THE

HISTOEY

THE

KINGS

OE

ROME

PREFATORY

DISSERTATION AND EVIDENCE.

ON

ITS

SOURCES

THOMAS
OF
THE

HENRY
UNIVKRStTY OF

DYER,
ST. ANDREWS.

LL.D.

V-

'

OF

THB^

UNIVERSITY

LONDON BELL AND

DALDY,

YORK
garden.

STREET,

covent'

1868.

LONDON

^
:

R.

CLAY, SON,
AND

TAYLOR,
PRINTERS,

BREAD STREET HILL.

|5*

PllEPAOE.

The

design
have been

of

most

of

the

recent

historians

of

Eome

appears of its

to

to

obliterate

as

much

as

they

could

ancient

history.
hsec
esse

"

Negemus
"
"

omnia

comburamus

annales,
have been the

ficta

dicamus

such

seems

to

maxim

of

almost

every the

critic

and

historian

who

has

handled

this

subject
course

since

days
lead,
in

of

Niebuhr.

The

Germans

have

of

taken

the

this

crusade,

as

in

everything England
; at

else

connected

with

classical

literature,

and,
followed

in

least,
scholars

they
who

have

been

almost

implicitly
to assert

where

the

have

ventured

any

independence
there is

of

thought originality
to

are

few

indeed.

Yet,

after

all,
All

little

in

the

German

scepticism.
history
The
were

the

chief

tions objec-

the

early
before

Roman

urged

by

De

Beaufort,
in his

century
have,
the

Mebuhr.

Germans

following
and

track

with

characteristic

industry
cleaner.

perseverance, And

picked
done
worse

bones

of

the

quarry have

they

have

than

this.

They
to

attempted
out

to

reconstruct,
with

as

M'ell

as

to

destroy,
own,

dress

the

skeleton

figments

of

their

possessing-

generally

not

tithe

of

IV

PitEFACE.

the
are

probabilityand
intended succession
to

consistency of
We

the
are

narrative thus

which

they
with its

supplant.
Koman

threatened

of

histories, each

totally unlike

predecessor.
The
work
now

ofi'ered to the

public
it is to

is written

on

directly
of
to

opposite plan. destroy,as

and
in

The
as

object
it may
at

of be

preserve, of the

instead
ancient
to

much

possible

history ;

this

respect

least it may
nor

lay claim
is

comparative
in endeavouring relic
meanest

novelty.
to

Neither

labour

expense the

spared

rescue

from statue,
of

oblivion
a

smallest

material the

of

antiquity implement
traditions

picture,
use;
we

gem,

or

even

household

yet,
appear

in
to to

what

regards
an

the

of

ancient

times,
it

pursue the

entirely
that
an

opposite
attempt
with

course.-

Hence the
are

appeared
Koman

author the
events

to

rescue

early

annals

from
at

oblivion

which
one,

they
and,

menaced

might
succeed

all in

be
smaU

laudable

if he

should
will

only

some

part

of

his

design, he
for his

esteem Such

himself
an

abundantly

compensed re-

labour.

undertaking necessarily
The naiTative

involved

large
book

amount

of critical

discussion.
more

part
of
to

of

the

is, indeed, little

than

translation

Livy, intended
it.
As
"

only
medium

as

vehicle

for the

remarks
"

appended
Eomische
in the

for

these, Schwegler's
because it

Geschichte

has

been

selected,

embraces have
been

completest against
and the

detail

all the

objections which
because for it Sir

urged

and early history, the

evidently suggested
G. C. Lewis's work

partly supplied

materials

PREFACE.

on

the

"

Credibility
of the

of

the

Early

Eoman

History."
well those

The

observations

last-named

writer,

as

as

of

other

scholars,

have

been

occasionally
offer

examined,

where

they

appeared Schwegler's
that he

to

supplement,
and

or

to

any

divergence
it will be

from,

arguments
has
not

the

author

hopes
of

found

evaded

the

discussion

any

important
the

objections.
of

By early prefixed

way

of

introduction

dissertation

on

sources

Eoman

history,
the book

and

on

its

internal

evidence,

has

been

to

since

without

an

examination

of

these,

any

work

on

the

subject

must

necessarily

be

incomplete.

London,

October

1867.

CONTENTS.

PAC3F.

Prefatory

Dissertation

on

the

Sources

and

Evidences

OF

early

Roman

History

"

cxxxv

SEOTION

I.
"

The

early

Population

of

Italy

1
"

23

II.
"

Foundation

of

Rome

23"56

III.
"

Reign

of

Romulus

57
"

135

IV.
"

The

Interregnum

135
"

147

V.
"

Reign

of

Numa

Pompilius
,

147
"

169

VI.
"

OF
,,

TULLUS

HOSTILIUS

169
"

215

VII."
"

OF

Angus

Marcius

215"230

VIII.
"

OF
"

Tarquinius

Priscus

230"278

IX.
"

OF
"

Servius

Tullius

and

Inquiry

into

the

Regal

Constitution
.......

278
"

384

X."
,,

OF

Tarquinius

Superbus

384
"

440

";iFoii^^*'
A

DISSEETATION
OF
EARLY ROMAN

THE THE

SOURCES CREDIBILITY

HISTORY,
EVIDENCE.

AND

OF

ITS

INTERNAL

of the Hisand credibility authenticity Kings, as handed down to ns by ancient y of the Eoman divides itself into two parts, namely,its thors, naturally
;y

into inquiry

the

"

vernal and its internal evidence.

s sources

The

firstof these

concerns as

from

Avhich the

has been history

such derived,

and other written documents laws, treaties, lals, ; to which works them, public confirming y be added, as collaterally 1 buildings, and statues,
3

other monuments

of the like kind. the of probability of its

second narrative

part

of the

when

inquiryconcerns tested by a critical

examination

well with itself as with ordinary as Lsistency, experience I the general tenor of political history. It is proposedto in both these heads of inquiry "sue, in this Dissertation, order indicated. And of first, the

EXTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

?he

of speech, without gift in besides tradition,

littlevalue iparatively d. Oral

ver

change and are Y safeguards permanent records. Hence the first and in the it importantquestions which present themselves in the time 5ent inquiry at Kome letters known are. Were the kings? and, if they were, is there any reasonable md for supposing that they were employed to record the tical events of that period to these questions ? For answers
h

liable to

would be of writing, the annals of manperpetuating beingshort-lived and evanescent, w^hich the falsification; against

the art of

"

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

we

naturally turn
In

to

ancient
we

authority,and, unless
have
no

this

can

be

successfully impugned,
the

right to reject it.

first Eomans
were

opinion

of

some

writers, the
This
mere

little appears
a

better
to

than very
a

illiterate

barbarians. The

view, however,
fact of

be

unreasonable.
very

building

city
to

implies
mention

considerable art,
it

degree of civilization. implies agriculture and

and many
as we

Not

architectural
and the

trade,

laws,

requisite intelligencefor civil

Eome,
too, in
at

political
other

government.
cities in

comparison
a

with

Italy,was
to

founded
a

late
race.

period, and,
At and that
art

shall

endeavour
had of made

show, by
progress
to

Greek in

time, Greece
influence have had been been before

great

literature

; the must

which, according

the

opinion
we

of

Cicero,
that three
seems

felt in founded
the

Italy. And,
on

when

reflect

Cumae

the of

Italian

coast

perhaps opinion
says

centuries
in
"eo
ex

building
Eomulo
esse

Eome,

this

the

highest
est

degree probable.
in facti
ut

"Atque
minus
esset

hoc,"

Cicero,
dii

magis
hominibus

admirandura, dicuntur,

quod

ceteri, qui
hominum quum
autem

eruditis

saeculis

fuerunt,
facile minus ad his

fingendi proclivis annis,yam

ex

ratio,
Eomuli

imperiti
setatem

credendum sexcentis illo

impellerentur.
inculta Whence of and that Greek
we

inveteratis hominum Cicero literature

litteris atque vita

errore

doctrinis,omnique sublato, fuisse

that
at to

antique

cernimus."^ influence

evidently
had been

considered

the that

felt at Eome
him of

period

cannot

consequently imagine
were

have
art

thought
writing.
But appears

the

first Eomans

ignorant
in the
to

the

of

that from

letters
more

were

known

at

least

time

of

Numa Numa's
he
was

direct

testimony.
which
to
was

Not
so
a

mention that of

reputation

for

learning,
told that

great

thought, though wrongly,

we are

have

been

pupil
his laws

Pythagoras,
to to
^ writing.

expressly
Marcius Numa's

he

committed
caused into

laws

Ancus
out

subsequently
Commentaries

these
an

be

copied
up

from

album,

and

posted

1 2

De
"

Rep.

ii.

10, 18.
sacra

Eique (Marcio)

omnia

exscripta exsignataque

dedit.""

Liv.

i. 20.

ART

OF

WHITING.

XI

in of

public ; ^
made been

fact which also

a

not

only

shows

the

use

of
manner

the

art

writing, but
have
no

reading public.
Hostilius and If from
are

Iir like the these letters

the is said
are

treaty
to

between recited

TuUus

Albans
accounts
were

writing.^ wanting kings.

rest

true,
at
a

further in the

proofs
time

that

known mention

Eonie few

of the which

We

may,

however,
those consist and

later
on

instances,
the

not, like

just cited,
of
were

merely

testimony
survived

of

historians, but

ments docuthen

which
seen

till the Such with brazen

imperial times,
was

by eye-witnesses. by
Servius TuUius
on on a

the

treaty
and it

of

confederation in

made Greek

the

Latins, engraved
where

antique
in the

characters of Diana
^

column,

preserved
was

Temple
could

the

Aventine,
from it
an

inspected by
the Eomans made

Dionysius
not

who

draws been

argument
Also the

that

have

barbarians.
with the and
to

treaty
on an

by

Tarquinius Superbus
stretched which The
same over a

Gabines,

written

ox-hide Sancus
;

shield,
appears mentions

kept
have that the

in been

the

Temple
seen

of

likewise
author with that

by Dionysius.* by Tarquinius
but pillars, adduce the brazen may

treaty
on

made

Superbus
says
not

the he Eome

Latins had
seen

was

engraved
it.^

Lastly, we
in the

treaty
of the toline that

between

and

Carthage,executed

in the of
; who

first year the

republic, and Temple,

where of

preserved
it
was was

serarium

Capiof

copied by Polybius
so

remarks

the

language

it

ancient learned authors

as

to

be

difficult

interpretationeven
All
assume,

by
in

the

most

in such

matters.^ the of of

the

passages

ancient

relatingto
use aware

subject
the
one

either

directlyor

by implication,the
we are

art

of

writing

in the

kingly period ;
or

not

in

which who

it is denied

contested

the
bound

modern

critic, therefore,
his

attempts
"Omnia
ea

to controvert

it,is
ut
a

to establish

opinion

(sacra publica
Ibid.
use some

Numa in

instituta

erant)
"

ex

commentariis

regis pontificem in album

2 3

elata proponere
24. the

publico jubet." by
may,

Liv.

i. 32.

"Tabuliscerave."" Lib.
as

iv. 26.

The in

of

word

nesi, for sine, noted

in

Festus
as

Nesi)
observes
*
'"

appearing
(B.
iv. i. S.

document have
been

this

temple,
to this

(p. 165, Schwegler

25.

18, Anm,),
This

referable
to
"

Lib. Lib.

iv. 58.
48.

treaty is also alluded

treaty. by Horace, Epp. ii. i.

26.

Polyb. iii. 22,

h2

Xii

SOURCES

OF

EOMAN

HISTORY.

by the
do
so,

most

proofs. Schwegler has attempted irrefragable

his Thus

to

but

arguments
he says the

are ^ :
"

based We the

only
are

on

inference
same

and

bability. pro"

led to the
had

result been
manner,

namely,
when

that

history
the

of

regal period
annalist-.-in Roman

not

corded re-

by any
we

contemporary
age of

another It

consider

writing.
down
at

is

not,
the since is But the

indeed, precisely and

Komans became

credibly
to

handed with the the

what letters of

time
:

acquainted
whom pass who of

use

of

Evander

and

Hercules,
course

introduction

them

ascribed,
since the

cannot

for historical earlier knew

not

personages. than

Etruscans,

were

civilized the
art

Eomans,
about the
at

according
of
as we

to tradition

of

writing till
Demaratus,
far its also Tar-

the(30th Olympiad,
father

through
time, has
in

the
as

Bacchiad this

Tarquinius
relates
to

Priscus

; and

tradition, so

least

the

every that the

probability in
the Komans of the

favour,
were

are

warranted with

assuming
the
may

unacquainted
since the

letters before
have
as more now

epoch regarded
but

quinian dynasty.
derived from and the Rome
not

We

ground
be

for this
as

tion, assump-

Eomans,

proved,
CuniiB;
before
at
lating re-

their
Greeks
commerce

alphabet
of with

from

the and

Etruscans,

apparently

the Rome's

Campania,
The

probably
did
not

from

Campania
oldest tradition the Dianium if the time

begin
monument

Tarquinian
mentioned
to

dynasty. by

written is
on

credible of

the the

document

the

foundation

Aventine
first became

in

the time

of Servius with of

Tullius.

