Consumerism

Europe 1789-1914: Encyclopedia of the Age of Industry and Empire , 2 !

"#ince our $ealth has increased, and our %a&igation has 'een e(tended, )e ha&e ransac*ed all the +arts of the ,lo'e to 'ring together its )hole #toc* of -aterials for .iot, /u(ury, and to pro&o*e E(cess0" #o )rote a #cottish doctor, ,eorge 1heyne 217!1317445, in 1744, e(plaining )hat he considered to 'e the "ner&ous disorders" of his time0 #uch )orries a'out e(cess consumption dre) from deep )ells: 1hristian teaching a'out the sins of greed, unrestrained appetite, and en&y6 humanist &ie)s that pri&ate )ealth under-mined pu'lic &irtue6 and an economic paradigm in )hich to consume meant to )aste0 7he same concerns infused this characteristic rhetoric, from an aristocratic proponent of sumptuary la)s )ho demanded the "immediate suppression of 'are-fac8d /u(ury, the spreading 1ontagion of )hich is the greatest 1orrupter of +u'lic -anners and the greatest E(tinguisher of +u'lic #pirit0" 7he economic and cultural changes that 'rought &ery different &ie)s of consumption to the fore )ere among the most farreaching of modern European history0 7he 'irth of consumerism, the deli'erate promoting of consumer demand, and the response to it, in&ol&ed not only more goods and ne) practices in e&eryday life 'ut also o&erhauling assumptions a'out the economy and redefining "needs" and therefore entitlements9all processes )ith political as )ell as social and cultural implications0 +inpointing a single "consumer re&olution" has pro&ed impossi'le0 #uch a "re&olution" has 'een :ualified and 'ac*dated so often that most historians shy a)ay from the term0 ;o), then, does the nineteenth century fit into the long history of consumption< .e&olutionary changes in producti&ity, the legal, political, and social fracturing of a society of orders, and Europe8s e(panding glo'al and imperial net)or*s did more than produce more goods, less e(pensi&ely, from e&er larger territories for more people0 =ismantling systems that had traditionally regulated manufacture and commerce ushered in entirely ne) forms of distri'ution and retailing0 7he enterprise of selling 2or retailing5, indeed, 'ecame an e&er more speciali>ed, separate, and &alued economic acti&ity

9the domain of stores, shopping districts of cities, la&ish display, maga>ines, ad&ertising, and, e&entually, social science0 7his process is the heart of consumerism, and it first too* shape in the nineteenth century, aimed at and practiced 'y a ne) middle class0 If the spectacular e(pansion of 'ourgeois consumerism )as one side of the coin, the other )as crea*ingly slo) and une&en change in popular consumption0 7o 'e sure, agricultural producti&ity rose in the late eighteenth through the nineteenth century0 %et)or*s of food distri'ution 'ecame much more efficient0 ,rain riots, pre&iously the preeminent form of popular politics, faded a)ay throughout most of Europe 'y 18? 0 @ut nineteenth-century consumption )as em'edded in a deeply hierarchical society0 Anly to)ard the 188 s did Europe, primarily Brance and England, 'egin to see the more democrati>ed consumption, cutting across class 'oundaries, that is associated )ith mass consumption0 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY CONSUMPTION #ome historians insist that the eighteenth-century @ritish Empire sa) a "consumer re&olution0" -uch in* has 'een spilled in dissent0 $hat has 'een esta'lished is a long, slo) rise in consumer demand, dri&en 'y factors including falling prices for many 'asic goods for purchase 2especially food56 intensified la'or 2particularly of )omen and children56 the production and importation of a &ast array of ne) goods, and, in the middle classes, ne) codes of genteel 'eha&ior, ne) standards of cleanliness, and, perhaps, an early .omantic culti&ation of aesthetic sensiti&ities0 -iddle-class families spent more on e&erything from furniture to china and pottery, mirrors and pictures, linens, carriages, and 'oo*s0 Burther do)n the social scale, people contented themsel&es )ith 'uying smaller items: soap, candles, and, less e(pensi&e printed fa'rics0 7he poor made do )ith &ery little0 A poor family in eighteenth-century England, for instance, )ould ha&e o)ned, perhaps, one chair, 'attered pottery that had 'een passed do)n for t)o generations, and some spoons to eat )ith, 'ut fe) *ni&es, no for*s, and no ta'le linens0

