For five minutes, each team makes a list of individual and collective talents. The more talents are listed, the better
3)
The facilitator teaches both teams a chant May ibang galing ang team naming/ May ibang galing sa team ninyo/ Kaya nyo ba, kaya nyo ba ito? (Our team has a different talent/ Different from yours/ Can you, can you do this?)
4) 5) 6)
The game begins with team A chanting and doing a particular talent on their list. Team B responds by chanting again and doing a different talent on their list. No talent is repeated in the first level of the game.
91

7) Steps 4 and 5 are repeated several times ensuring everybody is enjoying the game while team spirit is being developed. 8) In the second level, the chant is changed: Mas magaling ang team namin/ Mas magaling sa team ninyo!/ Kaya nyo ba, kaya nyo ba ito? (Our team is better/ Much better than yours! Can you, can you do this?) 9) Team B begins by chanting and doing a particular talent on their list. Talents that were previously presented can be shared again. 10) Instead of sharing another talent, team B responds by outdoing the other teams presentation. 11) The facilitator guides the teams if talents will be individual or collective in each round of exchange. 12) Team B then chants again and presents another talent while team A responds. 13) The facilitator can also coach teams to showcase their version of a particular talent such as: singing, dancing, ramp modeling, news reporting, acting, miming, reciting poem, etc. 14) Discussion follows.
Guide Questions What did you feel/think while playing the game? What did you discover about yourself, your team, and the others? In the course of the game, how would you describe your relationship with your teammates and with the opposite team? What is conflict and how does it manifest in our everyday lives?
deepening
differences and similarities
Note to facilitator: Let the participants gather around in a circle. Ask them to close their eyes and listen to the following.
Imagine yourself as an adventurous tourist in some faraway village in a dry and often parched land. In fact, you are one of the very few outsiders who has ever ventured to this place, which has no electricity, potable water, and none of the usual comforts you are accustomed to. You find yourself surrounded by long-haired women wearing black and white pantaloons and tubular skirts. You smile at them, and they

smile back, with teeth blackened from years of chewing betel nut. Only three of the men are wearing Western-style clothing. Most are walking naked except for loincloths, and they are all carrying large knives. The children run about you naked. They offer you their delicacies made from cassava, a root crop that you have never seen in your life! These people speak a language somewhat similar to yours, but you can only understand a few familiar phrases. But when you produce your camera, the women and children quickly scurry away, waving their arms and covering their faces. You catch the attention of the men. Some of them begin to crowd around you, and they sound very angry. But rain suddenly falls, and to your surprise, everyone in the village started jumping, shouting with joy. Meanwhile, you instantly run for cover, much to the amusement of the villagers who seem to have forgotten the episode with the camera, and waved at you to join their dance under the rain. How would you feel? Would you feel any different from the villagers? Was there anything that you found in common with them? Would you feel that you were better than anyone in village? Would you join the villagers in dancing in the rain?
points for discussion

All individuals are unique creations with a distinct set of characteristics, capabilities, and DNA. Being unique, each human being is different from the rest of the members of the same species.
Culture also plays a strong role in differentiating communities, but there are stark similarities among people, even among those belonging to distinctly different cultures and societies.
Sometimes the differences are paid more attention than the commonalities that comparison results into competition and othering whos better or superior, and whos inferior. It is this competition and othering that sometimes result in conflict.
inputs
what is conflict?

Conflict, as a verb, means to come into direct disagreement, as of ideas and interest. As a noun, it has the following meanings: a battle or struggle, antagonism or opposition, and incompatibility or interference.
Conflict manifests in different forms. Sometimes it is physical, and sometimes it is verbalas shown by a calm debate or heated exchange. Sometimes it is internala kind
C H A P T E R O N E | 93

of conflict wherein actors react emotionally to contrasting ideas or beliefs without the use of words or resorting to physical in action. Often, a verbal conflict can quickly erupt into something ugly, with actors resorting to physical means. Conflict arises from different sources: humans vs. humans, humans vs. nature, humans vs. society, and humans vs. ideologies. Conflict may involve individuals, groups, or both. Conflict may result in a situation where one group wins over another, a stalemate, or a compromise. Conflict also occurs because of the lack of information; and the tendency to overlook or ignore the interests, values, and needs of others.26 On the other hand, conflict can be a beneficial and constructive process, and definitely there are lessons to be learned. But if left unmanaged, conflict generates fear, anger, frustration, insecurity, and other negative emotions that would make people aggressive and force others to conform to their needs, interests, and values.27
what is structural violence and its manifestations?

The handbook on peace education by the Notre Dame University defines structural violence as one that is built into societys structures and made manifest in unequal life chances founded on unequal power the UPCIDS-PST points out that the situations of conflict in the Philippines can be regarded as mere symptoms of structural violence, and the potentials of structural violence to bring physical harm, such as murder, war or terrorism, cannot be missed. As such, an understanding of the effects of structural violence on peace is important, since it is one of the causes, if not the principal cause, of the absence of peace in Mindanao.28 The Teaching Peace, Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Teaching Manual, written and released by the UP-CIDS-PST in 2003, provides as excellent discussion on structural violence and its manifestations in Philippine society as a whole and in Mindanao in particular. The manual identifies four manifestations of structural violence, namely, gender discrimination, globalization, poverty, and social injustice, and all these greatly contribute to the absence of peace because they breed discontent and dissension among people.
module two
anong bali-balita? (whats in the news?)
Focal Topic: Area Situationer Time: Objectives: 90 min To learn about the different conflict situations in all the areas represented To identify common and unique features of the various conflict situations To identify certain trends and development in conflict situations To produce an output to be used in a latter activity Materials: At least 10 pcs Manila paper At least 10 pcs - Cartolina 10 pcs -Markers 3 boxes -Craypas 3 small bottles - Glue Available Colored papers 10 pairs - Scissors 3 balls - Strings/yarns Improvised microphones and video-camera Mechanics: 1) The facilitator teaches the participants an action-chant: Itong lugar, itong lunan/ Itong pook, kalagayan/ Kakanyahan, katangian/ Mahalaga na malaman! (This place, this space/ This area, the situation/Particularities, characteristics/ All important to know!) 2) The facilitator asks the participants to identify the key message(s) of the chant by way of introducing the importance of knowing the place and its situation. 3) Then participants group together according to location (i.e., by purok/sitio/baryo/village, by barangay, by municipalities, by province, by island whatever is most appropriate and applicable). 4) 5) Each team draws a map of their area on Manila paper. Members share information about the area covering the following significant characteristics: geography, demography, politics, economics, socio-culture, history, etc. Special attention must be given to data related to the conflict in the area (specially the policy, ground-level situation and mindset of stakeholders to be used in a later activity). 6) Important facts and figures can be drawn and/or written within or outside the area

boundaries. Art materials and found objects can be used to create three-dimensional representation. The name of the area must be properly identified. 7) On separate half-sheets of cartolina, the teams draw images of the area before and after the conflict, carefully noting key changes that occurred as a result of the conflict. 8) When done, teams post their maps and pictures on the wall (or, when not possible, let them sit on the floor) transforming the entire room into a gallery. 9) Participants move around in a single flock to view every visual output and learn about the conflict situation in other areas. 10) Each team presents the visual outputs in the style of news reportingwhere some members can be journalists doing field interviews with the locals. 11) Plenary discussion follows.
Guide Questions Where is the place located? What areas surround it? How many people live in the area? Is it an ethnically diverse or culturally homogeneous community? What are the demographics on the population in terms of age distribution, gender, and educational attainment? What is the functional literacy situation in the area? What is the public health situation in the area? What are typical causes of deaths in the community? What are common diseases in the area? How do people live in this area? What are the sources of livelihood of the people? What events in the past significantly contributed to its present condition?
barangay takepan, pikit, cotabato29

Barangay Takepan is one of the forty-two barangays comprising the Municipality of Pikit, Cotabato Province. Its name is derived from the Maguindanao word for fish trap. Multi-ethnic Takepan is one of the seven barangays composing the so-called Ginapaladtaka area, which was declared as a Space for Peace on November 28, 2005. Ginapaladtaka is an acronym coined from the names of these seven barangays: Ginatilan, Nalapaan, Panicupan, Lagunde, Dalengaoen, Takepan, and Kalakecan. Takepan is further divided into seven smaller political units called sitios, namely: Brotherhood One, Brotherhood Two, Central, Gantung, Pag-Asa, Saranay, and Vilo. The largest and most prosperous of the Ginapaladtaka barangays, Takepan, according to a September 2002 survey, had a household population of 246. According to Barangay Captain Tiburcio Flores, there are 453 households or a population of 2,749 as of 2004. The National Highway bisects the village, and the various buses and jeeps plying the area meet the transportation needs of the community. Main transmission lines of the electricity grid servicing the Central Mindanao region traverse Takepan, particularly in Sitio Pag-Asa. There is no water utility servicing Takepan. Water is sourced from wells, ground pumps, and springs. Cemented areas, called ovens and used for drying rice grains and coconut meat, have been built in six of the sitios. They also double as basketball courts and venues for local meetings and celebrations, particularly during fiestas. Small places of worship can be found in the sitios, such as the mosque in Sitio Gantung and a Christian chapel in the Brotherhood One area. In comparison to the paved National Highway, the barangay roads, or those leading to the inner areas were unpaved, and in the case of the road leading to Pag-Asa, impassable to ordinary vehicles and best suited to animal-drawn carts, four-wheel drive vehicles, and the trailera tractor-like vehicle common to Southeast Asia. The population is ethnically mixed. Although Takepan is predominantly Christian, demographics vary from sitio to sitio. Gantung is a predominantly Muslim area, while Central is predominantly Christian. The various ethnic groups in Takepan include the Maguindanao, who have inhabited the area for centuries, and descendants of Christian migrants from the central and northern part of the Philippines. Filipino is spoken throughout the barangay, followed by other languages such as Maguindanao, Cebuano, Ilonggo, Waray, and Ilocano. It is not uncommon for residents of Takepan to speak two (or even more) of these languages. English is also understood, but mainly by those who had received some level of education. Most of the migrants belong to the Roman Catholic Church, while a significant portion belong to Protestant groups such as the Iglesia Ni Kristo. As the locus of social activity in Barangay Takepan, Sitio Central houses the elementary and high school, the barangay hall, day care and health center. Due to its proximity to the downtown or Poblacion area of Pikit, Takepan has no large market. As in many areas in the rural Philippines, Takepans commercial activity builds up toward market day, in this case, that of the big market in the Pikit Poblacion. The main source of livelihood is from farming, mainly rice, corn, coconuts, root crops, and cash crops such as cocoa, and many varieties of tropical fruit. Roughly ninety percent of income
is generated through farming activities, with average daily incomes between Php 60-80 [or one to two US dollars]. Many of the families tend cows and water buffalo, despite the frequent cases of cattle rustling. While many different kinds of fish are obtained from the small creeks in the area, fishing is of no great commercial value. Some people in the community weave thatch walls from materials called sawali or kalakat. There are some local healing ways done by the people in Takepan: Men are cooperating to return to their farms. They take turns guiding property while others work in the field and tend to the animals. In Brotherhood One, there are complimentary and practical activities assisted by the Balay Rehabilitation Center. These include community gardens, and activities that are very fitting to the local way of life. With a long history of armed conflict, the Ginapaladtaka area, including Takepan, has seen intense fighting between government forces and the MILF. Near the Sitio Central, an army detachment is located along one section of the National Highway. Locals said that the power transmission lines are particular targets of the MILF. In one incident, explosives were planted in one of the transmission towers, but these were discovered by the local boys and detonated in a safe area by the responding army bomb experts. Some parts of Takepan are acknowledged by locals as highways used by the MILF troops when moving to and from their encampments. The most recent eruption of violence occurred in early 2003. Most of the residents of Sitio Pag-Asa evacuated their homes after some 300 MILF soldiers opened fire on one of the houses located in the periphery, which later prompted the response by government forces. Accounts of the cause of the conflict vary. One side maintains that the MILF were harassing the residents of Pag-Asa. Another said that the MILF troops, who had signified no intentions of attacking, were only passing through the area. They returned fire after someone from the village had reportedly shot at them first. One of the members of the responding local defense unit, a nineteen-year-old man, was killed, and a couple of others, including a seventeen-year-old, were grazed by bullet fire. For three months after the incident, the residents of Pag-Asa lived in their houses during the day and went on with their daily lives but returned to their makeshift houses along the highway at night to ensure their safety. The local men organized night watches. An undetermined number of male teenagers and young people from the community also joined in these patrols, which were a collective response in ensuring safety and protecting the community. Such patrols were not created to repel an attack by the better-armed MILF, but only act as a warning-relay system to alarm the residents to evacuate to safer areas. Another source of conflict in Takepan is the endemic phenomenon of rido or blood feuds among the Maguindanao. One case, which had simmered down due to the intervention of elder members of the community, involves two closely related branches of a Maguindanao family. The incumbent barangay captain, a retired member of the military, nonetheless adopted a neutral and impartial policy in dealing with the warring factions. This is a decision widely supported by the Barangay Council. Residents of Takepan also identified another actor in the area: Third Parties. These are the kidnap-for-ransom (KFR) groups operating in the Central Mindanao region.
deepening
backgrounders and situationers
Read the backgrounder on the village of Takepan in Pikit, Cotabato Province. This was the result of a week of data gathering by an international team as part of the pre-test of the document Guidelines for Psychosocial Support in Emergencies, which is being developed by the Regional Emergency Psychosocial Support Network (RESPN) in cooperation with UNICEF.
What does the backgrounder tell us about Takepan, its people, their way of life, and the nature of the conflict in the area?
Is the barangay any different from or any similar to your hometown or to other places you have visited in the Philippines?

What do you think about the information contained in the backgrounder? Does the backgrounder tell us how armed conflict and the threat of violence have affected the lives of the people in Takepan?

Does it show us local understanding of conflicts and the reasons they occur? As peace builders, development or psychosocial aid workers, would the information gathered be of any use in case you were tasked to conduct or implement a project in the village?

Are there other NGOs working in the area? Is there any other information that you would need to know?
Point for discussion: A comprehensive look into the conflict situation in an area necessarily includes understanding its geography, demography, history, politics, economics, culture and a host of other relevant characteristics. Information on the area will enable us to better assess and analyze the situation so we can create context-based responses that fit the ground-level situation.
inputs
why research?
Four key words in research:

Accuracy Is the information accurate or reliable? Source Who are the sources of information? Methodology What were the methodologies used in gathering such information? Purpose Who will use the information and how will they use it?

Research should not be confined to academic institutions. Research is a means of communication for discovery of new knowledge and for sharing knowledge with the wider community.30 This wider community includes policy makers, the donor community, project implementers, and field practitioners in the areas such as peace building, development work, and psychosocial help. On the issue of children and armed conflict, for example, there is the need for integration with different areas of social inquiry and research such as health and medicine, peace keeping, education.31 Any research agenda should: Incorporate the needs of the different actors in the field practitioners, academics, and policy makers and advocates; Promote exchange, collaboration, and coordination through creative links that also includes the different kinds of institutions involved in the production, dissemination, and use of knowledge on the issues at hand, such as the impact of armed conflict on children; Strengthen policy and practice in areas such as peace building, development work and psychosocial help; Directly involve war-affected communities; Build capacities of people in the conflict-affected areas.32
Research plays a vital role in policy making and practical actions on behalf of the communities affected by armed conflict. After all, when conducted in a manner that connects, shares, exchanges knowledge with the affected populations, research itself is a mode of constructive intervention.33 UPCIDS-PST researchers, for example, use indigenous methods of interviewing: pagtatanongtanong (asking questions) and pakikipagkwentuhan (exchanging stories). When dealing with children involved in armed conflict, for example, the researchers are careful to ensure that the childrens participation in the research process is done appropriately and sensitively to avoid harm and to help them process their thoughts at the end of the interview. It is helpful to involve local people who speak the language and understand the culture of the area and the dynamics among the actors in the community.
module three
ang lumalaking bola ng kaguluhan (the growing ball of conflict)
Focal Topic: Causes of Armed Conflict Time: Objective: Materials: 40 min To identify the causes of armed conflict (direct and indirect) At least 30 pcs - Bond papers 3 boxes - Crayons/craypas Mechanics: 1) Prior to the activity, the facilitator prepares a small box containing strips of paper marked: military, government, civilians, CPP-NPA, MNLF, MILF, NGOs, religious sector, women, children/young people, ASG, etc. The number of strips of paper must equal the number of the participants. Therefore, some words may have 2 or more duplicates. 2) 3) 4) 5) Each participant draws out a strip of paper from the box. Participants with similar words group together. Each team is given a set of bond papers and a marker. Participants write down one item per bond paper as many causes of conflict they can identify. 6) 7) 8) 9) When done, each team presents its identified causes. All papers are placed on the floor, with similar answers put on top of each other. Discussion follows. The participants choose from the items on the floor the primary/top cause(s) of the conflict. This paper is crumpled into a ball, while the rest becomes layers one on top of the other, thus creating a giant ball, like a bowling ball. 10) This ball will be used in the succeeding exercise.
Guide Questions

What causes the conflict from the different points of view of warring parties? What about from the civilian point of view? What about the views of specific groups such as those belonging to a different religion or a particular segment of society like children and young people?
inputs
deep roots of conflict: mindanao as an example
The nature of the conflict in southern Philippines has been described differently, depending on perceptions, inclinations, and point of view of the individual or community making these observations. There is no simple explanation, no simple cause and effect equation. As the Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR) put itIn sum, the distinguishing mark of the violent conflict in Mindanao relates to the islands separation from the rest of the Philippines in a historical, political and socioeconomic context.34 The following is a brief look into the deep historical roots of the conflict in Mindanao:
Spanish Conquest of Mindanao. A multitude of literature explores the roots of the conflict in Mindanao, which stretch back to the mid- and late 1500s when the Spanish began their attempts to colonize the island group. In 1596 the Spanish, for example, attempted to subjugate the people of the rich Cotabato floodplain. However, the many independent principalities in the lower and upper valleys of the Pulangi River, among them the Sultanates of Maguindanao and Buayan, fiercely resisted. The Spanish also attacked the Sultanate of Sulu and its dependencies, including Basilan. By the mid-1800s, the Spanish succeeded in establishing so-called politico-military districts in Cotabato, Jolo, and Basilan, but they exercised very little control outside these areas.
Pax Americana. The power vacuum left by Spain in 1898 was quickly gobbled up by the American military government, under whose rule many of the areas in Mindanao were first organized and administered as a single political unit. In 1914, the once proud sultanates and independent tribal communities were incorporated under the Department of Mindanao and Sulu. The American rule brought changes to the entire political order in Mindanao. These did not spare the datu, who exercised virtually autonomous control of his territory and ascended to office through hereditary links or clear descent from aristocratic families, and through the judicious and decisive use of personal skills, attributes, and wealth. Some of the noble families, including the more powerful datus, were reduced to indigence while new powerful and wealthy ones emerged by collaborating with the Americans. In the 1920s, the American overlords began a systematic colonization program, which was continued during the Commonwealth of the Philippines. The American period and the Commonwealth Era saw a vigorous disarmament campaign among the Muslims.
World War II, Independence, and Immediate Postwar Period. World War II left large quantities of weapons in the hands of the populace. Meanwhile, by the 1950s, the influx of Christian mi-

grants from the Luzon and Visayan regions had peaked, displacing even more members of the Muslim and indigenous communities from the land that their ancestors had tilled for generations. Christian elites replaced the Muslims, and new elites began to emerge among the Muslims. Members of indigenous peoples groups such as the Subanen, Teduray, Mansaka, Mandaya, Tboli, and Manuvu were caught in the web of conflict. The institutionalization of elected political offices after Philippine independence in 1946 further cemented the role that guns and politics would play in the entire equation that is Mindanao. Politicians sometimes protected the bandits, who were often members of the displaced peasantry and in some places bandits, police, and armed retainers were hard to distinguish. Under such conditions, politics became so intertwined with economics and security that no one could afford to stay out of it.35
Marcos Era. During the term of Marcos, various factors including fear of forced assimilation and the occurrence of many events led to the rise of separatism in Mindanao. The massacre of Moslem Filipino trainees on Corregidor Island or the so-called Jabidah Massacre of 1968, and of forty Muslims voters in Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte or the infamous Tacub Massacre of 1971, preceded another ugly war in Mindanao, one that probably did more damage than World War II. Marcos cited the Muslim rebellion as one of the reasons for declaring martial law on September 21, 1972. Marcos bribed the MNLF leadership with livelihood projects, but most of the time the dictator used the entire might of the military machinery against the rebels. One of the most serious incidents occurred during Operation Bagsik, an operation to capture Jolo from the MNLF that lasted from February to April 1974. The operation resulted in the total destruction of the town center and the displacement of an undetermined number of people.
divergent views, different causes