But,
in the

Romans of the

acquainted
it cannot
new

writing only
be
art

elder

Tarquin,
use

course

supposed
have

that

any made doubted

extensive

of whole

and

difficult It

could

been be

during the
that, under
purposes,
"

regal period.
last
as

cannot

indeed
used

the such

kings, writing was recording

"

for monumental treaties for and

the

of

public
of

alliances, dedicatory
or us

"c., inscriptions,
record.
that this

^but not

literarypurposes,
materials Besides for

historical
to

The

want

writing

forbids
brazen

suppose
or

could the

have

existed.

tablets
on

columns,
very

only

materials
were

employed

wTiting
of

in

the the

early

times

wooden
1

tablets, pieces
13.

linen,

B.

i. Sort.

ART

OF

WIUTING.

XIU

skins is

of

animals,
that such almost of

and

tablets

made and

of

the

bark

of

trees. materials

It

clear

cumbersome

inconvenient in such the way

would extensive it is called. records been in

place
use

insuperable writing
to
;

obstacles under any

of

any-

and,

circumstances,
so

hardly possible
made last in

conceive what
we

literature, properly doubt,

If, therefore,
were

cannot

annalistic
must

the

praj-Gallic times, they

and meagre, and of of of briefest

have have A and

rials mate-

the

degree jejune
the very

could facts. paper

contained real

only

abridgment
the former
to
use

literature

was

impossible general
the
;

until the

parchment
was

became first

which in the

discovered, according Great,

latter under the

Yarro,

time

of

Alexander
The before earlier

the

his

successors." had
no

first the

argument
time of than

is,that Demaratus;
the the have
art

Etruscans

alphabet
were

and,
the

as

the latter It

Etruscans could
not

civilized have

Eomans,
of

viously pre-

known
must

writing.
introduced

is also
at

insinuated

that

the

art

been

Eome

by

the

Tarquins.
The among Tacitus

authority
the
^ :
"

for

Demaratus is contained Italia Etrusci

having
in the ab

introduced

writing
passage of

Etruscans
''

following
Corinthio
:

At

in ab

Demarato,
forma

Aborigines Arcade
Latinis,
Now the quae
we

Evandro Grsecorum." the vjhole say, other

didicerunt

et

litteris

veterrimis
must ;
we

take

of
at

this
our

passage

as

containing
one-half

tradition

cannot

pleasure, that
The

of it is

tradition, and
that
we

the

half

not.

fore, tradition, therein

not

was,

the

aborigines, under
include Etruscans Demaratus
to

whom,
did

the

view

of

Tacitus,

must

the
:

Eomans,

obtain

their beside

alphabet
the
or

from

the

consequently,
introduced

it is

quite
into them

purpose
not. ;

whether

letters

Etruria into

According
and,
was

tradition, Evander
Evander
or was a

brought
real
personage

Latium still he

whether the the

or

not,

hero,

symbol,
amounts out

of
to

very this
:

high antiquity.
that letters before had the

Consequently
been known arrival

tradition time
at
^

in Latium

of

mind,
The

and

long

of Demaratus

Tarquinii.
Ann. iii. 14.

assertion, therefore,

XIV

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

that than

the

civilization
of the

of

the

Etruscans

is of
as

an

earlier
are

period

that

Konians,

is, so

far

letters

concerned,

unfounded. entirely
The

anecdote

about

Demaratus
of

sidewind
we

insinuation
see

nothing but a sort Schwegler's; since he believes,

the And

is

of
as

shall
came

further from

on,

that

Tarquins
he
"

were

Latin

family,
it

and when from

not

Etruria. that the but the the

admits

the
not

of futility their

he the

observes

Eomans
from

derived Greeks."

alphabet

Etruscans,

the in in

This, indeed,

cannot

be he

denied; speaks
in of

passage

Dionysius
ancient is sufficient
course

already cited,
characters
to

where

treaty
of in
at

Greek

preserved
And,
Romulus
we we

the

Temple
to son,

Diana,
the

prove work

it. that

as

we

hope
the
go
to

show
or

of

this

was

most

the

grandson,
It naturalized the the Romans

of

Greek,
as

need have

not

Cumse

for the

alphabet.
been That

had, indeed,
in Latium

already said, probably

the from
at

long

before

time Cumae

of Eomulus. in the with

to

got
is
a

their
mere

alphabet proof, and

Dr.

time

of

Tarquins

conjecture,

variance

tradition, utterly
prop
a

destitute

of

invented

merely
who
has

theory.
attention to ancient immemorial from the both

Mommsen,
and

devoted
at
an

great

alphabets
introduction

writing,places
into he

period

their of

Italy.
observes carry

Reasoning
^ :
"

adoption
as

abbreviations,
Etruiia
art to

We the
more

must,

regards
of the

and

Latium,
to
an

back which

commencement

of the

writing

epoch
of year of the the

closelyapproximates
dog-star period
to

first incidence

Egyptian
B.C.

within with

historical
which The the

times,

the

1322 the
art

than

the

year

77G,
in

chronology
of

Olympiads
of

began
in Rome

Greece.

high antiquity by
to
numerous

writing
of

is evinced He then

otherwise

and

plain
the

indications." the

proceeds
which
cattle
we

instance have

the

treaties,"c.

regal period, to
of

already alluded,
mode of

primitive marking

the {scriptura\

addressing the Senate

at

(Patres
the very
that
can

"c. cmiscripti),
On earliest
^

the

whole, the
is

use

of

writing
on

Rome,

from

period,
of

established
B.

the

best

evidence
Dickson's

History

Rome,

i. eli, 14, vol. i. p. 224,

Trans.

ART

OF

WRITING.

XV

reasonably
The materials he
"

be

expected
drawn absurd.
are

in

matter

of from

sucli
the the

high antiquity.
want

argument
is

by Schwegler
Even all that could be

of

writing
which

allowing
tablets

that

articles for the in be

a

enumerates

employed
mentioned could then
; not

purpose passage for

and

he cited
on,

omits from
as

the

waxen

before

Livy^
Libri

"

if linen still, Lintei for

prepared early Romans

writing
had
a

the

show,
paper

the
to

very

good
such

substitute
as

mention of be

other

substances,
skins of

wooden Nor
can

tablets,
any
use

the

bark

trees, the
as

animals, "c.

argument

drawn,
the the

is

sometimes law hand

done,^ against
the Prsetor

the

of

letters,from
a

ancient

bidding
wall The

Maximus

drive
on

nail Ides

into

righttember. Sepopen

of the

Capitoline Temple
of after the the mark from M. the Pontifex close
to

the Maximus

of every
were

annals

not

to

public inspection
nail
was a

of each show

year

; and

therefore of
sive succes-

the

convenient may infer

the
account

lapse
that he

years. nail the

was

We

Livy's

the

first

driven

by

the

Consul after

Horatius,

when of the

dedicated But

temple
was

in the
a

year

expulsion
as a

kings.
as

in fact it else. is And

superstitiousobservance
it
was

much

anything writing
the

that from
use

not

adopted
that For in

as

substitute

for

evident the

the of

fact

it existed the among

contemporaneously
B.C.

with

writing.
of created
was

year the

331,

on

discovery
Cn. and the the

of

system
was

poisoning /rom

Roman
to

matrons,
a

Quinctilius

Dictator the

in order annals memoria

drive the
ex

nail

precedent
of

taken

in

time

of

secessions

the

plebs.("Itaque quondam figendi

the the the time. of nail

annalibus ab

in repetita, fixum viii.

"

secessionibus clavi

plebis clavum
causa

dictatore
"

dictatorem The

creari

placuit." Liv.
in it

18.)
to

driving
annals of

was,

therefore, recorded
as was

writing
to

in the these

And

necessary
have up
"

refer

annals,
of

precedent sought
and would the carry fourth of

must
us

been
a

beyond
century.
however,
B.C.

the

memory Now what

man,

about

is
on

called the

secession Ovid
"

which,
in

rests

only

authority
before been the

occurred in

367, only thirty-sixyears

could Above,
not
p.

the

period

question,
to

and
^

therefore
2

have
ggg

period
ch. xvi.

alluded

by

xi.

Liddell's

Eomc,

; cf.

Livy,

viii. 3.

xvi

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

Livy
but

who, indeed, recognises no

secession
near

on

this

occasion,
The

says

only

that

the in

matter

came

to ;

one.^
even

third

secession

happened
must

the
an

year

B.C.

449

and,

allowing
is

that it is to this,and
then there have
B.C.

not

earlier one, annals

more

that

Livy
in B.C.
a

referring,
which

been

extant

331

reached
the

back
of
not

to

449,

or

than

half

century before
from
to

capture
We
do that

the
mean

city by the
to
were

Gauls.

impugn
rare

Livy's
that

inference
But

this
assert

custom,
that

letters
rare

at

period.^
to

they
did

were

implies
their And
not meant
we

that

they existed,
be
to

and

shows

that the

Livy
view,
that

not

consider nail.
were

existence
are
"

disproved by
admit if

driving

of the

ready
for works
use.

Schwegler's by
of

that

letters

used the

literarypurposes,"
of

expression is
aud

professed authors,
in the record We
to

written

circulated

for

public
have
not
are we

But,

absence

there literary history, those

"

might
would
are

still be

historical

for which it to that be

rarae

literse that
on on

"

sufficed.

wish prove

remembered ancient
of Rome works
;

we

attempting
a

the

the the

subject
contrary,

full

and

complete
as

history

regard
that
we
we

them aim
at

extremely

deficient

and

fragmentary.
are no

All

establishing
genuine,
and

is, that
that

the greater part of what

do for

possess the

is

there

good by
some

grounds
modern asserts
;
we
no

sweeping
and
"

charges
:

brought against
for

it

critics that
can

historians
names

as,

instance,
are

when

Niebuhr

the tell how

of

the the

kings
Roman

perfectly fictitious kings reigned,

or

man

how

long

as

do
says,

not
even

know of

many latter
us

there

were;"^
the
* fantasy."

when

Dr. "the

Arnold

the

part
a

of

regal period,
We records of

general picture
that, without
to

before aid
names

is

mere

believe

the

of oral and of the

tradition,
order of

there

were

enough kings, and

certifythe
the

succession
events

the

general

truth

leading
that

of

their

reigns.
of the

Before

quittingthis part
says little
or

subject,we
about

may the

observe

Sir G. C. Lewis
^

nothing
venit,"

art of

writingat

"Prope
"

secessionem
rarse

plebis res
tempora
41
.

"

Lib.

vi. 42.
Ibid.

2 '

Quia

per

ea

literaj erant.""
*

Lectures, vol.

i. p.

Hist,

of

Rome,

vol. i. p.

49.

XVlll

SOURCES

OF

KOMAN

HISTORY.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus of Tarquinius Priscus, son

Tat?

cites them
in the
Kara

for the

death
:

of Aruns,
"

following
tov

passage

eV

^ap

iviavauiifi TvWlov

avwypa(j"ah
apxi'i

rearaapaKoarbv
public annals,
them annals and drew: in of the

eviavTOV

T^9

TereXevTrjKora
means

^ where TrapeiXijcpafiev" or

by

dvaypa"j)al Dionysius
since the he from

State

: registers

distinguishes
Gellius,
and

following
writers
to

passage
as
as

or 'Xpovor^pa(f"Lai,

such

Licinius the

Macer,

others,
writers

points
aXX

them
eovKev

source

whence
rai";

such

6 fp

'jrp(OT0"i iv

irdvTe^

tovto %poi/o7/oa0tat9 r)Ko\ov6r)aav ol XolttoI, roaovrov

Kara')(^copL(ra";,
/jlovov

iv

rat?

a/)%atat9

evpcov
Tcov

dvaypacpat!;,
vTTarcbv

on

irpea^eL^;dTrecrrdXTjaav
k.

iirl

TovTcov

ek
a

^iKeXlaVy^
from

t.

\.

Pliny, in
ales the
were

his

Natural
Macrobius of

History,^quotes
alludes
these the
to

passage

the

Ann
to

Maximi. Pontifices called the

most
as

the

privilege conceded
and says that But and Maximus.*

keeping
after

annals,
Pontifex
as

they
one

Maximi

of

important
the form in

passages in

to

their
were

nature,

especially
and accessible Servius

to to
^

which
later

they
times,
is

preserved following
:

readers
"

the

from

"

Ita

autem

annales

conficiebantur

tabulam qua,

dealbatam

quot-

annis

Pontifex
et

Maximus aliorum

habuit,

in

consulum prsescriptis
memoratu notare

nominibus
consueverat

magistratuum, digna
commentaries

domi

terra militiseque,

marique gesta
in

per Ixxx
a

singulos
libros

dies.
veteres

annuos Cujus diligentise

retulerunt,
Annales the
names

eosque

Pontificibus

Maximis,
Prom

quibus
we

fiebant,
learn

Maximos of
to

appellarunt."
the the

which

that
were

consuls,
events
name

or

other each of

annual year; and

trates, magissequently, con-

prefixed
in the been

of

regal period, the prefixed.

that Events

the

reigning king
under
as

would

have
on

were

recorded

the
we

days
have
of then

which

they happened
the

; and

it further Maximus

appears,

before
events

remarked,

Pontifex

kept
these in

books

the
on

("annuos
album
an

commentaries")
And in later times

besides of

inscribing
Annul

the

for

public perusal.
was

Commentarii
1

edition
2

published
^

eighty
11.