#till, historians ha&e charted rising consumption of tea, coffee, chocolate, sugar, and to'acco among a remar*a'ly 'road sector of society0 7hey estimate that 2? percent of the population used one of these products once a day, to the distress of doctors 2)ho denounced the traffic in stimulants and drugs5 and to the delight of cafC and ta&ern proprietors0 #uch a genuinely 'road pattern of consumption )as ine(trica'le from the ne) patterns of eighteenth-century socia'ility, including the rising readership of 'oo*s and ne)spapers0 7he Birst Industrial .e&olution 2from the mid-eighteenth through the early nineteenth centuries5 'rought inno&ations through the entire circuit of production, distri'ution, and consumption0 7he china manufacturer Dosiah $edg)ood 2174 3179?5 did not o)e his spectacular success to production-side inno&ations9 e(periments )ith factory la'or and the techni:ues of gla>e and design9alone0 $edg)ood8s 'usiness 'enefited from impro&ed roads and canals6 from the :uic*ening trade in tea, coffee, and chocolate6 and from population gro)th and rising incomes0 An the consumerist side, $edg)ood la&ished attention on design, fashion, and his product line, transferring the cachet of his tea ser&ices to snuff'o(es and *nife handles0 ;e priced different lines of pottery and china strategically, aiming at different mar*ets0 ;e )as e(tremely attenti&e to pu'licity, orchestrating ne)spaper articles that sho)cased his )ares and famous customers0 -atthe) @oulton 21728318 95, the famous impro&er of the steam engine, )as no less an inno&ator in promoting consumption in the "'utton trade," )hich included 'uttons, 'uc*les, )atch chains, candlestic*s, and other ornaments0 $edg)ood, @oulton, and others pursued 'oth modern commercial techni:ues and traditional state and courtly patronage0 In this as in other respects, their careers reflected a period of transition0 7o 'ecome the :ueen8s potter )as a mar* of $edg)ood8s success6 @oulton needed and sought connections to the *ing8s architect, cloc*ma*er, and so on0 1ourt sponsorship played an e&en more central role in the circuit of production, distri'ution, and consumption across the channel0 #umptuary la)s, )hich had attempted to limit consumption of lu(ury goods 'y status 2for instance, granting only some people the right to

'uy and )ear gold, sil&er, or sil*5, had fallen a)ay 'y the end of the eighteenth century0 @ut the states of continental Europe regulated the production of and commerce in almost all goods, from grain to clothing and furniture0 INDUSTRIALIZATION AND NEW FORMS OF COMMERCE In the early nineteenth century the processes already under )ay gre) stronger0 +roducti&e capacities multiplied6 transportation :uic*ened6 cities, )ith fashiona'le arcades and spra)ling openair mar*ets ali*e, gre)0 7he century also sa) the dismantling of traditional regulation of commerce and production, first in Brance and in different stages across the 1ontinent0 1lothing, for instance, )as already more freely 'ought and sold than other consumer goods, and in pre-.e&olutionary Brance 2as in eighteenth-century England5, the clothing trade e(panded as elites 'ought more, more e(pensi&e, and different *inds of clothes in )hat the historian =aniel .oche calls a ne) "culture of appearances0" 7he Brench .e&olution, ho)e&er, a'olished the la)s that had carefully distinguished 'et)een those granted the pri&ilege to sell fa'rics and those allo)ed to ma*e clothing0 7his ne) legal regime, com'ined )ith a re&olution in te(tile and clothing production, ushered in fundamental changes in ho) commerce and retail could operate0 7he 182 s and 184 s 'rought stores selling )hat they produced: rudimentary readymade in the form of sha)ls, cloa*s, and children8s clothing0 /ater, in )omen8s clothing, couture houses 'egan to sell fa'ric, clothing, and design9and to call the com'ination fashion0 $ith a second generation of stores in the 18? s and 18! s, a ne) ur'an consumerism came into its o)n0 Already in the 178 s, shops )ith large glass )indo)s on streets 'rightened at night 'y ne) gas street lanterns had da>>led )ealthy &isitors to /ondon0 @ut in the mid-nineteenth century the com'ination of economic de&elopment6 political sta'ility6 rapid ur'an gro)th6 massi&e in&estments in ur'an infrastructure in +aris, Eienna, /ondon, and else)here6 and the confidence of a ne) social elite made /ondon8s $est End into a s)an* shopping district and ensured the success of the grands magasins in +aris: the @on -archC 218?25, +rintemps 218!?5, and the #amaritaine 218!950