The causes of conflict may differ depending on whose point of view one is taking. Government troops, armed groups like the MILF, MNLF, and the ASG, the church, the business sector, international and national institutions, and civil society have incongruent views about the same conflict situation. It is important to understand different viewpoints in order to gain a bigger and more objective picture of the conflict. For example, the war in Mindanao has often been interpreted as a religious war between Christians and Muslims. Others emphasize a more historical or political perspective whereas some focus on the economic contexts of the conflict. As has often been said, One mans liberator is another mans terrorist. Just think about this: On July 10, 2000, a jubilant President Joseph Erap Estrada raised the Philippine flag in the heartland of MILF territory, Camp Abubakar in Maguindanao to celebrate its

recapture from the rebels. The capture of the MILFs main camp and nerve center capped an almost twenty-week government offensive against rebel bases in mainland Mindanao. The military claimed the dismantling of more than forty MILF satellite bases in the region, but Christians and Muslims living in Mindanao did not like the picture featured by the dailiesthat of a bombed out mosque. It evoked memories of the Marcos years when the soldiers burned their places of worship. When the evening news showed footages of President Estrada feasting with the soldiers in a boodle fight for roasted pig, chicken and rice and drinking beer somewhere in the former MILF camp, many Muslims became sorely agitated. They said that it was proof of Estradas shallow understanding of the conflict in Mindanao as well as his poor grasp of the sentiments of their community, practices and beliefs.
basic themes in armed conflicts

Derek Summerfield, Research Associate from the Refugee Studies Centre at the University of Oxford and former consultant to Oxfam, summarized some basic themes that are evident in most violent conflicts worldwide.36 Examining these themes in the Philippine context would help us better understand the consequences of armed conflict and violence. Wars are internal. Not since World War II has the Philippines been involved in a global war. The succeeding years after the imposition of Martial Law in 1972 saw the eruption of armed conflict between government forces and various armed groups like the CPPNPA and the MNLF. Not without serious consequences, massive military operations were launched in areas under the control or influence of the armed groups. Aside from Mindanao, places such as the Marag Valley in Apayao, the Cordillera Highlands in northern Luzon, the Bondoc and Bicol Peninsulas in southern Luzon, Sipalay in Negros Occidental, the islands of Panay, Samar, Leyte in the Visayas, have experienced armed conflict. Civilians are targeted. The targeting of noncombatants is not incidental but central to what has been termed as total war at the grassroots level.37 Families are separated, putting children and the elderly at greater risk. Human rights violations reportedly intensified on Mindoro Island as the AFP conducted operations against suspected mass bases of the CPP-NPA. In July 2003, members of the Philippine Armys 204th Infantry Battalion killed members of a Mangyan family in Magsaysay. A pregnant mother and her two young children were among those killed in the military operation against suspected CPP-NPA members in the area.38 Meanwhile, a fact-finding mission conducted by the human rights group Karapatan revealed several cases of human rights abuses on Mindoro, which including arbitrary detention, destruction and divestment of property, harassment, physical assault, torture, and the economic dislocation of nineteen families.39

Ways of life and people in significant roles and jobs are targeted. The conflicts that erupted in Mindanao and in other parts of the country under CPP-NPA control or influence are not merely armed encounters but also social upheavals in which complete ways of life are threatened and destroyed.40 According to an interview with Taubuid Mangyan leaders, the mere presence of armed men in their territory, let alone the occurrence of atrocities, is enough to send hapless villagers to quickly flee to the forests or other areas. The Mangyans decried the desecration of sacred areas like the taguan or places where harvested crops are stored, the disrespect of the military toward the community, including the highly revered ulangan or council of elders and the katuntunan or hereditary traditional healer-leaders, and the theft of precious farm animals such as chickens and pigs by soldiers.41
Violations of medical neutrality. Although the armed conflict in the Philippines is not marked by the destruction of health facilities, equipment and medicines and the terrorizing of health workers, there have been cases in which humanitarian and medical aid convoys were prevented by the Philippine military or the rebel group from reaching the communities affected by armed conflict. During the eruption of conflict in Central Mindanao in 2000, aid workers complained that they were harassed by soldiers and they were even suspected of bringing the badly needed food and medical supplies to the rebels.
Sexual violation. The experience of a sixteen-year-old girl, a former child soldier of the CPP-NPA in Mindanao encapsulates this theme: I felt terrified when I was hiding in the graveyard. I feared that the soldiers would capture and rape me. I knew a sixteen-yearold girl who was caught by the soldiers. The next day, we found her with her clothes torn off and her body riddled with bullets. One of us turned her over and it seemed to me that the bullets drew a picture on the earth.42
Infrastructures are destroyed. The physical destruction of communities is perhaps the most obvious cost of armed conflicts. War destroys homes, schools and shelters, and the most basic infrastructures such as roads, bridges, community markets, health centers, and electrification systems, if any. Places of worship like mosques and churches, and revered burial sites are desecrated. State services are disrupted and productive assets such as livestock, farm implements, and seeds are lost.
chapter two: understanding the consequences
module four
bowling na gamit ay balat bomba (bowling with bullets and bombs)
Focal Topic: Effects of Armed Conflict Time: Objective: Materials: 60 min To identify the effects/consequences of armed conflict 9 pcs - Previously prepared plastic bottles looking like miniature humans, infrastucture, animals and objects found in nature such as trees 9 pcs - Small cards 10-15 pcs Manila paper 10-15 pcs - Markers 1 roll - Masking tape Mechanics 1) Before the workshop, the facilitator gathers several small empty plastic water bottles. These are transformed to look like (a) humans by outlining features of the face and gluing some papers or fabrics for clothes or (b) infrastructure by drawing houses and other structures, or (c) the natural environment, by painting the body green and drawing trees and animals. At the back of each bottle is a small card bearing one of the consequences of armed conflict. 2) 3) Bottles are positioned like in a bowling game. The facilitator asks the participants to think of the possible effects of conflict on humans, properties and nature. Answers are written on the board or on meta cards. 4) Using the ball in the previous exercise, volunteers are asked to hit the bottles the same
106

way they roll the ball in bowling. Volunteers take their turn until a full strike is achieved. 5) 6) 7) Then participants pick up the bottles and read whats written on the small cards. Answers on the board are checked against those on the small cards. Participants form pairs or triads to discuss and share insights on the consequences at least one particular consequence per dyad or triad. 8) Participants are encouraged to share specific situations as examples under each consequence. 9) Each team is given a Manila paper and marker to write down key discussion points.
10) Partners report during the plenary and further discussion follows.
Guide Questions
What are the effects/consequences of armed conflict in the day-to-day lives of the people?

What are the effects of war or violence on the long-term perspective? How does conflict affect the lives of warring parties? How does conflict affect the lives of the civilian population, their livelihood and culture? How does it affect the natural environment?
deepening
behind and beyond statistics
During the armed clashes between government and MILF forces in Central Mindanao in the first quarter of 2003, the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) reported the following statistics43:
No. of people affected No of dead: No. of injured: No of houses and properties destroyed: No. of partially damaged homes and properties
415,233 (or 82,012 families) 238 182 5,856 1,262
The 2003 eruption of hostilities is the fourth in the area over the last eight years since 1997 when renewed fighting between the government of President Fidel Ramos and the MILF had resulted in the displacement of 30,000 people. The second occurred in 2000, wherein 41,000 civilians were displaced; and the third occurred in 2001, which displaced 24,000.
How do you feel when you read figures like those we have mentioned?
CHAPTER TWO
| 107

Do you have an idea what lie behind and beyond these figures? What are the grim realities behind these numbers?
inputs
consequences of armed conflict and violence
Aside from deaths, injuries, disabilities and destruction of the environment, there are other consequences of violence and armed conflict. Armed conflicts come with a host of impacts more lethal than the conflict itself, and these remain even after the conflict had ended. These impacts tend to blur the issues of cause and effects or consequences of the armed conflict. The nine consequences of armed conflict that have been identified by in the study are: Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services Social restrictions on mobility and communication Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood source Breakdown of traditional socio-political institutions Interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation leading to chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the destruction of social relationships Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information Recruitment into the armed group Deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones
The complex effects of armed conflict and violence can be summed up as psychological and social: Psychological effects mean those experiences that affect emotions, behaviour, thoughts, memory and learning ability, and how a situation may be perceived and understood. Social effects mean how diverse experiences of war alter peoples relationships to each other, and it extends to include an economic dimension.44
These two effects constantly influence each other and the term psychosocial underlines the interrelatedness and interconnectedness of the psychological and social effects of armed conflict and violence.
module five
lamat sa bote (cracks in the bottle)
Focal Topic: Consequences of Armed Conflict particularly on: confidence, trust and social relationships Time: Objectives: 45 min To identify specific consequences of armed conflict To identify possible responses Materials: 10-15 pcs - Empty plastic mineral water bottles 5 small bottles - Glue At least 50 pcs each color -Strips of paper (red and green) 10-15 pcs - Pens Mechanics: 1) 2) Each participant draws out a half-heart from a box. While holding their half-hearts, all participants move around the room to find their partners, checking which half-heart fits theirs. 3) Once partners find each other, they are given an empty mineral water bottle where they glue their heartsensuring an inch distance between the half-hearts. 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) Pairs talk about how armed conflict affects interpersonal relationships. Answers are written on tiny strips of red paper. These strips of paper are glued vertically in the space iabove or below the half-hearts. Pairs also talk about how to mend the gap in the relations. Answers to 7 are written on tiny strips of green paper, this time, glued horizontally on the middle like a band-aid connecting the two half-hearts. 9) In a circle, pairs report to the big group.
10) Discussion follows.
Guide Questions
In what ways can armed conflict hurt confidence, trust and relations among groups of people in the community?
How can we respond to these effects?
deepening
CHAPTER TWO
| 109
moro-moro
At the end of the Spanish regime, the thematic plot of the conflict between the guardians of the Christian and Islamic faiths gave birth to the theatrical art form called moro-moro, a blood and thunder stage show which depicted the battle between the two groups, with the Christians always emerging victorious. Take the plot of one of these plays, such as that of the Milecadel by Mariano Zaide (1827-94), a dramatist from Pagsanjan, Laguna: a dashing Christian prince saves the life of a beautiful Moslem princess, whom he came to love. He marries her after defeating several Muslim suitors in single combat.45 By the late 1960s and 1970s, according to UP Professor and renowned musicologist Felipe de Leon, the ecumenical movement and theater groups such as the PETA began to discourage the performance of the moro-moro, whose theme had already begun to lose its appeal to the general audience. The war in Mindanao in the 1970s proved to be a stronger impetus for the extinction of the native theatrical art form. Nonetheless, variations of the moro-moro still survive. An example would be the annual arakyo held annually in May in the towns of Pearanda and General Trio in Nueva Ecija.46 However, even if the moro-moro plays are no longer popular, they have left its bids in the consciousness of the Filipino Christian: against the Moro or Filipino Muslim is demonized. It helped reinforce stereotypes against the Moslems: A good Moro is a dead Moro. Even in modern times, references to the moro-moro persist.
Discussion Points: If your group were to stage a modern moro-moro, what would its theme be? Would its still center on the age-old theme of Christians vs. the Moslems? Would it be on the importance of peace? How would the theater production introduce the importance of fostering understanding between the two groups? How can it help in the reconciliation process and in rebuilding social relationships?
effect of war on childrens minds

The following excerpted article talks about the effects of the war in Central Mindanao. What does it tell you about how armed conflict specially affects the youngest and impressionable members of a community?
displaced families, traumatitized children and hatredthe price to pay for peace and order47
I am saddened by the displacement of peaceful families from their area, but sometimes this is the price we have to pay for long-term peace and order, Philippine media sources quoted President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo as saying after another wave of displacement had erupted in the southern island of Mindanao. Thousands of residents from the islands central region have fled their homes due to renewed fighting between government and rebel forces. Social welfare officials placed the number of displaced at more than 141,000. Most of them are living under cramped conditions in makeshift shelters and evacuation centers throughout four provinces affected by the military campaign. On February 11, 2003, the military launched its latest offensive against the MILF with the pretense of quashing lawless elements believed to be under the wing of the MILF. Four days later, newspapers report that government troops had captured the MILF stronghold in the Buliok Complex. The price for the long-term solution in Mindanao sought by two successive administrations through the use of military force includes the case of a traumatized 11-year old boy. He had developed a speech impediment and resorted to eating soil since May 2000 when a bomb exploded near his boat during an aerial attack. The price referred to by President Macapagal-Arroyo includes the breeding of hatred between young, impressionable Christian and Moslem minds. After being asked whether he would treat a Muslim if he ever became a doctor, a Christian pupil expressed hatred, saying that he would even kill him. In response to the same question, a Moslem pupil faced his Christian classmate and said Never. I will also kill you! These cases of traumatized and unfortunate children are among those reported by the Balik Kalipay Program, one of the projects of the UP-CIDS PST. Balik Kalipay (Return to Happiness) Program has been documenting the effects of psychosocial trauma among villagers, who have suffered much after decades of armed conflict. Dr. June Pagaduan Lopez, head of the project supported by the Danish government, the British relief agency Oxfam, and a local aid group composed of businessmen, said that the displacement and disruption have gravely affected the mental well-being of the villagers, especially children caught in the crossfire. When lives and properties are lost in wars, they are irretrievable. What should not be lost is the sense of hope that survivors, especially children, must have if they are to go on, Lopez said. Children and young people are the first to suffer in armed conflict situations. Television coverage of the plight of the displaced people in Pikit showed a teen-age Maguindanao girl who said that she had grown accustomed to evacuating from her village and living for months in the crowded evacuation centers. After recalling how her family evacuated their home during military offensives against the MILF in 2000 and 2001, she expressed wishes that her younger siblings would not have to witness war. She wished that they would not have to withstand hardships like she had faced while living in the centers. While being interviewed, she was carrying her younger brother on her lap. Both were seated just outside their tent-like sleeping area that offered little privacy and comfort for her family. The children documented by the Balik Kalipay Program and the media, are paying a heavy price for the governments offensive against the MILF. They, their families, and the members of the
CHAPTER TWO
| 111
communities are suffering from deep emotional scarsthe legacy of violence that will remain even after the last bullet had been fired. (MPP)
module six
sa isang bagtasan (at a crossroad)
Focal Topic: Consequences of Armed Conflict particularly on the options war-affected people have or are forced to take Time: Objectives: 40 min To identify specific consequences of armed conflict To identify possible responses Materials: 3 pcs Cartolina 1 roll Masking tape 3 pcs Markers Mechanics: 1) 2) Participants form 3 teams. Through a game of relay, each team writes on separate sheets posted on board as many possible options individuals in war-affected communities have as an effect of the conflict. The relay runs for 3 minutes. 3) Facilitator checks the lists and recognizes the team with the most number of answers with a clapping of hands. 4) The participants may identify the following options that people may take: to join the rebels, to collaborate with the military, to migrate to a different province. If not, the facilitator provides follow-up questions leading to the points. 5) 6) Options are assigned to the teams. Each team explores what people can be thinking about the particular option in focus, its attractions and negative repercussions. 7) Discussion points are reported in the plenary by members of the team who act as sales agent selling the idea of the option to the rest of the participants. 8) The audience must discover the negative repercussions. To do this, the audience interacts with the sales agents by throwing questions and answers, and discussing with them.

Guide Questions

What are the different options that war-affected people are forced to take? What are the implications/repercussions of each of these options?
limited options
Armed conflict can also result into people being forced to take options they would not necessarily resort to in the absence of a fueling war. These include migration, selling of real property, or joining the armed group, which is one of the consequences of armed conflict or violence. Let us go back to the imaginary resident of Esperanza in Module Five. He could not sell his property and neither could he settle elsewhere. He appears to be trapped in his village surrounded by war. One day, he is approached by an old friend, who had long joined the armed group. He is being convinced to join the freedom movement against the government. What do you think would our imaginary character do? What would you do if you were him?
inputs
actors in the field
At this point, we would like to identify the various actors in the arena of armed conflict in the Philippines. These are divided into the so-called State Actors (SAs) and the Non-State Actors (NSAs). The following list is by no means complete. Many other groups have been identified by the authorities, but the membership to these groups is small and these groups are highly localized. Examples are the fanatical sects that mushroomed in Mindanao during the 1970s and 1980s. State Actors:
The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is responsible for upholding the sovereignty, supporting the constitution and defending the territory of the Republic of the Philippines against domestic and foreign enemies. It is responsible for advancing the national aims, interests, policies and plans of the organization, including the maintenance, development, and deployment of its regular and citizen reserve forces for national security.
The Citizens Armed Forces Geographical Units (CAFGU), a paramilitary organization that is supposed to assist frontline elements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. It became notorious for human rights abuses in the late 1980s and early 1990s. President Estrada revitalized the organization in the campaign against the MILF, with CAFGUs throughout Mindanao reprising their supplementary roles to the government forces.
CHAPTER TWO
| 113

The so-called Community Volunteer Organizations (CVOs)that are formed by a group of interested and concerned citizens who have exercised their constitutional right to form organizations for community self-defense and to protect their interest and safety against criminals and other lawless elements. They are not military units but they assist in providing urgently needed social services in their communities. As part of the governments total approach in countering insurgency, CVOs operate exclusively for self-defense and protection. They are under local civil government supervision and their activities must be sanctioned by the village and municipal authorities and coordinated with local and military police. 48
Non-State Actors: Founded by Jose Ma. Sison, the Communist Party of the Philippines-New Peoples Army (CPP-NPA) has been fighting the government since the 1970s. With most of its top officials in exile in Europe, the National Democratic Front (NDF) is the political arm of the CPP-NPA. The presence of NPA units has been reported in many provinces throughout the Philippines. The Communist groups traditional strongholds include the Sierra Madre Mountain Range and the Bondoc Peninsula in Luzon, the islands of Negros, Bohol, Samar and Leyte in the Visayas as well as many areas in central, southern and northern Mindanao. The NPA also maintains small units in the National Capital Region (NCR) and other urban centers throughout the Philippines. The Cordillera Peoples Liberation Army (CPLA), a breakaway faction of the NPA, is localized mainly in the highlands of the Cordilleras. The CPLA and the government signed the Mt. Data Peace Accord in 1986, which is still in place. The Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Mangagawa-Revolutionary Proletarian ArmyAlex Boncayao Brigade (RPM-P/RPA-ABB), another breakaway group, operates mainly in the Negros and Panay Island groups. The government is in the process of pursuing a peace agreement with this particular breakaway group. The Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Mangagawa sa Mindanao (RPM-M), mainly based in the Iligan area, split up from the RPM/RPA-ABB sometime before the signing of a peace agreement between the latter and the government. Nonetheless, Sullivan said that a localized peace process is being pursued with this faction. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), composed of members of the Maranao and Maguindanao community, is concentrated in the Cotabato and Lanao areas. A break-away group from the MNLF, the MILF maintains a strong presence in the provinces of Maguindanao, North and South Cotabato, Bukidnon, Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga del Norte and Basilan. In spite of heavy loses during the all-out-war cam-

paign by President Estrada in the year 2000, the MILF remains active in the Southern Philippines. Talks were suspended during the time of Estrada but were resumed after the assumption of President Macapagal-Arroyo in 2001. MILF founder and Islamic scholar Sheik Hashim Salamat died in mid-2003 and leadership passed to Al Haj Murad.
The predominantly Tausug Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) launched a war against the Marcos regime in the 1970s. Led by Nur Misuari, it concluded a peace agreement with the government in 1996. The MNLF is based in the provinces of Mindanao, including Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and the Zamboanga Peninsula. It has split into several factions, the most prominent of which is the Council of Fifteen headed by former Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) Governor Parouk Hussin. Misuari is currently in jail on charges of rebellion.
The Abu Sayyaf Group, founded by Abdurajak Janjalani, first surfaced in 1991 with the bombing of the international floating bookstore MV Doulos in Zamboanga City. Known for its campaign of kidnapping, extortion, bombings and bloodshed, the ASG has since been carrying out atrocities against the Christian population in the southern Philippines. In 2000, the ASG kidnapped more than 31 school children in Basilan and more than 20 tourists from an island resort across the border in Malaysia. The object of a reinvigorated campaign by the Philippine military, the ASG nonetheless maintains a strong presence in Sulu and nearby provinces.
The MNLF has further splintered into many so-called Lost Command groups in the past few years, some of which have resorted to kidnap and ransom activities and hijacking. The so-called Pentagon Gang operates with impunity in the Maguindanao area, but their activities also affect trade between the provinces in Central and Southern Mindanao.
recruitment into the armed group

Recruitment covers any means, formal and informal, by which a person becomes a member of the armed forces or an armed group, including compulsory, forced and voluntary recruitment.
Participation in conflict covers both direct participation in combat and also participation in military activities linked to combat such as scouting, spying, sabotage, and use of children as decoys, couriers, or at military checkpoints.
Recruitment, including vulnerable groups like children and indigenous peoples into armed groups, is one consequence of violence and armed conflict. This is especially so in areas of protracted armed conflict where there is a shortage of recruits. Local men are recruited into paramilitary groups like the CAFGU and CVO to supposedly assist the AFP in counter-insurgency
CHAPTER TWO
| 115

operations, and into vigilante groups and religious fanatical sects, such as those that mushroomed among Christian and IP communities in Mindanao during the 1970s and 1980s. Having experienced injustice, oppression, and neglect, the communities victimized by armed conflict may come to accept as truth that violence is the only remaining solution. As such, recruitment into the armed groups perpetuates the culture of violence that has often been described to persist in many areas in Mindanao. With gun ownership and membership into an armed group viewed as measure a of individual and collective security, prestige or an act of religious duty, the consequences of recruitment on the individual and collective are just as complex as the dynamics of socio-cultural, political and economic factors why people join armed groups. While revenge or economic security can be one of the reasons for people to join an armed group, a recruit, regardless of gender or age or amount of physical or mental training, is not spared from the danger of death or serious physical injuries and the grave psychological effects of direct or indirect participation in the conflicts.
children involved in armed conflict (CIAC)

Despite pronouncements and directives from both the MILF and CPP-NPA that they do not recruit children into their ranks, the media and NGOs working in the conflict areas report and confirm the existence of child soldiers in the field.49 The UP-CIDS-PST even documented cases of girls among the ranks of the CPP-NPA and MILF. Peculiar in the Philippine context is the phenomenon of part-time CIAC, or children who join the armed groups but do not necessarily stop going to school unless they are asked to go on tours of duty that last anywhere between 10 to 90 days.50
deepening
Why do children join armed groups like the CPP-NPA, MILF or even the ASG? What happens to them? Take some time to read the following play, which was developed and presented by three former child soldiers and participants to the Second National Consultation Workshop on the Use of Child Soldiers in the Philippines, held in Opol, Misamis Oriental in November 2003. What does it tell us about child soldiers?

