The Late Appearance of Modern Greek Naturalism: An Explanatory Hypothesis

Pieter Borghart

Journal of Modern Greek Studies, Volume 23, Number 2, October 2005, pp. 313-334 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2005.0016

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The Late Appearance of Modern Greek Naturalism: An Explanatory Hypothesis

Pieter Borghart

Abstract
The late appearance of Greek naturalism has been widely noted but not satisfactorily explained. Greek naturalism took its rst steps around 1890, almost a decade after its European counterpart had its heyday. A semiotically based comparative analysis of three cultural historical conditionsthe advent of literary realism, the close link between scientic and literary discourse, and the reception of Zola and European naturalismwill show that Greek naturalism should have emerged around 1880; but it did not. To explain the belated appearance of Greek naturalism, the concept of secondarization is employed here to argue that the beginnings of Greek ethography was a transitional period in Greek literary output which used new formal elements, while continuing to fulll the patriotic function of the historical novel prior to 1880. It was not until literary realism came into full swing that Greek authors were ready to produce their own brand of literary naturalism.

The study of Greek naturalism is still in its infancy. Although this subject has been partially dealt with by several Greek literary historians, a systematic analysis of the Greek variant of this European literary movement from a comparative and theoretical point of view, is long overdue.1 To date there is little unanimity among neohellenists about the facets of Greek naturalism, and some of them, while widely discussed, remain unexplained. One of them is the belated appearance of Greek naturalism. Chevrels seminal study marks the heyday of European naturalism between 1885 and 1888 and its decline after 1891 (1993:4348). Greek novels, which are generally classied as naturalist, were written nearly a decade after European naturalism peakednovels like Andreas Karkavitsass The Beggar (O zhtinow, 1896), Alexandros Papadiamandiss masterpiece The Murderess (H fnissa, 1903), Constantinos Hatzopouloss short story Love in the Village (Agph sto xvri, 1910), and Constantinos Journal of Modern Greek Studies, Volume 23, 2005.
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Theotokiss Life and Death of Karavelas (H zv kai o ynatow tou Karabla, 1920).2 This article will attempt to explain the belatedness of Greek naturalism. To better demonstrate and understand periodization in relation to naturalismespecially its Greek variantI will introduce my theoretical framework. Greek vs. European naturalism: a theoretical account 3 Traditionallyand this holds especially true for most of the studies that discuss Greek naturalist textsnaturalism is dened as a form of realism that focuses on the more brutal and harsh aspects of contemporary society by denouncing the miserable social conditions of the poor (Beaton 198283; Vitti 1991 [1974]; Saltapidas 1997). This denition, however, deviates from the one belabored by Emile Zola in his theoretical writings. The Master of Mdan held a moderate view on the nature of naturalist literature. For example, in Le naturalisme au thetre and Du roman, Zola no longer argues for the nave view of treating a literary text as a scientic experimentas he did in Le roman exprimental nor does he equates naturalism with militant socialist literature that advocates the causes of the poor. On the contrary, Zola links the notion of an objective and scientic study of the contemporary world with a number of formal and thematic textual strategies. As a consequence, naturalisms basic aim seems to consist of instructing the reader on every single aspect of the contemporary world in a neutral and impartial way, abstaining from any judgment whatsoever.4 On the level of literary theory, Zolas denition of naturalism can best be grasped by means of literary semiotics as practiced by the Russian scholar Jurij Lotman (1977) and the Dutch comparatist Douwe Fokkema (1974, 1985). They considered a literary text as a complex linguistic sign that can be analyzed into syntactic, semantic and pragmatic components. These components together constitute the langue or the code of the text.5 Lotman explicitly stated that the same goes for the study of groups of related texts (1977:54). It follows that literary movements can also be studied with the help of the same components. Pragmatics analyzes the function of literary movements as well as the contextual circumstances in which they originate. The narratological and thematic features of literary movements are analyzed by syntactics and semantics respectively. When we apply this semiotic model to Zolas denition of naturalism that I mentioned above, not only do we retrieve the three basic components (narratological features, thematic features and function), but alsoand this is typical for the naturalist movementan explicit interconnectedness between them. In Zolas view, the