7he grands magasins pioneered not only ne) modes of retailing 'ut also ne) forms of socia'ility and leisure0 7hey are a case study in ho) simple consumption could 'e transformed into consumerism, or the systematic culti&ation of consumer demand 9and of ho) the pro&isioning of needs 'ecame shopping, a fashiona'le, sought-after ritual0 7he ne) stores displayed fa'rics, glo&es, um'rellas, fans, and shoes in plate-glass cases rather than tuc*ing them 'ehind counters and in arrangements aimed to seduce )ith their sumptuousness and impress )ith their a'undance and modernity0 7hey offered calendars of special e&ents such as fashion sho)s and concerts, hair salons, reading rooms, and displays organi>ed around themes to dra) customers in and to entertain them )hile in the store0 In Fmile Gola8s 2184 319 25 Au @onheur des =ames 218845, the century8s classic e&ocation of the cultural magnetism of department stores 2'ased on the history of the @on -archC and the ,rands -agasins du /ou&re5, the fictional o)ner fills the central hall and stair)ay )ith um'rellas to create the image of "large Eenetian lanterns, illuminated for some colossal festi&al0" "Bree entry" encouraged potential customers to 'ro)se and enHoy the e(periences0 Bi(ed, posted prices freed customers from negotiations )ith salespeople0 1onsumption did not re:uire an inter-action )ith a producer, or e&en a merchant6 it )as an acti&ity enHoyed )ith other shoppers0 7he department stores illustrate a larger structural trend: the emergence of retail and consumption as increasingly autonomous and speciali>ed economic acti&ities0 7he ne) stores came to anchor distincti&e shopping districts, remo&ed from the smells and sounds of production in artisan neigh'orhoods6 cities )ere segregated 'y economic function as )ell as class0 Although most nineteenth-century stores continued to ma*e the goods they sold, and had custom shops for dresses, suits, or furnishings, the department stores, 'y definition, did not speciali>e0 7heir 'road range of prices and goods underscored that the stores8 e(pertise lay in choosing )hat to sell, ho) to ma*e goods desira'le, and ho) to ma*e customers happy, rather than focusing on processes of production0

BOURGEOIS CONSUMPTION MIDDLE-CLASS CONSUMERISM 7he clientele for these stores )as decidedly middle class and female0 Gola8s portrait of )omen made delirious in department stores )as a caricature, though one 'ased on preconceptions common in his time0 #ince at least the eighteenth century, production 2and technology5 had 'een seen as male, and consumption, associated )ith hedonism, )aste, and temptation, female0 #till, retailers8 appeals to )omen, )omen8s responsi'ility for many purchases, and the centrality of goods to middle-class female identity )ere among the distinguishing features of nineteenth-century consumerism0 -uch of that consumerism focused on assiduously culti&ating the home0 #tudies of 'udgets sho) that e&en in hard times, middle-class families tried to maintain spending on either housing or ser&ants, 'oth of )hich )ere 'enchmar*s of middle-class status and dignity0 A&er the course of the century middle-class homes gre) larger, )ith more rooms for specific functions: studies, se)ing rooms, salons0 $ealth )as displayed in more plentiful and speciali>ed furniture, upholstered in fine fa'rics, or )or*ed )ith e(otic )oods from the reaches of Europe8s e(panding empires, and 'y thic* curtains, )or*s of art on the )alls, gilded chandeliers and cloc*s, He)elry and sil&er, pianos, and so on0 #ome historians argue that specific middle-class tastes had a direct economic impact, gi&ing small industries and high-:uality artisans a remar*a'le resilience0 7here is no dou't of the po)er of possessions to shape identity and self-presentation, spelled out in countless eti:uette manuals and furniture catalogs0 +ortraits and furnishings could pro&ide lin*s to a family8s past6 an ela'orately decorated se)ing machine could pay tri'ute to )omanly &irtue0 Educated, tasteful consumption, preser&ing 2or, if possi'le, raising5 the family8s status, 'alancing the household8s 'oo*s: these )ere tas*s that fell to middle-class )omen across Europe0 Bor middle-class men, too, identity and status )ere constructed )ith careful purchases: different suits and hats for 'usiness, family e&ents, or )ee*ends in the country6 ostentatious )atches6 and other em'lems of distinction0