Why did Joy, the character in the play, join the armed group? Was she forced to join the group or did she join voluntarily? What happened to her? What do you think are the other situations that she had experienced as a result of her

membership in the armed group?
Is there a way out for her except dying in the battlefield?
inputs
recruitment of children as soldiers in the philippines

The recruitment of children is either forced or voluntary and there are different reasons why children join armed groups. In cases of forced recruitment, children join as a result of abduction or use of physical force, threat of force or coercion, or because the recruitment of children is organized and compulsory in nature. In cases of voluntary recruitment, there is the desire for revenge; the sense of power; neglect, abuse and violence at home; the experience of violence and oppression; poverty and the lack of opportunities. In many cases, the children who joined armed groups were also orphans. The actual number of child soldiers in the Philippines is not known, but cases studies and military sources indicate that majority of the NPA combatants killed in encounters and many of the MILF casualties during the government offensives were inexperienced recruits aged 18 and below.51 The Armed or Not, They are ChildrenA Primer on the Use of Children as Soldiers in the Philippines, released by the Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS) through the cooperation of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) , is a useful source of information on the issue of child soldiers. Among the topics included in the primer is the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants.
A 15-minute Play
Scene One One: (Life before joining the armed group) Joy enters: I always have a problem. I dont have a father. And my brother, we fight so often. It is a good thing my elder brother is around. He gives good advice. And my brother wants to go to school. The problem is we have no money. And no rice! (Mike and Bert enter, talking to each other.) Joy (continuing her monologue): We need to have rice at home and we dont have any. And my brother and I, we always fight. Joy (sees Mike and Bert): Hey, youre here. Whats up? Mike: Im OK. How are you? Joy: I am just fine. But I have a problem at home, theres no food, and I have to look for food, and my brother wants to go to school but we dont have any money.
CHAPTER TWO
| 117
Mike: Joy: Mike: Joy:
Mike:
Joy:
I have some money. Fifty [pesos], Ill give it to you to buy rice. We both dont have money. Only for the fare. Give my regards to your mother. Thank you for the money. This is a big help for us. Thank you so much for what you gave me. Oh, I am supposed to tell you something So what is it? I want to join you in the hills. Just to go here and there, and what to do about You give good advice, youre good in convincing, explaining. Its good for you but this is how it goes This is how it should be. I want to join. My advice is: Dont join because you are still young. They might think that Im not helping you at all. What I have gone through is really painful. You dont know how really painful it is. They might be thinking that I am not taking care of you guys. I do take care of you all. I dont have a brother. I am still here to help you. My request is that dont join until you have grown up. Hey thanks a lot. I want to join the group that you told me about. I have to go. Thank you for the fifty [pesos]. Ill buy rice.
Scene T wo Two wo: (Joining the armed group) Joy: Mike: Joy: Mike: Joy: Hey! Hey! Now Ive grown up. How about the things you told me? How about it? Its in the other village. Take care. Take care.
Scene Three Three: (Visiting the community, as members of an armed group) Joy: Good morning to all of you. I am Joy. I am one of the organizers. I also want to know what will happen to our case, and how to make the people in the barangay understand how to unite people. I need your help. This is our agenda. I would like to introduce Kumander Kilat
Scene Four Four: (At the training camp) Voice from background: Go! Joy undergoes rigid training She rolls in the ground, and crawls. Her movements suggest walking around the jungle. She is timed as she assembles an imaginary gun. Bert plays the role of a training officer. Bert: Ready Go!
Joy finishes assembling the gun. Bert: One minute and three seconds Joy: Thank you, sir. Scene Five Five: (Battle Scene) Joy: Where are you? Where are you? Joy: Ive been looking for you. Where are you? Where are you? Joy, facing the audience, shouts at an imaginary enemy. Another comrade, played by Mike, comes to her aid. They take away their fallen comrade. Joy shouts: Damn you! I hope you die! Get lost!
module seven
bumabangis ang halimaw! (the monster is getting even more vicious!)
Focal Topic: Consequences of Armed Conflict particularly on pre-existing conflicts Time: Objectives: 60 min To identify specific consequences of armed conflict To identify possible responses Materials: 30 pcs - Meta cards 10-15 pcs - Markers 3-5 pcs - Cartolina 3-5 boxes - Craypas 10 15 pcs - Pencils Mechanics: 1) Participants are all given sets of meta cards where they write possible points of conflicts or disagreement in a society. 2) When done, participants lay down their meta cards on the floor and create a train of intensifying conflict, i.e., the meta card on the right must represent a bigger/worse conflict than the one on the left. 3) The entire train of conflict is now divided into stages (i.e., these meta cards represent conflicts that are more or less similar in intensity and impact).
CHAPTER TWO
| 119

4) 5) Participants are divided into the number of stages to form their teams. Creatively thinking that if the stage of conflict can be represented as a monster, they visualize through drawing on cartolina papers their imagined kind of monster. 6) When all teams are done drawing, the drawings are placed on the appropriate stage in the train of conflicts on the floor, thus transforming the floor into a growth chart of an evolving monster conflict. 7) Discussion follows.
Guide Questions What kinds of conflict exist in our society? How do these conflicts compare with each other in terms of intensity and impacts? If you are to arrange the cards from bad to worse to worst, which conflicts are in the first stage? In the second? In the last? What can we deduce from the exercise? What is it telling us about the nature of armed conflict? How can we respond to such condition?
inputs:
deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones
As exemplified by the experience of Christian and Muslims of Cotabato, tensions over land rights and use of resources have been a cause of recent localized fighting that is magnified when the bigger armed groups cast these localized conflicts in the context of their bigger narratives and recruit the local protagonists to fight in the name of the bigger war.52 As a consequence of violence/armed conflict, the deepening of pre-existing sources of tension, such as competing claims over land ownership, creates and increases more tension and its effects are felt across generations. The large-scale militarization of Mindanao in the 1970s, including the rise of stateendorsed fanatical sects and other paramilitary groups in the counter-insurgency and antiseparatist campaigns and the activities of the Presidential Assistance on National Minorities or PANAMIN in the IP homelands, rather than solving problems, created new ones, sucking more and more of Mindanao society into the vortex of intensified violence.53 In the continuum of conflicts, one serious danger is that the consequences generated by wars and violence, take on a life of their own, not least through the spillage of weapons from war zones to other social arenas.54 The proliferation of cheap and portable weapons is one of the factors in the phenomenon of child soldiers. Also, there is the reported entry of the drug trade in

the insurgency or secessionist movements. The drug lords can finance the activities of these rebel groups to create social unrest or sow terror in order to shift government attention from the drug trade to this problem.55 Internal political struggles among the insurgent and secessionist groups have also affected the arena of conflict, with new players coming out of the war factory and laboratory of violence. For example, the so-called Lost Command groups that emerged from the MNLF have resorted to kidnap for ransom activities and hijacking. The real danger in insurgency-affected areas, say some peace advocates, is the breakdown of law and order that paves the way for the rise of criminal and predatory gangs.56 For its part, the AFP often charges the MILF as coddlers of these organized crime syndicates, stating that the villages where these groups operate are MILF-controlled areas. Kidnapping is described as a community activity, where, according to the testimonies of the victims, different families are involved in specific tasks ranging from taking charge of the cooking and security chores to negotiating for ransom.57 In February 2003, the military launched an offensive against camps belonging to the Pentagon Gang, which operates with impunity in Central Mindanao. Four days later, as thousands of people flocked to evacuation centers in Pikit, newspapers reported that government forces have captured the MILF stronghold in the Buliok Complex spread out in two of municipalities in Maguindanao and Cotabato.58 Despite successes reported by the AFP against the MILF, there appeared no clear end to the conflict as houses and basic infrastructure were again destroyed, with chronic insecurity resurfacing among the affected population. Mistrust is reanimated, and the sense of injustice further tightens it stranglehold on the individual and community, prompting the vulnerable to join any of the armed groups. Pre-existing conflicts are magnified, opening unwanted windows for the eruption of further conflict.
deepening
To end this chapter, we invite you to read the following article and reflect on the questions we have posted:

What kinds of conflict exists in Bohelebung? What does the article tell us about the seaside town and its people? What is the nature of the armed conflict in Bohelebung? What are the roots of the conflict? Who are the key players in the conflict? What are the factors that prevent peace from coming to the area?
CHAPTER TWO
| 121

What consequences of armed conflict or violence are evident in the story? Do you think that there is a chance for Bohelebung to recover and enjoy peace? If you were the local executive or a religious leader in Bohelebung, what would you do to prevent more conflict from happening in the area? Do you think that conflict can be prevented after all? Do you think that such preconflictprevention efforts would be effective?
bohelebung, basilan, Y2K59

Bohelebung is a story of interwoven issues. For a time, Bohelebung promised to be one of the most important economic and educational centers in southern Basilan. With the marine industry as its backbone, Bohelebung attracted Visayan, Chinese and Zamboangueo traders to its weekly market or tabu, to where the Yakans hiked down from their isolated hills and the Sama Balanguingi rowed in from their seaside enclaves. According to old timers, the Yakan, who had contempt for the seadwelling Sama, sometimes haughtily used their budjak or spears in pointing to the fish or earthenware pots they wanted to buy. With equal disdain, the Sama, the strand-dwelling original inhabitants of eastern Basilan, were just as quick to draw their sharp knives or barong, using them or their muddy feet to insultingly point to the precious upland rice, cassavas and plantains that the Yakan had brought down from their hillside farms. Despite the ancestral animosity that existed between the two groups, they cautiously remained docile when dealing with the more dominant Joloano or Tausug, and Bohelebung remained relatively peaceful. The agricultural and marine trading village and its promise of a good life attracted them and a few Christian families, including the Cuevas clan, who began to make a foothold in Bohelebung towards the end of the Spanish regime in the 1890s. The Yakans of the interior, who harbored ill feelings with the Cuevas clan of Bohelebung, wanted all the Christian migrants to vacate the seaside village. Old timers said that the chieftains of the Kabangalan and Pipil areas desperately wanted the Cuevases to return to Cavite. Sometime in the 1930s, they staged an attack on Bohelebung but were beaten back. The first-born of pioneer Jacinto Cuevas killed the ambitious Imam Hajji of Kabangalan near a fallen mango tree at the established village boundary. It was the start of a blood feud that spilled to the succeeding generations. Meanwhile, the Tausug and Sama Balanguingi were forced to share their hunger for power with the Christians led by the powerful Cuevas clan. The latter consolidated their strength and control of Bohelebung by opening the first school in the area and through inter-marriages. Jacinto began a line of Cuevases, and his choice of wives cut across ethnic borders and religion. Doubtful claims to paternity among the second generation of Cuevases resulted in the division of the large clan into two groups - a second blood feud that has done little good to either branch or to Bohelebung in general. Nonetheless, Bohelebungs thriving trade market attracted the more peaceful variety of Yakans to reside in town. A couple of Chinese and Japanese traders established residences in Bohelebung and married with the locals.
Bohelebung survived World War II but it was during this period when the Yakans and Christians had begun arming themselves with guns taken from defeated Japanese soldiers. During the 1950s and 1960s, some Christians were engaged in the lucrative business of selling arms to the Yakans. Nonetheless, Bohelebung was on its way to become an even more prosperous trading and fishing town, but the wealth centered only among the few Christian and the even fewer number of Tausug trading families. The majority of the Yakan and Sama were further disenfranchised and their main economic activities were limited to subsistence farming and fishing. Some of the members of these communities resorted to banditry. The declaration of martial law and the horrific war in Mindanao that erupted in the 1970s changed the entire equation. Late in 1972, MNLF rebels attacked Bohelebung. Ironically, the first life claimed by rebel bullets was that of a Muslim civilian, a Tausug. All of the towns residents were forced to flee. The MNLF, which included Tausug, Yakan and Sama youth among its ranks, pillaged and burned the abandoned village down to the ground, destroying the beautiful homes of both the Christians and Muslims. It was the realization of the lifelong dream of some of the Yakan to regain control of Bohelebung from the Christians. After the 8th Infantry Battalion finally reclaimed the area in 1973, many of the residents returned, only to find out that almost nothing was left of their beloved town. Most of the Christian families, on the other hand, decided never to return to Bohelebung again and settled elsewhere. Twenty-eight years after Bohelebung was razed to the ground, it appeared that the town had not yet even gained an inch into recovering from its past. It appears to have irreparably lost the all chance to recover due to the protracted war, an old blood feud, and the emergence of fundamentalism, the unending whirlpool of conflict, and the problems brought about graft and corruption and bad governance in the municipal and provincial governments.
CHAPTER TWO
| 123
part two: finding the psychosocial in peace building and addressing the consequences of conflict
introduction
In Part One of A Journey for Us All: Converging Peace Building with Psychosocial Help, we saw how the consequences of violence and armed conflict are inextricably linked with other forces. In the Philippines and many areas throughout the non-western world, structural poverty and injustice, falling commodity prices, unbridled environmental exploitation, and landlessness are all linked to the withering away of traditional self-sufficient ways of life.60 Even if the threat of renewed escalation of armed conflict is stamped out by the conclusion of a peace accord, the root causes of the armed conflict and its host of effects and consequences, if not addressed, still have a potent, cumulative, and inhibiting effect on social development and the achievement of lasting peace. In this part of the manual, let us delve more into what is termed as psychosocial help and link it with peace building and development work. Through the modules, let us identify what are the efforts being done and the means to address the consequences of violence. Before proceeding to the first module, take some time to look at the picture of the Hydrangea plant in bloom. Imagine this to be among the most prized kinds of plant in your garden. You always look forward to looking at your lavender Hydrangeas in bloom after coming home from a hard day at the office. During weekends, you enjoy soaking in the coolness of your garden under the shade of the acacia tree. How does looking at the Hydrangeas make you feel? Do the plants have a way of affecting your mood? Now, imagine that an army of hungry caterpillars has managed to sneak from your neighbors badly tended garden. The ugly pests are threatening to eat up your plants, including your prized Hydrangeas. How does the threat of losing your garden to the caterpillars make you feel? What would you do to save your plants? At this point, you may be thinking, what do gardening and Hydrangeas have to do with the psychosocial? What do you think is the connection?
127
chapter three: psychosocial help
module eight
tulong! (help!)
Focal Topic: Defining Psychosocial Help, Its Importance and Forms Time: Objectives: 60 min To define what psychosocial help is and know the basic concepts To identify the importance and forms of psychosocial help Materials: 1 pc - Small box At least 100 pcs - Strips of paper 30 pcs Pens 1 roll Masking tape Mechanics: 1) The facilitator introduces the human pretzel game by asking participants to stand closer together. While their eyes are closed and arms are up, the facilitator helps connect hands together of different persons, thus creating a chaotic network of interconnected arms. (NOTE: Check out the cultural appropriateness of the physical contact aspect of the game. The game can be played with the males separated from the females. Another option is to use extensions such as malong or tubao. Exercise utmost sensitivity, otherwise the facilitator can simply jump to step 6.) 2) 3) Participants open their eyes. Their mission is to disentangle themselves into a circle (or circles) without disconnecting the hands.
learning modules
129

4) Further complications for an extra challenge can be added such as disentangling without talking. 5) 6) Once disentangled, discussion on the experience in the exercise follows. Afterwards, the facilitator leads the participants to sing: Magagawa natin ang lahat ng bagay/ Ang lahat ng bagay sa mundo/ Isang bagay na hindi magagawa/ Hindi magagawang nag-iisa/ Malulutas natin ang mga problema/ Kung tayong lahat magkaisa/ Mga suliranin dagling gagaan/ At may bagong buhay. (We can do everything/ Everything in this world/ One thing that is hard to do/ Cannot be done alone/ We can solve all the problems/ If we all unite/ Problems will be lighter and therell be a new life) 7) Participants form pairs or triads and each team draws out from a box a strip of paper previously prepared by the facilitator. The following words are written one on each paper: Nagugutom (hungry) walang bahay (without a house), giniginaw (having a chill), nanginginig (trembling/shaking), nagtatago (hiding), natutulala (staring blankly), nagagalit (angry), nananakit (hurting others). 8) The facilitator introduces a chanting game whereby a team begins by chanting and miming the word they got thrice and calling on another team. 9) The team called responds by doing the same thing i.e., chanting and miming the word they got thrice and calling on another team so on, so forth. 10) The strips of paper are collected and posted on the board. 11) Participants are asked to identify what they would do if people are experiencing those conditions. 12) Answers are written side-by-side the condition. 13) Participants try to identify commonalities and differences in the responses. 14) The facilitator thinks, for example, about post-conflict situations, and asks the participants to identify which among the responses are part of a relief operation, medical mission, etc. 15) The facilitator guides the participants to focus on psychosocial responses and asks them to differentiate it from other help. 16) Discussion follows.
Guide Questions What did you discover in the human pretzel game? What is the message of the action-song? What will you do if people are experiencing the reactions written on the papers? How will you respond to such situations?

What is psychosocial? Why is it important? How is psychosocial different from emergency relief operations and medical missions?
iputs
what is psychosocial?
As we stated in the Introduction of the manual, psychosocial is basically the marriage of the psychological and the social. Let us go back to the Hydrangea and how it affects your mood, and removes the negativity you feel after a hard day at the office. In essence, this is a form of psychosocial intervention, which is defined as an attempt to positively influence human development by addressing the negative impact of social factors on peoples thoughts and behavior.61
The psychosocial can then refer to the condition of the mind and heart, feelings and thoughts, and relationships of a person.
A psychosocial framework therefore implies that each person is made up of an integration of the mind, body, spirit and the social world and that healing is a process of transition towards greater meaning, balance, connectedness and wholeness, both within the individual and between individuals and their environment.62
why psychosocial intervention?