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pragmatic function of the naturalist textthe objective and scientic instruction of the readercan only be realized through a specic set of syntactic and semantic features.6 If the theoretical approach that I just sketched would cause the impression of a dogmatic view of naturalism as a body of texts merely written by epigones of Emile Zola, the misunderstanding would surely be cleared up by introducing useful concepts from comparative literature. Chevrel, who has provided the most thorough analysis of naturalism from a comparative perspective, designates it as a all-European literary movement with variants in a range of national literatures (1993:32). This means that, on the theoretical level, a clear distinction should be made, on the one hand, between an abstraction of naturalist text features that most of the European naturalist texts have in common; and, on the other, between the reception and creative incorporation of this set of characteristics by several national literatures in their own literary history. In line with Fokkemas comparative theory (1974), the former level is designated as the historically determined genre code of European naturalism, whereas the latter constitutes the period code or group code of a given national literature, in our case Greek literature. Consequently, this approach has the two-fold advantage of being able to trace the coherence between a large number of European texts on the basis of an in-depth semiotic analysis on the one hand, while, on the other, also paying attention to culturally specic characteristics which not all the texts of the naturalist corpus necessarily have in common. As the topic of periodization, which is at the heart of my article, belongs to the component of pragmatics, the last theoretical point that I will make bears upon the pragmatic component of European naturalism. Fokkema clearly states that each literary codeand this also holds true for European naturalismhas its own pragmatic rules, which . . . determine under what conditions its semantic and syntactic rules are applicable (1985:646). Consequently, if we come across a number of naturalist texts in a particular national literature, we can make our analysis more convincing by showing that these texts originated in a similar pragmatic context as their counterparts in other European literatures. According to D+uris=in (1974), however, such similarities are almost never the result of mere inuence by a dominant national literature, but are mostly created by a combination of typological and genetic factors. Whereas the latter classies all kinds of contacts with other literatures (e.g., translations, manifests, etc.), the former designates the accidental development of similar cultural historical circumstances.7 As I will show, both types of factors played a subtle role in the creation of the Greek variant of European naturalism.

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What are then the conditions under which naturalisms syntactic and semantic features ourished throughout Europe at the end of the nineteenth century? Comparative analysis of European naturalism has pointed out three main circumstances that can make the rise of national variants comprehensible: (1) the presence of a broader movement of realist literature, (2) a cultural historical background which justies the connection between literature and the idea of an objective and scientic study of the contemporary world, and (3) an assignable material reception of French or other European naturalism.8 Discussing these circumstantial conditions within the nineteenth-century Greek context, the following sections will ascertain by what time these conditions had been sufciently realized to expect the birth of Greek naturalism. The pragmatic circumstances of Greek naturalism The development of literary realism. As far as the development of realism in nineteenth-century Greek prose is concerned, recent studies have made a remarkable progress. It has clearly been shown that the 18301880 period, traditionally regarded as the era of romanticism, is not so homogeneously romantic at all.9 On the contrary, thorough analysis of a number of texts that were unknown or disregarded until recently, points to a continuous struggle betweengenerally speakingthree generic classes in order to occupy the center of the literary prose system: (1) the Greek romantic novel, which was dominant before 1850 and as for plot structure presents remarkable similarities with the ancient Greek romance (Tziovas 1997), (2) the historical novel, which was inuenced to a certain extent by the work of Sir Walter Scott and had its heyday mainly in the 1860s (Denisi 1994), and (3) the novel and short story of a realist inspiration which, from Rangaviss short story The Prisons or The Death Penalty (Ai fulaka h kefalik poin, 1836/37) onwards, tried to manifest itself during the entire nineteenth century.10 In spite of a considerable measure of literary realism in nineteenth-century Greek ction, however, scholars are not eager to rate the bulk of these texts among the belles-lettres, but among popular genres such as the mysteries (mustria, apkrufa).11 The entire class of realist texts, which mainly has been developed in the wake of a number of Greek translations of popular French novels by Sue and Dumasand not at all under the inuence of the great French realists such as Balzac, Stendhal and Flaubert as one would expectis placed by Denisi under the common denominator socially committed prose ction.12 Yet, the translations of its European models caused a chain of negative reactions from critics belonging to the so-called ofcial literary system and hence

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are to a certain extent at the basis of the demand for a genuinely Greek national novel (eynik muyistrhma) from the late 1850s onwards. This probably explains Voutouriss view that the socially committed prose ction can hardly be regarded as a theoretically based movement (1995:142) and that it had failed to obtain a dominant position in the system of Greek prose ction before 1880. On the other hand, however, one surely cannot ignore that these texts have known a certain historical existence during the nineteenth centurythey indeed have been published and readso that they constitute a typological factor or preparation of soil (D+uris=in 1974:175) which has contributed to the rise of the genuine realist movement of the ethography (hyografa, portrayal of life and customs) in the 1880s. Apart from the socially committed prose ction, the national novel in the realm of the belles-lettres gradually developed in the direction of a literature of realist inspiration as well. This inclination is clearly shown by a number of book reviews written from the 1860s onwards. Zambelios, for instance, in a review of the poetry of Ioulios Tipaldos, denounces the romantic pathological tendency to the levitation of ideas (1860:467) and argues so ardently in favor of a more down-to-earth approach of both the national past and the contemporary Greek society (464470) that Voutouris considers this text as the rst manifesto of Greek realism (1995:80). At the same time, Angelos Vlahos formulated his theory of idealistic realism (Voutouris 1995, Angelatos 2002) and both Vizandios (1863:58) and Vlachos (18671868:343) praised the realist dimension of Ramfoss historical novels in their respective reviews. As could be expected within such an intellectual climate, a number of historical novels tend to replace the romantic glorication of Greek history by a detailed description of the historical world.13 In this case too, we are dealing with a typological factor that has prepared the realism of the ethography, a view that is epitomized by Vikelass historical novel of realist inspiration Loukis Laras (Loukw Lraw, 1879). Finally, as for the so-called generation of 1880, the period to which the Greek variant of European naturalism belongs, there is no need to recall the importance of the literary competition announced by Esta in 1883 as the ultimate stepping stone towards the development of the rst programmatic realist school in nineteenth-century Greek literature.14 Having the development of nineteenth-century Greek realism in mind, this evolution can hardly be seen as a violent rupture with the past, as traditional views on Greek literary history maintain. On the contrary, my own stancei.e., that the 1880s should be seen as a transitional period in several respectswill help explain, in the last section of my article, the rather late appearance of Greek naturalism. Another knotty problem that should be touched upon briey at