Lib. Sat.

iv. 30. iii. c.

Lii,. yiii. 1.

j^i^,

xxxiv. i. 373.

2, sub

fin.

vEn.

ANNALES

MAXIMI.

XIX

volumes
time and of

; at what

time
And

we

know this

not, but
edition the

evidently before
obsolete

the

Cicero,

in

language

spelling were

probably
if
to

modernized. whether these annals have

were

Schwegler, however, genuine,

of
were

contests^
were,

or,

even

they
an

whether He

they
says thus

could
"

been annals

much
at
a a

service later

historian.

These

period copied, and

of

multiplied, forming
Had in the have these form of records
a nected conan

at

last made

collection with due

eighty

books. and

been

completeness,

historical excellent meagre external and of be the

sun

narrative, they
for later historians

would
; but

constituted
were a

source

they

exceedingly dry
record of of digies pro-

and

concise and

nothing,
natural

in

short, but
and

events

circumstances,

especially
such
as

extraordinary
and
moon,

appearances

eclipses
may the
were

"c. famines, pestilences,

it ]!^ay, of

questioned

whether and whether

politicalactions changes
the consist remarkable
was was

or

resolutions
constitution
or even

popular
contents

assemblies and
not

in

the

fully noted,
did which and of

prominent
of in for

exclusive other like of

wholly
it annals
a

prodigies, or
a

events,

appeared
whether these That

religious point
reason

view;

not

this

that the could

the

keeping
Maximus. but few

intrusted of such
a

to

Pontifex afford

chronicle later

kind

materials
not

to

historians
to

is evident form be from

at

first
a

sight ; Livy
in

it could

have
we

been need made

no

possible
not
use,

it

connected that

history ;
and
use,

and

therefore
or, at

surprised
no

Dionysius
of these and derived

all events, many

immediate
accounts

annals;

though
those

mediately

Livy,
been
"

especially
from the

regarding prodigies,
annals

may

have

pontificalannals. began
would from the

Kevertheless, Eome,

if these would

foundation
historians afforded of the
a a

of

they

have and

formed

for also

later have least

an

desirable certain

point d.'appui, security that

tradition
are

the

general
well

outlines But such

at

mitive priis it

historical.
as as

assumption
makes
not

incorrect.

Internal that tlTe

external

evidence do

probable

general pontifical annals

1

reach

Bucli

i. vSect.

XX

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

higher than

the

Gallic

still conflagration,
; because

less to

the

regal
nology chroso

period.
of of

Internal
the

evidence

it is
is
so

precisely the
and
a mere

regal period
and and think External that
a

which
so

confused
on

full
bination com-

contradictions,
of

rests

evidently
system
on

numbers,

subtle

of
a

combination,
series it
on

that

it is

impossible to
made.

it founded evidence the

were were

of

records
be the the of

annually
annals Gallic
the of

since
tablets

cannot

reasonably doubted
the

wooden

which in

Pontifices

inscribed, perished

conflagration. They
Maximus,
of the utensils
or

kept Eegia,
not

in and

the in

dwelling
the since

Pontifex

the

hasty
even

evacuation
the

city were
of the

assuredly

saved,
could be

sacred

Temple

of Vesta

preserved probability
author

These assumptions from only by burying them. in Cicero. raised to certainty by a passage are says the

That

(De Eep.
first

i.

16),
in

that the

from

the

eclipse of the
Maximi,
to

year

350,

recorded

Annales backwards

the
of

preceding
Ides it been
was corded. reflagration con-

eclipses were
to

calculated
Eomulus

that

the if

of

Quinctilis, when
necessary

disappeared. they
as

But,
not

compute
seems

them,
all

could

have the

It

at

events
was

if, after
to

Gallic' the

(365), an
so

attempt
as

made of could

restore

annals

far

backwards
but value such of back of
means

the

memory annals

the
not

living generation
of what
course

served;
had
were

restored authentic is

have

the

documents. When with

To

period they
affirms foundation that of that the far

carried

uncertain. annals
more, at

Cicero the

the

making
this
custom

these
no

began though

Eome,
the

improbably enough,
not

originated
which the he other that the back

that

early period, and

was a

that
so

annals back. times

with On
assumes

himself

acquainted
of it must the
at

reached later all

hand,

writer
;

imperial
events

they
to

did

and

be

accepted
restored
remains "It of the

that
went

copies

of

the

Annales But

Maximi
a

then of

in circulation these which

that

period.

fragment only
have
one

annals, preserved by Gellius, and

to us,

the

betrays
the do

tolerably recent
alone the find in

origin.
who made any
use

is almost annals
; we

antiquaries
not

historians

certain

ANNALES

MAXIMI.

XXI

traces

of tlieir direct and

use. as we

This have
so :

is

particularlythe
before
as we

case

with of the last

Livy
who
cases

Dionysius,
them he in his

said.

Even
was

antiquaries,Verrius
had when the

Flaccus,
hands

far for

know,
who

the

Gellius,
the his

in

ail other works of the

cites

'Annals' took

means

historical
out

of

annalists, evidently Maximi,

Flaccus. mention
'

not

citation

Annales Verrius does when he

from

these also the

are

annals has
no

themselves,
from

but

from
nor

Pliny
them Annales withou.t
are
'

quotation
his
sources.

them,
In

in

list of cited
"

general,
are

merely
these

citations the

which

quently fre"

referred it is not of the To have

ground
but

to

Annales the

Maximi

that

meant,

always

historical

works

annalists."

expect
been
"

that made is to of

the in

annals the

of form

the of

Pontifex
a

Maximus

should historical

"connected have
nor can

narrative

expect
the

that

they
for

should
it ;

been
we

regular
conceive in that their

history instead
a

materials historians

better

source

for later When if

than

these

records
to

annalistic contained natural his

own

form.

Schwegler proceeds
not

say

they
of from

almost,
appearances

quite, exclusively only prodigies,he

For
asserts

records

and

this passage

only

conjectures.
says that
or

Servius,

in

already
note

quoted,^
either This in

they
war

contained
set

everything ivortliy of
under the proper
as

peace has

down

days.
Servius but
"

passage that

been
was

captiously interpreted
an on

if

asserted

there those
"

entry
which

under

every

day;
in

he
"

only
it may eyes. form

means

days
was

something
says
saw

noteworthy
a

dignum

memoratu

done.

But,
Servius
at

Schwegler
them with in
never

note,
own

be To
;

asked which it is

whether
we

his

answer,

all

events

their
saw

public
them,
And if

while he did

certain
to

that
so

Schwegler
much he about
must

though
Servius

pretends
not
see

know

them. have had

them them

himself,
than
we

better the shows

information fact that that

about

moderns for the besides

possess. death of Aruns

And

Dionysius
recorded
to

cites them other

events
we

they

prodigies.
referred, as
well
as

This

passage,

which
^

have
above,
p.

before
xriii.

See

XXU

SOURCES

OP

ROMAN

HISTORY.

one

in

Livy,
the

wliich

we

proceed
those says
: :
"

to

quote, suffices
made
no

to

refute

Schwegler's assertion
use

that

historians
His

immediate
cum

of

annals. renovatum

Livy

consulibus
monumento

Ardea-

tibus
eos

fcedus illo
anno

est

idque
in

est, consules

fuisse, qui

neque

annalibus
^

priscis,neque
cannot

in libris

magistratuum
the annals because first, he
as a

inveniuntur."
of

Livy
and distinction because

be

here

referring to
historians annals
to
:

Fabius, Piso,
way of

the

other
he he

early

by
of

calls the
is them

which them

cites work

iJrisci ; secondly,
another
more names

ing appealwith indeed ceeds pro-

high authority, coupling

official

the

Libri

Magistratuum,
them

record,
work.

and

naming
to

first, as
how

the the

important
of the

Livy

explain
:

consuls been

might

have

been
at

omitted

military tribunes, he thinks, had

of the year
; and
so

appointed magistrates
date the

the
not

beginning
been
at

the
?

consuls, being suffect%

Because
were,

had

mentioned.
the

Why
of been

the in been But

appointed
of

beginning
sets have

of the

year

fact, the named,

it;

and

if two would this

;

magistrates
show that

had

chronology
on

in confusion. he

Livy's
to

vations obsersome

point further
for, in
a

is

alluding
motive consules

record official alluded could

We in which from the
not
see

literary history,a
the
names

like

that

to

for have

suppressing
existed.
this

of

the

suffecti

by
the want

example
fixed

that,
records

from
were

the

imperfect

manner

early Eoman
of
a

kept, and
an

especially
who led of

chronological era,
documents alone

historian

trusted into L.

to

these

official in

might
the

easily be
consulate

error.

Thus,

the

present
L. for the

instance,

Papirius Mugillanus
been Ardea. still unknown In
worse,

and

Sempronius
the

Atratinus of the
must
no

would

have with been

except
the
as

renewal
matters

treaty
have
to
sum

time

of

kings,
have from

there
of their

would

been another In

mark

one distinguish

year them with

a

reigns
is of
was

; their
a

at

the

end
even a

of

is all that

given.

such the

state of

of
a

things,
nail
as

knowledge
well

writing,
a

driving
not to

chronologicalmark
We may suppose
1

contrivance there
were

be

despised.

that
iv. 7.

other

points

Lib.

ANN

ALES

MAXIMI

XXlll

in

which

these wonder

annals

were

imperfect
of

and

we

need

not

therefore

that,

in

spite
which writers

them,

great

variation

and

uncertainty prevailed
The few
to

in the
on

early Eoman
the
are no

history.
Annales Maximi of their
are existence. non-

occasions

appealed
quote
in
cases

by
It
was

ancient
not ;

proof
ancient

the

custom

of them

historians
now

to

their

sources

they

refer

to

only

and

then

of doubt that

and and

fore, difficulty. Schwegler's assertion, there-

Livy they

Dionysius
not.
^

made

no

immediate

use

of
to

them,
say

is

groundless, because
did in
so a or

it is

impossible for" anybody

neither
; which

whether

Schwegler
ever
"

asserts

note

that

Livy
may under

nor

Dionysius
be
true

mentions that But which then

the

Annales
are

Maximi
not

rally lite-

is,they
we can

found

quoted
from

that from other

precise
those
source.

name.

have have

already produced
been
to

passages
no

authors

derived adduce

Schwegler
xxxiii. any this
one

proceeds
annales the in
are

several

passages

from

ii. 54, Livy (viz.

iii. 23, iv. 20, iv. 23, iv.

are

34,
and be

vii. 21, viii. 18, denies

meant.

8), in
of the but

which

mentioned,
can

that

in

them
case

pontificalannals
the
two

That
we

is

greater part
of
can

of

these
we

passages take
to

admit,
be

there

them have

in

which been

it

to

impossible
One
"

that of

Livy
these

alluding
and

the their
ea

literaryannals
successors.
re

Fabius of

Pictor,
is the

Cincius

Alimentus,
"

following:
Cossus
was

"Qui
a

si in

sit
"

error

(viz
tam

that

Cornelius annales

Tribunus

mili-

tum)
quos

quod
linteos

veteres

quodque
demum consulem Now
to

magistratuum
Macer Licinius
cum

libri,
citat

in

aede

repositos Monetse
nono

identidem

auctores, A. Cornelium
omnibus

post

anno

T.

Quinctio

Penno,
communis before with in of

Cossum est"

habeant,
here,
as

existimatio in
a case

(iv.20).
alluded

adduced,
the

the

annales

being again coupled

before them

Magistratuum
of and
"tam

Libri, being again placed

and

the

order

precedence,

therefore,

we

may

presume, the very that and

importance,
annals of

being
or
1

further is

characterised

by
to

strong epithet
the

veteres," it
Cincius
S.

impossible
can

imagine
meant,

Fabius

have

been

8, Anm.

4.

XXIV

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

we

are

consequently
must

driven

to

one

of two

conclusions

either
or

that at

Livy

be that the

here

referringto
must

the Annales
been the

Maximi,
annals

all events
to

there
time of

have and

other other

long

antecedent

Fabius,

reputed first
take
to

literaryannalists. The following instance

still
more

ffrom

Lib.

xxviii.

8)

we

be

decisive. the

The

story
that L.

is this.

C. Valerius

Flaccus
on

having obtained
ancient Senate. But law the
was

office of Flamen
to

Dialis, insisted
of

an

right attached
not to

priesthood

entering the
that

Prcetor,
be

Licinius, ejected him, affirming

that the
become

determined

by examples
of vetustate usage the Now and

had

obsolete

through
them voluit
"
"

the
non

high antiquity
exoletis

the

annals

which

contained
stare
no

annalium
custom ;

exemplis
and memory occurred Fabius flourished that

jus
Flamen

"
"

but had

by

recent

Dialis
or

enjoyed
Fulvius

right
this in

in

the

of

their

fathers

grandfathers.
of

dispute
B.C.

in the and

consulship
the this

Q.

Flaccus

209.