Given this framework, would it them be right to say that psychosocial intervention is also to ameliorate the effects of negative thoughts and behavior on the social environment through facilitating activities that encourage positive interaction among thought, behavior, and the social world63 and one such activity is gardening. A former barangay captain in Takepan said that gardening has always been a form of relaxation in the village that has seen war many times. Not only did the small gardens improve the atmosphere and add beauty to the homes of Takepan, working in the flower gardens helps greatly in releasing tension.64 The understanding of the interconnectedness and interrelatedness of the psychological and social effects of armed conflict form the core beliefs of organizations providing psychosocial help in the country.
Childrens Rehabilitation Center (CRC): Psychosocial help is part of an alternative that would focus on the rural areas, propagate a rehabilitation technology geared towards the elimination of the causes of psychosocial problems, and prioritize the prevention of emotional and psychological problems over the use of curative treatment measure.65
Balay Rehabilitation Center: Psychosocial help is the realization that a persons men-
CHAPTER THREE|
131

tal health and overall well being is directly related to his or her social environment.66 The organization points to an interface that creates a psychosocial continuum, which should be protected from disruption by forces such as internal displacement. What makes Balays works a pioneering one is its holistically packaged psychosocial character as expressed in its curative, preventive and proactive components67
As such, psychosocial help is not just about counseling or therapy. For example, in the context of disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration (DDRR) of CIAC, it implies that any program should always consider the social world and that any recovery program must always involve the community and the family. Relief operations and most medical missions concentrate on providing much needed basic survival needs such as food, shelter, clothing and medicines. Psychosocial help focuses on helping to establish psychosocial wellness of the individuals, group of people and communities, not just on the immediate but on a long-term perspective.
why holistic and integral and participatory?

Armed conflict and violence inflict damages on community resources, which are categorized into three interrelated and interconnected resources: human capacity, social ecology, and culture and values.68 Human capacity is taken as the mental, emotional, and physical health and well being of community members, the skills and knowledge of people, their households and livelihoods.69 Social ecology encompasses relations within families, peer groups, religious and cultural institutions, and links with civic and political authorities.70 Armed conflict also disrupts the culture and values of a community, leading to a sense of violation of human rights and undermining cultural values, belief, practices and selfdetermination.71 Given this perspective of the consequences of armed conflict, it is natural for many of the NGOs and CSOs working with the affected communities to think of peace and development as holistic and integral, intertwined with the concept of genuine democracy.72 Look at the following points: SCC-CEREA-IPDS: Peace is not just the absence of violence, but the presence of justice and human dignity, and that development is an interrelated process calling for selfreliance, social justice, economic growth, which are attainable through peoples partici-

pation, with liberation as the natural consequence of the process.73 One mission of the SCC-CEREA-IPDS is the propagation of the culture of peacethe peaceful resolution of conflicts and genuine peoples development through a contextual, liberating, empowering and relevant education that is faith-rooted and responsive to peoples needs.74
Nagdilaab Foundation: The commitment to peace and development has to be in partnership with the communities. Inter-religious activities and dialogue form the core of its initiatives on peace and development.75
Balay Rehabilitation Center: A peoples movement for a just and humane community rests on a population that is fit in terms of the most accepted indicators for social wellbeing and thus capable of managing their own lives as well as the affairs of the community.76 The organization believes in the preservation and nurturing of the social bedrock through restoring those who actively contributed to organized peoples actions.77
Given these three examples, we can also sum up the following points: A holistic approach means that attention should be given to a range of issues faced by the affected population and a reflection of the context of their experiences.
Being integral, it means a rights- and community-based, gender- and culture-sensitive approach that works within existent community structures, using local resources, and incorporating local knowledge, skills and mechanisms for healing.
Being participatory, the approach gives importance to the ideas of and inputs from people who are supposed to be benefit from the programs.
in a nutshell development of psychosocial help in the philippines

Psychosocial Help began as a response to emerging new needs and realities brought about by the changing political contexts in post-1986 Philippines.
Psychosocial help emerged as a response to emerging new needs and realities brought about the changing political contexts towards the end and after the Marcos regime. Among the first NGOs to develop psychosocial rehabilitation programs in the Philippines are the Childrens Rehabilitation Center (CRC), established in June 1985, and the Balay Rehabilitation Center, established in September of the same year. The history of these two organizations is a dynamic coming together of professionals in fields such as psychology, child education, social work and concerned citizens to provide services to victims of human rights violations.
Psychosocial help is essentially an offshoot of the evolving approaches to broaden the realization of civil and political rights denied under the Marcos regime. It is a product
CHAPTER THREE|
133

of coming into terms by NGOs and civil societies with social realities of post-1986 Philippines, given the limited scope of mandates of organizations involved in human rights work and related concerns. The provision of psychosocial services, however, was limited to addressing the needs of children affected by violence or war, particularly children of political prisoners.
Psychosocial Help evolved to include the needs of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and other sectors. With their psychosocial rehabilitation programs originally focused within the context of delivering their services to political detainees and their families, both the CRC and later Balay, had to face the effects of a phenomenon that had also long plagued the country: massive displacements of communities as a result of the protracted conflict with the MILF, MNLF, the CPP-NPA, the CPLA, and the splinter groups of these armed groups. The militarization tactics employed by the Marcos regime were continued by the Aquino administration, which declared a total war strategy against the insurgents in 1988. The administration of former general Fidel Ramos continued this total war approach against insurgents and began the aggressive implementation of development projects, resulting in displacements. As a reaction to the massive displacements and the steadily increasing trend of political violence being committed against children and their families, organizations providing psychosocial help like CRC expanded their mandate to include victims of militarization. In 1992, Balay had begun contemplating about extending its rehabilitation service to IDPs in 1992, but it was not only after 1995 that the organization was able to do so. As a reaction, Balay extended its psychosocial rehabilitation services to IDPs and HRVvictims in Iloilo, Negros, Tacloban, and Basilan. It tapped the services of caregivers, health professionals, lawyers, human rights activists and social workers to work either as volunteers or full-time staff. While former political prisoners who pass certain requirements may continue to avail themselves of the services of the NGO, Balay has since defined traumatized victims of internal displacement as its primary clients.78
Psychosocial Help is the result of dynamic experimentation on methodologies, frameworks, and approaches. Central to the development of psychosocial help in the Philippines is the realization of the limitations of the biomedical model of the Western scientific concept of health and health care delivery systems.79 Basically a medical-practitioner-oriented and institution-centered, the approach was seen by CRC as inadequate as far as analyzing and

responding to the psychosocial problems faced by Filipino children of war and their families. Realizing the limitations and weaknesses of Western methods of delivering psychosocial help, NGOs and members of the academe saw the significance of developing an indigenous psychology to successfully and suitably respond to the needs of Filipino children and families affected by political violence.80
The use of and reliance on psychological tools, such as psychiatric diagnostic checklists in evaluating the impact of a disaster in a community has led to the clinical interpretation of the survivors responses to traumatic events.81 This has contributed to deemphasizing the material and social factors contributory to collective and individual suffering and encouraging the emphasis on curative intervention and not an integrated psychological response among groups and communities.82 Critics also argued that a clinical approach, which is generally abstracted within a medical or sickness framework, does not necessarily consider social or cultural dimensions of the effects of armed conflict nor does it include strategies for addressing the long-term issues such as socio-economic integration.
Different frameworks and approaches in analyzing and responding to the problems faced by children of war and their families were developed and used. The concepts of stress and coping, family systems approach, and Filipino Psychology made significant contributions to facilitating the relationship between the CRC and its clients and to the concrete implementation of its psychosocial programs.83 There came the realization that it was important to involve the family in the healing process.
Psychosocial Help is an unending learning and unlearning process.

The experience of the CRC, Balay, and all the other NGOs engaged in psychosocial help is an unending learning and unlearning process. For example, a 1994 case study of the psychosocial work of the CRC-Negros in a relocation site in Namulo, Binalbagan, Negros Occidental reported that the absence of a comprehensive treatment plan was regarded as the major weakness84 of the project. It also noted the tendency that, either psychosocial health is not identified by the community as a need because it is not understood well, or psychosocial problems are often considered as less severe or less life-threatening as to warrant serious attention.85 As proof of the dynamism of providing psychosocial care and the changing contexts of the times, the CRC, nevertheless, learned from these mistakes and limitations and continued to enhance its service programs.
The over-all experience of providing psychosocial help also pointed out to the need to ensure the safety and to take care of the psychosocial well being of the caregivers. This is due to the highly stressful nature of their work, high turnover rates, and the
CHAPTER THREE|
135

threats they receive from sectors of society who have branded them as sympathizers of the CPP-NPA. Addressing these needs would ensure the sustainability of programs and increase the scope of its services. In 2000, the UP-CIDS-PST noted that consciousness in caring for caregivers was already fast gaining ground among NGOs.86
chapter four: addressing the consequences
module nine
kung sakalipaano na? (if this is the case then what?)
Focal Topic: Case Study, Practical Responses Time: Objective: Materials: Mechanics: 1) 2) Participants form 4 teams. Each team is given a scenario (fictional or constructed from actual events) to study. Sample scenario: Armed hostilities between the military and the rebels suddenly disrupted the sleepy barrio of Likas. The night the military went on an all-out-war against the insurgents, violent exchanges of powerful ammunition shocked the entire village. The relentless bombing did not spare the school and the church. This utter disregard for the safety and security of the civilians forced the people to evacuate to the towns poblacion on their feet at speeds beyond human imagination. The people managed to salvage only the clothes they were wearing, money and some food. They left behind everything else including their animals and farm implements. Improvised shelters using corrugated boards, bamboo poles and blankets were set up in the covered court. The site of the congested evacuation center was a nightmare. A horrific symphony of cries were heard babies and the children crying, the bereaved wailing, and the shrapnel-wounded 60 min To analyze the conflict situation and identify practical responses 4 pcs - Scenario papers
learning modules
137

hollering because of excruciating pain. Food and medical relief could not get through to the people as the fighting blocked the road. Those in terrible shock and the wounded needing immediate medical help could not be transferred to the nearest hospital as that would mean crossing the no mans land. Forty-eight hours later, there was a ceasefire. The rebels retreated and the military assured the public that the safety of the area was already secured. 3) 4) 5) 6) Teams must be able to identify practical responses to take. They must be able to justify such responses in the given situation. Reporting happens in the form of re-enacting scenes interspersed with narrations. Discussion follows.
Guide Questions How will you respond to the given situation? How practical are your responses? What are possible consequences of your responses?
inputs:
a response to a consequence and a category for a consequence
Lets re-enumerate the ten consequences of armed conflict that we learned in Part One and look into some of the responses that you gave in Module Twelve. Do they address any of the consequences? Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services Social restrictions on mobility and communication Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood source Breakdown of traditional socio-political institutions Interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation leading to chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability Trauma Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the destruction of social relationships Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information Recruitment into the armed group Deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones

Can we fit these consequences into a particular category of response? Which of these categories are closely related that we can fit them under one category of response? But wait! Which categories are we going to use? The Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conflict and Violence used in its conceptual framework a six categories of responses to address the consequences of violence and armed conflict. We had actually already included these categories in the discussions in Part One, and you may have already identified them yourself. In the following table, these six categories are matched with the 10 consequences we studied in Part One:
Consequence of Violence/ Armed Conflict

1) 2) 3) 4) 1) Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services Social restrictions on mobility and communication Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood source Breakdown of traditional socio-political institutions The interrelated experience of loss, separation and exploitation leading to chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability Trauma Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the destruction of social relationships Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information Recruitment into the armed group Deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones
Category of Activities to Address Consequence

Post-war physical and social reconstruction
Psychosocial counseling and trauma relief
2) 1) 1) 3) 4)
Reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships Fact-finding, mercy, and cease-fire monitoring missions Demobilization and reintegration of former combatants Conflict prevention efforts
why these activities?

The following data are taken from the result of FGDs with focused group discussions (FGDs) with NGO workers and volunteers in Basilan, Cotabato/Maguindanao, and Mindoro Occidental.
Post-war physical and social reconstruction Activities under this category have the following aims:
C H A P T E R F O U R | 139

1. Repair and rebuild infrastructure that was destroyed or damaged during conflict and facilitate return of the displaced communities; 2. 3. Provide affected communities access to basic services; Build peace by helping affected communities meet their economic needs through access to livelihood assistance and income generation mechanisms; 4. Strengthen traditional socio-political structures weakened or severely affected by war; 5. Prepare community members to consciously work for peace in their areas and help promote, foster and increase their participation in peace building efforts. Psychosocial counseling and trauma relief Activities under this category have the following aims: 1. Improve the psychosocial wellbeing and overall medical health of affected communities; 2. Help the communities come to terms with the interrelated experience of loss, separation and exploitation, and their feelings of uncertainty and increased vulnerability; 3. Prepare and empower the communities to become responsive and active partners towards change. Reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships Activities under this category have the following aims: 1. Address the lack of confidence, biases, prejudices, mistrust and hatred of other people; 2. 3. Promote cultural diversity and a pluralistic community; Provide a venue for people to air their visions and dreams, aspirations and hopes for the future; 4. Promote advocacy work with government in advancing public policies;
Fact-finding, mercy, and ceasefire monitoring missions While the different missions have their respective aims, they generally have these aims: 1. Help address the prolonged sense of injustice felt by the community or individuals affected by armed conflict; 2. Gather information on their status and needs necessary for further intervention work; 3. Prepare for credible peace, human rights and emergency response in affected areas; 4. Strengthen networks on human rights, peace and development concerns of internally displaced people.

Demobilization and reintegration of former combatants Activities under this category have the following aims: 1. Aid re-entry to the family and community through educational and livelihood assistance for ex-combatants and victims of armed conflict; 2. Develop the youth from disadvantaged communities into future leaders and distance them from the influence of armed groups; 3. Extend support and legal assistance to members of the community who are jailed for dubious crimes or false charges.
Conflict prevention efforts87 Activities under this category aim to stem the deepening of pre-existing conflicts and generation of new ones.
deepening:
from mindanao, mindoro, and manila
The following are case studies on responses from specific sectors towards peace building, and these include indigenous people in Mindoro, the youth sector in Manila and Mindanao, and the responses by the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) themselves: 1. Building Bridges of Understanding, Solidarity and Peace Between Children and Youth: Balays Twinning of School Projects (see pages 63-64) 2. 3. Indigenous Responses: Mangyans of Mindoro (see pages 64-67) Suara Kalilintad (Voice of Peace) (see pages 68-69)
Discussion Point:
Do the responses made by the sectors described in the three articles fall under the six categories that we enumerated?
What can we learn from the experiences of the groups or communities mentioned in the three articles?
module ten
muling pagbangon ng pamayanan (rebuilding the community)
Focal Topic: Post-war Physical and Social Reconstruction

Time: Objective: 90 min To identify goals, strategies and influencing factors of post-war physical and social reconstruction Materials: 2 pcs - Pictures (before conflict & the aftermath) 4 pcs Cartolina 4 pcs Pencils 4 boxes Craypas 4 pcs Markers 4 pairs Scissors 4 sets Colored papers 4 small bottles Glue 4 sets Accessorial found objects (buttons, rubber bands, Popsicle sticks, etc.) Mechanics: 1) The participants are presented with 2 pictures of a community. The first represents the scene before conflict erupted while the second features the aftermath. 2) 3) Certain data in the before and after scenarios are provided the participants. Then participants form 4 teams with a mission to create a 3rd picture that will visualize how they plan to reconstruct the community. 4) 5) The design can be a flat 2-dimensional sketch or 3-dimensional collage. Teams likewise should be able to provide desired data including the priorities and rationale for prioritization, the immediate and long-term changes, and resources (and sources) the plan would require. 6) 7) Designs are exhibited while participants view each and listen to the teams explanation. After all reports, the entire class will create another design incorporating all the good features of the designs surveyed. 8) Discussion follows.
Guide Questions What are the goals of post-war physical and social reconstruction? What strategies will work? What could be possible facilitating factors? Hindering factors? Which structures are partially damaged and need repairs? Which ones were totally destroyed and need rebuilding? What should be the priorities in the reconstruction and why? Where do we get the resources (material, financial, technological and human)?
inputs
why post-war physical and social reconstruction work?
The following is a discussion of the aims of post-war physical and social reconstruction work. Central to the discussions are examples of the programs undertaken by the CSOs that participated in the UP-CIDS-PST study Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conflict and Violence.
Repair and rebuild infrastructure that was destroyed or damaged during the conflict and facilitate the return of the displaced communities. The construction of new structures such as core shelters, roads, and community centers would provide hope for the people of the community as they begin to have their lives back. Nagdilaab Foundation: The organization facilitated the reconstruction of 22 housing units, repair of the community chapel, and construction of a community learning center in communities that experienced atrocities by the Abu Sayyaf in 2000 and 2001. This gave the children the chance to see that even if the structures were burned or destroyed by bombs, a newer and more useful and beautiful structure would be built in the area and this gave them hope.88
Provide the affected communities access to basic services. These naturally include medical treatment for those hurt or injured during the conflict or those who contracted diseases while in the evacuation centers or other areas of refuge. The various programs and projects sought to provide the communities access to services that were severely affected or hindered as a result of the armed conflict. Projects are also geared towards the provision of basic services to areas where they are non-existent even before the outbreak of conflict, and some of these projects provide particular services. Inspiracion delos Pobres Project of CCF-Basilan: The organization built water management systems that were basically inexistent even before the eruption of armed conflict. Darkness to Light Program of the SCC-CEREA-Extension and Learning Resource (ELR): The program services an isolated community of 62 poverty-stricken Erumanen ne Menuvu families in Agkir-Agkir, Libungan, Cotabato to provide learning relevant to their culture, economic, political and social realities. The objective of this particular project is to teach the Menuvu villagers how to read, write and compute; teach the mothers and young women of the community health, sanita-

tion, preventive medicine and the essence of food nutrition. The program also targets fathers and young men of the community, teaching them alternative farming systems, such as a diversified integrated farming system, sloping agricultural land technology (SALT), animal husbandry, and the establishment of community nurseries. Inam (Hope) Project of the NDFCAI-WED: The project provided specific health services such as harelip and cataract operations and prosthetic feet to indigent communities and its client base does not exclude victims of armed conflict. Provide the communities access to livelihood assistance and income generation mechanisms. The NGOs have helped the affected families regain self-sufficiency by providing them agricultural production support programs, loans through micro-finance systems, or entrepreneurship and and skills trainings. SCC-CEREA-IPDS and Bangsamoro Women Association: The two organizations carried out a cows dispersal project in barangays Nabalawag, Tugel, Mudseng, and Kapinpilan of Midsayap. SCC-CEREA-College Hill Learning Resources Center (CHLRC): The project focuses on sustainable agriculture, trainings, seminars and workshops on plant breeding, organic rice milling, and other relevant issues in agriculture such as the controversial issue of using of genetically modified organism or GMOs. Basic Skills and Entrepreneurship Training (BEST) of NDFCAI-WED: The BEST is a three to five-month training program designed for people without any background on garments making, food processing and small business management. The BEST also exposes trainees to special learning exercises to build self-awareness and self-confidence, and special topics on social responsibility, value formation, personal health and hygiene, bookkeeping and others are included in the lessons. As a follow up training, NDFCAI-WED also conducts the Advanced Skills and Entrepreneurship Training (ASET), designed to provide BEST graduates and other existing entrepreneurs with advanced and specialized skills through classes on garments manufacture, handicrafts, and entrepreneurial management. Strengthening traditional socio-political community structures that were weakened or severely affected by war. In essence, post-war physical and social reconstruction work hopes to build peace by first helping meet the economic needs of the people. As such, aside from providing access to basic services and livelihood assistance, postwar physical and social reconstruction work lays the ground work for peace building. Many of the projects were geared towards rehabilitating families. Inspiracion delos Pobres Project of CCF-Basilan: This is a holistic program geared

to make families physically healthy and self-sufficient while providing their children and youth access to education. Service Learning Program of the SCC Library Science Department and Books for the Barrios Foundation: The program conducted service-learning activities in Rajamuda Elementary School in Pikit, with books and learning resources delivered as gifts and games, storytelling, and book talks facilitated by library science students.89
Prepare community members to consciously work for peace and their areas and helped promote, foster, and increase their participation in peace building efforts. Education services are taken to another level through the integration of peace education in the curriculum. Summer Institute for Peace and Development Motivators (SIPDM) of the SCCCEREA-IPDS: The program seeks to educate students and young people to behave in a pluralistic community, build a strong group composed of dedicated and devoted young peace cadres and preparing them to work consciously for peace in their respective communities. Among the objectives of the SIPDM Curriculum is to equip participants with knowledge and basic skills relevant in sustaining proficient organizational functions and management; and enable them to be guided with necessary tools and principles on community organizing, networking and advocacy based on the current community or organizational needs and recommendations.90 Balay Rehabilitation Center and the Philippine Development Assistance Program (PDAP): These two organizations worked in five conflict-affected barangays in Damulog, Bukidnon in 2003 to help the community effort towards rehabilitation. This was done particularly through training on participatory rapid appraisal and community planning and a seminar on peace and development, which became the basis for another round of activity, the Barangay Rehabilitation Planning. The training program sought to help the barangay development councils build their capability in doing damage, needs and capacities assessment, particularly in formulating a Comprehensive Barangay Rehabilitation Plan (CBRP) executable within a six-month to a full-year timeframe. At the end, Balay and the community members turned over these plans to the PDAP and the Damulog municipal government. The PDAP provided work animals to each of the barangays, and rice seeds were given by the Department of Agriculture, with the DSWD taking the lead in the construction of shelters to replace those destroyed during the conflict. The experience of Balay points out that increasing the awareness of the family, community, and local governments on basic human rights, and international instruments such as the IDPR and the Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC) is integral in the strengthening