POPULAR CONSUMPTION $hat of patterns of consumption among the common people< 7his topic used to 'e framed as the history of the "standard of li&ing" during industriali>ation, a'out )hich historians disagreed, often fiercely0 7hey found it hard to measure )ages and prices, ho)e&er, and general conclusions remained elusi&e0 -ore recent historical research has focused on more :ualitati&e aspects of popular consumption0 +easant and )or*ing-class households )ere not self-sufficient, or isolated from consumption and the mar*et, 'ut they follo)ed distinct, class-specific patterns of consumption, and those patterns )ere shaped 'y the cultural meanings attached to different goods0 Bor )or*ing people, food )as the primary e(pense and priority0 @read too* less of a house-hold8s food 'udget, )hich meant increased spending on more &aried foods0 An 1872 Brench study of one hundred )or*ing-class families, for instance, found that thirty-nine ate meat daily, forty-four fre:uently, and se&enteen rarely, significantly higher than a century earlier0 As industriali>ation spread across Europe, drin*ing coffee, )ine, rum, and other alcoholic 'e&erages9already on the rise since the eighteenth century9continued to 'ecome more popular0 Bood and drin* pro&ided the core of social life0 7hey )ere also 'arometers of hard times0 E&en at the end of the nineteenth century, European )or*ers had to spend more to feed their families than did their counterparts in the Inited #tates0 A European family )ith three or more children rarely ate meat at dinner and 'ought only ine(pensi&e dar* 'read0 1lothing came second in popular 'udgets0 7he falling price of fa'ric in the 18! s ena'led )or*ing people to )ear lighter, )armer, and more comforta'le clothing0 @ut )or*ing people spent little on e&eryday gar'0 In a stratified culture, )here one8s dress on the street instantly flagged one8s status and class, #unday clothes )ere more important, for they pro&ided an accessi'le form of social mo'ility, escape, and cele'ration0 =ecent housing )as e(pensi&e and in short supply e&ery)here in Europe6 it )as &irtually 'eyond the common people8s reach0 E&en in good times, )or*ing people had to settle for cro)ded, dar*, and 'arely &entilated places0 7his, indeed, )as one of the most

significant lines that di&ided classes0 E&en )hen lo)er-middleclass families earned only a little more than their )or*ing-class counterparts, they spent their money &ery differently, often putting off marriage and children until they could afford to spend more on rent and properly 'ourgeois furnishings0 In the last fe) decades of the nineteenth century, ho)e&er, the rise of consumerism )as 'eginning to reach the common people, largely through the e(pansion of credit0 As far as historians can determine, peasants )ere more li*ely than )or*ers to sa&e, largely 'ecause they hoped to ac:uire more land0 @ut )or*ingclass life ran on regular infusions of short-term credit from 'a*ers, grocers, and )ine merchants in their neigh'orhoods, )hich dro&e up the price of food0 $or*ers regularly resorted to pa)nshops, getting loans at ? or ! percent interest against mattresses, linens, He)elry, and the occasional piece of family sil&er0 Brom the 18! s on)ard, large-scale commerce 'egan to adapt to the popular ha'it of 'uying on credit0 In the 188 s the grands magasins =ufayel opened its doors in @ar'Js, a )or*ingclass neigh'orhood in +aris0 =ufayel deli'erately echoed the presentations of elite department stores, and it offered necessities and furnishings, from furniture and cloc*s to coal sto&es, all on credit0 @y 19 7 almost half of the )or*ing-class families of +aris had "su'scri'ed," &ia door-to-door salesmen, to =ufayel8s credit payment plans, and other merchants, attuned to the possi'ilities of a larger 'uying pu'lic, adopted credit plans as )ell0 MASS CONSUMERISM 7he last :uarter of the century ushered in the #econd Industrial .e&olution, and, as one contemporary remar*ed, credit and ad&ertising )ere as much a part of that re&olution as electricity and oil0 Borms of ad&ertising multiplied in the last decades of the century, from hand'ills distri'uted on street corners to la&ishly illustrated mail-order catalogs to posters0 An this front, +aris )as again a pioneer6 tourists floc*ing to the )orld8s fairs of 1889 and 19 and inno&ations in graphic arts helped to turn the city into one of the largest ad&ertising mar*ets in the )orld0 7he same enterprises that e(tended credit, already e(perts in the ne)