Cincius,
about been have

first

literary Eoman
Licinius their
a

annalists, only
could those
not

time.

therefore since

possibly have
he

alluding to
been
at

annals,

which back
an

cites must
his
to

least

century older, going

it
on

beyond

grandfather.
quote
not
a some

Besides,

would
a

have

been

absurdity
must

literaryhistory
authentic been events

point
to

of

tional constitu-

law,

and

state-document.
either the

Licinius Annales

therefore
or as we

have all

alluding
to

Maximi, which,
source

at

the
on,

Commentarii
were

Pontificum,

shall show

further

another

documentary
by
of C. strict

of Eoman is
true

history.
that
to

It

this carry
us

example
up
to
a

cannot

be

made,

demonstration,
but it reaches

beyond
within refutation

the

Gallic

conflagration ;
years

demonstrably
all

eighty
of

it,and
Lewis's
no

is therefore, at

events,
was no

Sir

G.

opinion

that

there

recoi^ded, and
time of

consequently
But, by
"

authentic, history
^

before

the

Fabius.^
Niebuhr to
:
"

any
no

On

this to

subjectwe
that
"

may

quote the following from

was

We

have

reason

deny

history

written
6. And
no

at
:

Rome
"

previous
before

the

banishment

of

the

kings."
says p. 21.

Led.

vol, i. p.
Romans

The

sceijtlcismis contemptible
the time
of

which
Ibid.

that

the

had

history

Fabius."

"

XXvi
of
a

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

contemporary
the

document
later.

to annals

which

were

compiled
in allude

couple Among

of centuries

instances

which
to show omits

Schwegler
that he
which that it is

adduces
not

the
to

same

note^ from
Annales
from else

Dionysius
he

does
we

the

Maximi,
Lib.
can

have

already
that thing anyfrom

quoted
Lib.

iy. 30, where

be
meant.

hardly possible following

In

the

passage

i. 73

iic iraXamv rather

Xoycov
as we

iv

SeXToL"; aoD^o/Jbivajv, i"pal"i

shall
see

Dionysius
Commentarii
passage
TTLvaiio^
"

meant,

farther Maximi.

on,

the The

Pontificum i. 74
"

than

the irapa

Annales
Tot^;

in Lib. is

eVt
; but

rov

'A7%tcre{;o-t fcei/nevov
Niebuhr,
determine.
we

corrupt
we

whether,
not
"

with
to
as

should

read

apxtepevat

will
:

pretend
that

Schwegler
makes

proceeds
it
not

Internal

well

as

external annals of

dence evithe

probable
reach

the
the

genuine

pontiffs
still less

do

beyond

Gallic The and from

conflagration,and
internal evidence in
on

into

the the

regal period." alleged

confusion

is the

derived

from

contradiction
its

chronology
combination The need

of the

regal period, and

and
a

resting
of further here.

mere

of numbers,
we

subtle
to

system
examine

computation.
on,

chronology
not

shall
enter

have into subtle

and
bination -com-

therefore of numbers

the

subject
of the in the the from

The

and
to

system
found

computation
fanciful ancient annals

arise,
of

as

we

also

hope

show,
are

only
that the

views

German But

critics, and

not

authors.
of the he

though Schwegler
not

asserts

genuine
Cicero the

pontiffsdo
soon

reach

beyond
a

Gallic from

conflagration, yet (De Rep.

sun was

afterwards
that

quotes
author

passage that
an

i.

16),

in which down years

says

eclipse of
A.U.C.

noted

in the before

Annales the and

Maximi of

in the

350 the

; that

is,thirteen
And
as as an

capture
other the

city by
use

Gauls.
passage

Schwegler
argument
must

German existence it to and be

not
no

critics of be

this

against
course

still earlier

annals,

they
their is

of

consider

genuine
But

otherwise if this

reasoning genuine,
earlier the annals date

is unfounded there
can

absurd.
reason

entry
of much

why
:

entries

should had

also the

be

genuine

for, if

this have

part

of

escaped

the fire,

whole

might

been

ANN

ALES

MAXIMI.

XXVll

saved.
some

Moreover,
sort must

we

have
been

already
extant

sliown^
B.C.

that

annals

have GalJic

in

449,

or are

fifty-nine quoted by
the

years
as

before

the
a

conflagration;
for 331. this the

since

they
of
a

furnishing

precedent
in
B.C.

driving
evidence

nail

dictator

Quinctilius

Schwegler, however, ignores

of
or a

for the his

existence

annals rather
we

before should

the

conflagration,founding
say, his
"

argument,
side
on

conjecture, on
It cannot tablets be
on

the

other

mistranslation

of "that

Livy.
the
were

reasonably doubted,"
which in the of the Annals
flagration. con-

he of

observes,
the

wooden written

Pontifices

perished
the and

Gallic the

They
Maximus,
of the
"

were

kept

in

dwelling
in the
;

Pontifex

that

is, in the

Eegia,
not

hasty
even

evacuation the sacred

city were
of the them."

assuredly Temple
and the of

saved

since be

utensils

Yesta

could

preserved only by
been

burying
This

view,
most,
and I

wrong of

absurd

as

it

is,has

adopted by
as

all,

or

leading
Niebuhr in
"

German remarks Cicero subsisted

not
: ^

critics ;
"

Niebuhr,

Becker,
"

others.

Now

grant

Antonius had

says from from

that the

this

custom

"

(viz.of making
the
meant

annals)
:

beginning
that the of Eoman reached

of

Roman
to

state assert

but

it does the
not

follow in

this

Cicero

that did Those other

state

annals

possession
till may
so

historians,
thus which Annales of the

who

begin

to

write times

late,
have

far back.

of the

earlier

perished ;
of the destruction may
were

Livy

and

writers, without
as

mention specific
at

Maximi,

having happened
:

the fate

city by
them

the
at

Gauls that

and
as

certainly this
the tables it is still less be in in the

have
not

befallen

time,

perhaps
existence;

yet

transferred

into such have did

books,
books been

and should

likely that

any

transcripts of they
chief
to

besides the

may

not

preserved
reside, and
the duumvirs consider such
a

Capitol,where
he had
no

pontiff
his
I

not

where

occasion

keep
"

archives
we

like
now

of the it
as

Sibylline books.
that those
were

think

may
met

certain that

annals

really
new

with

fate,

and

they

replaced by
1

ones."
2

Above,

p.

xvi.

jii^^t. of

Rome,

vol.

i. p. 212

(Eng. Trans.).

XXVlll

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

Let

US

advert

for

a
a

moment

to

this

curious

specimen
as
"

of
"

argumentation, where
is it deduced is from
a*

conclusion of the

considered loosest may

to

certain Thus

series

conjectures.
have
have

said and

that other

the

earlier

annals
this

perished
; that
were

; that

Livy

writers

state

happened, perhaps

but this
not

'unthout

mention specijlc have

of

the
as

Annales the tables

Maximi

fate may

befallen
into them

them,

yet transferred

books,
w^ere

and

it is still less
;

likelythat
Tnay series that
met

any
not

transcripts of
have
been

in existence

besides, they
From which

preserved
the
as

in very

the

Capitol.
"

of

conjectures follow
now

conclusion satisfactory those annals

it may with

be
a

considered fate ! "

our

certain

really
is to Maximus
at
once,

such But

main
was

object
of

in

citing this
that the his
or

passage

show

that noted

Niebuhr down the

opinion
which
on an

Pontifex Annals whitened year in

the
first

events

formed album year of

and
;

in that and that

instance,
were

board the

these

boards

kept
the the time

after the

Eegia,
would
as

consequently they began

amounted
never

at

Gallic

fire, supposing Hostilius,

; too

with

reign
or

of

TuUus

have had
to

to

nearly 300,
into
a

many

cartloads
and
were

and,

they

been away, the of

copied
w^ere same

book,

cumbersome

carry To

then purpose

burnt. Becker of these remarks annals in

^ :

"If

the

tion assump-

the

existence

the

earliest of ah all

times,

and

especiallyin the
then

regal period,
almost
have the

is destitute existed

bility, probarermn

Cicero's

assertion,that
an

they

initio the

Bomanarum,
which
were

becomes and would

to

impossibility by
these

fate

must

overtaken unanimous

tables. of

They
authors,
the We The

kept, according
the

testimony
"

in

dwelling
hard

of the that

the

Pontifex of
were

Maximus,
Vesta any
at
on

that

is, in

Eegia,
cannot

by
the

Temple
there

the of

Forum. them.

suppose
was
some

copies
Eome have
even

Eegia
that

only record-ofiice

except, perhaps,
recorded if
we a

religious corporations
separate commentaries.

may

few
no

things

in

Now,

had

historical

testimony
"

to

the fact,it would

Altorth. B.

be

very

natural

that

Rbra.

i. S. 7.

ANNALES

MAXIMI.

XXIX

this Gallic

ponderous history
fire. of In It is
not

should
to

have conceived

been

destroyed
that taken in for the

in

the

be

hasty
of it

evacuation

the the
were

city
midst

any of

thought
that

was

their utensils and

servation. pre-

panic

the

sacred

Vesta's may
even

Temple
be and

saved whether

only by burying
the Twelve

them;
that

doubted
most

Tables,
were

dearly
been of
some

purchased
as a

important monument,
less that would those
were

not

abandoned have chronicle

prey.

Still and then

wooden

tables the

thought
the authors." On Maximi follows

of;

they

not,

that

city was
this

destroyed, is decisively recognised by

remark
on a

we

may

that first, of

even

had it

the

Annales
no

existed that
as a

only

quantity
have been

boards,

by

means

they Kegia
in

would

destroyed by
like that the Becker

the should but

Gauls have existed of that

since, known,
tfll

professed topographer
was

the fire

not

burnt

on

occasion,
destruction

the

Nero's is
:

reign,

when

ancient

monument

expressly
often

recorded

by

Tacitus.^

But, secondly
other German

although

Niebuhr,
accuse

Becker,
Cicero their and

Schwegler, Livy
of of the view

and
not

critics their Annales

one own

understanding
of which pause the

language, yet
Maximi have
"

tory hisof
to

the

egregious absurdity
have caused
on a

might,
and of the
manner

would
a

supposed,
"

them gross

inquire
a

little further Latin

is founded

translation mis-

common

construction.

Cicero,
passage
annorum
"

ing describ-

of the

making
"

the

Annals,

in the

already
man-

quoted, uses
dabat of all Uteris he

words,

Ees

omnes

singulorum
in and is album then

(Pontifex) efferebatque
the
an

that

is, first
or

wrote

events

down,
It the

transferred,
how such
a

posted them,
critics Two should
acts
are

into have

album. missed

singular
of
see so

great

sense
we

simple
the

passage.
que
:

as plainly signified, were

by
for of
-

enclitic

first the
were

events

noted
out

in the

book

kept by Pontifex, construing.

passage,

and

thence word this

copied plain, we
1

into
no

album,
mode

public inspection.
To in

The make

effero admits
wiU
41.

other from

cite

Livy

another
^

Ann.

XV.

Li^.

i. 32.

XXX

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

IIISToK'V.

which

it is

similarly used
in Album in Numa. and the

"

Omnia

ea,

ex

comme7itarLU in

regis jubet,"
of the

pontificem
where the

elata album

proponere
are

publico

matters

out posted {elata)

commentaries
Thus the the

of

conjectures
of of

assumptions
of wooden their record

of these

critics about
once

about the the

existence

cartloads
a

tables, and
at to

non-existence

copy

of

contents, fall
is reduced be saved

to

ground.
volume of
or

The

ponderous
more

portable
the the
sils uten-

two, much

easily to
and

than
to

Vesta's of

Temple,
asserts

which,
saved.

according
destruction
those the almost whom well-known who
worse

best

testimony

antiquity, were by
and

Becker, however,

that

their But

is

"

decisively only
he has
"

recognised"

some

writers. books
"

have
case

glanced
the
are more

into bold

Becker's

know
we

that had writer

confident
The is

said he

arrogant
adduces passage

his

assertions. of
:

chief

in in

support
Lib.
cum

his
"

view

Livy,

in

the in
erant

vi. 1

Et

quod

etiamsi

quae

Commentariis

Pontifiincensa
we

aliisque publicis privatisque pleraque

the he interiere." In

monumentis,
this He passage is also the of

urbe

examining
upon it.

will

quote Sir G. C. Lewis's

that Annales does
on

remarks

opinion

Maximi
not

perished
to

in

conflagration,
that

iliough
written
"

appear

have

thought

they

were

only
of the

wooden

tablets. the author

at
a

Livy

tells

us," says
records
an

just mentioned,^
this time
; and

"

that

most
was

early
national

perished
as

if there of
temporary con-

so

important

exception
annals, he
his

complete
of the

series
to

could

scarcely fail
Eoman Maximi
event.

mention tion, Constituwere

it.

Hence

Goettling, in
his the

History
the

expresses

opinion period
in

that

Annales
to

not
even

preserved for
that Twelve and the

antecedent his work

on

this
on

It is

conjectured by
Tables

Becker,
brazen

Eoman the this up

Antiquities,
laws of the

original
were

plates

which in
set
a

engraved
the copy
so

perished

conflagration
was as a

ruin, and
If
^

that

afterwards

tion. restora-

record

of
the

enduring

nature

the
158.

Twelve

Credibilityof

Early Koinan

History, vol. i.

p.

AXNALES

MAXIMI.

XXXI

Tables

did not

survive of

this the

calamity,

it is not have

likely tlie more

weathered
the

perishable
storm." Sir German
soon a
1

annals

pontiffs should
closer it is of

G.