of traditional socio-political structures, which in turn, as support systems, safeguard the humanitarian rights of IDPs, most especially children and young people.91
module eleven
muling pagtibay ng puso, damdamin at isipan (restrengthening hearts, feelings, at minds)
Focal Topic: Psychosocial Counseling and Trauma Relief Time: Objective: 90 min To identify goals, strategies and influencing factors of psychosocial counseling and trauma relief Materials: 5 copies Story (including the facilitators) Costume box Mechanics: 1) 2) Participants form 4 teams and are instructed to listen carefully to a story. Facilitator reads them the story:
Its 2050. There is much trouble going on in Planet Za planet a thousand light years away from us but because of advancement in space and tupperware technology is now accessible from Earth in a matter of 15 hours (the same amount of time to travel direct flight to Los Angeles from Manila via Philippine Airlines Boeing 747 a half-century ago). Many Z creatures were unfortunate not to escape the horrors of the protracted jelly war between rival forces. Indeed its a jelly conflict for we cant call it bloody as the Z creatures dont have blood like us humans. These creatures thrive in jelly-like fluids that feed on water. And, as you would have probably predicted, water is a very finite, highly contested, fragile commodity in Planet Z, which happens to be largely under the control of land-based creatures who really dont need much water to survive but rocks to keep them, well, grounded. You see, Z creatures are quite identity-conscious, armed with so much pride. On the other hand, winged air creatures have the monopoly of rocks as their bodies are architecturally meant to carry boulders of rocks in their enormous beaks. Imagine a kalaw or hornbill in whose beak the historic buildings of SM Megamall, the Oakwood and Tutuban Center can fit in comfortably all at the

same time. You got their size? With business-mindedness centered at their beaks, they turn their physiology into big business. And by big business, I mean, really big business. Since the land-based creatures cut the others water supply, the avian creatures deny their rivals their rocks, forcing the former to go on a pebble-diet (a not-so-appetizing adaptation of the South Beach diet). And so conflict broke out and the two camps lashed at each other with their mighty exchange of fire-power, creating a long-standing war characterized by periods of relative peace and sudden outburst of fires. You see, both creatures are capable of creating fire that shoots out of their orifices. Thats why their war is not only jelly and firey, but grossly in bad taste. But who are we humans to judge them, especially when millions of innocent Z civilians (largely mutants of the two warring parties and typically a foot taller than Michael Jordan) are caught in the cross-fire and are constantly adding up to the collateral damage. Anyway, you might be asking: What do these creatures damn war got to do with us? Try playing an old album, by a Black American artist named Tina Turner as the singer had long sung the answer: Whats love got to do with us? You see, by 2050, we humans would have explored the wide open space of the universe and have successfully linked with other creatures, including, of course, the Z creatures, in the mission of spreading love in the universe. Thats why currently were leading the effort to help our Z brothers and sisters in an unprecedented outpouring of interplanetary support. Now you would perhaps suggest: why not share our water with them? Not that easy as the Z creatures need pure unadulterated mineral water. As you know, we also have a short-supply of that, most specially when the Earthlings population has grown into 13 digits. Dont be disheartened because other planets have accepted Z refugees. In fact, special camps were set up in Saturn. Jupiterians spearheading the medical missions have brought to makeshift hospitals in Planet Z lots of burn cream for grilled Z civilians. And Plutonians have taken the responsibility of extracting water from meteors in the form of water capsules as an emergency feeding measure. Anyway, the Interplanetary Emergency Response Network agreed to give us the task of providing the much needed psychosocial help to Zs who are deeply affected by the tragic events. We are informed that a lot of the displaced are suffering from shock, nightmares, constant fear and distrust of fellow creatures. Not to mention their occasional brawls over water capsules. Language may be a terrible problem as the Zs can only communicate verbally with us using AHA for yes and UM-UM

for no. The Martians reported difficulty as they (the Martians) only know MAYBE. Now, why turn to the Pinoys for rescue? It may sound ironic, but while technology in everything else has improved at Superman speed, psychosocial approaches have remained human and Jollibee is still the number one fastfood chain in the Philippines with branches in Venus. The Pinoy human touch in psychosocial help is still recognized undisputedly as the finest model of psychosocial care in the entire universe, leaving a monumental mark in the Guiness Book of Universal Records. So now, you have to prepare your team to better help our Z friends. Imagine you are to meet XY, a Z war orphan, in the evacuation camp, how would you help him?
3)
Each team is given a copy of the story for reference. Given the limited information about XY and the Z victims of war, the team has the freedom to improvise scenarios to help their case.
4)
Members of the team identify and discuss ways to approach the problem and provide the much needed psychosocial help for XY.
5)
Identified responses are dramatized by some members acting as the caregiver while one plays the role of XY.
6) 7) 8)
Teams are encouraged to improvise costumes and movements that would fit in 2050. All teams present their dramas. Discussion follows.
Guide Questions What are the goals of psychosocial counseling and trauma relief? What should be effective strategies for this? What are possible facilitating and hindering factors? How do we help XY? What can we do to help him? What approaches do you think will be effective?
inputs
why psychosocial counseling and trauma relief?
The following is a discussion of the aims of psychosocial counseling and trauma relief work as enumerated in Module Twelve. Central to the discussions are examples of the programs undertaken by the CSOs that participated in the UP-CIDS-PST study Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conflict and Violence.

Effect an improvement in the psychological well being and over-all medical health of the affected community. While some adjustment difficulties have been observed among the members of the affected community at the time of their forced exodus, this may not necessarily indicate trauma or any medical illness. Balik Kalipay: With its in-house doctors and medical team and in coordination with its partners, the organization has served 10 evacuation centers in Maguindanao and Cotabato. Integrated Rehabilitation Program of the Balay Rehabilitation Center: The organization provides direct services such as psychosocial first aid, social casework, psychosocial processing, counseling and therapy, medical support, relief assistance, and legal aid.
Help the community come to terms with the interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation, and their feelings of uncertainty and increased vulnerability. This means enabling a transformation through healing towards a realization that they are survivors and not victims and that they can be actors towards change. Such activities will help them process the effects of armed conflict and violence. The provision of psychosocial intervention activities, in the form of counseling and debriefing, and play or art therapy, provides a continuum for healing and rehabilitation. The main objective of Balik Kalipays project in Pikit, for example, is to continue to facilitate the psychosocial recovery process of primary school and daycare age children, and their families from the experience of war.
Prepare and empower the community to become responsive and active partners towards change. Empowering survivors, activities such as trainings are a means to build their capacity in conflict resolutions skills and in a community-based psychosocial service system. Part of any psychosocial rehabilitation program is the training of partners to enhance skills and coping capabilities, encouraging them to develop cooperation and solidarity. Psychosocial rehabilitation programs have come to include components covering livelihood support and assistance, coping skills management, and youth and childrens development. Nagdilaab Foundation: The organization assisted some 160 families and women in areas that experienced deprivations by the ASG, and these include Barangays Golden Harvest and Materling in Lantawan, Balobo in Lamitan, and the town of Tumahubong in Sumisip. Aside from relief services, trauma healing sessions and other psychosocial services in these areas, the NGO conducted training on community organizing and capability building. Another project is the Recycling War

Trash for Peace (RWTP) Project of the Nagdilaab Foundation and the Ateneo Research Center of the Ateneo de Zamboanga University. Integrated Rehabilitation Program of the Balay Rehabilitation Center: Under the Youth and Childrens Development component of this project, Balay worked towards leadership and peace advocate formation through peace camps, skills training, peer counselor seminars, parent-child encounters, workshops on childrens rights, and support for youth organizations. Under the Coping Skills Development component, the Integrated Rehabilitation Program conducts workshops on traumatic stress management, critical incident stress debriefing, and peace dialogues. The Livelihood Support and Assistance component meanwhile works towards the capability enhancement of stakeholders to set up therapeutic and sustainable income-generating projects, support to livelihood projects and establishment of cooperatives.
deepening
recycling war trash for peace (RWTP) nagdilaab foundation92
Study the following description of the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP) of the Nagdilaab Foundation. Background: The concept of the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP), a project of the Nagdilaab Foundation and the Ateneo Research Center of the Ateneo de Zamboanga University, is a holistic project towards the attainment of the culture of peace. Under this project, Muslim and Christian out of school youths (OSYs) shall undergo training in creative arts to transform war remnants such as empty ammunition shells into materials of peace. With the communities that have experienced armed conflict as the indirect beneficiaries, the RWTP followed social preparation to orient the communities about the project and to solicit participation in community healing rituals for the collection of war remnants. What makes the project innovative is its premise that healing is one of its key objectives rather than on income generation, which is the emphasis peculiar to most livelihood programs. While the Nagdilaab Foundation has yet to conduct a psychosocial and economic impact assessment of the RWTP, the proponent shared optimism about the success of the project. At the time of the visit of the UP-CIDS-PST team in Isabela, the project was only in its training-implementation phase. According to Nagdilaab Foundation Coordinator Esperancita Hupida, one of the other innovative features of the project is that it can be easily replicated in other areas like Jolo and Cotabato.

Objectives: 1) To provide healing and training of OSYs in enhancing their skills in creative arts, emphasizing that production and marketing are not the sole purposes of the project; 2) To explore and translate into concrete works the creativeness and potentials of OSYs in contrast to the well established recipe of projects such as handicrafts and basketmaking; 3) To integrate peace building values such as self-respect among the OSYs in relation to their co-participants and the outside community, placing stress on understanding, trust and cooperation in all endeavors relative to the promotion of a culture of peace.
Components: The project has four components: 1) healing, 2) recycling, 3) productivity, and 4) human resource capability.
Since the participating OSYs are mostly victims of violence, RWTP can provide a more constructive venue for healing through the application of creative arts. Using an approach that is different from that employed in conventional Orientation Towards Peace (OTP) training, the RWTPs approach is to re-channel their time and energy towards attaining a positive outlook on life. Families are encouraged to participate in community healing through rituals for the collection of remnants of war undertaken in the selected and organized communities.
The RWTP works on the notion of recycling the more visible remnants of armed conflict, such as metal scraps left by the combatants, bullet shells and mortar capsules, into functional and decorative products. Five areas in Basilan, namely barangays Kapatagan, Tabuk, Tabiawan in Isabela City, and Lantawan Poblacion and Tairan in Lantawan, have been initially identified as sources for these war remnants, which are to be transformed into products that are indicative of the desire for peace by their makers and by the people of Basilan in general.
The RWTP provides a venue for OSYs to put their idle time into more productive use, with the profits gained to benefit the OSYs, their families and their respective communities.
The human resource capability component entails that, through the entirety of the project, the OSYs are expected to have developed and enhanced their capabilities for daily living, in particular, to meet at least their own needs and those of their dependents.
Discussion Point:
What do you think of the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP) of the Nagdilaab Foundation?
module twelve
muling pagsasaayos ng nasirang pagsasama (rebuilding lost links)
Focal Topic: Reconciliation and Rebuilding Social Relationships Time: Objective: 50 min To identify goals, strategies and influencing factors of reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships Materials: 4 pcs - Written story (including the facilitators) 3 pcs - Pens 6 pcs - Bond papers 3 pcs - Cartolina 3 pcs - Markers Mechanics: 1) 2) Participants divide into 3 teams. The facilitator distributes an exercise kit to each team. The kit contains a paper with a written story, a pen, a few sheets of bond paper, cartolina and a marker. 3) All teams receive the same scenario: Suggested Story: Bohelebung, Basilan, Y2K in Module Seven. 4) Participants carefully read the story, analyze it and begin sharing ideas on how to reconcile the parties in conflict. The scenario doesnt have an ending and so the approaches on how to reconcile the parties should serve as the storys resolution. 5) Based on their resolution, participants use the letters of the word RECONCILIATION written big and vertically in the middle of a cartolina as an acrostics game, i.e., they think of solutions to reconciliation in terms of words or phrases that bear a letter in the word reconciliation. The letter can be the first in the word or the last or in the middle. 6) 7) The acrostics charts are posted on the board while story endings are shared in the circle. Discussion follows.
Guide Questions What are the givens in the scenario? What can be a good possible ending that will bridge the gap in the relationships and why? When you hear the term reconciliation what immediately comes to your mind? What are the objectives, strategies, facilitating and debilitating factors that must be considered to effect a genuine reconciliation?
inputs
why reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships?
The following is a discussion of the aims of efforts towards reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships. Central to the discussions are examples of the programs undertaken by the CSOs that participated in the UP-CIDS-PST study Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conflict and Violence.
Address the lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethno-linguistic groups, and the destruction of social relationships, which are the results of armed conflict and violence. The first step in the process of reconciliation is raising a collective and individual consciousness of the existence of biases and prejudices that hinder peacebuilding efforts and these could be addressed through the provision of psychosocial rehabilitation work. These activities would have prepared and empowered the community to become responsive and active partners towards change. Summer Institute for Peace and Development (SIPDM) of the SCC, the GENPEACE Project of NDFCAI-WED, and the Twinning of Schools Project of Balay: All these projects are geared towards an increase of awareness, understanding, and appreciation of the cultures and beliefs of the various communities in Mindanao, and the promotion of cultural diversity, which are necessary for a pluralistic community to live harmoniously and in peaceful coexistence. For example, the core theme and message of the GENPEACE Project stresses the need of living and working together peacefully, on shared goals and seeking non-violent solutions to the conflict.
Bridge and rebuild social relationships affected by armed conflict. The various programs on reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships provide continuity to the process of healing, empowerment and change. Southern Christian College-Center for Media and Arts of the Community Education, Research, and Extension Administration (SCC-CEREA-CMA): The center explores all avenues to reach a greater number of people. Part of the tri-media advocacy programs of the SCC-CEREA-CMA are the Kapihan sa Kalinaw (Coffee for Peace), a weekly community and issue-oriented show aired over local cable television, and the Paaralang Pangkapayapaan (Schools for Peace), a radio advocacy program aired over a local radio station covering five provinces. Both programs discuss current and relevant issues and concerns on peace and development. The Kapihan sa Kalinaw and the Paaralang Pangkapayapaan serve as venues to air peoples vision and dreams, aspirations and hopes for their future and as means

of advocacy work with government organizations in advancing public policies. Through these two channels, the SCC conducted peace campaigns to foster among its listeners, a deeper understanding of social issues and respect towards different religious beliefs.
module thirteen
muling pagbalik sa pamayanan (returning to the community)
Focal Topic: Demobilization and Reintegration of Former Combatants Time: Objective: 60 min To identify goals, strategies and influencing factors of demobilization and reintegration of former combatants Materials: 3-5 boxes Clay 15 pcs - Popsicle sticks 10 pcs Cartolina 5 pcs Markers 5 pcs Pencils 5 boxes - Craypas. Other available objects around Mechanics: 1) 2) 3) 4) Participants form 3-5 teams. Each team is equipped with a set of clay, popsicle sticks, cartolina, markers and craypas. The facilitator instructs the teams to create 2 sets of sculptures mounted on 2 pictures. The first set is all about weapons and ammunitions used in armed conflict. Here, participants use the materials to fashion half of the clay into killing instruments. The team should come up with at least 5 pieces. 5) 6) When done, the sculptures are scattered on a cartolina. Participants draw people holding the weapons, thus creating a mixed-media 3-dimensional drawing-cum-installation art, representing the combatants. 7) Then using the other half of the clay, teams create a new set of sculptures that symbolizes means to demobilize and reintegrate former combatants. Teams can make separate sculptures for adults and for children. 8) Finished sculptures are likewise scattered on the second cartolina and similarly, draw-

ings of people holding them are added, creating a totally different picture. 9) Each team presents their masterpieces in the plenary.
Guide Questions

What different weapons can you identify? How are these used by people in combat? What can be possible ways of demobilizing and reintegrating former combatants? If you are to create sculptures to represent the opposite of the symbolism of guns, what images will you create?
How do you think people will relate with these images/sculptures?
inputs
why demobilization and reintegration of former combatants?
The following is a discussion of the aims of efforts towards the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants. Central to the discussions are examples of the programs undertaken by the CSOs that participated in the UP-CIDS-PST study Documentation on Peace Building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conflict and Violence.
Aid re-entry to the family and community. These programs include the provision of educational and livelihood assistance not only for ex-combatants but victims of armed conflicts in general. Nagdilaab Foundation, Balay Rehabilitation Center and CCF-Basilan: While these three organizations have no specific or special programs for the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants, their respective programs on the provision of educational assistance have also been extended to ex-members of armed groups. These organizations also help facilitate, assist, and coordinate the reintegration and rehabilitation of former combatants in cooperation with the Provincial and Municipal Social Worker Development Officers. Balays psychosocial development response also extends to former combatants. Peace Literacy Program of the NDFCAI-WED: Participants of the program also included active members of the MILF. The NDFCAI-WED notes that pockets within the MILF ranks had invited them to conduct literacy programs and even shared their facilities, madrasahs, houses, and selected venues such as under the canopy of trees for the classes. The objectives of these classes are to help them read and write,

and to help them make decisions for their own lives and families. The NDFCAIWED also extended its Credit Assistance Program in the reintegration and rehabilitation work. With the applicants entrepreneurial potential as one of the criteria, the financial assistance program is designed to provide seed capital for graduates of the Functional Literacy, Adult Education, Entrepreneurship and Skills Training Programs to put up home-based businesses. Technical assistance is also provided by the NDFCAI-WED in the marketing, design, and packaging of the products, with the WED Crafts Center in Cotabato City as the display center.
chapter five: towards convergence
module fourteen
isa, dalawa, tatlo (one, two, three)
Focal Topic: Working Together Time: Objective: 20 min To understand and appreciate the value of non-duplication and complementation Mechanics: 1. 2. Participants sit in a circle. The facilitator instructs them that the game simply involves counting 1, 2, 3, until everyone is accounted for. 3. The trick is, at any given point, anyone but one can start and continue counting. Whenever two or more people simultaneously say a number, the counting should start all over
learning modules
again. The game does not end not until everyone is accounted fori.e., everyone had his/her own number. 4. Discussion follows with the facilitator relating the exercise to working together of different institutions.
Guide Questions