commercial )orld of the late nineteenth century, also turned their hand to pu'licity0 =ufayel, for instance, proclaimed ad&ertising to 'e "the soul of commerce" and sold ad&ertising space in the city8s *ios*s, urinals, trams, railroad stations, at the centennial cele'ration of the Brench .e&olution and )orld8s fairs, and in ne) dance halls li*e the Bolies @ergJres and the -oulin .ouge0 Ad&ertising :uic*ly transformed the &isual landscapes of latenineteenth-century -osco), #t0 +eters'urg, Eienna, @erlin, and /ondon0 7he com'ination of ad&ertising8s demand for e(perimental hard-hitting imagery and the mar&elous spectrum of colors made possi'le 'y lithography attracted some of the preeminent artists and artistic schools of the period: Dules 1herCt 2184!319425, ;enri 7oulouse-/autrec 218!4319 15, the Dugendstil artists in central Europe, the -unich #ecession of 1894, and .ussian futurist painters0 $hile only the largest companies could afford ad&ertising on this scale, changes in consumption made the pre)ar period in important respects the apogee of European commercial culture and a forcing ground of modernism0 Ad&ertising illustrates the structural trend underscored earlier: the increasing in&estment in commerce and distri'ution as separate and &alue-enhancing economic acti&ities0 =uring the eighteenth century, ad&ertising had 'een an afterthought6 producers simply listed themsel&es in guides to 'usiness and e&en pioneers li*e $edg)ood sought to esta'lish their reputation 'y )ord of mouth and court patronage0 Ane hundred years later, ad&ertising had its o)n enterprises, personnel, and trade Hournals that cast a critical eye on graphic artists8 techni:ues and ad&ertisers8 strategies0 As one of those Hournals declared, ad&ertising had outgro)n simple "empiricism," "it has 'ecome a true science, )hose precise la)s need to 'e disco&ered0" 7he late nineteenth century :uic*ened the pace of consumerism across Europe0 @y the 189 s department stores could 'e found in many of ,ermany8s pro&incial cities0 ,ermany8s most successful retailers included the 7iet> family and Adolf Dandorf 2187 319425, )ho opened his most elegant and ela'orate store, the Kaufhaus des $estens in @erlin, in 19 7, mar*ing the 'eginning of the KurfLrstendamm as @erlin8s retail and entertainment center, in

