From Sex Roles to Gendered Institutions Author(s): Joan Acker Source: Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 21, No. 5 (Sep.

, 1992), pp. 565-569 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2075528 . Accessed: 03/02/2014 14:49
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GenderedInstitutions
From Sex Roles to GenderedInstitutions
of Oregon University
JOANACKER has become,in thelasttwenty years, stillin process.In thisessay I explorethese Gender part of the everydaylanguage of social different definitions of genderand what it institutions. science, largely as a consequence of the meansto talkaboutgendered and the accompanying Genderwas first feminist movement to emphasize employed the thesocial and relational to betterunderstand nature of differences intellectual efforts and widespread of between women and men in contrastto subordination systematic by men. Al- biologicaldifferences women and theirdomination between thesexes. Sex In the the termis widelyused, thereis no was natureand genderwas nurture. though of its meaning, even languageof sociology, gender rolesreplaced common understanding scholars(Butler 1990). In sex roles, as gender represented among feminist moreaccuof feminists began withone view of ratelythan sex the social construction sociology, and roles dividingsocieties into broadened identities whichhas been gradually gender, andchanged, although thenewer viewhas not women and men. Sex and gender were but clearly distinguished. theolderone. To arguethat interdependent, totally displaced was social, thusvariableand subject there are two views of gender within Gender a to change, whilesex represented theessential sociologyis, of course, to oversimplify a number of and unchanging in huphysicaldifferences complexdiscussioncontaining An implicitcausal link different positions and overlappingview- man reproduction. into existed casting thesepositions between sex and gender. points.However, in highlight- Positing a cleardistinction anda causallink two views is, I believe,helpful of a new way of thinking betweensex and genderwas a usefultactic ing theemergence about centralinstitutional who took a processesin our for those feminist sociologists biosocialview of gender(e.g., Rossi 1984) society. word and saw gendered is another In theearlier usage,gender behavior as at leastin part of gender is physiologically forsex or forwomen;thestudy determined.Although the the studyof women, sex roles, or both. contribution of physiological differences to in thisview,is an areaor a field, but social behavioris not settled,for me and Gender, to thecentral concerns others, this distinction one thatis peripheral between sex and of interest to special- gender became problematic. of sociology, primarily Variationsin ists. In thenewerusage, gender is theorized actions and feelingsamong both men and and women, as well as similarities as a basic principle of social structure between cultural interpretation (e.g., Scott 1986; womenand men, seemedtoo greatto allow Acker1988). Rather thanbeinga specialized tracing behavior to biologicaldifferences. areawithin an accepted is the domain, gender Anotherproblem had to do with the and domination meaningof sex. Sex signifiesdifferences of difference patterning andmen betweenfemale and male bodies, such as distinctions between women through thatis integral to manysocietalprocesses. external hormonal ovagenitalia, production, and ries and sperm.These differences This way of theorizing gender criticizes define the that binary male and femaleand serve existing frameworks, arguing challenges categories women and gender rolescannot justbe added as signs thatpersonsbelong to one or the thatare other.Although to existing and thattheories the categoriesare seen as theory silent aboutgender arefundamentally flawed. natural, thus to socialintervention in the prior is part ofthe form Thismore radical viewofgender of gender, the identification of certain of feminist and physical characteristics as the basis for theory ongoing development of genderis categorizing hence the elaboration method; of people and the assignment 565