What do you think/feel about your experience of the game? What can we learn from it in relation to working together? Why is it important for different groups to complement and avoid duplication of work and turfing?
CHAPTER TWO
| 157
input
inter-agency cooperationcoordinationconvergence
Inter-agency cooperation can be an effective strategy to: Maximize limited and precious resources. Make the staff more effective through the active involvement of stakeholders. Increase the capacity of the staff in managing and coordinating relief efforts and operations and their preparedness for any complex emergencies, particularly displacements. Reinforce relationships with local partners
Coordination is meanwhile defined as something going about a project with the assistance of a partner organization who shares the same task. 93 Inter-agency cooperation and coordination play a great role in the interface of PRW and peace building. The facilitating and coordinating roles played by CSOs like the Immaculate Conception Parish in Pikit underscore the reality that any form of intervention program in times of complex emergencies is about the following: Fostering of peace Empowerment of affected communities and individuals Effecting needed changes for the elimination of the root causes of the conflict
As such, CSOs must always be in search of innovative ways to address the consequences of violence or armed conflict, for windows and opportunities, and for new partners, principles and practices in peace building.
deepening
Study the following article on the role played by the Immaculate Parish Church in Pikit in coordinating and complementing relief efforts during the outbreak of hostilities between government troops and MILF forces in Central Mindanao (see pages 61-62).
Discussion Point: What do you think of the efforts undertaken by the Immaculate Conception Parish?
part three: preparing for the journeyraising sails
introduction
in her fathers footsteps94
From her home in Kanimbungan, a little girl named Rajam walked to school daily barefoot, keeping her precious rubber slippers in her bag with her pencil and notebook. Many of her classmates, the sons and daughters of laborers at the Tairan Plantation, laughed at how she gingerly cared for her slippers, which she wore only when she reached school. Nonetheless, seven-year old Rajam did not mind the teasing. Her parents, who lived off the land by cultivating and selling coconuts, sugar cane, pineapple, abaca and bananas, could not afford to buy her slippers every time she lost or wore them out. Her protective and conservative father, Mutamad Saladjin, a Tausug-Yakan, nonetheless was a popular figure in their area and a member of the Ansar El Islam, one of the numerous Moslem organizations that mushroomed in Mindanao during the post-World War II period. Despite his popularity, Rajams father remained eternally humble, always stressing to his children the importance of understanding those who cannot. He left a lasting impression on her eldest daughter Rajam Mutamad, with whom I caught up at her spacious and comfortable two-story residence in Mabarakat Village in Isabela. Born in peaceful 1949 Basilan, Rajam remembers growing up guided by her fathers wisdom. My father always told me about the importance of respect, said Rajam. And the lack of respect towards the Moslems by the Marcos government was the reason why he joined the MNLF. Government soldiers had burned down the mosque that he had built in the Puno Mohadje area. Rajam, who was then a sophomore nursing student in Manila, returned home to find her beloved Basilan on the brink of war. Early in 1972, a soldier tipped the venerable Mutamad Saladjin that he was going to be arrested by the military. With his family, he immediately took refuge in the jungles of Kanimbungan, which provided them and his 5,000 people under his wing, protection from the soldiers, who were unfamiliar with the almost impenetrable territory. After five months in the forest, Rajam, the daughter of one of the most wanted rebel leaders in Basilan, became restless. She wanted peace. She wanted her father to surrender to the government. With the blessings of her mother but unknown to her father, she boldly decided to go to Manila to negotiate for a cease-fire with the government, alone. She was leaving behind her first-born son Omar, and her beloved father. From Kanimbungan, she hiked all the way to Tairan, where she boarded one of the company copra trucks filled to the sides with Christian and Moslem families fleeing the fighting. Every time there was a checkpoint, 23-year old Rajam only closed her eyes, just waiting for the military to discover her identity the daughter of Commander Mutamad. Hanging for her dear life at the side of the truck,
161
she finally made it to Isabela and proceeded to her uncles at the Log Pond district who refused to take her in. After wandering aimlessly around the town, she spent the night at the harbor in one of the waiting boats, among the Badjao. From there, she made it across the strait to Zamboanga City, which was crawling with military soldiers and spies. She knew that she could not stay long in the city without being discovered. There was no other ship bound for Manila except a cargo ship, the M/V Davao. After nine days since she left home, Rajam finally made it to Manila. The undisputed and legendary bravery of the Tausug heroine Putli Isara surfaced in Rajam, who directly went to Camp Crame, which she penetrated on a concocted safe conduct pass allegedly issued by a certain Col. Bankula. Inaamin ko, anak ako ng rebelde. (I admit it, I am the daughter of a rebel.) Rajam recalled the day she faced one Col. Arevalo in Camp Aguinaldo, the nerve center of the Philippine military. Placing her love for peace and for her father above herself, Rajam faced the powers of the military alone and she bared to the colonel her plans to call for her father to surrender to the government. Pwede ko syang ma-convince na sumurender. (I can convince him to surrender.), she remembered saying with complete confidence to Colonel Arevalo who was struck with her boldness. Her only demand was a safe conduct pass to return to Basilan. After a week, she returned to Zamboanga City. There, Rajam, still under the watchful eyes of the military, met with SouthCom officials to negotiate for a cease-fire and her fathers surrender. Sometime around the end of October or the start of November 1972, Rajam, her husband and a few companions, on board a military launch, landed in Kalayan, from where she hiked to Kanimbungan. Her condition to the military was to return three days after in the same place at high noon. She said that if they failed to return by then, the negotiations would not push through. After a couple of hours of hiking, they arrived in Kanimbungan, which was deserted, save for Mutamads youngest brother, Hajji Ismael Saladjin. Rajam and her uncle started hiking in for 12 hours across the dark inhospitable forest. At 3:00 AM, they arrived in Mutamads camp in Galayan, near the Mahayahay area. People were afraid of Rajam, whom they greatly suspected as a government spy. At noon the following day, she came face to face with her father, whom she had not seen since she had left without his knowledge for Manila. The night had fallen, and in a location near a cave with a spring, the rebel leader and his eldest daughter became locked in discussion. Two days later, at the agreed time, Rajam appeared from the brush in Kalayan. She returned to Zamboanga City to meet with Commodore Romulo Espaldon, the overall commander of government forces in Mindanao and asked for a cease-fire. Espaldon, who grew up among Moslems in Simunul and had fought alongside them during World War II, praised Rajam for her persistent efforts to have a cease-fire agreement between the government and her fathers fighters in Kanimbungan and Galayan. Rajam returned to Manila, bearing her fathers demands and after 15 days, the government approved the proposed cease-fire. Negotiations for surrender lasted for seven months and in 1973, Mutamad Saladjin and his associates were brought to SouthCom, where Comm. Espaldon cordially met and saluted them. They soon traveled to Manila and the rest, Rajam says, is history. With a twinkle in her eye, Rajam recalled an extra-ordinary incident that showed her fathers heart full of respect and mercy towards non-combatants in the midst of a war. Mutamad, a true follower of
Islam, intervened on the behalf of a Christian couple caught by a fellow commander, whose men were eager to fire bullets at their hostages. Gagged and tied to a post, they were ready to be executed for crimes they did not know. Mutamad convinced the itchy trigger fingers to let the poor Christians go. He even had some of his men escort the couple to safety, leaving them not far from an army outpost. A few years later, on his way down from a motor launch at the pier, Mayor Mutamad noticed a group of strangers waving and cheering at him. They embraced and carried him on their shoulders, shouting how a good and merciful man he was. A man and a woman approached him. Do you not remember us? they asked the old man. Surprised by the sudden outpouring of love, he failed to recognize the couple. We were the ones you saved from death My relatives and I have come here to thank you and show you our support. Bang magtanem kew kahapan, inaninun kew kahapan isab, (If you sow goodness, you will reap the same), Rajam recalled what her father often told her during a more peaceful and happier time in Kanimbungan. It was a rule that Mutamad Saladjin lived by and Rajam, his eldest daughter, was simply following his footsteps.
chapter six: going to journey
In Part Two, we have learned the responses made by civil society in addressing the consequences of armed conflict and violence. Part Three is where we start to prepare for our own journeys to peace. Take some time to look back from where we started and see how much we have traveled.
CHAPTER SIX
| 163
chapter six: going to journey
module fiftteen
mga bituin ng kapayapaan (stars of peace)
Focal Topic: Action-Planning Time: Objective: 90 min To identify courses of action, objectives, strategies, facilitating and hindering factors in addressing peace issues Materials: 6 pcs - Cardboard 6 pairs Scissor At least 50 pcs Assorted colored papers 6 small bottles - Glue 3 balls Strings/yarns 6 pcs - Markers 6 boxes - Craypas Mechanics: 1) Participants form 6 groups each focusing on particular theme: post-war physical and social construction; psychosocial counseling and trauma relief; reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships; fact-finding, mercy and cease-fire monitoring missions; demobilization and reintegration of former combatants; and pre-conflict prevention measures. 2) Focusing on how to better conduct and implement programs and activities on a particular theme, participants identify specific objectives that should guide the course of action.
164

3) 4) Then participants share ideas on how to achieve these objectives by identifying strategies. Using force field analysis, the team identifies enabling and disabling factors that can contribute and hinder respectively the course of action. 5) 6) The team creates a visual report. Each team is given a set of art materials which includes but not limited to cardboard, colored papers, cartolina, glue, markers, craypas, scissors and strings. 7) The task of each team is to create a spiral mobile by drawing and cutting the lines of a spiral using cardboard and scissors, and attaching stars on different edges using the strings. The mobile can be further decorated using other materials. A peace symbol is attached at the top of the mobile. 8) Objectives are written on the stars. Attached to the stars are the strategies written on cut-out papers in the shape of a hand. Enabling or facilitating factors are written on flower-or-dove-like cut-outs while disabling or hindering factors in guns-and-bombsshaped cut-outs. 9) Mobiles are hang from the ceiling.
10) Each team reports. 11) Discussion follows.
Guide Questions

What courses of action should be taken to achieve peace? What objectives should be targeted? What strategies should be devised to achieve these objectives? What are the facilitating factors in peace building? What are the hindering factors?
See pages 42-46 for a discussion of strategies and facilitating and hindering factors in psychosocial rehabilitation work.
module sixteen
pagbabago (change)
Focal Topic: Assessment of change in policy, ground-level situation and mindset of primary stakeholders
CHAPTER SIX
| 165

Time: Objective: 60 min To assess the change in policy issue, ground-level situation, and in perception, attitude and behavior of primary stakeholders Materials: 1 pc - Life-size drawing of the human body 1 roll - Masking tape or double tape At least 40 pcs - Round meta cards At least 40 pcs Triangular meta cards 10 pcs - Markers Mechanics: 1) 2) 3) 4) As a way of introducing the topic, the participants play an observation game. Participants form pairs and identify who is A and B. As carefully observe their partners. Then the facilitator instructs As to turn their back while Bs make three changes in their bodye.g., removing a watch, folding the sleeves of shirt, putting the wallet in a different pocket. 5) When the facilitator says Face your partners, As look at their partners and identify the three changes done. 6) 7) 8) Then it is As turn to make the changes and Bs to guess. Discussion about changes and observation ensues. Then facilitator segues to introduce the main topic of the activity which is assessing changes in the policy, ground-level condition and mindset of stakeholders. 9) Participants divide into three teams, each team focusing on a particular area of assessment.
10) In order to assess changes, teams must be able to identify the before and after conflict state, and find out if there is any difference. 11) The before conditions are re-established based on an earlier game (A Cartogram, 2 Pictures and A News) while the after conditions are written on round meta cards. Changes in the before-&-after conditions are written on triangular meta cards. 12) Posted on the board are the output of A Cartogram, 2 Pictures and A News are posted on the left-hand side of the board and a drawing outlining the human body marked AFTER on the right-hand side with a meta card marked THE CHANGE in the middle. 13) The first group is called to share their report. While reporting meta cards are posted on specific areas of the respective drawing: policy after-condition are posted on the hands, ground-level after-conditions on the feet, and after-conditions in attitude/perception/ behavior in the brain and in the heart. Change meta cards are posted in marked column. 14) Then the next group reports, so on, so forth. 15) Discussion follows.
Guide Questions

What was the situation before? What is the situation now? What changes did we observe? What prompted the change? What is the role of the stakeholders in these changes? How do these changes affect the lives of the community? The conflicting parties? The civilian population? Third parties?
lessons learned
Several lessons can be drawn from the experiences of CSOs to address the psychosocial consequences of violence and armed conflict. The various responses undertaken by these organizations show a wealth of good practices that could be applied in providing psychosocial help in communities that have been ravaged by war and experienced periods of armed conflict. The following are eight themes identified by the UP-CIDS-PST on the lessons learned by CSOs doing psychosocial help in the Philippines: 1) Individuals, institutions and members of the community need to be dynamic and creative to address the psychosocial consequences of armed conflict and violence at the personal and collective levels. The experiences of CSOs oriented towards psychosocial help in the Philippines point out to the importance of building the capacities of individuals, institutions, and communities as a valuable step in addressing the psychosocial consequences of violence and armed conflict. These include conflict management skills. 2) In conducting psychosocial help, organizations stressed the importance of maintaining credibility in the eyes of the people they wish to servepaying attention not to be closely identified with a political entity or particular religious group. It was revealed during the FGDs in Cotabato and Basilan, that some NGOs were closely identified with certain politicians that a change in administration made it difficult for them to operate in areas controlled by the rivals of the politicians so with whom they had been identified. 3) In conducting psychosocial help, organizations stressed the importance of involving the community, exploring all possible strategies in addressing the issues and concerns. Programs and staff note the importance of paying attention to local nuances, and being careful to become sensitive to culture, beliefs, and traditions of the community. 4) There is the need to be careful not to encourage a dole-out mentality among the
CHAPTER SIX
| 167

stakeholders. By allowing them an active role in the planning, implementation of the projects, they are given a sense of ownership. It is important to be non-selective in the provision of psychosocial services and transparent in dealings and provision of services, monitoring and evaluation. 5) Networking, linkages and partnerships with LGUs, traditional and key leaders of the community are important. Organizations and workers need to observe a code of conduct to ensure continued good relations with the community, such as observing principles of confidentiality, being gender- and culture-sensitive and other simple practices such as wearing appropriate attire when visiting Muslim areas. 6) Programs have to be dynamic and creative to be able to address the needs of the community and there should be constant evaluation and monitoring on the part of the staff to determine the successes or failures/weaknesses or strengths of a given program. Integrative community-based approaches have been described as more successful. 7) There is a need to create (or review and reinforce existing) laws, policies, ordinances, and resolutions on the provision of psychosocial care for people that have experienced armed conflict. However, careful emphasis must be placed in identifying local healing ways and practices. There is also the need to care for the caregivers, to ensure their safety and well-being. 8) There is the need to establish programs to address the consequences of violence in areas such as Mindoro Occidental, and the need to push civil society groups to take a more active role in this regard. Much more training needs to be done, stressing the important role of the LGUs in the provision of these trainings, which need to be culturesensitive.
module seventeen
pagwawakas at panimula (ending and beginning)
Focal Topic: Closing Ritual Time: Objective: Materials: 30 min To end the session with a ritual of hope for peace and solidarity in action Papers of the bowling ball (from an earlier game) Walis tingting

At least 30 pcs - Strings of assorted colors (1-1/2 long) 30 pcs - Small colored papers (for origami) Lyrics of song Minus-one music Candles, Lighter/match Mechanics: 1) 2) The pieces of paper used for Module Ten are scattered on the floor. Participants are given each a tingting (small stem in coconut leaves) to use in sweeping the papers. 3) Facilitator evokes reaction from the participants if the mission is possible or not. S/he asks them what to do to simplify the task. 4) 5) 6) Participants collect the tingtings and a volunteer holds them together. Volunteer uses the collected tingtings to sweep the papers off the floor. Then while in a circle, participants are given strings/yarns of at least 2 different colors (about 1-1/2 feet long). 7) Altogether, they connect the strings on both ends forming a huge circle of strings while saying: I connect my efforts to your efforts. We work hand in hand. Together we will be able to build a lasting peace. 8) 9) Then the circle of strings will be used to tie together the tingtings. The walis tingting (broom-sticks) is turned upside down to let it stand.
10) Then participants are given each a small piece of colored paper and pen to write down their intentions for peace. It can be a short prayer, a dream, a wish, short message of hope, etc. 11) Participants are guided to create a bird origami out of the paper. 12) One-by-one, participants put the bird-shaped papers on the tips of the walis tingting while expressing their intentions. 13) The ritual concludes with everybody holding hands together while singing Let There Be Peace. It would better if there was a minus-one music to accompany the singing, and lighting of a few candles.
CHAPTER SIX
| 169
endnotes
1. Taken from the results of the FGD Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building at the SCC Global House in Midsayap, Cotabato from June 8 to 9, 2004, attended by representatives from the Balay Mindanao Office, Balik Kalipay, the NDFCAI-WED and the SCC-CEREA-IPDS. 2. A truth commission is a body established to investigate human rights violations (HRVs) committed by military, government, or other armed forces under the previous regime or during a civil war. Former President Aquino gave broad powers to the Presidential Committee on Human Rights to investigate HRVs attributed to the military during the authoritarian rule of her predecessor Marcos. However, the committee never issued a final report. 3. Philippine Headline News Online, Mindoro NPA Threat Growing Army, Nov. 3, 2001, http.// www.newsflash.org/2001/11/htframe.htm 4. Philippine Headline News Online, Oriental Mindoro Offered as Balikatan Site, March 7, 2003, http://www.newsflash.org/2003/03/htframe.htm 5. Interview conducted by Agnes Camacho and Marco Puzon with a worker for a church-based group in San Jose, Mindoro Occidental on June 30, 2004, identity concealed for security reasons. 6. An account of the state of life in the evacuation centers in Pikit poblacion in 2000 given to Marco Puzon by Josephine Mamites, Balik Kalipay volunteer and social worker, during a tour around the town center on the morning of June 10, 2004. 7. Interviews conducted by Agnes Camacho with Basilan Provincial Social Worker and Development Officer (PSWDO) Eduardo Baird for the on-going Children Caught in Conflicts Project of the UPCIDS-PST on June 3, 2003 in Isabela City and with a barangay official from Lantawan in May of the same year. 8. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with a barangay official in Atong-Atong, Lantawan in September 2000 for an unfinished manuscript, a travelogue around Basilan. 9. Church Partners Profile, Tabang Mindanaw, http://home.mindgate.net/tabangmindanaw/ about_us.html 10. History, Balay Rehabilitation Center website, www.balayph.org 11. Interviews conducted by Marco Puzon with former Balay Executive Director Flora Arellano of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines Human Rights Center in Manila on August 31, 2004. 12. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with Esperancita Hupida, Coordinator of the Nagdilaab Foun-
171

dation, in Isabela City, Basilan, on June 2, 2004. 13. See Addendum: Profiles on Displacement, Philippines in the Specific Groups and Individuals, Mass Exoduses and Internal Displacement, Report of the Representative of the Secretary-General on internally displaced persons, Mr. Francis M. Deng, submitted pursuant to Commission on Human Rights esolution 2002/56 at http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord2003/documentation/commission/ecn4-2003-86-add4.htm 14. Taken from the results of the FGD Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building at the SCC Global House in Midsayap, Cotabato from June 8 to 9, 2004, attended by representatives from the Balay Mindanao Office, headed by its Regional Coordinator, Maricar Edmilao. 15. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with Esperancita Hupida, Coordinator of the Nagdilaab Foundation, in Isabela City, Basilan, on June 2, 2004. 16. Based on a profile prepared by Josephine Mamites of Balik Kalipay. 17. The MOA in the Handling and Treatment of Children Involved in Armed Conflict was signed in 2000 by then Vice-President and DSWD Secretary Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and the heads of various government agencies and offices, including the AFP, the Philippine National Police, Department of National Defense, Department of Health, Department of the Interior and Local Government and the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP). 18. Mga Inisyal na Pagkakasundo Patungkol sa Usaping Pangkapayapaan at Pantaong Kaseguruhan, a document detailing the consultative meeting between the representatives of the Mangyan tribes, AFP and local government held at San Isidro Formation Center, San Jose, Mindoro Occidental on September 6, 2003. 19. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with Fr. Bert Layson, at the Pikit Parish Church in Pikit on June 10, 2004. 20. Taken from the results of the FGD Documentation of Civil Society Experiences in Peace-Building at the SCC Global House in Midsayap, Cotabato from June 8 to 9, 2004, attended by representatives from the Balay Mindanao Office, Balik Kalipay, the NDFCAI-WED and the SCC-CEREA-IPDS. 21. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with Balay Executive Director Lorena dela Cruz at the Balay Head Office in Quezon City on August 30, 2004. 22. The Tau-buid community is divided between the naka-damit or those who have already taken to wearing modern clothing and have converted into Christianity, and the di naka-damit or those who choose to shun all influences from the outside world and still wear traditional clothing made of treebark. Mr. Lumawig says that close to 80 percent of the Tau-buid in his area are still of the latter variety. Visits to the villages of the di naka-damit Tau-buid Mangyan are allowed only in designated areas.
23. Mga Inisyal na Pagkakasundo Patungkol sa Usaping Pangkapayapaan at Pantaong Kaseguruhan, a document detailing the consultative meeting between the representatives of the Mangyan tribes,
172 | E N D N O T E S

AFP and local government held at San Isidro Formation Center, San Jose, Mindoro Occidental on September 6, 2003. 24. Interview conducted by Agnes Camacho and Marco Puzon with PASAKAMI Chairman Juanito Lumawig regarding Tau-buid life-ways and practices on June 30, 2004 in San Jose, Mindoro Occidental. 25. Taken from an unpublished manuscript by Marco P. Puzon on the life of the people of Basilan in 2000. The short article is an account of the reaction of the people in Sitio Magpantay in Bohe Tambis, Tuburan, Basilan on the news of the eruption of a war in Jolo on September 16, 2000. 26. UP-CIDS-PST, Teaching Peace, Human Rights and Conflict Resolution, Teaching Manual, UP-CIDSPST/British Embassy-Manila, 2003, p. 81. 27. Ibid, p. 81. 28. Ibid, p. 27. 29. Taken from the Psychosocial Network Pre-test Documentation, Takepan, Pikit, Cotabato, November 14 to 20, 2004, UP-CIDS-PST/Regional Emergency Psychosocial Support Network (RESPN), unpublished. 30. Filing Knowledge Gaps: a Research Agenda The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children The Florence Workshop, July 2 to 4, 2001, Florence, Italy, p. 21. 31. Ibid, p. 20. 32. Adapted from Basic Principles on page 20 of the Filing Knowledge Gaps: a Research Agenda The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children The Florence Workshop, July 2 to 4, 2001, Florence, Italy. 33. Filing Knowledge Gaps: a Research Agenda The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children The Florence Workshop, July 2 to 4, 2001, Florence, Italy, p. 21. 34. Aldaba, F.T, and Petilla, M.J.P. in Overview of West Papua and Mindanao Situation from the Round Table on Inter-Faith Collaboration for Peace and Development by the Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR), Aldaba and Petilla, Eds., 2004, Philippines. 35. Beckett, J., Political Families and Family Politics Among the Muslim Maguindanaon of Cotabato, in An Anarchy of Families, State and Family in the Philippines, Edited by McCoy, A.W., Ateneo de Manila University Press, p. 293. 36. Loughry, M., and Ager, A (editors), The Refugee Experience Psychosocial Training Module (Rev. Ed.) Volume 1, Refugees Studies Center (2001), pp. 32-33. 37. Ibid, p. 32. 38. Demilitarize All National Minority Communities! Bulatlat Vol. 3, No. 26, August 3-9, 2003. 39. The Soldiers Ruined Our Lives Reign of Terror in Three Towns in Mindoro Occidental Bulatlat Vol. 4, No.1, February 1-7, 2004. 40. Werning, R., Children in Situations of Armed Conflict, Reflections on a burning issue. 41. Interview conducted by Agnes Camacho and Marco Puzon with PASAKAMI Chairman Juanito
ENDNOTES|
173