the same mold as /ondon8s $est End0 #elfridge8s de'uted in /ondon in 19 9, the child of ;arry ,ordon #elfridge 2c0 18!43 19475 from -arshall Bield8s in 1hicago, )hose ela'orate merchandising )as )idely acclaimed0 #elfridge8s ad&ertising proclaimed that the store changed shopping from "merely part of the day8s )or*" to "pleasure, a time of profit, recreation and enHoyment0" -oreo&er, recreation proper9or entertainment9also opened up as a ne) field for consumerism0 %o&el *inds of Hournalism fed sensationali>ed ne)s to a )ider reading pu'lic0 $orld8s fairs, music halls, spectator sports, circuses, dioramas and panoramas, and, 'y the late 189 s, mo&ies )ere all pieces of a ne) entertainment industry that 'ec*oned to ne) consumerspectators0 $ithin a decade of their start in 1894, the +athC 'rothers 21harles M18!4319?7N and Emile M18! 31947N5 reached an international mar*et for their short films at nic*elodeons and had 'egun to open mo&ie halls0 7here )ere ten such halls in +aris in 19 7 and more than 1? in 19140 #till largely segregated 'y class, gender, and age, commerciali>ed leisure )as nonetheless ro'ustly adapta'le0 .ussian intellectuals might deplore the a'sence of middle-class political institutions, 'ut modern middleclass commercial entertainment and consumerism thri&ed0 A CONSUMERIST ECONOMICS SOCIAL SCIENCE It )as at the end of the nineteenth century, too, that consumption itself 'egan to command more sharply focused attention from economists and social scientists and to occupy a different place in the discursi&e structure of economics0 #ince the rise of political economy in the eighteenth century, consumption, if no longer necessarily concei&ed as an e&il, had remained a distinctly minor issue0 @ernard -ande&ille8s 21!7 317445 Ba'le of the @ees 217145 satiri>ed orthodo(ies of economic restraint and the association of lu(ury )ith desire, or appetite, disorder, and diso'edience0 -ande&ille and others argued that the "&ice" of consuming lu(uries actually promoted the nation8s )ealth0 Adam #mith 217243179 5 sa) consumption as one of the selfimpro&ing impulses of humanity that promoted economic de&elopment and enhanced the pu'lic good, contrary to the teachings of classical repu'licanism and in defiance of &ie)s such

as those cited at the 'eginning of this article0 #mith declared consumption to 'e "the sole end and purpose of all production0" @ut there the su'Hect stayed, a distinctly minor concern, )hile economists trained their ga>e on production, )ages, and &alue0 %ineteenth-century critics of political economy )or*ed in the same paradigms6 Karl -ar(8s 21818318845 'rilliant passages on commodity fetishism depicted consumption as a realm of reification, mystification, and non-&alue0 7hese &ie)s 'egan to change in the 187 s0 Ane set of re&isions came )ith the theory of marginal utility, )hose proponents disagreed )ith classical political economy8s 2and socialism8s5 emphasis on la'or as the source of &alue0 All goods, they argued, had more or less 2marginal5 &alue depending on factors li*e the :uantity of goods on the mar*et and consumer preferences0 %ot production 'ut pricing and the marginal utility of goods 2esta'lished 'y rational, mar*et-calculating indi&iduals5 )ere the *eys to understanding &alue and to e(plaining the allocation of economic resources0 Ather intellectuals, many of them critics of the marginalists8 a'stract approach, >eroed in on social psychology and on the "cultural situations" in )hich consumption )as em'edded0 7he American 7horstein Ee'len8s 218?7319295 7heory of the /eisure 1lass appeared in 18996 in Europe, ,a'riel 7arde 21844319 45 )rote on emulation, the ,erman statistician Ernst Engel 218213189!5 and the Brench sociologist -aurice ;al')achs 218773194?5 studied social patterns of consumption, Engel in search of la)s that go&erned consumer e(penditures and ;al')achs demonstrating that the )eight of class and culture shaped people8s e(pectations and "le&els of li&ing," dispro&ing Engel8s la)s0 Europe in 1914 )as still far remo&ed from a society or culture of mass consumerism0 1onsumption remained deeply stratified 'y class until )ell after $orld $ar I0 7his )as not a culture in )hich it made sense to spea* of a "standard of li&ing"6 that term suggests norms, entitlements, and go&ernment commitments to maintaining or e&en democrati>ing consumption that only came later0 7he de&elopment of consumerism in late-nineteenth- and early-t)entieth-century Europe paled 'y comparison )ith its gro)th in the Inited #tates, )here a large domestic mar*et,