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is an evaluative advantageand theirexploitation individuals to suchcategories of gender as withmale workers' life, the assign- differences social process.In everyday collective is usuallymade on the creation mentto a category oftheir as menandworkers identities basedon or femaleworkers'identification ofbiological difference presumption withtheir as West and domestic roles. Methodological dressand behavior, observable implications (1987) pointout. Social under- follow fromthis sort of conceptualization; Zimmerman thusenter qualitative andhistorical aboutgenderdifference studies standings arenecessary concretepracticesand prointo sex categorization.Sex derives its to comprehend meaning from gender: sex collapses into cesses. Other complexities gender. This is not to argue that sex, have contributed to the but emerging and thebodyare unimportant, of gender. Crosssexuality, understanding and historical areexperienced, becomecomprehen- cultural as well as the studies, that they and processes; workof womenof color(e.g., hooks 1984), social practices sible,through of the universalizing and essentializthrough genderand, at critical theyare constituted ing tendenciesin the writingof white, gender. thesametime,helpconstitute of the clear distinction middle-class The disappearance feminists, have illuminated the also erasesor at least diversity and historical-cultural sex andgender of between specificity theimplicit causallinkbetween the women'sexperiences andgender relations, as attenuates in distinguishing between well as theimpossibility of accounting forthe two. The problems women in a role/ gender and sex, althoughnot completely situationsof minority of thecomplexi- identity are one indication perspective. Class experiences resolved, also, triedto deal quite obviously,contribute ties thatemergedas feminists to differences withthepreviously unexamined between womenas well as to differences in theoretically of women. relations between of thesubordination womenand men,whilethe processes division of laboraffects theway that The notion of gender (or sex) as a gender of individuals or as a social class processes function andMann characteristic (Crompton which is relatedto the idea of 1986). In addition, lesbianfeminists pointed category, was easily to theheterosexual in identity, assumptions embedded genderas role and/or modelsof investiga- thenotion of gender roles.Focusingon roles adaptedto conventional were testedthrough and identities tended tion in whichtheories toward normacreating between vari- tive models that proved to be much too examiningthe relationships can be used as an independent narrow to accommodatethe diversity of ables. Gender studying women's experiences.Moreover,questions variable.For example,researchers add theworker's could not be gender, about power and domination wage determination addressed from within a sex-role femalein variousoccupa- adequately or the proportion to a listof other variables perspective tions,as a variable (Staceyand Thorne1985). to determine the outcome-wages. Early efforts to resolve the conceptual thought are oftendivided problem of multiple diversities and forms of Alternatively, populations and male,whichare oppression involved female different dimenintotwogroups, positing then compared on an aspect of gender sions of domination-race,class, gender, forexample, of time ethnicity, thelistcould roles-for example,the distribution although and on household responsibilities. go on to sexual orientation, spent disability, is valuable as age. The idea of formsor dimensions of Researchin this tradition as differencesdomination of such things calls attention to differences documentation and butdoes notsolvetheproblem andmen,in complexity inthesocialconditions ofwomen of in a coherent the distribution of work betweenthem,in putting them account of together andprotections. Butit individual their access to rewards or socialprocess.These experience as category, dimensions is necessary to go beyond of domination or discrimination gender in order to understand are neither discrete social role,or identity norstructurally obviously and women's analogous.Class relations in how gender differentiation do notfunction are produced. For example,the the same way as gender relations;race disadvantage are stillanother and maintaining sex segre- relations matter. Yet all of creating processes in cross-cutting waysfor gationare complexand varywithtimeand thesecome together as much particular individuals and at particular histor1985), having place (e.g., Cockburn of their ical moments calculations and Collins 1992). to do withemployers' (Andersen

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SYMPOSIUM 567
In myview,thisfundamental dividecan be Some way of capturing the forceof gender within thesecomplexities was needed. forour typeof society, conceptualized, as a Feminist empirical workadded stillother differentiation between production and reprocomplexities (e.g., Bose and Spitze 1987; duction,which is also an organization of Reskin and Roos 1990). An enormous gender. The terms and "repro"production" research literature, produced sincethebegin- duction" in a number havebeeninterpreted of ning of the 1970s, shows that gender different ways. I use themto denote,in a divisions and patternsof power, while general sense,thedivision between thedaily existwherever one looks. and intergenerational reproduction of people extremely diverse, of materialgoods, or Genderis ubiquitous,as the wide-rangingand the production subjectmatter of the books reviewedhere commodities,in capitalist societies. The indicates. Again, gender roles and identities transfer of many reproductive tasks from a frame. provided too narrow unpaid work to paid work only shiftsthe In theemerging gender locationof thislaborbutdoes notaffect the conceptualization, of human genderdivide. In industrial standsforthe pervasiveordering sociecapitalist in ties, production is privileged and social structures over reproducactivities, practices, terms of differentiations between womenand tion. Business and industry are seen as men. These activities and practicesalways essentialand the source of well-being and and, as Joan wealth, whilechildren, have symbolicsignificance, childcare,eldercare, and is a pervasive and education are viewed as secondary Scott(1986) points out,gender is is wealth "thefamily" consuming. Although of power.In thisapproach, gender symbol reproduction, thedomain of female a process, not a characteristic of persons, idealized, is relativelyinvisible and although, of course, the assignmentof responsibility, whenit persons to gender categoriesis a central devaluedunlessit failsto function, However, aspectof theprocess.Genderdoes notexist maybecomethefocusof criticism. in a setofrelations from is absolutelyessentialto the other reproduction that aredistinct of all institutions, relations, suchas thoseofclass orrace,butas functioning which must that class have an adequatesupply of members in order of theprocesses also constitute part linesofdemarcation to exist. Moreover,institutional structures andrace,as wellas other ifreproducof wouldhave quitedifferent forms andthecreation anddomination. Sexuality in tion were not cordonedoff in a separate sexualmeanings are complexly implicated within theseprocesses. sphere.They would have to organize means their boundaries sexual activities, The term "genderedinstitutions" childbirth, and other eating, dailymaintenance that gender is presentin the processes, sleeping, practices, imagesand ideologies,and distri- activities. The divide between reproduction and butionsof power in the varioussectorsof thegendered social life.Takenas moreor less functioningproduction constitutes understrucThis divide is structures of the tureof society'sinstitutions. wholes, the institutional in institutional UnitedStates and othersocietiesare orga- perpetuated processes that, The law, politics, except for the familyand certain "total nizedalonglinesofgender. areorganized on theassumption religion,the academy,the state, and the institutions," in thereviews takes place elsewhere and areascovered below, thatreproduction economy, is also for reproduction areinstitutions developed bymen, that responsibility historically dominated To investigate thecreation currently by men, and symboli- locatedelsewhere. I from the standpoint of men andre-creation ofthegender cally interpreted understructure, in leadingpositions, bothin thepresent and think it is necessary to look at organizational the sites of concreteinstitutional have been practices, These institutions historically. defined (Acker 1992). Processes and by theabsenceof women.The only functioning in which women have had a practices ofdifferent can be analytically institution types role distinguished, subordinate, althoughthey are inherently central, defining, although is the family.In spite of many changes connectedelementsin ongoingsocial life. and the Some areobviousandopen;others aredeeply womenintoall institutions, bringing that shows embedded and invisible. of women's history reclaiming in a listof gendered males First which theirearlier important processes, participation, stilldominate thecentral are at thesametimeclass andraceprocesses, institutions.