Lumawig regarding Tau-buid Mangyan life-ways and practices on June 30, 2004 in San Jose, Mindoro Occidental. 42. Lifted from the narrative report, an interview with Sonia, a 16-year old child soldier, which is part of the UP-CIDS-PSTs Children Involved in Armed Conflict in East Asia and the Pacific: Case Studies Project. 43. Updates on the Mindanao Displacement due to the January 2003 Armed Conflict between the GRP and MILF, As of October 2003 www.balayph.org/ 44. Loughry, M., and Ager, A (editors), The Refugee Experience Psychosocial Training Module (Rev. Ed.) Volume 1, Refugees Studies Center (2001), p. 76. 45. Ibid, p. 111 46. Zaide, G.F., Pagsanjan, In History and Legend, in www.pagsanjan.org/hometown/ historychap7.html 47. Based from a pakikipagkuwento between Marco Puzon with Dr. Felipe de Leon on February 16, 2005. 48. The CVO as defined in the Combined Second and Third Report of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines to the United Nations Human Rights Council. 49. Armed or Not, They are Children A Primer on the Use of Children as Soldiers in the Philippines, Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS)/ Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) 2004, p. 4 50. Ibid, p. 6 51. Armed or Not, They are Children A Primer on the Use of Children as Soldiers in the Philippines, Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS)/ Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) 2004, p. 9 52. Environment and Social Development Unit, World Bank East Asia and Pacific Region, Social Assessment of Conflict-Affected Areas in Mindanao, Philippines Post Conflict Series #1, p. 19. 53. May, R.J., The Wild West in the South: A Recent Political History of Mindanao in Mindanao: Land of Unfulfilled Promise, New Day Publishers, Quezon City (1992), p. 142. 54. Loughry, M., and Ager, A (editors), The Refugee Experience Psychosocial Training Module (Rev. Ed.) Volume 1, Refugees Studies Center (2001), p. 31. 55. Philippine Center on Transnational Crime (PCTC) Paper on Drug Trafficking, http:// www.pctc.gov.ph/edocs/papers/Drug%20Trafficking.htm 56. Gutierrez, E., The Unfinished Jihad, in Rebels, Warlords and Ulama, A Reader on Muslim Separatism and War in the Southern Philippines, Institute for Popular Democracy, 2000, p. 289. 57. Ibid, p.289 58. Puzon, M., Crisis in the Southern Philippines Displaced families, traumatized children and hatred: The Price to Pay for Peace and Order? in the Regional Emergency Psychosocial Support Network
174 | E N D N O T E S

Quarterly Newsletter, Vol. 2, No. 1, (January-March 2003), p.1 59. Loughry, M., and Ager, A (editors), The Refugee Experience Psychosocial Training Module (Rev. Ed.) Volume 1, Refugees Studies Center (2001), p. 48. 60. Loughry, M., and Ager, A (editors), The Refugee Experience Psychosocial Training Module (Rev. Ed.) Volume 1, Refugees Studies Center (2001), p. 48. 61. From the proceedings of the Enhancing Partnerships Towards Effective Strategies of DDRR Second National Consultation Workshop on the Use of Child Soldiers in the Philippines, November 9 to 12, 2003, Lauremar Beach Hotel, Opol, Misamis Oriental, Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (PCSUCS), p. 84 62. Ibid, p. 84 63. Ibid, p. 84 64. Taken from the Psychosocial Network Pre-test Documentation, Takepan, Pikit, Cotabato, November 14 to 20, 2004, UP-CIDS-PST/Regional Emergency Psychosocial Support Network (RESPN), unpublished. 65 CRC, Training for Relevant and Responsive Therapy, Book I: Conference Papers (1994), pp. 1-2.
66. History, Balay Rehabilitation Center website, www.balayph.org 67. Dela Cruz, L.B., Balay Holds Summing Up Conference, in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No. 2, (Aug. 2003 Jan. 2004), Balay Rehabilitation Center, p. 15. 68. The Psychosocial Working Group Working Paper, Centre for International Health Studies, Queen Margaret University College, Edinburgh, United Kingdom, http://www.forcedmigration.org/psychosocial/papers/conceptualframework.pdf 69. Citing Alger and Strang (2001), Anasarias, K., Unpacking Social Trauma in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No. 2, (Aug. 2003 Jan. 2004), Balay Rehabilitation Center, p. 15 70. Ibid, p. 15 71. Ibid, p. 16 72. Institute for Peace and Development Studies (IPDS) Concepts of Peace and Development, IPDS Brochure 73. Ibid 74. Ibid 75. Church Partners Profile, Tabang Mindanaw, http://home.mindgate.net/tabangmindanaw/ about_us.html 76. History, Balay Rehabilitation Center website, www.balayph.org 77. Ibid 78. Clientele, Balay Rehabilitation Center website, www.balayph.org 79. CRC, Training for Relevant and Responsive Therapy, Book I: Conference Papers (1994), p. 1. 80. Domingo, M.R., The Psychosocial Program of the Childrens Rehabilitation Center in Children of the
ENDNOTES|
175

Storm, Vol. 4 No. 3 (July-September 1993), Childrens Rehabilitation Center, p.4. 81. Anasarias, K., Unpacking Social Trauma in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No. 2, (Aug. 2003 Jan. 2004), Balay Rehabilitation Center, p. 16. 82. Ibid, p. 16 83. Domingo, M.R., The Psychosocial Program of the Childrens Rehabilitation Center in Children of the Storm, Vol. 4 No. 3 (July-September 1993), Childrens Rehabilitation Center, p.4. 84. Camacho-de la Cruz, M.T., Camacho, A.Z., Responding to the Needs of Children in War, A Case Study of the Psychosocial Work of the Childrens Rehabilitation Center-Negros at the Namulo Relocation Site, (1994), p. 9 85. Ibid, p. 11 86. Protacio-de Castro, E. et al, Community Participation in the Recovery and Reintegration of Children in Situations of Armed Conflict, The Philippine Experience, p. 60. 87. Participants to the FGD in Midsayap, Cotabato suggested the addition of this category/theme. Regarding this category, while there appears to be an overlap in concepts, conflict prevention - as viewed by the FGD participants in Midsayap - includes everything. However, a closer look into the activities lumped by the participants under this category shows that the conflict prevention efforts focus on issues that have to do with ancestral domains, indigenous territorial governance, rights to self-determination and land issues that may be the root or help contribute to the conflict. The inclusion of conflict prevention as one of the categories is in recognition that land issues and the competing socio-economic systems of the Muslim, Christian and IP communities are among the roots of the conflict in Mindanao. The UP-CIDS-PST team also incorporated a suggestion by Miriam Ferrer for the sixth category to include in the conceptual discussion on conflict prevention other efforts like the inking of an agreement between Tau-Buhid Mangyan organization PASAKAMI and government military leaders in Mindoro, and efforts to prevent disadvantaged children in Cotabato and Maguindanao from joining armed groups like the MILF. In the case of the latter, the participating organizations have lumped such activities under the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants category. 88. Interview conducted by Marco Puzon with Esperancita Hupida, Coordinator of the Nagdilaab Foundation, in Isabela City, Basilan, on June 2, 2004. 89. Quinones, S.L., Service Learning Program of the Library Science Department, College of Teacher Education, SY 2003-2004 Report, Southern Christian College, p. 2 90. Based from a profile of the Summer Institute for Peace and Development Motivators (SIPDM) prepared by the Community Education, Research, and Extension Administration Institute for Peace and Development Studies (CEREA-IPDS). 91. Quintos, B., Damulog Villagers, NGOs Work for Community Rehabilitation in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No. 2. (August 2003-January 2004), p. 26. 92. Based from a profile of the Recycling War Trash for Peace (RWTP) Project supplied by the Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc.
176 | E N D N O T E S

93. Dela Paz, C., First Psychosocial Conference Held in Mindanao, in Balitang Balay, Vol. 11, No. 2. Aug 2003-January 2004, p. 33. 94. Taken from an unpublished manuscript by Marco P. Puzon on the life of the people of Basilan in 2000. The article is a condensed version of the biography of Rajam Mutamad, the daughter of an MNLF rebel leader in the 1970s and head of a medical NGO.
ENDNOTES|
177
appendices
appendix 1
Christian Childrens Find (CCF)-Basilan
Trota Park, CCF Building, 10 Carlos P. Garcia St., Isabela City 7300, Basilan (062) 200.7274 Contact Person: Eliza del Puerto (deceased), Program Director, Basilan Background: The CCF, a non-profit, non-sectarian NGO, is one of the leading organizations in championing childrens issues in the country. It has been working in the Philippines since 1954. Its projects all over the country include community health, nutrition, sanitation, micro-enterprise, education and early childhood development programs. The CCF-Basilan began operations in 1988, serving both Christian and Muslim communities, through programs on infant and maternal health, TB treatment, child and youth participation in social reform, and grassroots leadership development and community empowerment.
Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc.

c/o Bishop Querexeta Formation Center, Carlos P. Garcia St., Isabela City 7300 Basilan espie_hupida@hotmail.com (062) 200.7423 Contact Person: Esperancita E. Hupida, Coordinator Background: The Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc. was established by former staff members of the Interreligious Dialogue and the Womens Desk programs of the Isabela Foundation, Inc. The NGO aims to improve the capability of rural and urban communities to be active partners in the development of Basilan. Its vision and mission are backed by a commitment to peace and development in partnership with the communities.
Southern Cotabato Colleges Community Education, Research and Extension Administration-Institute for Peace and Development Studies (SCC-CEREA-IPDS)
Balay Kalinaw, SCC Facultyville, Midsayap, Cotabato ensscc@davao.fapenet.org (064) 229.8323 (064) 229.8753 Contact Person: Dr. Erlinda Santurias, SCC President Background: The IPDS was established in March 1999 to concretize the mandate and commitment of the SCC to peace and development. One of its visions is to help build a caring and sharing community in a just, free, prosperous and democratic society through an enlightened citizenry committed to the pursuit of lasting peace and peoples development. The propagation of the culture of peace, the extension of the frontiers of knowledge, studying the interrelationships of peace and development through research, the enhancement of peoples participation, and the building of lasting peace are among its
185

undertakings. IPDS believes that peace and development should be holistic and integrated, demanding constant consultations with individuals and communities.
Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities, Inc.-Women in Enterprise Development (NDFCAI-WED)
WED Building, Santos St., Krislamville Subdivision, Sinsuat Ave., 9600 Cotabato City NDFCAIWED@hotmail.com (064) 421.1954 (064) 421.7184 Contact Person: Myrna B. Lim, Executive Director Background: This community extension arm of the College of Commerce of Notre Dame University in Cotabato City was established in 1984. Its projects are specifically focused on literacy and enterprise development for marginalized and unemployed women and out-of-school youth in the city and municipalities of Maguindanao province. The NGO envisions the empowerment of women through programs on functional literacy, adult education, and entrepreneurship training. Currently under the auspices of the Archdiocese of Cotabato, NDFCAI-WED received numerous local and international awards and recognitions, among these the 1997 UNESCO-King Sejong International Literacy Prize.
Balik Kalipay, Pikit Office

Caballero St., Poblacion, Pikit, Cotabato or c/o Oblates of Mary Immaculate, Pikit Parish Church, Poblacion, Pikit, Cotabato (064) 393.1470 (064) 393.1402 (Pikit Parish Church) Contact Persons: Dr. Ernest Guevarra, Project Manager; Background: With a name that means return to happiness in Visayan, the Balik Kalipay project opened in Pikit in January 2002, providing psychosocial intervention to the displaced, especially children. The project initially covered six villages in the municipality, with 29 volunteer-teachers and 158 youth volunteers. Based in Manila and funded by the Royal Danish Embassy , Balik Kalipay is also supported by the Philippine Business for Social Progress, University of the Philippines-Center for Integrative Studies (Psychosocial Trauma Program), the Department of Social Welfare and Development, and religious and village officials in Pikit. Balik Kalipays office in Manila is headed byDr. June Pagaduan-Lopez , who can be contacted at the UPCIDS, G/F Bahay ng Alumni, Magsaysay Ave., UP Diliman Campus, 1109 Quezon City, email: pstcids@edsamail.com.ph, tel.:(02)929.3540
Balay Rehabilitation Center, Mindanao Office

025 Villamarzo St., Poblacion, Kidapawan City, Cotabato balaymin@kidnetlink.net (064) 288.5641 Contact Person: Maricar Edmilao, Coordinator Background: The Mindanao Office was created to serve internally displaced families in Mindanao. Balay,
186 | A P P E N D I C E S

which means house, shelter, or home in many Philippine languages, was established in 1985. Initially, the NGO only provided medical and legal services to political detainees, but has since expanded its services to provide psychosocial relief and rehabilitation programs to internally displaced families and communities. Executive Director, Lorena B. dela Cruz is based in the NGOs main office in Quezon City. [National Office Contact Details: 25 Maalindog St., UP Village, Diliman, Quezon City, email: balaysrv@info.com.ph, tel.: (02) 929.8054]
Social Services Commission, Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose

Bishops Residence, San Jose 5100 Occidental Mindoro (043) 491.2141 (043) 491.1507 or 491.2141 Contact Person: Fr. Philip Alex Alcantara Background: Created in January 1983, the Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose, Occidental Mindoro covers 13 parishes and is served by 30 priests, 41 religious brothers and religious sisters. The 1966 founding of the Episcopal Commission of Social Action and the National Secretariat of Social Action by the Philippine Catholic Church led to the formation of social action centers throughout the country. Like other SACs in the country, the one in San Jose, Mindoro Occidental is responsible for the organization, direction, and coordination of social action work in the parishes and units called Basic Ecclesiastical Communities (BECs). SAC projects range from cooperative development warehousing to social reform, advocacy and other social services.
PASAKAMI
c/o Mangyan Mission or SAC, Bishops Residence, San Jose 5100 Occidental Mindoro (043) 491.2141 (SAC, Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose) Contact Person: Juanito Lumawig, Chairman Background: PASAKAMI is a grassroots-based federation of five Mangyan organizations from Mindoro Island, namely SAKAMAIMO of the Iraya Mangyan, SASSAMA of the Sta. Cruz Alangan Mangyan, HABANAN of the Buhid Mangyan, HAGURA of the Hanunoo, Gubatnon, and Ratagnon Mangyan, and FAMATODI (Fakasadian Mangaguyang Taobuid) of the Tau-buid Mangyan. As the unified voice of the various Mangyan groups, its addresses issues such as ancestral domain, livelihood, security, education, and health. Among its aims is to strengthen the capabilities of the various Mangyan tribes or tribal organizations to carry out culturally sensitive programs in their respective geographical areas.
APPENDICES
| 187
appendix 2
sample program of CRC: integrated summer group therapy program (ISGTP)
background: The CRC lauched its the Integrated Summer Group Therapy Program or ISTGP in 1986 to reach out to more children for longer periods of time, particularly during the summer vacation months. The first ISTGP mixed children affected by armed conflict with street children, and the guest facilitator used only one module for both groups. While it was considered a breakthrough, the first ISTGP was not as successful as planned. Designed to complement the year-round group therapy program, the ISTGP took place for five to seven weeks every summer. During this time, the children and child-workers stayed weekly at the CRC from Wednesday to Saturday afternoon with the parents coming in every Saturday. The last week of each ISTGP was spent in a camping activity that ended in a graduation ceremony. Preparations for the ISTGPs begin two to three months before its actual implementation. As each ISTGP was unique, the CRC team had to develop a new module for each summer program. Valuable insights and lessons from the past ISTGPs were considered in the preparation of a new module. Although the parents were involved in the planning of the modules from the start, at the time of program implementation, child participation in planning was not yet an established norm. objectives: To maximize the free time of the children-clients during summer by offering them a more intensive group therapy program within a given period; To give the child-client an opportunity to integrate with other children-clients and their families who have had similar experiences. components/process: Three complementary components were combined: 1) childrens activities, 2) parents activities, and 3) joint parents-children activities. The development of each child was assessed after the program to determine whether the child needed further intervention through the individual therapy programs. The childrens activities revolved around: 1) the concept of a family, 2) learning important day-today routines, 3) health and hygiene, 4) faith and trust, 5) discipline, and 6) human rights and social issues. The childrens activities, always done through cooperative work, were designed to help restore basic routines and support structures in the childrens lives. They also helped the child understand the importance of health and cleanliness for themselves and their environment. Through sharing sessions and creative activities, the childrens knowledge and understanding of issues such as armed conflict, poverty, and human rights and the meaningful relationships were fostered in the process.
188

The parents activities primarily prepared the parents to actively participatr in the process of rehabilitating their children.
The joint parents-children activities were designed to allow both groups to develop deeper and closer relationships. Through relaxation and play activities, these joint activities enabled children and parents to communicate effectively. problems/limitations encountered: The children participating in the ISTGP often had to return to their communities during the course of the program. While a semblance of peace or pockets of peace was achieved in the summer camps, the children returned to confront the difficult situation in their home communities. In some of the cases, the security situation preventend the conduct of the ISTGPs. In addtion, with some 90 children participating in the first ISTGPs, the program required long lengths of preparation, a large budget to cover for the expenses, and posed great logistical requirements. impact: The ISTGPs impact is mainly on the perception, attitude and behaviour of primary stakeholders. During the three-fold activities of the ISTGP , the CRC acted as a facilitator, with more emphasis given to the process rather than to easily achievable results or outcomes. The ISTGP enabled children to review the various stages and changes that they had experienced, instead of focusing on the outcome of the activities. One impact of this method is that it helped the children discover skills and potentials, and enabled them to share these with others. A concern for the well-being of the self and others was developed, and this was considered a seed for the development of social awareness among the children. innovations/solutions/lessons learned: The modular approach allowed the project to be flexible, with each ISTGP taking in a number of participants as allowed by the budget. In areas where security reasons hampered the conduct of the ISTGPs, the activities were held in the centers. Resources were mobilized; the community was asked to contribute to the project. The parents and community were involved in the planning and implementation and the CRC tapped numerous volunteers for the ISTGPs. Eventually, the number of child-participants was lessened to 51.
sample project of the UP-CIDS-PST: teaching peace, human rights and conflict resolution
background: Sharing resources to construct peace knowledge is a strategy for strengthening partner organizations. This is a way of asserting peace, a way of saying that peace building should not be left to chance, read the report on the donation of some 2,000 peace-related books to pilot schools under the Teaching Peace, Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Project of the UP-CIDS PST (see Puzon 2004). The project produced a two-part teaching manual which was among the books distributed under the project. The British Embassy in Manila, the Notre Dame University of Cotabato City, other schools in Mindanao, including NDU Marbel, Southern Christian College, Child Peace Learning Center, Kasiglahan, and the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) collaborated in the project. objectives:
To develop modules for children in public and private schools in Mindanao that would promote non-discrimination; respect for others beliefs, opinions, and cultural practices, and appreciation
APPENDICES
| 189

of the plurality of cultures and ideas in Mindanao; To teach children conflict resolution by instructing them with ways to work out differences and conflicts using peaceful means; To integrate the modules in English, Filipino, Makabayan, and Homeroom classes; To develop and implement training courses for teachers to prepare them for using the modules in the classrooms; To equip teachers with knowledge and skills that they can use to train fellow teachers in using the peace modules; To establish a mechanism that will ensure the sustainability of the project. components/process: The project tapped the schools as venues for discussing peace issues and teachers as partners in peace building. It had four components: 1) the development of a manual, which was produced after a series of consultation workshops; 2) the training of teacher-implementers, who would use the manuals and train fellow teachers; 3) the integration of the modules with the curriculum of elementary and high school students; and 4) the institutionalisation of the project. The empowering and enriching participatory process involved in the development of the framework and the manuals, and the subsequent training seminars for its users are outstanding features of the Teaching Peace project. In a series of consultations, the manuals were discussed and critiqued by the stakeholders and tested among grade five and six students of the NDU. The series of consultations ensured that the manuals were in tune with the local situation and that the various political, religious, and cultural differences of participants and end-users were considered. impact: Some 1,200 copies of the manual, which were published in 2003, were distributed to schools in Cotabato City and in the towns of Aleosan, Midsayap, and Pikit in June 2004. The project placed the responsibility to sustain the initiative on the hands of the teachers. The measurable endpoint of the project was the eventual mainstreaming of the use of the modules in selected schools throughout Mindanao. While not immediately measurable, it also had an impact on the perception, attitudes, and behaviour of the teachers and children, the primary stakeholders in the project.
sample project of the CCF-Basilan: inspiracion delos pobres

background: The Inspiracion delos Pobres Project services ten depressed barangays in Isabela City, namely Aguada, Baluno, Begang, Busay, Cabunbata, La Paz, Menzi, San Rafael, Sumagdang, and Sunset/Tabuk; and seventeen other barangays in Lamitan, namely, Balagtasan, Balagtasan Legion, Baungus, Buahan, Calugusan, Capengcongan, Kilometer 20, Maganda, Maligaya, Malinis, Matibay, Maloong San Jose, Maloong Canal, Sta. Clara Proper, Suguemol, Tumakid, and Ulame. It services both Christian and Muslim families, particularly children aged 0 to 14 years. The programs and services of the project aim to ensure the survival, protection of the development rights of children, and the enhancement of their participation. objectives: To improve the quality of life of families;