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this point is the precise designation of the notion ethography. Some scholars reserve this term exclusively for the so-called idylls of shermen and peasants (yalassin kai agrotik eidllia), a type of idyllic realism that was developed in the wake of the competition by Esta under the inuence of Politiss patriotically avored appeal for the writing of genuinely Greek short stories (Politou-Marmarinou 1981 1984, 1985, Puchner 1983, Mackridge 1992); some other scholars argue that it should be used in its broader sense, denoting the entire realist movement from the 1880s onwards in all its different manifestations (Beaton 1999), while for Milionis (1992) its usage has become so problematic that the only solution consists of getting rid of it. Using the semiotic terminology introduced above, I propose to side with Beaton and refer to the ethography as the broad realist period code that occupied the center of the system of Greek prose ction between approximately 1880 and 1920, containing a range of different types of realism (group codes) such as the idylls (e.g., Drosinis), magic realism (e.g., Viziinos), social realism (e.g., Theotokis) and, of course, the Greek variant of European naturalism. Folk culture and laografa (laografa, study of folklore). A second pragmatic circumstance that can help explain the development of national variants of European naturalism, is the presence of a cultural historical background that justies the idea of an objective and scientic study of the contemporary world through literary texts. Zola and the French naturalists, for instance, provided a unique vision of the function of the literary text on the basis of contemporary positivist theories by, among others, Charles Darwin, Hippolyte Adolphe Taine and Claude Bernard: literatures primary function was no longer to entertain the public by telling an exciting story, butas in other scientic disciplinesto instruct the reader in an objective manner on every single aspect of the contemporary world. Zola himself explicitly states that literature thus should be considered a form of practical sociology:
Quand les temps auront march, quand on possdera les lois, il ny aura plus quagir sur les individus et sur les milieux, si lon veut arriver au meilleur tat social. Cest ainsi que nous faisons de la sociologie pratique et que notre besonge aide aux sciences politiques et conomiques. (1968 [1879]:1188) When time will have passed, when one will be able to manipulate the laws, we will only have to exert inuence on both individual human beings and their environments in order to achieve a better society. In this way, we are working in the realm of practical sociology and improving on the politics and the economy with our activities.

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But what about the relation between scientic discourse and literature in nineteenth-century Greece? As is well known, the formulation of Fallmerayers theories in the 1830s caused an ardent reaction by the Greek intellectuals and urged them to prove the uninterrupted chain that existed between the modern Greeks and their ancestors from Classical Antiquity and Byzantine times, primarily by studying their national history and all sorts of traditional folk culture.15 From the early 1870s onwards, however, Nikolaos Politis placed this purely historical interest in folk culture gradually in a comparative perspective. To the already existing vertical-historical component of the traditional laografa, he added a horizontal-comparative component based on the survival theory of European ethnologists such as Edward Tylor, which in the nal analysis can be traced back to a number of principles formulated by the father of European positivism, Charles Darwin (Kiriakidou-Nestoros 1978, 1989). Consequently, Politis not only lifted the laografa on a genuinely scientic levelthe study of folk culture as a goal per sebut also provided this discipline with a small avor of positivist inspiration. Moreover, taking into consideration the fact that Politis was the main initiator of the literary competition of Esta in 1883 and thus embodies the undeniable afliation between laografa and ethography, a subtle interaction between typological and genetic circumstances once more serves to explain the reception and creative incorporation of European naturalism by the Greek literary system of the period.16 The material reception of naturalism. The last (purely genetic) condition which contributes to the explanation of the rise of national variants of this literary movement, is the existence of an assignable material reception of primarily French naturalism. In the realm of translations the existing evidence is overwhelming. The Greek public rst got acquainted with Zola through the translations of LAssommoir (1877) and Nana (1879) in serial form, both of which were suspended after a couple of issues due to their scandalous content. Not later than 1880, however, Nana was published as a book, prefaced by Yannopouloss famous Epistolary treatise as foreword (Epistolimaa diatrib ant prolgou). In the wake of this controversial publication, Zolas novels La Dbcle, Lourdes, La Terre and Paris appeared in Greek translation, and so did numerous short stories by Maupassant and Daudet. In many cases the translators were preeminent writers such as, for example, Papadiamandis, Kondilakis, Xenopoulos and even Palamas (Valetas 1954, Filippidis 2002, Oktapoda-Lu 2003:205210). In the contemporary Athenian newspapers and periodicals Zola and the naturalist school received a lot of attention as well. Between