C.

Lewis

is whose

generally
method series

reasoner

than

the how
a

in critics,
mere

truly

wonderful

conjecture, or
in the Sir G. C.

conjectures, becomes
from Mebuhr.

certainty,as
a

specimen already given

Lewis the here Twelve

In

similar that then did annals

manner

adopts
Tables record of

Becker's
were so

conjee-

ture

the

brazen

plates of
to

destroyed, enduring logic,we

Sir in
a a

and
nature

proceeds
not

argue,

that

if

survive,

it is not

likely that letting alone portable

were

the the

more

able perishG. book 0.

^

survived.

Where,
not
a

bad and

might
Lewis
"

ask
seems as

why
to

should think
or

book"

that

they

first entered of escape

on a as a

have

good,
?

better, chance
most

quantity
and

of

brazen
to

tablets, fixed
detached G.

probably
that, had
failed

wall,

difficult

be Sir

C. Lewis would the

thinks
not
more

the
to one,

Annales say
"

Maximi We had In think

been the been

saved, Livy contrary

lost in he

have

so.

view

probable
have

that it.

they
the

would

assuredly
is instances the The the Annales natural have have has been been of been

mentioned the

passage

question Livy
he about

enumerating

losses

by

the

fire ; and, he says

though nothing
document. And which From that mit (*' the

Commentarii

Pontificum,
a

Maximi,
inference

much

more

important
were

is, that
to

they

saved.
a

it would
must

supererogatory
to

mention

fact

notorious

every

Eoman. Becker's assertion

what

said,it
the

appears

that is

destruction

Annals
some

decisivelyrecognised
is at all events
not

Entschiedenheit
to

") by
And

authors,
else
can

applicable
of
^

Livy.
?

what
two

be from

produced
Plutarch,
is of

in
one

port supof
that

his
in

vicAv

Only

passages 112),
Sir G.

Yet

another authentic not

place (vol. i.
text
was

p.

C.

Lewis

opinion
of

at least
2

the does

preserved.
so

He

expressly
that such

say
was

; but

we

infer
:

from

his the

description
Pontifex inscribe them

the

making
*'

of them
to

his of

conception
each year

viz. that

Maximus
on a

used

commit

ail the to

events

to

vyriting,to
house
acts.
"

whitened word write

tablet, and
and

exhibit
seem

this record to two

in his

(p. 155),

where

the

inscribe

to refer

dii^tinct

XXxii

SOUUCES

OF

EOMAN

HISTORY.

which adds

is

an

appeal to
to

this very

chapter of Livy,
we on

and

therefore
for the
to

nothing
We of the

the

evidence, for

can

interpret Livy
Plutarch,
like
to

ourselves.
use

shall

only

observe

it that
seems,

by

word

vwofivrjfjLariafjbovf;,

ourselves,
Commentarii
as

have and

construed
not

Livy

as

referring only
The other passage
yap

the
runs

the
Tt?

Annales.
"P

follows

K\(oBi6^
TO

(ovrco ^EXiyKfp)(p6va)v
iiev

ttw?

iTrtjiypaTrrai
avajpa^us:
8e
vvu

jSi^Xlov) la')(ypl^eTai ra?

ToU

dp)(^aLa"i eKeiva^
k. t.

ev

KeiXTiKol"i

TrdOeai

t?}? TroXeoj?

rjcjiavLadaL' ra?
\.

^aX'r)dw"i crvyKuaOai, ovk (f)aivoiJLeva";

certain
that
as

But mentions

it

is not
so

this
some

Clodius, whom
obscure
; for

Plutarch

paragingly dis-

writer these about

(KXw^tc? rt?), is speaking

annals the would

of

the

Annales into
was

Maximi any
more

hardly
of

have

entered
Clodius

question
shall the
were were

genealogy

Numa. Pona

probaby speaking
as
we

of the further times burnt

Commentarii
on,

tificum,

which,
the

show earliest
no

contained

history of
the well

city from they

be of

; and at

which,
the

or

the

greater part of them,

doubt

capture of
restored
so

city,though
as

afterwards But of this

probably by
Sir and is G.

it could

done. this

by.' eagerly grasped

C. Lewis.
It is

.The
at

testimony
the what be

obscure

Clodius

by

critics,and
these

especially by against
the

astounding only
it
can

sceptical critics
account

will

believe, provided
Sir G.

turned

received
of Clodius
so

history.
to

C.

Lewis, who Maximi,

document

refers

the

the

Annales
a

actually thinks
as

it

possible that extending

be
"

important
over

public

these in

annals,

centuries, and
with the year

always
and of

exhibited He of

public, might
^ :

forged

impunity discovery
181
B.C.

success.

observes Numa that in

The

account

of in the

the

books

stone

chest
on

proves

indubitably
could be

documents
at

the with

most

important hope
of
cessful suc-

subjects

forged
be

that

time
to

the

deceit, and
circumstances

attributed

the

ancient

kings.
that it in held
i. p. 167.

The

attending this supposed discovery, and

Senate,
are

its treatment
was
a

by
deliberate
Numa
1

the

conclusive

evidence the
reverence

imposture.
his ordinances
Fortun.
Rom.

Considering

which

and
Dc

respecting religionwere
13.
"

by

the

Yol.

XXXIV

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

Annals. Etruscos

The

passage

runs

as

follows

"

Tunc

igiturquod

in

baruspices
fuerat,
tota

male

consultantes
liic scite factus

aniraadversum

vindiesse a

catumque

versus

cantatusque

pueris

urbe

fertur,
consultum consultori

"

'

Malum

pessimum
versu

est.'

Ea
est

liistoria in

de

liaruspicibus,ac
Maximis

de

isto

senario, scripta
et

Annalibus libro

libro, undecimo,
memoria annals

in The of

Verrii

Elacci

primo
account

Rerum the
of the

dignarum."
and the work
to

story,
Verrius

then,

had

two

sources,

riaccus. detriment

The of
a a

baruspices, who,
the doubt
statue

the

supposed
to

the

city,had
record of

directed
no

of

Codes

be
;

placed
but

in

lower

position,was
the

found kind This

in the

annals
tained con-

that

public
is have the

driest

should

have of the

verses

altogether
taken in the which

incredible. from another

part

story

Verrius modernised Another

must

source,

and

probably

verse

transfer. the

point
as

to

sceptical critics
of
an

attach

great
at

importance,
a Sim.

showing
is the is

the

non-existence

the

annals of

remote

date,

first

registration of
what the

eclipse

the

This

point

urged, after Niebuhr, by Becker, Schwegler,

We

and says
"

Sir G. C. Lewis.
^

subjoin

last-named

writer

There
a

is likewise series

another of the

argument
Annales
not

against the
from

existence
a

of

complete
upon

Maximi

remote

date,
stress.

which
as

Mebuhr

undeservedly
of
an

lays great eclipse of

cause

Ennius,
about the
so

quoted by Cicero, spoke

year 350
u.c.

the

sun

the

assigning
moon.
*

its natural

namely,
*

interposition of
much
we

the

Now,'

says

Cicero,^
from in culated cal-

there

is

science

and
to

skill in this be recorded

matter, that
in

this

day,

which

perceive
all the up
to

Ennius,

omd

the Annales

Maximi,

preceding eclipseshave
which occurred when
was

been the

backwards,
of

that of

on

Nones
was

Quinctilis
in up
to

in

the

reign

Eomulus,
he

Romulus
fabled year years
;

really slain
been taken

the
to

darkness, though
heaven.' year 404

to

have
to

Assuming
B.C.
"

the

350

u.c.

correspond
1

the

fourteen
De

before

the

Vol.

i, p. 159.

Rep.

i. 16

cf. ii. 10.

ANNALES

MAXIMI.

XXXV

capture
observe

of

the

city"it

would

follow

that

there that that

was

no

temporary conwe an

registrationof eclipses before

from of this the
sun

year

; and

very
was are an

passage

of

Cicero in the

in this

year Maximi.

eclipse
of
to

recorded

Annales the

Eclipses,moreover,
Cato such
a

particularlyspecified in
ancient the and

fragment
witness the tifical pon-

the

Censor
"

"

unimpeachable
contents

fact

as

among

prominent
without
a

of

annals
we

and, indeed,
that

any
so

specific testimony,
rare

might safely assume

as a

prodigy
one

and

so

ing alarm-

visible

eclipse, and

necessarily
be

followed

by

national

expiatory ceremonies,
record. in

would

duly

entered

in this

public
"

Unluckily, however,
defective of
as

this, as
of
our

in other

instances,

we

feel
a

sensibly the point

Ennius
year

state

information
not

respecting
passage
to

early history.
cited alludes. would what he

We and

have
we

the

entire ascertain
era,
B.C.

of

by Cicero^ According correspond

era

cannot

what year

he
u.c.

to

the

Varronian 404 In

the
we

350
not

to

the

year

; but

do his of

know

Ennius of the

followed.

another the

part
he

of

Annales,
the about
"

spoke
582."

700th
to

year the

after

building
wrote

city, though, according

the Niebuhr year thinks that the which 399

Varronian

date,

allusion occurred
B.C.

is to
on

solar the

visible eclipse, of

in the the
not

Mediterranean,
year

21st

June,
was

in

astronomical visible
at

This Cadiz

eclipse, however,
the middle of the believes of the that and

Eome,

though
before

at

eclipse
the hour

fell three Eomans when of

minutes derived

sunset.

Niebuhr Gades

information that in

from this

day

it occurred, and

visible eclipse, the

at the

extremity
to

Spain,
"

but

invisible

Italy,is

eclipse alluded
the Second Punic have
an

by

Ennius." If this would

event

had

occurred that

during
the

War,
had

it

be

conceivable

Eomans circumstances
; but

might
of that before
so

precise information
which 399
was

respecting the
visible
at

eclipse
the year Gallic about allusion

only just during

the should

Gades

in

B.C.

siege of Veii, nine

have
as

years

the much
an

invasion, they
an

known
to

and the

thought subject

eclipse in

that

place

afford

of

XXXvi
to

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

Ennius

more

than Komans
accurate

two

centuries
did
not

afterwards,
a

is

utterly
First the

incredible.
or

The any No
u.c.
occurs

obtain
of

footing in Spain,
after
sun

acquire
war.

knowledge
to
an

it,until
the

the about

Punic year it

allusion in
to

eclipseof
the year of the

350

any

of

historians,and

therefore which

seems

impossible
alludes.

fix the

eclipse to
the
taken been

Ennius
"

Thus
"

much,

however,
that

we

may

infer

from had
not

passage

in
at

Cicero,
Eome in the

namely,

the

eclipses which
of
or

place
recorded

in the

first centuries

the in

city,had
other

pontifical annals,
the such time rude of Cicero

any

and register, had been

that

before with

some

attempts
the
ancient

made,
were

processes

as

astronomers

possessed of, to
That be inferred from Eomulus
not

calculate

these

wards. unregistered eclipses backw^as

the the

computation
attempt
occurred into
to
"

not

scientific year

one

may the and the

calculate
an

the

in which

eclipse of
story
In his of this German
a

event most

wholly fabulous,
current

apparently
his

admitted
or

the

version

of

death

aj)otheosis."
matter

view

of the

Sir have of
a

G.

C.

Lewis him

blindly
in

follows
not

guides,

who

misled

partly by
a

giving
Sir G.

full and

fair account

it,and

partly,as
Latin of Cicero that

former Had
he

instance, by mistranslating
C. Lewis turned i.
to

common

sentence.

the would very

chapter
have material

which the German

quotes
critics

(De Eep.
have alludes
to

16), he
a

seen

suppressed
an

part
the of

of

it.

Cicero in is the from

to ;

there
the said
true

eclipsewhich
war,

terrified lifetime

Athenians

Peloponnesian
to

in

the

Pericles,^who
to

have

dissipated their
of the

alarm

by explaining
which
at

them

nature

phenomenon,
The in the have first year
seen,

he

had

learnt appears
or

his have that

teacher taken
at

Anaxagoras. place
as we

eclipse
of
B.C.

Athens
war,

the

B.C.

431.
to to

Rome,

in

404, according
should be have will

the be in

received reduced the

chronology according
which
^

; or, if this
a

chronology
Thus

to

principle which
later.

explained
that
at
a

sequel,some

ten

years

it appears understood

nomenon phe-

first became

commonly

Athens

It

seems

to be

the

eclipsementioned

by Thucydides, ii. 2y.

ANNALES

MAXIMI.

XXXVII

in

B.C.