To enable families to provide a better future for their children and youth, helping them develop physically, socially, mentally and spiritually; To promote good family relationships towards a healthy and peaceful community.
components/process: The project has seven components: 1) education, 2) primary health care, 3) nutrition, 4) potable water, 5) family promotion, 6) capacity building, and 7) En-RICH or Enhanced Rapid Improvement of Community Health.
The education component consists of the provision of assistance in the form of tuition fees, school supplies, allowance and uniforms for the students. It also includes non-formal education classes, namely early childhood education and enrichment sessions, leadership training, trainers training, communication skills, and creative writing and arts classes. The project also initiated organizational activities to enhance childrens participation in social reforms.
Primary health care comes in the form of regular medical and dental services, including medical consultation, treatment and medication. Under this component, parents, children and youth participate in various sessions on how to manage health cases, such as diarrhea and acute respiratory infections, and on topics such as promotion of herbal medicines, conduct of first aid, sanitation, maternal and child care.
The nutrition component of the project provides services to malnourished children below five yearsold, in the form of deworming, supplemental feeding and vitamins, and referrals to hospitals. The nutrition component also includes sessions on nutrition education and income generation opportunities for the families, encouraging the families of malnourished children to engage in food production.
The project also undertakes the installation of potable water systems. This is done in close cooperation with the local waterworks unit and local government officials. After their construction, the water systems are turned over to the local governments for maintenance and operation.
Under the family promotion component, the project conducts seminars on early childhood care and development, maternal and childcare, nutrition education, caregivers and trainers training, capacity building, and simple bookkeeping and auditing.
As part of its capacity training component, the project initiates activities such as leadership training for children, youth, and parents, organizational management, sponsor relation management, consultations, meetings, barangay and municipal-level assemblies of children. This component also includes youth advocacy efforts and the conduct of PIME (planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation) sessions.
The En-RICH component increases access of women to reproductive health and other knowledge and services on responsible parenthood, safe pregnancy, maternal child health, tuberculosis diagnosis and treatment.
problems/limitations encountered: Due to the presence of the word Christian in the name of the proponent, many of the Muslims in Basilan initially had reservations in participating in the project. They interpreted participation in the Inspiracion delos Pobres project and all the other projects of CCF as a vehicle for conversion into Christianity. The language barrier between the innovations/solutions/lessons learned: The hiring of Muslims as part of the CCF staff greatly alleviated the Muslim communitys fear of being converted to Christianity. This also helped break the language barrier and fostered the greater
APPENDICES
| 191

staff and the target communities also initially posed problems in implementation. Additionally, the inaction or slow action by the LGUs in doing their share in the project also slowed down implementation. The prevailing attitude among the target communities in the selection of political leadersthe rule of guns, goon, and goldalso affected the project, especially when the winning local government officials were ill-equipped in governance and were not pro-active in their leadership style. The reported non-residence of officials and key persons in the areas they are supposed to represent and the continued presence of the ASG also presented serious obstacles to the implementation of CCF-Basilans projects. One key strategy was the conduct of assemblies and consultations with key leaders at the grassroots level, which always included both the elected officials and the traditional and religious leaders. CCF staff and grassroots report that consultation and dialogue with the imams, ustadzes and key members of the Muslim community helped immensely. The traditional leaders are tasked to re-echo to their constituents the information provided by the CCF field personnel. The efficiency and effectiveness of the staff, particularly at the grassroots level, helped offset some of the problems in dealing with slow action from the LGUs. participation of children, families and communities in the projects activities.
impact: As far as the medical health of the target communities were concerned, CCF-Basilan reported the following outputs: 85 percentof the targeted families availed of housing assistance, 85 percent received dental and medical assistance, and were given access to potable water. It also reported a 50 percent decrease in the malnutrition rate among children under five years of age, as well as less cases of skin and water-borne diseases among children and adults. Through the educational component, CCFBasilan reported that 100 percent of the in-school children received educational assistance, although only 10 percent of the in-school children were promoted to the next level of education. The organization also reported that 100 percent of the target communities participated in peace-building activities. The impact of the Inspiracion delos Pobres Project on the ground level can be reflected in the improved housing, health, and sanitation conditions in the target communities. As far as the projects impact on the perception, attitude, and behavior of primary stakeholders are concerned, the interventions resulted in increased awareness of the importance of environmental protection, preservation and management and in the greater capacity of communities in conflict management, through the help of the CCF staff and local leaders. The projects impact on the policy level can be seen in the effective mobilization of resources in the barangay, municipal and provincial levels, particularly in the potable water component. This success is evident in the signing of a memorandum of agreement between CCF and the local government concerned, particularly in the provision of counterparts and operations after the turn-over of the water systems projects to the LGUs.
sample project of the nagdilaab foundation: recycling war trash for peace (RWTP)
background: This is a project of the Nagdilaab Foundation and the Ateneo Research Center of the Ateneo de Zamboanga University. Under this project, Muslim and Christian out-of-school youth (OSY) undergo training in creative arts to transform war remnants, such as empty ammunition shells, into materials of peace, with the communities that have experienced armed conflict as the indirect beneficiaries. The RWTP undertook social preparation by first orienting the communities about the project and soliciting participation in community healing rituals for the collection of war remnants. What made the project innovative is its premise that healing is one of its key objectives rather than income generation, which is the emphasis of most livelihood programs. objectives:
To provide healing and training of the OSY in enhancing their skills in creative arts, emphasizing that production and marketing are not the sole purposes of the project; To explore and translate into concrete works the creative potential of the OSY using an approach different from the well established recipe of projects such as handicrafts and basket-making; To integrate peace-building values, such as self-respect among the OSY in relation to their co-participants and the outside community, placing stress on the values of understanding, trust and cooperation in all endeavours relative thereby promoting a culture of peace.
components: The project has four components:

Healing. Since the participating OSY are mostly victims of violence, RWTP can provide a more constructive venue for healing through the application of creative arts. Using an approach that is different from that employed in conventional Orientation Towards Peace (OTP) training, the RWTPs approach is to re-channel their time and energy towards attaining a positive outlook in life. Families are encouraged to participate in community healing through rituals for the collection of remnants of war undertaken in the selected and organized communities.
Recycling. The RWTP works on the idea of recycling the more visible remnants of armed conflict, such as metal scraps left by the combatants, bullet shells and mortar capsules, into functional and decorative products. Five areas in Basilan, namely barangays Kapatagan, Tabuk, Tabiawan in Isabela City, and Lantawan Poblacion and Tairan in Lantawan, have been initially identified as sources for these war remnants, which are to be transformed into products that are indicative of the desire for peace by their makers and by the people of Basilan in general.
Productivity. The RWTP provides a venue for the OSY to put their idle time into more productive use, with the profits gained to benefit the OSYs, their families and their respective communities. Capacitybuidling.The OSY are expected to have developed and enhanced their capabilities to meet at least their own needs and those of their dependents.
Note: While the Nagdilaab Foundation has yet to conduct a psychosocial and economic impact assessment of the RWTP, the proponent shared optimism about the success of the project. At the time of the visit of the UPCIDS-PST team in Isabela, the project was only in its training-implementation phase. According to Nagdilaab Foundation Coordinator Esperancita Hupida, one of the other innovative features of the project is that it can be easily replicated in other areas like Jolo and Cotabato.
APPENDICES
| 193
sample project of the NDFCAI-WED: UNESCO gender, peace, and development (GENPEACE) project
background: The concept of GENPEACE is anchored on a firm belief that communities have the capacities to transform conflict and threats into opportunities for cooperation and growth in the spirit of solidarity, multi-culturalism and collaboration. As such, GENPEACEs community-based implementation is based on UNESCOs mandate to promote in the minds and hearts of every man, woman and child, and their families, and to build the foundation of peace, through education and effective communications. Funded by the Government of the Philippines United Nations Multi-Donor Programme (GOPUNMDP) 3, the project believes that diversity and cultural differences do not in themselves causesocial enmity but should rather be the foundation for mutuality of respect, social equity, cohesion, peaceful co-existence, and cultural solidarity. The area sites for the GENPEACE-GOP-UNMDP 3 Project are Siocon, Zamboanga del Norte, Lake Sebu, South Cotabato, Tangkal, Lanao del Norte, Malita, Davao del Sur, Bayang, Lanao del Sur, Buluan, Maguindanao, and Maluso, Basilan. objectives: To promote gender sensitive community-based peace education in conflict affected areas in Mindanao, raise awareness for peace, and build capacity of the communities in developing and managing activities in the area; To scale up and mainstream functional literacy and non-formal education programs into community-based action plans through better governance that can augment livelihood, and provide (or improve) delivery of basic services for women and men; To develop the use of community radio as a tool for enhancing community mobilization, collaborative actions, free flow of communication among people for peace activities in the project sites; To provide a grassroots peace agenda in the proposed UNESCO Culture of Peace Program to be based in Mindanao that supports the GOPs peace agreement. components/process: The GENPEACE Project has two main components Peace literacy. The Peace Literacy Classes are organized into the Basic Adult Education (BAED) and Advanced Adult Education (ADED). Participatory and experiential teaching learning methodologies were used in the conduct of the Peace Literacy Classes. Non-graded tests and learning activities were used to determine the learning achievements of the participants. The NDFCAI-WED followed an organized and systematic way of recruiting and hiring Peace Literacy Facilitators. It has created a standard/criteria on the personnel qualifications/competencies of the applicants, such as a graduate of a four-year degree, preferably an education course, a resident of the barangay, the same religion and tribe as the target learners, and must have a strong commitment to undertake the vigorous job of being a facilitator. Selection and hiring have been made community-based, with assistance from Local Government Units (LGUs). The NDFCAI-WED provided training in order for the peace literacy facilitators to: acquire basic understanding of the principles, values and techniques of adult learning and integrating the culture of peace; develop within them a variety of facilitation methodologies, techniques and strategies which they can utilize in their literacy classes; provide them the skills on how to develop and utilize instructional materials that would help keep the learners interest, and provide them a basis on how to monitor and evaluate the progress of the learners.

Community radio stations. Community radio stations were installed in the project areas in cooperation with the LGUs. During a technical site assessment, the terrain, landscape and the natural setup of the identified areas were carefully studied and assessed by NDFCAI-WED and LGU officers with the help of the technical people from Philippine Broadcasting Service (PBS). During the conduct of this activity, the most ideal location of the studio, transmitter and tower were identified and recommended to the LGU. The LGU was then required to provide their counterpart, equivalent to the actual cost of the desired radio wattage, including the cost of the tower and studio that will be used for the installation of the Radio Station. LGUs were encouraged to tap existing or abandoned tower and available spaces within their area to lessen the expense of their counterpart. The Community Media and Council (CMEC) was immediately organized, composed of a group of leaders representing a cross-section of the community. The council was tasked as the policy and decision-making body of the Community Radio Station. All project sites have organized their respective CMEC and are now actively involved together with the LGUs in the different project activities. Intensive training was given to CMECs on how to effectively manage the community radio station. During the training, the council was taught how to formulate policies, rules and regulations concerning the operation of the radio station. They were also taught how to formulate Program Design, which is the very foundation of the operation of the radio station. Election of the officers and the station manager was also done during this training. Committees on finance, evaluation, administration and production were also organized during the said training.
problems/limitations encountered: The delayed release of the GOP-UNMPDP 3 project funds posed problems for the implementation of the project. Project funds for the period of January to November 2003 were released only during the later part of November 2003. Another major problem encountered by the NDFCAI-WED was the absence of operating licenses for the installed Community Radio Stations (CRS). The National Telecommunication Commission (NTC) conducted an ocular visitation and inspections on some of the CRSs, and three received NTC Notices to cease operation.
innovations/solutions/lessons learned: Despite the non-releases of project funds, the NDFCAI-WED was able to sustain the implementation of the project using its own funds. Salaries of the facilitators, cost of learning and teaching materials, trainings and other project expenses were all temporarily absorbed by the Foundation. Regarding the issue of operating licenses for the CRS, the NDFCAI-WED signed on July 21, 2002, a formal Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) with the Office of the President of the Philippines Press Secretary Office, the Philippine Information Agency; PBS; and the GOP-UNMDP 3 for the official affiliation of the CRS with the Radio ng Bayan PBS-PIA Radio Network. The NDFCAI-WED also undertook meetings with the NTC on the licensure of the CRS.
APPENDICES
| 195

impact: Under the Peace Literacy Classes component, the NDFCAI-WED served a total of 7,008 adult learners from the project sites throughout Mindanao from 2002 to mid-2004. Of this number, a total of 4,107 were served under the BAED, and 2,901 under the ADED. The total number of learners served represents 30 percent more than 5,400 target. Of the 7,008 total number of learners, 592 (259 under the BAED and 333 under the ADED) came from Buluan, Maguindanao. Since the Foundation started its implementation of literacy classes in 1984, dropout rates range from 2-4 percent, while for all the Peace Literacy Classes, a dropout rate of three percent is recorded. Learners in the ADED Level can read and comprehend simple English words, phrases and sentences. Both BAED and ADED learners were observed to be good in mathematics. With the implementation of the project, adult illiterates in the remotest conflict areas of Mindanao were given opportunities to learn basic functional literacy and are now empowered community members who are motivated to participate in community activities. Under the GOP-UNMDP 3 model project, the NDFCAI-WED successfully installed seven CRS in the identified communities, of which, six are currently operating. These CRS are owned, controlled, and managed by LGUs in cooperation with organized and trained CMEC, a group of community leaders representing a cross-section of the community. All CRS are officially affiliated with the PBSPIA Radyo ng Bayan Network. In most of the project sites, the community radio stations are serving not only the entire community but also nearby municipalities. In all the radio stations, development projects and activities of the LGU are regularly aired for dissemination and purposely designed for confidence building, more particularly for peace advocacy and promotion. The seven CRS built under the GOP-UNMDP 3 join six others built through the UNESCO-Jakarta GENPEACE project and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) Community Radio Project. NDFCAI-WED is currently developing distance education modules using the radio stations as medium of reaching and giving access to those who have no access to education. The extensive community-based advocacy, mobilization and capacity-building activities conducted by the NDFCAI-WED under the GENPEACE Project have lead to the involvement and participation of local leaders and their communities to the different project activities and related community affairs. This further promoted the feeling of being part of the project and that the project is working for them, thus the need to sustain it.
sample project of the SCC-CEREA-IPDS: mobile institure for peace and development
background: The project stems from the need in Mindanao for peace and development that is based on relevant and responsive education that offers a wide range of knowledge, and is committed to understanding to every peoples way of life, struggles and survival. It works on the premise that for the cultivation of peace, education must be borderless and liberating a wide space to understand a multi-ethnic society that embraces diverse outlooks. The Mobile Institute for Peace and Development is seen as a bridge that transcends the cultural and ethnic boundaries of the people in the community. The program particularly caters to the depressed and marginalized community of tri-people in Mindanao, especially war-torn areas and those with an-

cestral domain claims. objectives: 1) To enhance peoples solidarity and promote a deep sense of partnership between the community and academic institutions through the recognition of their essential roles in the pursuit of peace and development initiatives; 2) To integrate in formal learning institutions, the communitys practical wisdom in sustaining peace and security of environment and other similar aspects through their IKSPB or indigenous knowledge, beliefs, system and practices; 3) To live and learn from the communitys vast history and experience of peace and development activity; 4) To cultivate and promote feasible and peaceful peoples initiatives for their respective communities; 5) To provide and facilitate venues for dialogue for any groups with different perspectives but adhere to solidarity and share a common vision of peace and development. components/process: In this project, the community is considered as a special area for educational activity, with the key people in the community as the teacher and the academe as the learners. Courses for discussion are their experiences, beliefs, philosophies, worldviews, and practices. The project has three approaches:
Community visitation approach. Community visitation is the basic function of the Mobile Institute. This is done in order to broaden the academic campus to reach the marginalized peoples of a community. In this way, both the academic and partner communities share a common ground in searching for and dissecting social conditions.
Dialogical approach. The cornerstone of the dialogical approach is communication. Dialogue helps fill the gap between the academic institution and the people in the community. It also fosters a facilitating atmosphere for learning and sharing. As a result, the community discovers the relevance of their realities in relation to national and global communities. The Mobile Institute is seen as a mechanism to help cultivate community management plans in sustaining peace related activities.
Documentation. Documentation is crucial in the processes of the Mobile Institute, in order to make data available to interested parties with common efforts for peace and unity.
Note: The SCC-CEREA-IPDS has conducted two Mobile Institutes that helped generate a greater social consciousness on the part of the indigenous communities.
APPENDICES
| 197

Vol3 PDF

Caricato da

Informazioni sul documento

Titolo originale

Copyright

Formati disponibili

Condividi questo documento

Condividi o incorpora il documento

Opzioni di condivisione

Hai trovato utile questo documento?

Questo contenuto è inappropriato?

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

Vol3 PDF

Caricato da

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

psychosocial trauma rehabilitation work

Learning Experiences Study on Civil-Society Peace Building in the Philippines

Psychosocial Trauma Rehabilitation Work

list of acronyms acknowledgments list of interview

106 109 112 119

125 127 129 137

129 Module 8: tulong!

137 141 146 152 154 157

Chapter Five: Toward Convergence

157 Module 14: isa, dalawa, tatlo 159 161 164

part 3: preparing the journeyraising the sails

endnotes references appendices

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

SCC CEREA-IPDS Southern Christian College Community Education, Research and

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

consequences of violence / armed conflict

he physical destruction of communities is perhaps the most

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

Category of Activities to Address Consequence

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

deprivation of and limited or no access to basic needs

CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLENCE / ARMED CONFLICT

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

social restrictions on mobility and communication

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood sources

breakdown of traditional sociopolitical institutions

CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLENCE / ARMED CONFLICT

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

lack of confidence, breeding of mistrust and hatred

CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLENCE / ARMED CONFLICT

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

prolonged sense of injustice

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

recruitment into the armed group

CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLENCE / ARMED CONFLICT

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

deepening of preexisting conflicts and generation of new ones

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLENCE / ARMED CONFLICT

the evolution of psychosocial intervention in the philippines

the need for a holistic, integrated and participatory psychosocial approaches

why holistic, integrated and participatory?

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

THE EVOLUTION OF PSYCHOSOCIAL INTERVENTION IN THE PHILIPPINES

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

THE EVOLUTION OF PSYCHOSOCIAL INTERVENTION IN THE PHILIPPINES

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK

PRW as a response to the needs of IDPs and other sectors

THE EVOLUTION OF PSYCHOSOCIAL INTERVENTION IN THE PHILIPPINES

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

PRW is a result of dynamic experimentation on methodology, frameworks, and approaches

VOLUME 3 : PSYCHOSOCIAL TRAUMA REHABILITATION WORK