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1879 and 1880, Rabags followed conscientiously the controversy about the translation of Nana that was partially published in their columns. Esta, which from 1883 onwards embarked on a new progressive line, regularly announced the future publications of Zola (Patsiou 1995), and a lot of newspapers and journals (e.g., Mi hnesai, Akrpolis, To sti, Emers, Klei, Panathnaia) dedicated over the next twenty years a sufcient number of studies to Zola and naturalism.17 Moreover, Patsiou has gured out that during the Nana controversy even a way of dressing, a kind of candy and a dancethe polkawere named after Zolas heroine (592)! With regard to the history of ideas, the reception is primarily embodied in two texts of a theoretical nature which can be regarded as the manifestoes of Greek naturalism: the Epistolary treatise as foreword by Yannopoulos, published as foreword to the rst translation of Zolas Nana as a book in 1880, and The Prejudices against Zola (Ai per Zol prolceiw), an article by Xenopoulos published in Eikonogramni Esta in 1890. Even though these texts are not completely convergent from an ideological point of view,18 each of them presents such remarkable similarities with Zolas view on naturalism discussed above, that they perfectly justify my own theoretical approach: the central position of Zolas more moderate theoretical work and the explicit interconnectedness between the pragmatic function of the naturalist text and a set of specic syntactic and semantic features. For in both cases, the emphasis is on the narrative techniques which Zola in numerous of his theoretical publications connects with the notion scientic study of the contemporary world. Yannopoulos, for instance, explicitly states that Zola was not the leader of a movement; nor can I say that he belongs to the school of Balzac . . . ; he is seminal with regard to the art of writing (1996 [1880]:293; my italics). They thus manifest a rather moderate vision on naturalism: the naturalist text is not looked upon as a scientic experiment nor as an indictment of social inequality, but as a method to describe the contemporary world in an impartial way as exactly and completely as possible:
[The naturalist author] stays remote and indifferent, not taking part in any of our metaphysical disputes. On the contrary, he is a creature of our positive sciences, only painting whatever comes into his perception, as objectively as possible, with the highest possible degree of precision and conscientiousness, but without a proper voice and without responsibility for the ethical judgment that each reader will infer freely and unbiased. His work is comparable to the photographers, who does not get entangled at all with the landscape that is reproduced on his lm. (Xenopoulos 1890:324)

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Taking into account the place of publication of these manifestoes, it seems more than acceptable to suppose that this view on naturalism must have been known in Greek intellectual circles throughout the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Polysystem theory and the late appearance of Greek naturalism On the basis of the previous discussion of the pragmatic circumstances which help to explain the rise of naturalism in Greek literature, one would expect the birth of Greek naturalism approximately around the year 1884. For by that time literature of a realist inspiration came to occupy the central position in the system of prose ction for the rst time in Greek literary history, in addition a substantial material reception of European naturalismembodied by a bulk of translations, newspaper articles, and even a genuine manifestowas available to the reading public, and nally the prevailing intellectual climate supported a close relationship between scientic discourse and realist literature, be it in an idiosyncratic Greek way. Yet, as has been indicated already in the introduction, it was not before the end of the 1880s that the Greek variant of European naturalism gradually came into existence, to ourish only from the mid 1890s onwards. From the perspective of literary semiotics, this remarkable delay might be accounted for by Even-Zohars polysystem theory. As is well known, the polysystem theory hypothesizes that all sorts of semiotic phenomenaliterature is a case in pointare organized into dynamic systems which operate both synchronically and diachronically according to a limited number of laws or at least exhibit recurrent patterns. One of these patterns discovered by Even-Zohar in his search for mechanisms of literary evolution, is called secondarization (1990:2022). What exactly does this involve? According to the principles of the polysystem theory, the literary system is described as an interaction between systems (e.g., Greek literature) and subsystems (e.g., belles-lettres, childrens literature, etc.), together constituting a large polysystem (e.g., European literature). As I have argued in the discussion of realism in nineteenth-century Greek prose ction, each of these systems consists of a center and a periphery and is characterized by a continuous struggle between the various elements to occupy the central position. Consequently, the evolution of the system is determined by a succession of dominant literary periods. Whether a given poetics will succeed to obtain the centre of the literary system, Even-Zohar argues, fully depends on its degree of innovativeness. As this notion is subject to the needs of the historical period involved, polysystem theory distinguishes between primary models which serve the purposes that literature is

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supposed to fulll, and secondary models which once had an innovative character but now fall short of expectations. Thus, with the passage of time, previously primary models nd thelmselves in the periphery of the system, functioning temporarily as conservative secondary models before disappearing unnoticed. This mechanism whereby primary models gradually lose their innovative character, is designated by Even-Zohar as the rst type of secondarization. Yet, the transfer of the dominant position from one model to another is accompanied by a certain degree of resistance. For it has been observed that elements which at a given moment occupy the center of the literary system, will try to preserve their central position as long as possible, resisting new elements which inevitably will come to the fore. The struggle that subsequently takes place between these old and new elements, is often attended by a second type of secondarization, which is of paramount importance for the present discussion:
By such a process, new elements are retranslated, as it were, into the old terms, thus imposing previous functions on new carriers rather than changing the functions. Thus, as in the case of a new regime which carries on the institutions of the old by transferring their functions to new bodies, so a primary literary model, gradually altered, is merged with the stock of secondary models of a previous stage. (22)