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that knowingwhich gender categoryto place are the overtdecisionsand procedures an adequate control,segregate,exclude, and construct oneself in, is not necessarily race. guide. Whatare appropriate and often based on gender, hierarchies femaleor male andbehavior practices demeanor thesearequiteconscious Sometimes different maybe very or include in politicsthanin religiousinstitutions, for thatexcludewomenor minorities roles,but theymay also example.Genderis an ongoingaccomplishthemin segregated to do withgender. ment(West and Zimmerman 1987) thatalso ostensibly have nothing to the maintenanceof other Violence or implied violence is oftenin- contributes volved (MacKinnon 1983). For example, aspects of genderedinstitutional processes. men Proper gendered stillprotect personas also varyby class, politicaland legal practices harassor evenrapewomen. racial,and ethnic who sexually location. and of images,symbols, Seeing social institutions as gendered The construction a critical perspective forsociology, ideologies that justify,explain, and give provides is a secondgendered in whichthe relevant to institutions questionbecomesnot legitimacy process.Imagesof whatConnell(1987) calls whyare womenexcludedbutto whatextent manyinstitu- have the overall institutional masculinity pervade structure, and hegemonic of particular themilitary, business, thecharacter institutional areas, tionalareas,including Would by and through academia, and politics.The leader and the been formed gender? itselfare oftenpor- there be a military a stateas successful organization establishment, ifgender competi- we knowit,or a capitalist economy as aggressive, goal oriented, trayed as supportive, kind, were not an organizing butrarely How are principle? tive,efficient, is obscured, men's interests and masculinity Thisgendered of certain reality andcaring. in thecreation in theways thatinstitutions, other kindsintertwined and maintehowever, institutions, andhowhave than the family, are conceptualizedand nanceofparticular ingender-neutral terms. Understand-the subordination and exclusionof women theorized is beenbuiltintoordinary neutrality ofgender institutional inghowtheappearance functionmaintainedin the face of overwhelminging? The books reviewed here, in their is an impor- diverse ways, contribute structures to the ongoing evidenceof gendered institutions.projectof mappingthe gendered gendered tantpartof analyzing history of is thepositing and charting theirgendered mechanism of institutions One conceptual pathuman an abstract, being,individual, terns. general has no gender. On who apparently or worker that individualalmost closer examination, of men, References alwayshas thesocial characteristics fact is notnoted(e.g., Pateman butthat 1988; Acker,Joan.1988. "Class, Gender, and theRelations of institutional Distribution." ofgeneral Smith 1987). Analyses Signs 13:473-97. . 1992. "Gendering Organizational Theory." In processes oftenbecome analyses of those Gendering Organizational Theory, editedby Albert J. men. Such carried out by and affecting Mills and Peta Tancred.London:Sage. feminist critiquesof knowledgereveal an Andersen, Margaret L. and Patricia Hill Collins. 1992. of gender that is much less organization Race Class, and Gender.Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. obvious than the more blatantimages of Bose, Christine and GlennaSpitze,eds. 1987. Ingredientsfor Women's Employment Policy. Albany:State and gives but one thatsupports masculinity, of New YorkPress. University to thoseimages. depth Judith.1990. Gender Trouble. New York: A third view focuseson processes Butler, analytic Routledge. between individuals Cockburn,Cynthia.1985. Machineryof Dominance. ofinteraction. Interaction formuchinstitu- London:PlutoPress. and groupsis the medium fordecisionmakingand Connell, R. W. 1987. Genderand Power. Stanford: tionalfunctioning, Press. University image production.Here, people replicate Stanford and MichaelMann. 1986. Gender Crompton, Rosemary "do gender" (WestandZimmer- and Stratification. they gender; MA: Polity Press. Cambridge, work ofthe hooks, bell. 1984. FeministTheory:From Margin to man1987)as they do theordinary Center. Boston:SouthEnd Press. institution. Catharine A. 1983. "Feminism, Marxism, Fourth are theinternal processesin which MacKinnon, and the State: Toward FeministJurispruconstruct personas Method individuals engageas they dence." Signs8:635-58. fortheinstitu- Pateman,Carole. 1988. The Sexual Contract.Camthat areappropriately gendered in thesenseof MA: Polity tionalsetting. Gender Press. bridge, identity,