larger and more efficient net)or*s of distri'ution, rising incomes 2or the higher )ages3mass consumption &ision associated )ith ;enry Bord5, and less stratification con&erged to ma*e the "American standard of li&ing" the yardstic* for the t)entieth century0 European intellectuals at the turn of the century )orried a'out de&elopments across the Atlantic, on the American hori>on, a'out the "economic con&ulsions" of the present, and socialists fretted that mass consumerism and culture )ould so) political apathy0 .ight-)ing thin*ers )arned the "more intimate mingling of the classes" )ould undermine social hierarchies and traditional &alues, and they mo'ili>ed nationalist and anti-#emitic rhetoric against "De)ish" retailers or "cosmopolitan" department stores0 1ontemporary concerns not)ithstanding, on the e&e of $orld $ar I consumer mar*ets )ere small and local0 Across Europe 9 percent of sales )ent through small shop*eepers0 Europe remained a )orld of 'ourgeois consumerism, in )hich popular purchasing po)er )as )ea*, class distinctions )ere plainly demarcated, and middle-class indi&iduals8 conceptions of taste )ere firmly yo*ed to their cultural influence and political po)er0 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Auslander, Leora. Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France. Berkeley, Calif., 1 !. Brewer, "ohn, and #oy Porter, eds. Consu$%tion and the &orld of 'oods. London and (ew )ork, 1 *. Coffin, "udith '. +A ,-tandard, of Li.ing/ 0uro%ean Pers%ecti.es on Class and Consu$%tion in the 0arly Twentieth Century.+ 1nternational La2or and &orking3Class 4istory 55 6s%ring 1 7: !89!. :e 'ra;ia, <ictoria. 1rresisti2le 0$%ire: A$erica,s Ad.ance through Twentieth3Century 0uro%e. Ca$2ridge, Mass., 9==5. :e 'ra;ia, <ictoria, ed., with 0llen Furlough. The -e> of Things: 'ender and Consu$%tion in 4istorical Pers%ecti.e. Berkeley, Calif., 1 !. Mc?endrick, (eil, "ohn Brewer, and ". 4. Plu$2. The Birth of a Consu$er -ociety: The Co$$erciali;ation of 0ighteenth3 Century 0ngland. Bloo$ington, 1nd., 1 @9. Mc#eynolds, Louise. #ussia at Play: Leisure Acti.ities at the 0nd of the Tsarist 0ra. 1thaca, (.)., 9==*. Perrot, Michelle. Les ou.riers en grA.e: France, 1@B181@ =. Paris, 1 BC. #a%%a%ort, 0rika :iane. -ho%%ing for Pleasure: &o$en in the Making of London,s &est 0nd. Princeton, (."., 9===. -trasser, -usan, Charles Mc'o.ern, and Matthias "udt, eds. 'etting and -%ending: 0uro%ean and A$erican Consu$er -ocieties in the Twentieth Century. Ca$2ridge, D.?., and (ew )ork, 1 @. &alton, &hitney. France at the Crystal Palace: Bourgeois Taste and Artisan Manufacture in the (ineteenth Century. Berkeley, Calif., 1 9. &illia$s, #osalind 4. :rea$ &orlds: Mass Consu$%tion in Late (ineteenth3Century France. Berkeley, Calif., 1 @9.

Source Citation:
CEFF1(, "D:). +Consu$eris$.+ Europe 1789-1914: Encyclopedia of the Age of Industry and Empire. 0d. "ohn Merri$an and "ay &inter. <ol. 9. :etroit: Charles -cri2ner,s -ons, 9==!. 5C!355*. Gale World istory In !onte"t. &e2. 1* "an. 9=19. :ocu$ent D#L htt%:FFic.galegrou%.co$.e;.sccd.ctc.edu:9=C@FicFwhicF#eference:etailsPageF#eference:etails&indow/ dis%lay'rou%(a$eG#eferenceHdisa2le4ighlightingGtrueH%rod1dG&41CHactionGeHwindowstateGnor$alHcat1dGHdocu$ent1 dG'AL0IBCCJ*CC! ==9=CH$odeG.iewHuser'rou%(a$eGseat 9@BCHKsidG2=9!19=5cC dfa=d9B55 eC9f9=1cdfa Gale Document Number: 'AL0LCJ*CC! ==9=C