As a result, the process of secondarization gives rise to a transitional period that already contains the formal elements of a new literary movement but from a functional point of view still bears the stamp of the previous stage of (literary) history. Applied to late nineteenth-century Greek literature, it is obvious that the new carrier or primary model is prose ction in the realist mode which has just reached the center of the literary system. The secondary old model is, of course, represented by the national novel, which began to develop from the late 1850s onwards as a reaction against the pernicious translations of European literature and is primarily embodied by the historical novel. Furthermore, it goes without saying that the new function which European realismespecially naturalismbrings along is the objective representation of contemporary social reality. But what about the old function that is temporarily fullled by new carriers, thus constituting a transitional literary period? In order to better understand the function of the belles-lettres throughout the decades prior to 1880, a brief note on the development of Greek patriotic ideology during the nineteenth century is necessary. As is well known, after the publication of Fallmerayers controversial theories in 1830 and 1835, Greeks not only felt the dire necessity to prove the undeniable afliation with their ancestors from Byzantine

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times and Classical Antiquity through an impressive amount of historical and folklore studies, but also the urge to indicate that their territory comprised a much larger area than the borders of the mainland. On a political level, the ideal to restore the geographical extent of the Byzantine empire was labeled Great Idea (Meglh Ida) by Kolettis in his speech to the constituent assembly in 1844 (Clogg 1992:48).19 Henceforth, both this cultural and political ethnocentrism remained vivid to a certain extent throughout the entire nineteenth and the rst two decades of the twentieth century. In the realm of literature, from the late 1850s onwards sociological factors reinforced the alliance between literature and the existing patriotic ideology, causing a chain of negative reactions against the inuence of western literature by the preeminent literary critics of the time.20 Thus, in line with the ruling ideological climate, the national novelrst and foremost the historical novelnot only came to fulll the function of studying Greek history but in the meantime also of perpetuating and glorifying both the ancient and recent national past (Moullas 1993:69). Even though this patriotic conception of the national novel slowly began to alter through the inuence of progressive forces during the last two decades of the nineteenth century,21 one of the very last convulsions of ethnocentrism in the realm of literature was precisely Politiss announcement of the literary competition of Esta in 1883. Politiss text is in fact rather ambivalent. On the one hand it certainly arouses the impression of seeking a closer connection with contemporary European, i.e., realist literature by promoting the short story which is very richly represented in the literatures of other European nations but almost non-existent in Greece. Therefore, Esta was forced in the past to provide its readers with translations of the most successful short stories by foreign authors (1996:303). Moreover, guidelines such as the representation of scenes taken from the the social life of a nation and the psychological description of the characters point to a certain inuence of European realism as well. On the other hand, however, Politis does not urge the competitors to write exclusively contemporary short stories of a realist inspiration, as descriptions of scenes in whatever period of the history of the Greek people (304) are accepted as well. Lastly, from an ideological point of view the rather conservative ethnocentric purport of Politiss announcement is undeniable, for scenes from history or social life . . . stimulate the readers feelings of love for the national heritage (303). However suggestive the announcement of the 1883 literary competition may appear, the reaction of the contemporary writers was a lot more unequivocal. As previously has been noticed, around the mid 1880s it was prose ction of a more or less realist inspiration that came

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to occupy the center of the literary system. Nevertheless, the bulk of short stories written before 1890 not only developed the realist text strategies promoted by Esta, but they also took Politiss patriotic ideology for granted. This situation resulted in the idylls of shermen and peasants, a realist text class which did not have the intention to disturb the urban readers idyllic view of traditional Greek life but on the contrary is characterized by a smartening representation of contemporary Greece, deprived of its harsh aspects and existing social problems.22 From a semiotic perspective this means that on the formal or syntactic level these short stories present a clear afliation with European realism, while their thematic or semantic content is undeniably idyllic. In this case, the mechanism of secondarization described above is clearly at work: although the idylls do belong to the broad realist period code of ethography, from a functional point of view they also display striking similarities with the previous literary period:
Ethography thus understood has in fact the same function that the historical novels fullled; that is to say, to cultivate the national pride, to reinforce the unionist dreams of the nation. (Vitti 1991:75)