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Reskin, Barbara F. and Patricia A. Roos. 1990. Job Queues, Gender Queues: Explaining Women's Inroads into Male Occupations. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Rossi, Alice. 1984. "Gender and Parenthood." American Sociological Review 49:1-19. Scott,Joan. 1986. "Gender: A UsefulCategoryof Historical Analysis." AmericanHistoricalReview 91:1053-75. Smith, Dorothy E. 1987. The Everyday World as Problematic. Boston: Northeastern UniversityPress. Stacey, Judithand Barrie Thorne. 1985. "The Missing Feminist Revolution in Sociology." Social Problems 32:301-16. West, Candace and Don H. Zimmerman. 1987. "Doing Gender." Gender and Society 1:125-51.

Does Women's Matter? Participation

JILL QUADAGNO

Florida State University

Women,the State, and Welfare,edited by Linda Gordon. Madison: of Wisconsin Press, 1990. 311 pp. $35.00 cloth. ISBN: University 0-299-12664-1. Park: Pennsylvania Democracy, by Anne Phillips. University Engendering Press, 1991. 183 pp. $28.50 cloth. ISBN: 0-271-00783-4. State University $13.95 paper. ISBN: 0-271-00784-2.
In the late summerof 1989 I sat in the women can only be reached by acknowledgroom of an eleganthotel over- ing gender differences.Yet for Phillips such conference fjords.Delightedto acknowledgment lookingthe Norwegian is merelya necessary, though setting, I listened as the transitional, phase toward a society in which be in thisenchanted male genderbecomes irrelevant. predominantly gathering of prominent, For the transition to a gender-irrelevant sothefeckless pummeled welfare statetheorists heretic PeterBaldwin fordaringto suggest ciety to occur, women must firstbecome full in politicallife,a goal thathas been thatthe postwarSwedishwelfarestatewas participants in theScandinavian reformers, not by a achievedrather createdby middle-class remarkably movement.Feeling countriesbut not even approximatedin other unified working-class happening Western somewhat like an anthropologist nations suchas theUnitedStates,where upon an exotic male-bondingritual, I only 2 senatorsand 28 out of 435 membersof are women. What anyone theHouse of Representatives scanned the room to see whether was so worked kind of democracyis this? else wondered whyeveryone Certainly, it is a democracy in which up over theseremoteevents.My eyes fell one of the few other women are underrepresentedin national upon Robin Stryker, women in the room (and the only other politics. But does acceptingthe objective that mean accepting American woman present). Robin and I women should be represented because the previ- the argument that political leaders should were there,I suspected, If it does (and ous yearFrancesFox Pivenhad made a fuss "mirror"those theyrepresent? to a what other conclusion can one draw), then aboutwhyso few womenwere invited conference devotedto thesubjectof poverty how do we reach this goal? Here Phillips and inequality. So here we were. Yet did vacillates. On the one hand, quotas (the only mechanismforimplementing our presence matter? group represenis tation) work. The Scandinavian countries ofwomen'srepresentation, Thatsubject, a centralthemeof Anne Phillips's timely provide the example par excellence of how to book Engendering Democracy, which ex- move women into elected offices througha and quota system. Quotas make Phillips uneasy, betweenfeminist ploresthe intersection At odds withtraditional however, because they contradictfundamendemocratic theory. a nongen- tal principlesof representation. which Nor is Phillips democratic theory, presumes Phillipscontends ready to abandon the traditionalwisdom of citizenship, dered,abstract thatelected officialsreprethat genuine equality between men and democratictheory,

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