431, began

to

be

known

at

Eome

some

twenty-eight

or

thirty-eightyears
Now should
as an

later. have the the

a

here have

we

very

natural

explanation why
in its true Previous

this

been

first

eclipse recorded,
Maximi. because

nature

in eclipse,
not

Annales

eclipses
not
as

could
to

have

been But the

recorded,
matter

they
now

were

known Cicero be

be

such.
"to

being
which

reduced,

says, reckoned of

science backwards Before the

and
to

skill," previous
that

eclipses
at not

could

happened
the

the have them

death been
was observed, un-

Eomulus.

this

time, eclipses could

because

predicted by
not

Eomans,
Hence

theory
have

of

understood.

they
and,

would

often
even

passed
ones

especially when
the would weather
not
was

and partial,
;

total the

wdien

cloudy
been but

when
to

observed,
its

phenomenon
nor

have

attributed would
cause.

right

cause,

called
a

by
or

its
to

right name,
some

have

been while

ascribed Cicero
an

to

cloud,

unknown
at

Thus,
of Eomulus

attributes

the

darkness
no

the

death the old

to

eclipse,Livy,^
a

following
This these tubula

doubt

annals, ascribes

it to from

storm.

view critics

is corroborated mistranslate Pontificem solis

mean,
:

by
"

the Non

passage lubet

Cato, which

scribere
annona

quod
obstiterit." G.

in

apud
words

Maximum lumini
as

est,

quotiens
aut

cara,
^

quotiens lun^e, aut

These do
not

caligo
Niebuhr

quid
Sir

and recorded

C. Lewis the

represent,
sun.

that

the

Pontifex

Maximus is
:

of eclipses
to

Their
as corn we

literal
see
was

meaning
the

"I

do

not

like

write

such
;
as

things
when

in

tablet
or

of

the
a

Pontifex
or

Maximus

dear,

luhen

darkness,
moon as or

so7nething or
The

another, intercepted the

is the remark
causes
"

light of
Cato of
veras

the

sun."

translation misto

more

unpardonable,
did
care

Gellius
or moon

proceeds
tell the
"

So the

little

to
sun

know and
et

true

of

obscuration rationes

the

(" Usque

adeo vel

parvi
scire vel let

fecit

solis

lunse

deficientium

dicere").
observe that this rude have
"

Now of
true

us

and been that Orig.

unscientific
used after the

mode their
year

noting eclipses could

nature
1

hardly
at

was

understood

Eome,
2

is,after
ap. Goll.

Lib.

i. 16.

ii. 21.

XXXVlll

SOUR(^.ES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

B.C.

403

; and

Cato, therefore, must

be

referringto
which

entries

in

the

annals

made for

previously
their Cicero the that

to

that and of the

date,

he

selected The year record years he had

apparently
mentioned
of

ignorance
as

uncouthness. first ascends Cicero quern

we

by"
in

scientific thirteen that

eclipses
the this

Annales

Maximi
;

above
seen

Gallic

capture
his
own

and,

as

says diem

entry
addition annals for

with

eyes""
"

in Maximis here another

Annalibus in proof, that from earlier Annales which

were

consignatum
to

videmus''

have from the But

us

those

already
the

cited

same

author,
passage
a

the

survived the and

reason

conflagration.
the of those
;

the
to

Cato,

assigned, carries
existence traits

up of

much

period,
it is

confirms

very

early
truth

Maximi,

by
them the

one

of

careless
no

impossible
in that when
was

to

invent the of

namely,
year

that

eclipses
for the
;

recorded
reason

before

mentioned,
was

simple
and
was

theory
the

them

not

understood occasioned
or

therefore, observed,

darkness
to
"

which

they

it

attributed

something
notion
one

another

"

unknown. We alluded Cadiz. Eomans

seen,
even

need
to

not

discuss may of

Niebuhr's
have been

that

the

eclipse
at

by

Cicero
out

partiallyvisible imagine they

that had

Ko would

critic have

Germany
an

would

the
not

recorded it to
we

eclipse which
that
to

allowing
it. But year the

be

possible
for be

they might
show of further

have
on, ten

heard the

of Eoman

if,as

shall

attempt
a

consisted

long period
at
a

only
time

months,
that We assertion the

then

eclipse must

sought
with

later

than

mentioned. have that

use

already remarked,
we

regard
historians it is
not.

to

Schwegler's
any
trace to

do the them

not

find

in

the

of say

direct

of used of

annals,

that

impossible
But
we

whether without passages

they
fear

directlyor
which
or

may

affirm,

contradiction,

that
must

there either from of the

are

numberless
been taken writers with

in the

historians

have

directly from
who Albans had
so

the taken the

annals,
them.

at

all events
account

earlier

The Tullus
1

treaty

the

in

reign

of

Hostilius,^ which
24.

gives the

Livy, i.

ANN

ALES

MAXIMI.

XXXIX

names

of been find

the

Fetialis

and

of any

the

Pater

Patratus,
In made in the

could like

hardly
manner,

have
we

derived
names

from of the

other who

source. were

the

Albans

patricians.^
regal period
the
accounts

Another and of

proof
the

is the

prodigies
of the

recorded

before

burning
which

city.^ Further,
dearness of domestic
to

pestilences,famines, droughts,
matters

provisions, and city,which

that the

other
occur

affect

the

life of the the Gallic

in the

first five books the remainder the proper

down of

conflagration,
prove

and

through
continued

the

decade,
such
more

Annales have famines

Maximi,

register of
There
are

casualties, must

extant.

pestilences
than in first Tullus any five of

and the

recorded

in half

Livy's
of them

first decade
occur

rest, and
Thus and
we

nearly
read
B.C.

in

the of with

books.

of 463
B.C.

pestilences in
;

the

reign
of

Hostilius,
which

in

in

one

accompanied
names

famine,

occurred persons riamen

in who

453,
of it

the
are

several
; as
an

distinguished
Cornelius,
the Such the Consul ticulars par-

died

recorded

Ser.

Quirinalis,
and
not

Horatius

Pulvillus,
of the

augur,

Quinctilius,
could

three have

tribunes been be
out

people.^
but

preserved
to
own

by contemporary
that
two
or an

registration.
annalists centuries that
was

It would them

monstrous

suppose heads

Eoman three age

made

of

their

afterwards. little
or no

Such

barefaced when for

a

forgeries in
moment

had
to

literature, and
cannot

consequently nothing
be Flaccus in his

be

gained by them,
not

supposed.
was or

It
was

is
not

very last

material who had lived

whether the in Annales the age

Yerrius Maximi of

the that

hands would

for, as
at

writer have

Augustus, they
for how this from

all events

survived But the

we

long enough
do
not
see

tlie purposes

of
can

authentic be

history.
with
statua

opinion Pliny
"

reconciled

following
et

passage

In-

venitur

decreta

Taracise vellet
;

Gaiae, sive Suffetise., virgin!

vestali, ut
1

poneretur

ubi

quod

adjectum

non

minus

Livy,

i. 30.
; ii.

Ibid. i. 31, 55, 56

Yet

7,

42

iii. 5, 10, 29

iv, 21, "c. that

Others
"no !
"

also

in

Dionysius.
are 3

Niebuhr

asserts before
; ii.

(Lectures, burning

vol,

mentioned

by Livy

the

of the

p, 16) city by the Gauls

;
v.

i,

prodigies
1, 2, "c.

Livy,

iii.

32': cf.

i. 31

9, 34

; iii. 6 ; iv.

21, 25, 30

13;

vii,

Xl honoris
in

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

habet,

quod
Annalium
ea

feminai

esse
:

decretam.

Meritum

ojus
verba taken

ipsisponam
the decree
for the
^

verbis

Quod quote

campum the had

Tiberinum

esset gratificuta of

populo."^
have
source.

To

ipsimma
not

would

been

absurd

Pliny

them
that

some
name

official of

Aulus

Gellius
"

also

mentions
anna-

Caia

Taratia the

appeared
Annales
to
a

in

antiquis having
reason

libus."

On

the

whole,

Maximi be
no

been

edited

and may

published, tliere
not
were

seems

good
of

why empire
;

they
and The

have

existed

till

late

period

the

they

evidently seen
Maximi of of would

by

Servius.

Annales
facts order

have

established
; the
names

the of

leading
kings
time the

historical
and of their Tullus will

the

regal period
at

the

succession,
and

all

events events

from of

Hostilius, grant
would that

the

principal
not
we

their
to

reigns.
make The

AV^e
any

they
nor

would have

have

sufficed

perfect history ;
been

any

perfect history.
because different annual led of there years

chronology
have

have to
so

been

confused,

would of
a

nothing
circumstance

distinguish the
well marked

reign,subsequently
From that but this did registration in fact this of lies of of the the

by the
has time is

consulship.
to

Schwegler
not

been

conclude

begin

till the

the the

republic ;
natural The have true

amended
the altered other

chronology
form The of fact

oidy
that
on

consequence inference
names

government.
we

the consuls

way.

the

registeredimmediately
affords
more
a

the

ment establish-

republic
still of

goud ground
ancient
; that

for it
was

inferring that nothing

under but the

was registration

the

continuation
but

practice annually
Maximi,

before

observed

kings,

rendered

more

conspicuous through its

elected

logical chrono-

definition
Besides the books the

by

the

consuls.
source

Annales

another

of

history was being

"

kept by the subordinate Vopiscus

Romuli,
alludes
the
to

called pontiffs, the Pontifices follows

:

Commentarii the

Pontificum.

regular historiographers of
excessum

city,as

Quod

post

novello

adhuc quos
ut

Romanaj scribendae

urbis

imperio,
potestas

factum, fuit,in

pontifices,penes
literas
1

historiae
dum
]j},. vi.

retulerunt,
xxxiv.
n.

interregnum,
2

post bonum
7, 1.

II. N.

xlii

SOURCES

OF

llOMAN

HISTORY.

Caimleius.

The

account traditions
we

of

Dionysius
have it be under the
name a

shows

that

they
in

tained con-

tlie Latin
a

concerning

the

descent
to

of Eomiilus
revert

subject
of

to

which work.

shall Nor
can

occasion

the

body
is

this

doubted the

that
name

Dionysius
of
of

referring to
Fortune
^

the

same

work,

at
the

rcov

lepocpavTwv ^ypa^al,as
;

recording
under the

apparition
of

dess godthere

and he

also

/3//3Xot Upai koX

whether

diroOeToi, when
w^ere

quotes them
the Libri

on

question
thelast these

consuls
him
nor

or

military tribunes.^
Lintei

In

case

Schwegler^
were

takes

to

mean

; but

neither

sacred
The
nature

secret.

German

critics books
an :

have
as,

not

rightly apprehended
Niebuhr the

the says

of these

for

instance, when
of

that

they

were

exposition
cases
^

early
Becker

Eoman

tion constituthem

related
as

in

law all

or

when

describes
or

containing
Pontifices

that

concerned,
and
a

immediately
office;^ or when
of
cases

remotely, Schwegler
of of the the served also old tifices, Ponas

the

themselves them
as

their

characterises

collection

out

politicaland
"

sacerdotal
a

law, wdth
of

the

decisions

in

short,

collection for

precedents, which
Sir G. C. Lewis

general
them "which is

rules the

of law
same

judges.^
"The
to
as

regards
books

in

light.
makes far from the

conjecture," he
the
:

observes,'^

Niebuhr
not
'

contents
'

of
can

these

probably

truth

We of of

only by
in

conceive

them,' he says,
and

to have

been down

collections

traditions, decisions,
law

decrees,

laying
"

principles

reporting
the We Comsee

cases.' particular
That mentarii from

civil

and

religious usages
we

were mean a

noted
to

Pontificum that

do

not

deny.
for

Pliny

they
"

contained Ita enim

precept
in

taking

the

Augurium
:

Canarium

est

Commentariis

tificum Pon-

augurio

canario

agendo

dies

constituatur, priusquam

1 * ^

U^
"

vi^i. 56.
liber Rom.

Lib. ap.

xi. 62.

B.

i. S.

17, Anm.
8. sie und

1.

Vortrage
Die

Gesch.

Schwegler,
Biicher

B. i. S. 33, Anm.
denen auf sie

Pontifices
was

noch
nalierem

besondere oder

fiihrten,in

alles aufilir Amt

zeichneten, geschah."
6
"

in

entfernterera

Bezuge

Rom.

Altertli. i. S. 12. B.
i S. 33.
^

Rom.

Gesch.

"c. Credibility,

vol. i. p.

171.

l'*"U^"WUi"_

1.1

THE

COMMENTARII

PONTIFICUM.

xllll

vaginis exeant, et antequam in vaginas perveniant." Bat, though such notices may occasionally occur, Becker seems are rightin remarking that the Gommentarii while from the Libri Pontificii distinct a quoted for facts, adduced.^ work are Facts, for propositions only religious found not likely to have been are instance,like the following rules and precedents collection of legal in a mere : "(Possumus Tib. Coruncanium, quod ex Pontificum disertum) suspicari Commentariis longe plurimum ingenio valuisse videatur" vestris C. Habetis in commentariis (Cic.Brut. 14, 55) : de signo Concordiae dedicando Censorem ad ponCassium tificum .^milium Pontificem mum, Maxiei M. retulisse, collegium (Idem, Pro Dom. 53, 136). pro coUegio respondisse"
frumeiita
^
"

"

"

In

the fact,
more
^ :

very than
"

name a

commentarms

seems

to indicate

thing some-

book

of

for, as precedents,
means a

Sir G. C. Lewis

remarks
or

Commentaries Hence

memoir, memorial, note,

memorandum.
as

memoirs, such
the Greek But the

it may be applied to historical those of Julius Csesar,whose two works are And in this
sense

entitled Gommentarii.

it is

to equivalent

vTTOfjLvrjfJbaTa." strongestproof that the

historical matter them may

Gommentarii from

Pontificum the fact that

contained

be drawn

of history sources Livy names destroyedby the Gallic fire. He is explaining we might he had included almost say making a sort of apology how in to its burning by the Gauls the history of the citydown naturally only five books ; which he ascribes to the obscurity the and of to to rarity literaryattaching great antiquity, he "whether in those early documents These," observes, ages. contained in the Gommentarii Pontificum, or in other public or when the city privatemonuments, for the most part perished in Gommentariis burnt." f'Et quod etiamsi quae (literse) was erant Pontificum monumentis, privatisque aliisque publicis incensa Lib. vi. 1.) These urbe plerseque cominteriere,"
" "

first in enumerating the

"

H.
"

viii. 3, 3. den in
^

Wenigstens ist es aufFallend class ans die Commentarii nur Satzungen angefiilirt,
warden."" S.