Only from the end of the 1880s and the beginnings of the 1890s onwards, literary realism gradually came to fulll the function which it was basically designed for, namely the objective description of contemporary social reality in all its aspects, thus preparing the Greek soil for the rather late development of its own variant of European naturalism.23 Before turning to my conclusion, I would like to touch very briey upon two similar forms of resistance against innovation in domains adjacent to the system of late nineteenth-century Greek prose ction. In the realm of drama, the period between 1879 and 1894the year of the rst naturalist theater production in Greece24has been regarded by historians of Greek theatre as a transitional stage as well (Papandreou 1983:11). Even more striking is the fact that in this period the so-called comic idyll (kvmeidllio)and to a lesser extent also the tragic idyll (dramatik eidllio)seems to have served the same purpose as the idylls of shermen and peasants by functioning as a trailblazer for the development of theatrical naturalism: It prepares the ground for naturalism . . . . with the use of demotic and local idioms, with the introduction of common people on the scene who face everyday problems, often of a nancial nature, the comic idyll turns to the contemporary society, be it in a graphically smartening way (13). In this case, too, secondarization seems a plausible explanatory mechanism. In view of the statement by Even-Zohar that [t]he more we observe literature with the help of these notions, the more it becomes

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apparent that we are facing a general semiotic mechanism rather than an exclusively literary one (1990:22), a second argument a fortiori can be found in the realm of translations. It already has been noted that the rst manifesto of Greek naturalismthe Epistolary treatise as a foreword by Yannopouloswas published as an introduction to the translation in book form of Zolas Nana in 1880. However controversial the novels content may have been for the Greek reading public of the time, the Italian narratologist Massimo Peri has convincingly argued that the translation itself is rather conservative. In order to better understand his argument, one should keep in mind that one of the main innovations that naturalism dispersed all over Europe is not of a thematic but of a poetical nature. More particularly, Zolas novels have contributed enormously to the adequate representation of the characters inner world through a frequent use of free indirect speech. As free indirect speech was not a regularly used narrative technique in the Greek poetical system before 1880, Ioanis Kambouroglouthe rst Greek translator of Nana, better known as Floxconsistently made use of the grammatical categories direct speech and indirect speech to translate passages originally written in free indirect speech (Peri 1987:98105). Even though in this particular case we are faced with secondarization in reverse order new functions are retranslated into the old carriersa similar type of resistance against innovative elements once more seems to have postponed an upcoming evolution.25 Conclusion There is enough evidence to hypothesize that the rather late appearance of Greek naturalism, so often mentioned by scholars of Greek literary history, is due to a general semiotic principle called secondarization. Yet, it is characteristic for any science of man that laws (as Even-Zohar calls them) are nothing but recurrent patterns which can widely be observed, but by no means are necessarily bound to happen. In spite of such uncertainties intrinsic to the eld of literary studies, I strongly adhere to Tziovas opinion thatfrom a broader perspectivethe study of Greek literary history needs more similar approaches of a theoretical nature (1997:9). Throughout the past twenty years a lot of effort has been made already, but there are still a number of issues waiting for a theoretical explanation. Moreover, such an interaction between the elds of literary history and literary theory not only contribute to our knowledge of the history of Greek literature, but, as Peri has recently shown in several of his narratological essays (1994), the Greek case can be extremely helpful on the level of literary theory, too. In this respect,

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such an interdisciplinary approach offers most fruitful perspectives to keep the wheel of (Greek) literary studies going. ghent university

NOTES For the most recent publications on Greek naturalism, I refer to chapter 3 from the 2003 volume of Les Cahiers naturalistes (77), entitled Le naturalisme en Grce et dans les Balkans and containing articles by Chevrel, Arnoux-Farnoux, Oktapoda-Lu and Borghart. Another article of mine that presents a methodological framework to study (Greek) naturalism has recently been published in Excavatio 19 (2004). 2 Although Arnoux-Farnoux (2003:193) considers Karkavitsass The Beggar as the rst naturalist novel in Greek literature and its publication in 1896 as the terminus post quem for the entire naturalist movement in Greece, I do not fully share this view. In my forthcoming doctoral dissertation on Greek naturalism I argue that a number of ethographic short stories from the late 1880s onwards, such as the Athenian sketches by Mitsakis and Papadiamandiss The Ear Collecter (H staxomazxtra, 1889) and Civilization in the Village (O politismw eiw to xvron, 1891), as well as Xenopouloss urban novel Nikolas Sigalos (Niklaw Sigalw, 1890) display sufcient naturalist features to be rated among the Greek variant of this European literary movement. 3 Although this theoretical framework is indispensable for the clarity of my argument, there is unfortunately not enough space to thoroughly discuss all the methodological choices that I was forced to make. Therefore I refer to my most recent publication (2004) in which I have provided a rst draft of a semiotically oriented comprehensive approach to European naturalism. 4 Even though the theoretical writings by Zola mentioned have all been published within a short period of timeboth Le roman exprimental and Le naturalisme au thtre saw its rst publication in 1879, while Du roman is a collection of essays which separately appeared in the Parisian press between 1878 and 1880there is a striking difference between Le roman exprimental and Zolas more moderate manifests (Baguley 1995:54). Whereas the former propagates a radical scientically based approach to literature which, however, should not be taken literally but . . . as part of the process of challenge, conict and renewal whereby new styles, new genres, new forms and devices have to be forcefully imposed to discredit the canonised forms and reinvigorate the literary system with new elements (60), Zolas more moderate writings provide a number of poetical guidelines such as an author who merely describes and does not judge at all, a minimal story line and a preference for detailed descriptionswhich should assure the realization of an objective and scientic study of the contemporary world. Apart from the fact that this more moderate denition of naturalism lends itself better for the elaboration of a textual method to trace naturalist novels and short stories, even Zolas well-known cycle Les Rougon-Macquart seems to have more in common with his moderate than with his radical scientic approach to naturalism. Moreover, as I shall argue further on, the manifests of Greek naturalism display a range of parallels with Le naturalisme au thtre, so that the denition which Zola elaborated in this work is at least suitable to study Greek naturalism.
1

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5 Lotman distinguishes only a syntactic and a semantic component in his code theory (1977:2023), whereas Fokkema (1985:645646) adds the pragmatic dimension, which is obvious from a semiotic point of view. 6 Although Lotman explicitly emphasizes that the syntactic and semantic component of literary codes cannot be distinguished from one another as clearly as in linguistic codes (1977:2123), for claritys sake I need to dene them separately on the basis of the above mentioned poetical guidelines provided by Zola. Thus, with regard to the syntactic component, naturalist prose ction is characterized by the use of particular focalisation types which assure the highest possible degree of impartiality by the narrator, and by a chronotope that minimizes the story line in favor of a detailed description of every single aspect of the contemporary society. To determine the specic semantics of naturalism, Hamons vision of realist literature as a structured domain of knowledge seems to be an arguable working hypothesis (1975). From this point of view, the semantic component of naturalism could be formulated in terms of the kind of knowledge about the contemporary world which the naturalist novel or short story contains, as well as the strategies whereby this knowledge is cautiously integrated in the narrative. 7 After a thorough discussion of the two poles of his contact-typological method, D+uris=in concludes with the following quote by the comparatist Krejc=i: In none of the typological concordances, especially within the framework of European literatures, may one exclude with full certainty an eventual action of a direct or indirect contact; on the other hand, every concordance of a genetic origin is simultaneously typological insofar as it plays an active role in the literary process, for it presupposes a certain preparation of soil on which the important innovations are to take root (1974:175; my italics). 8 These three pragmatic circumstances have been deduced from a range of representative studies on naturalism as a European literary movement: Furst and Skrine (1971), Chevrel (1983, 1986, 1993, 1996), Nelson (1992), Baguley (1995) and Becker (2000). 9 At least as far as the production of prose ction is concerned. Although even in the realm of poetry anti-romantic revelations manifest themselves from the early 1860s onwards (Valetas 1936, Moullas 1989:179191), the nineteenth-century Greek poetic system seems to be a lot more consistently romantic until the mid-1870s (Dimaras 1994). 10 This summary represents as it were the common denominator of a number of recent studies by Denisi (1990, 1994, 19961997), Tonnet (1991), Kayalis (1992), Vayenas (1994, 1997), Voutouris (1995, 1997), Gotsi (1996, 1997) and Tziovas (1997), which try to refute the traditional views on nineteenth-century Greek literary history as being the exclusive realm of the historical novel and displaying no important signs of realism before the ethography and the generation of 1880. According to these scholars, Sahiniss inuential study on the Greek novel (1958) is the main culprit. Opposed to the latters view, mainly Voutouris (1995), Denisi (19961997) and Gotsi (1997) have convincingly argued that a certain realist tenet gradually became noticeable in nineteenth-century Greek prose ction, especially from the 1850s onwards. 11 Mustria and apkrufa are both translations from the English term mysteries or its French counterpart mystres which denote a type of popular realist ction introduced by such authors as Eugne Sue (Les Mystres de Paris, 1842/43), G. W. M. Reynolds (The Mysteries of London, 184448) and Charles Dickens (Bleak House, 1852/53) (Denisi 19961997). Well-known exceptions of realist texts before 1880 which are considered as belonging to the belles-lettres, are Rangaviss Gloumimouth (Gloumumoy, 1848), the short stories by Dimitrios Ainian (early 1850s), Thanos Vlekas (Ynow Blkaw, 1855) by Pavlos Kalligas and the anonymous The Military Life in Greece (H strativtik zv en Elldi, 1870). 12 Denisi (19961997) uses the term socially committed novel (koinvnik suneidhtopoihmno muyistrhma ) throughout her article. Because of the existence