Libris Pontificiis nur

religiose
genannt

Bezug auf Thatsachen

i. p.

12, Anm.

IS.

Yo\.

169,

note

125.

d 2

Xliv mentaries forward thus headed

This first and
to
as

SOURCES

OF

llOMAN

HISTORY.

are
one

here of

specificallynamed
the

and for

put prominentlythe

principal testimony

sources

early history,
which
we

confirming the
this branch
account most

of

Vopiscus,
two

with

of the

inquiry.
one or

suggests

reflections, and

the
down

important by
the
;
more

is, that
did been of the

the
not

history
rest
on

of

Rome

its

burning
in

the

Gauls had

oral

tradition. their
or

The

principal
Maximi
to
a

events

recorded Pontifex had

first, on

occurrence,

journal
and

Maximus,
been

the

Annales

secondly, they
historical

afterwards
the

reduced

regular

form

by
for

other

pontifices.
Before what Roman Sir

proceeding further,
G. C. Lewis "We says

we

will

turn

moment for the

were

to

respecting
have,"
he
to
a

the

materials "in

early
three the

history.
for
at

observes,^
ascertain narrative

preceding chapters, attempted

materials the formation of write We of

what of

early

Roman Cato in the

a tinuous con-

history
when Second

the

command
to

Fabius

Pictor, Cincius,
of that
or

and

they began
Punic list of

their accounts
have found
more

that there less of

period
was

AVar. annual

magistrates
to

complete
the

and

authentic, ascending

the the

commencement

consular
was

government
a

that

from official

burning
and
texts

of

the

city there
chief
"

series

of meagre ancient Twelve

annals

kept by the
of law

pontiffs;
the
with both

that laws
notes

many of of and of the

treaties Tables usages

" "

including
;

were

preserved
of books that of

together
law
"

ancient

and

rules in the and

customary
the these the

civil
some sources

religious
the of civil

recorded

pontiffsand

magistrates;
clothed stories Some and
to

documentary
dry
skeleton muscle

history, which
were

furnished
with

merely
flesh down may from it and from

of

narrative,

by

the

addition

of various tradition.

handed assistance still

or more

preceding times
been

by
from but

oral

have

derived
memoirs
;

popular
there is

songs,

family
their

nothing
to

show

make deeds

probable

that

private

families

began

record

the

of

distinguished

Vol.

i. cli. vii. p.

243.

wf^^mi^mmm^

THE

COMMENTARII

PONTIFICUM.

xlv
for the
events

members which
"

before
interested

chronicler any the commonwealth

had
as

arisen
a

whole. the first four the

"

The
a

essential characteristic of Eome veracious into

a
"

of the
so

of history
as

and of it

half centuries is
a

far

it deserves

name

and history,
was

relation narrative of it

of real events form

was

that is,

not

reduced
that such the

by contemporary
up
we

but writers,

account

drawn
as

at

later

period
In what

from

fragmentary materials
this passage the Annales
we

have

just
to

described."

examining
is said about

will

confine and

ourselves

Maximi

the Commentarii

Pontificum.
extant

It is than

higher

of the and rules usages not been "reduced

not supposed that the first of these were the burning of the city; that the Commentaries of ancient notes were priests nothing but of customary law ; that the historyhad into a narrative form by contemporary
" "

writers,"but
later and

that that

such

narrative

was

first framed

at

period
"

is,in the time

the

of Tabius materials

Cato

"

from
to

fragmentary
various

Pictor, Cincius, described, and

down

by adding
tradition,

them

stories handed

by
is

oral

Now,

we

submit with have

that this account

can

of the

matter

totally
mony. testi-

at variance

all that shown

be

gathered from
almost Annales writer

ancient

We favours
one

that

evidence

unanimously
that

the

of the preservation from

an

Maximi;
mentioned
even

only
tarch Plu-

insinuation
can more

obscure

by
to

be

produced probably refers

the

againstit ; and
to the

that

this insinuation than the

Commentarii the
were case

Annales. and than

We

have also shown

from

Dionysius that
notes

Commentaries

testimony of Livy something more

how could Canufacts of Poman

of ancient adverted how

usages, for in that

to them
as

leius have

the containing
set them

the prinas Livy have cipal Or Dionysius have them for quoted the history of the foundation of the city? There is no ground,therefore,for the assertion that the historyhad not been reduced into a narrative form by contemporary, or at all events of very earlywriters, though not for the purpose
for it ? authority

? Or history

could

down

Xlvi

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

publication. Everything
commenced
a

tends

to show

that

the Poutifices
soon

had
their
so

connected
at

historical in the rested and

a

narrative of

after

institution, and
that the been this

least which

time upon

Tullus oral

Hostilius,

only reigns
those of of

tradition of
recent

would
Numa. that called
man,

have
And

Romulus,
about it half the

partly perhaps
century
was so

period

the

description
well
as

of

by
it

Pontifices
not

may the Sir

almost memory G. C.

be of

contemporary,
but within the

since the of

was

beyond by
oral affairs

period
authentic

fixed

Lewis

and

others

limit

tradition.
down
to

Well, then,
the which

if the been

principal
in

the

burning
tradition tion foundawould from

of
of

city had
Sir for

recorded Lewis

writing, the
as

oral the

G. C.

speaks
of the that

forming

chief

the

narratives its date from

first

literary annalists
not

have
time have

taken when been

catastrophe, and
;
so

the

the

events

occurred less up up

that
two

oral

tradition

would for

responsible for
of three centuries and it be of
a

than
to

centuries, instead,

instance,
or

the
to
a

expulsion reign
down of

of

the

kings,
tilius. Hosa nected con-

four

centuries But
can

half

the

Tullus had the

believed

that

people

which
to

history
of it their
was

their

affairs in
made
?

writing
no

burning
it while of its

city,should
fresh in

have

attempt
a

to restore
so

their

minds have
same

that

nation
to

proud
into

former
or,

glories should
is about tradition the the

suffered

them

sink

oblivion,
them record

what oral

thing, should
stiU occurred

have

intrusted
to

to

alone, although they

events

continued after
were

in that

writing they
to
even

which

the
at

fire? the

and

should

do

this, although
laws of them

they
and for have

greatest
^

pains
and could

recover

their domestic
some

theii: foreign treaties,

published
laws and illustrated

general
been

use

Or

these
unless

these

treaties
some

stood fully underthe

by

narrative

forth ^setting

occasions

of

them

?
we are

Fortunately,however,
probability in support
^
"

not

reduced that

to

an

appeal

to

of

the

assumption

the
tabulae
ex

Pontifices
et

Imprimis foedera ac leges (erant aiitem ese duodecim Tegiae leges) conqtiiri, quae compararent, jusserimt : alia
in

quadam
etiam

iis edita

vulgns/'

"

Li

v.

vi. 1.

THE

COMMENTARII

PONTIFICUM.

xivii

restored
we

the

history.

The
^

passage
as

in from of the

Dionysius,
"

to

which

have

already
them
as

referred

taken descent of

the

sacred and

books,"

exhibits
occurrences

tracing the
the

Eomulus

relating
it

before
not

building
them the Eoman

city.
from

Dionysius,
of later

is true, does but took have their named of

as

quote
that from
as

or directly,

personal inspection,
times

he

says

historians

accounts

these

books.

They must,
is
as

therefore,

them their

their

sources,

which
the

dence evisatisfactory their

existence, and
liimself had

of

nature

of

contents,

if We

Dionysius
are

quoted
to

them

at

first hand. due force

were

willing, however,
books the may thus with

allow from

all

to not

the of

objection that equal

this of value circumstance that "certain

restored

memory

originals as
even

historical lent the will

a

memorials
to

; and

have that We

colour
so

the

charge
were

Clodius" and have

to

books
even

restored that
a

altogether false
Pontifices may

forged.
used the the

concede
to

the few of
on

opportunity
of

introduce

apocryphal
their this
own

stories

advantage
of the
at

Eoman it may of

glory
have Eonmlus

and

and priestcraft, that the

especiallythat though,
who
to

been

occasion
was was

story
;

descent the his had in this

same

from the the

true son, coast.

iEneas
account
or

introduced

time,
been
on

faithfullyrecorded
of
some

of

having
landed the

grandson,
we a

Greek have

the In be

But, of this

shall few

speak
of the

sequel.

spite,
sumed pre-

however,

of

interpolations of
outlines served.

sort, it may
were

that

the far
as

main
as

history
memory

faithfully
would have
not

recorded,
been been Annales funeral
Ave

so

memory
as

And

aided,

well

checked,
had

by
been

memorials recovered

which
; such

had
as

destroyed, or
Maximi,

which

the

laws, treaties,inscriptions, private memoirs, monuments,

"c.
that
we

orations, public buildings and

from
a

As
even

learn

passage

in

Livy,
the it
was

before

quoted,

foreignerswere
conclude
too

acquainted
a

with of the

history of Rome,
too

may and

that

knowledge
among

widely spread
to

deeply
any which

rooted very the

Romans alterations.

themselves The in

have
over, more-

admitted

important

share,
the

great patrician houses

1

had

history of

Lib.

i.

e.

73.

xlviii their

SOUKOES

OF

ROMAN

IllbTOltY.

country
scribes

would

have and

made thus

tlieiii

jealous

and

vigilant

critics of the

narrative,

have
far from

prevented the pontifical

the truth.
of what
was

from

deviatingvery
Livy's
The vague.

After the may fire allow

all, however,
is very of

account

lost

in

phrase
of all used. "is
an

"plerseque
half what with

interiere" the Comlicence that

or

anything mentarii, being saved,

such
terms
as
more on or

short
and
Toost

half, including
know Niebuhr

we are

observes half

Livy's
rather

statement

this

subject gives
of the
one us

only
erroneous

correct,
idea of the of

altogetherfalse,and
"

the

early history,"adding, previous

litterce
was are
rarm

When

Livy, speaking city, says,

of those in his fcr notions
own

times

to

the

burning
this

ilia in

fempora
he
which makes in

erant,

is

which and

misled

by opinions prevalent
^

age,

only partially true."

say that of "ail the

When

Niebuhr,
were

however,

Livy
the down

written

documents that is

destroyed
was on

burning

city," and
this words.

"history only
events

handed his
own

solely by tradition,"
of passages

founded

misconstruction There the that

are

Livy's
in

Livy, relating to dry

and taken the

previous
in their these

to

Gallic

conflagration,so
seem

annalistie

form

they
or,

to

have

been

directlyfrom
earliest passage:

ancient

books, Take,
urbe
a

at

all events,

through
tribimi

literaryannalists.

for

instance,

the

following

"Agitatum
fiunt ab L.

in

tribunis
;
nee

plebis ut
obtineri

militum

consular!

potestate,

crearentur

potuit. Consules legati foedus

deditio

Papirius
quum
annorum

Crassus,

Julius, pro

^quorum
Volscorum

senatu

et petissent, 03to

foedere

ostentaretur, indutias
res, super

impetraverunt. pertinaci
et

acceptam
fuit

in

Algido
in

cladem,

certamine
versa.

inter

pacis bellique
otium

auctores

jurgia Legem
ab

seditiones

Undique
unius

Eomanis.
quum
exce-

de

mulctarum

aestimatione, pergratam
consules
ex

populo,
L.

tribunis

parari

collegis proditione
Consules

pissent, ipsi praeoccupaverunt

Fidenas dictu

ferre.

Sergius dignum
Corne-

iterum, Hostus
actum

Lucretius ibus. Pennus

i

Tricipitinus. Mhil
eos

his

consul

Secuti

consules

A.

Mus. Cossus, T. Quinctius

^

iterum.
p.
v.

Veientes

in agrum

Lectiu'es, vol.

scq.

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

the

burning
warlike

of

Eome

was

in 390

B.C.,

only twenty-five
an

years

afterwards.
and

^loreover, the

Romans,
this mental
use

though
far cultivation
at

enterprising
equal
; and was, to

people, were
in refinemeht still not in

at

time

from

the

Athenians which be
seems
was

and
common

writing,
we

Athens,
Eome."
have
at

may

sure,

still

more

rarely employed
it must to be
own

at

Hence

it
after

necessarily to follow that period

that

been Rome.

long

this

history began
contains
415 knew its

written
refutation

This

argument
in
B.c.