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from the early 1850s onwardsof short stories in the realist mode as well, I prefer to coin the entire realist text production before 1880 socially committed prose ction (koinvnik suneidhtopoihmnh pezografa). 13 Although Voutouris distinguishes clearly between a romantic historical narrative (with exalted dreams and supermen) on the one hand, and a historical ethographic narrative which results from local inquiry and reproduces everyday reality and its real human characters in a photographic way on the other (1995:7879), Moullas holds that, in spite of all its scientic intentions, the historical novel appears in our country loaded with all the dynamics of the post-revolutionary exaltations: not only the Revolution, but also other previous periods had to be explored in order to prove the unity, the liberating spirit and the national exaltation of Hellenism (1993:69). In the last part of this article it will become clear that I prefer to side with Moullass view. 14 The fact that literature of a realist inspiration indeed became dominant in the Greek literary prose system from 1883 onwards, is conrmed by the numerical data collected by Karpozilou (1991:188194)on the publication of prose ction in what she terms as the family philological periodicals (oikogeneiak filologik periodik) of the time. Prior to 1880 the number of original Greek short stories in these periodicals is so small that it does not affect the state of affairs already discussed, while from the literary competition in 1883 onwards the ethographic story soon starts to prevail. 15 Fallmerayer published his theory about the Slavisierung of Greece in a study entitled Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea whrend des Mittelalters (1830), while he elaborated his views on the subsequent Albanisierung of primarily Attica in his Akademieschrift (1835) (Veloudis 1970:5465). A good survey of the reactions in Greek intellectual circles to the theory of Fallmerayer, as well as of its impact on the development of the humanities during the nineteenth century, can be found in Veloudis too. 16 Voutouris has pointed out that even the intense interaction between laografa and ethography had been prepared throughout the previous decades: The co-ordination between philology and the sciences of man, and especially the resonance of scientic historical and folkloreresearch in the poetics of the novel, results in a kind of literary pragmatism . . . which in fact means: the faithful narration of events and the precise knowledge both of the geographical space in which the story is located and of the people, their manners and their customs (1995:7475). 17 Nevertheless, Zola and his literary movement did not receive everywhere an equally warm welcome: in a well known article from 1879 Angelos Vlakhos deliberately rejected the pernicious inuence of the fysiological school, the same goes for the extended treatise by Iakovatos Zervos (1889), and in several of his poems Achilleas Paraschosthe last of the Mohicans of the Athenian romantic schoolopenly denounced Zola, the muse of mud (1904[1883]:30; cf. also 1881:184). 18 Whereas Yannopoulos considered the assimilation of innovative European literary movements as a stepping stone to establish the supremacy of Greece in the eastern Mediterranean world and to realize in the future the so-called Great Idea (Meglh Ida)a dream that was at the heart of the romantic-patriotic ideology of the time Xenopouloss motive to introduce both European positivism and naturalism to the Greek public seemed to be nothing more than a sheer faith in progress. 19 Note that by the time of Kolettiss speech the Greek Kingdom was much smaller than contemporary Greece, merely comprising Attica, the Peloponnese, southern Roumeli the border with the Ottoman empire being the line connecting Arta and VolosEuboea and the Cyclades. 20 According to Voutouris, the most inuential sociological change was the introduction of women to the reading public: The reception of the novel by the female population too causes an ideological hysteria and creates an extreme ethological ethnocentrism which

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attributes pernicious qualities to foreign novels, not only for the morals and the intellectual formation of the readers but also for their psychological and physical health (1995:2627). A well-known example of the resistance against western literature is an article by Zanetakis Stefanopoulos entitled On the French novel and its inuence on the morals in Greece (Per tou galliko muyistormatow kai thw epirrow auto ep ta en Elldi yh, 1869). 21 As has been noted before, Yannopoulos saw enormous advantages in the assimilation of European literary movements to eventually realize the political dream of the Great idea. Later on, in the 1890s Palamas will entirely discard the ethnocentric content of the national novel and redene this concept from a truly cosmopolitan point of view (Voutouris 1995:48). 22 Representative examples of these idylls are most of the short stories by Drosinis, e.g., Amaryllis (Amarullw, 1885) and The Love Potion (To botni thw agphw, 1888), the stories written by Karkavitsas before 1890 and collected later on in the Stories (Dihgmata, 1892), Stories of the Kitbag (Dihgmata tou gulio, 1922) and Stories of Our Fearless Men (Dihgmata gia ta pallhkria maw, 1922) (Steryiopoulos 1986:125), and the Island Tales (Nhsitikew Istorew, 18891894) by Eftaliotis (Mackridge 1992:155156). 23 Note that the transition from one period in literary history to another is never dialectic but always gradual. Applied to late nineteenth-century Greek literature, this means that after 1890 the idylls do not suddenly disappear but are little by little replaced by other realistic types such as social(istic) realism and naturalism. Representative examples of idylls written later than 1890 are a number of short stories by Papadiamandis (Farinou-Malamatari 1992), as well as Karkavitsass collection Words of the Prow (Lgia thw plrhw, 1899). In this respect, it is also worth noting that the announcement for the very last literary competition of Estaorganized in 1895 by Xenopouloswas completely free from patriotic bombast (Papakostas 1982:97). 24 The naturalist play Ghosts (Oi bruklakew) by the Norwegian Author Henrik Ibsen was rst performed in Athens on 29 October 1894 (Papandreou 1983:2233). 25 Finally, the process of secondarization might be at work in the realm of historical linguistics as well. Independent from and even prior to Even-Zohars ndings, the Polish linguist Kuryowicz had formulated a similar, but not fully identical principle of language evolution. With a lot of examples he makes it clear that in many cases new morphemes gradually invade the semantic zone of the old ones via a secondary function, in order to penetrate into the slot of the primary function and eventually oust the old form into the periphery (1964:1013). For this suggestion I am grateful to my thesis director Gunnar De Boel (Ghent University), professor in the eld of Modern Greek and historical and comparative linguistics.

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