; because

if the

Athenians

their

history for the

could
not

preceding
been
more

century
advanced

only by
than
; nay,

hearsay, they
Romans be
as

have at what

the

regards,
truth been
at

least, historical
we

knowledge
on

if there
must

any have

in
a

have

said

this

subject,they
In And

great

deal
was

behind
late

them. sudden.

fact, the rise

of in the

literature

Athens

and

though
to

polite literature
Romans,
were more

they
in the

were

measurably im-

superior by
no means

yet
of mind

that

circumstance

proves The have

that

they
them

careful of

recording
Romans the
more

events. political
seems

practicalturn given
an

here and
to

to

advantage
Athenians.
of

over

refined appear the

brilliant have formed

intellect
a

of the

The

Romans from

difterent

conception
as a

history
of writer

Greeks. and be it

They by
made

regarded
to
a

it not left
to

matter

literary
who
to

leisure

amusement,

be of

any
or

casual other

might
pursue

induced
:

love it
an

fame,
of

any

motive,

they
not

affair the
care

state, and

charged
down in

the the but

Pontifices

only
the up

with

of

noting
as
a

Annales
also of of the

Maximi

principal events
in

they happened,
connected For the the of

drawing city.
of

the

Commentarii

history
early
ages
are

The

result however

is

what

we

see.

annals and still

or

Rome,

imperfect through by
fire and and than satisfactory This and

lapse
of

the much any

to

injuries occasioned
more

other

accidents,

full Greek

those for the

Athens

of

other be

city.

respect
and

past, this
a

desire

guided by example
of them
an

precedent, is
appears
to

striking
been find

characteristic
common

the

early Romans,
other Samnite

have
we

to

with

Italian

peoples.

Thus

Ovius

Pactius,

aged

reading, in priest,

B.C.

293,

THE

COMMENTARII

PONTIFICUM.

li

from by
the

an

ancient and

linen Tusculum

hook, a formulary
had their

of

sacrifice.^ which mentions

were

Aricia,
cited
that

Prseneste,

Easti,

antiquary Cincius,^'and possessed by

for annals that
name

Dionysius
an

the

Sabines It also
seems

from the of

early period.^
Pontilicum
was a

probable
the
an

Commentarii

were common

known

Annates,
work

which the

appellation
the
at

historical
were

among

Eomans
to

; and

Commentarii all events

probably digested according

establishment
"

years,

after the

of
erat

the

Eepublic.
si
nemo

Hence

when

Quintilian
eo,

says,

Quid
?

futurum in

plus
Livium
*

effecisset

quem nihil
mean

sequebatur
in the historiis

Nihil supra

poetis supra
the

Andronicum,
he
were seems

Pontificum

Annales,"
Maximi
So the
natu
vero

to

Commentarii cited of under

; and

Annales

perhaps always
Numa,
et
"

that

precise title.
been

again,
teacher audisatis
^

when of

Cicero, speaking
says ita
:

Pythagoras having
enim hoc de existimari

Saepe

majoribus
:

vhnus id he

intelligimus vulgo publicorum

words
more

neque

annalium is

auctoritate
to

declaratum Commentarii auctoritate

seem

videmus,"

probably
the of he

referring weight hardly

a

the and the

Pontificum,
to

because
to
a

puUicorum
than have

refer
; and

work

early literaryannals
the
events

because

could

meant

Annales
as

Maximi,

which,
would

being
not

merely
from the

register of
into the

they occurred,
of

have passage

entered

education the

Numa.
also

The pears ap-

following
to

I"iomedes,
Commentarii
:
"
"

grammarian,^
Pontificum
were

show

that Annales

times some-

called tifices
to

Puhlici
;

"Annales

Publici,
had been

quos

Pon-

scribseque conficiunt
Annales Maximus. will
now

where,
would

if he have

alluding
only
the

the

Maximi,

he

named

Pontifex We

discuss the

some

objections
of any such

which

have

been
sources

urged
1 2

against
X.

existence

historical

Liv.

38. Sat. i. 12. A

Macrob, which

portion
ancient Lat.

of Latin iii.

the

Fasti

Pra^nestini

have

been

covered, disand

mention

the

traditions

respectingMezeritius
Oiat.

Acca
3 '-'

Larentia.
Lib. l)c ii. 49.

(Orelli, Inscr.
,

3S8,
4

404.)
Inst. P.
x.

2, 7.

Rep.

ii. 15.

"

480, ed. Putsch.

lii those
:

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

as

we
"

have
If
we

described.

Schwegler
sources

remarks,^
the older

after Eoman

Beaufort

inquire
at

for the
outset

of

history, we
that
no

meet

the

the
was

surprising composed might

have of

circumstance

connected centuries
for late
once

historical
of the

work

during
served
as

the
a

first five

city,which
The
the of

foundation
at
more
a

later historians.

writing

history began
the first five ship dictatorthe

ver}' than
;

period
of
on

among
want

Romans.

Livy complains during

that

the the

literature of the his

centuries
of of that

and,
year

occasion

controverted

the

432, he
had
not

expresses been

regret
'down

history
porary contemsources,

period
writer. that

handed

by

any his

Dionysius
Eome had is the

also, in
not most
a

enumerating

remarks

single ancient
ancient
as one

historian.
know

In

fact, Fabius
is

Pictor

we

of, and

expressly
We have
mere

characterised

by Livy
need and

such."
here those

explained, and
of which

not

repeat, the difference

annalistic
a

between the
state

literary history
was

records of
to

keeping
; and

among this

the

Romans that

function it is false

it follows

from

explanation
that

imagine
for
an

that

the

first

literaryhistorians
is it true

had

no

foundation of of

their absolute

narrative.
want

Nor

Livy complains only

passages
"

of literature

but {Litter aturlosigkeit), appears from of his the

two

its

comparative by
et
rarse

rarity, as
in eadem

adduced parvse
"

Schwegler
per per
ea

proof
literoo

assertion

Quod and,

tempera
the

literse

fuere," vi.
3. And

1 ;

Quia

rarse was

tempera
so

erant," vii.

if the meagre
to

literature and The

scanty,

history is proportionably
is aU
to

unsatisfactory : which
one

that the

Livy other;
the

means

say.

bears the

direct of the

ratio

for and

while
more

Livy
in ten

records

events

first four down

centuries
to

books, the

remaining
less books.
to

period
three

death
one

o-f

Drusus,
and

embracing thirty-two
With will

than

centuries,

filled

hundred

regard
the

the

dictatorshipof
from

the and

year
not

u.c.

432,

we

give

whole

passage
as

Livy,

merely
a

the
"

concluding sentence,
^

quoted by Schwegler
C.

in

note:

Buch
same

the

Compare Sir G. arfjiijients are employed.

" 2.

i.

Lewis, vol. i. ch.

iii. " 10, where

much

SOME

OBJECTIONS

EXAMINED.

Hii

"

Nec

discrepat qnin
Eomanis,

dictator

eo

anno

A.

Cornelius sit ;
an

faerit
ut esset

id

ambigitur, belline
ludis

gerendi quia
L.

causa

creatus

qui
forte

Plautius mittendis

prsetor gravi

morbo

implicitus erat, signum

eo

quadrigis daret, functusque

se

baud
:

sane nee

memorandi facile
est aut

imperii ministerio,
rem

dictatura auctori
reor,

abdiprse-

caret

rei,aut

auctorem

ferre.

Yitiatam

memoriam

funebribus familia fallente ad

se

laudibus quseque trahunt.

falsisque
rerum

imaginum
gestarum
et

dum titulis,

famam Inde

honorumque
gesta

mendacio
monumenta

certe

singulorum quisquam
certo
us

et

publica
^

rerum

confusa. quo

Nee satis Let A. be

or

sequalis temporibus
stetur." first of dictator
no

illis

scriptor extat, agreed

fact could in the did not
so

auctore

observe,
was

all,that
in that
name

writers year.

were

that
not

Cornelius

The

denied,
in the
reason

because

doubt

his
;

appeared
his

Annals,

Liber of from
"

Magistratuum
his

which, however,
That
to et say
name

assign

the is

appointment.

appeared

evident

Livy proceeding singulorum gesta

from these words

that, througli family

monumenta
rerum

ambition,

et

publica
is

confusa''
records

for the
was

it But
cause

evident

that Cornelius it the

an

public
was
"

of

period
for
sane so

existed.
a trifling

though
as

dictator, it

rendered

im-

perium
or

baud

memorandum,"
said
no more

and about

therefore
him. But

Annals,
after that his he

Commentarii,
it
seems

death,
had and among
so

to

have

been
on

asserted
account

by
of

his the

family
Samnite

been this

appointed
was

dictator in

war;

proclaimed
titles
on

his Nor

funeral after
to
or

oration, and
all
was

inserted

the

his

bust.

the

pretension
the Samsome

egregious,as
in his claimed

Cornelius

appears year

have

defeated

nites writers

dictatorship a
even

two

before; though
consuls.^
the that

this of

victory
down

for

the

Further,
that

Schwegler's period
is had

assertion been

Livy's regret
hy

history of

not

handed and

any

contemporary writer,^
a

totally unfounded,
words. For

springs

from

misconstruction
"

of

Livy's
1

when

tliat historian
^

says,
Ibid.

Nee

quisquam

Lib.
"

viii. 40. die Gescliicbte

"

38, 39.

Dass

jenes
"

Zeitraimis

von

keinem

Geschichtgleichzeitigeu

sf.lireiber

iibcrliefert

sey.

" 2.

liv

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

?equalis temporibns
his steticr," words

illis

scriptor extat,
that whom he that
not

quo

satis ecrto
were

auctore porary contem-

necessarily imply
none

there

writers, but
this
matter.

could there

trust sufficiently
was

in
no

Had that
would

he

meant

absolutely
a

writer, to
did
not

say

he

could have

trust sufficiently

writer

who

exist

been

utterly absurd.
will say of in
a

Before about least Consul his had

proceeding any
funeral

further, we
The

word them
B.C.

or was

two at

these almost Fabius

orations.
with the made and of

origin
for oration

coeval

Eepublic,
an

480 bodies

the of who the

Vibulanus Manlius the

over

the

colleague
fallen in

his war.^

own

brother These

Q. Fabius,
with
a

Etruscan

orations,

titles upon of records from the

busts, sarcophagi,"c.

must

have

constituted but

sort

dating
cause on.

from

very

early period ;
time,
let

unfortunately,
not

already
At the desire

adverted
same

to, they could

us

be

plicitly imfrom

relied their of existence

the

recognise
the of have

which

prevailed
of the

among

Romans their

perpetuating
as a

the

memory

achievements would
not

ancestors,
the
a

sure

pledge
country
it
were

that
to

they
fall

suffered
of

history of
the

their

into

oblivion

for want the 'Nov

chronicler

; for with

intimately connected prompted history

on

history
after

and

glory
funeral

of

the

great patrician families.

which and the
a

all,

perhaps, was
in these very

the

vanity

little

exaggeration
of any torians hisit. Eoman

eulogiums
of of passage from

inscriptions a
; for

source

great depravation
were

the

fully aware

it,and

their

guard against Livy,

as

This
as

is shown the

by

the
one

just quoted
Cicero
"

from
vero

well antinisi

by

following
Cseci

"

Nee

liabeo

quiorem (Catone) cujus quidem

quem

scriptaproferenda putem,
et

Appi
familise
usum,

oratio Et

de

Pyrrho

nonnullai

mortuorum extant
:

laudationes enim
et ad

delectant.
sua

hercules

h?e
ac

quidem
monumenta

ipsse

quasi

ornamenta

servabant ad memoriam
suam.

si

quis ejusdem generis occidisset,et

et

laudum

domesticarum his

ad

illustrandam historia
rerum

nobilitatem
nostrarum

Quamquam
facta

laudationibus
:

est
non

mendosior falsi

multa

enim

scriptasunt

eis,quae
genera

facta

sunt,

triumphi, plures consulatus,

^

etiam

falsa

Livy, ii. 47

; cf.

"c. ii..61,

FUNERAL

ORATIONS

AND

FAMILY

MEMOIRS.

Iv

et

ad

plebem
would

transitiones." have been

But

in

most

sucli

cases

the the

truth

elicited

by

comparing
the whole

together
the of

memorials

of different for

families,and
instance, the
Whether

with

public
the consuls tween be;

registers. Take,
dictator A.
who defeated the but the gens the

account

just given
he
or

Cornelius.

it be

was

the

Samnifes and is is
a

might
the

matter

of

dispute
and

Cornelia itself all

gentes
that

Fabia the
;

Fulvia
were was

dispute

proof
main
to

Samnites whom

beaten, which
of much

after

the

point
families of

by

not

importance, except
that into the several the minor

the
errors

mentioned.

And may
not
mere

admitting
have invalidate

this

description
this it
to

crept

early
bulk

Roman of

history,still
it, and
reduce

does
a

great
of
same

fantasy.
The of much memoirs the
some

of value liable

the
as

great
the
af

houses

must
sources

have
as

been these

historical
same

funeral memoirs gens

orations,being

to

exaggerations. These high antiquity.

possessed
the old The

occasionally
Octavia,
for

claimed
must

very have of

example,
up
to

family
we are

memoirs told into that the

reaching
it traced Roman

the

time
to

kings, since
it into
was

its

origin
became that of much

Velitrse,that

elected Senate But in

gentes by Tarquinius Prisons,

and

the

by

Servius
we

TuUius,
may

ultimately plebeian.^ family

the memoirs

general
before therefore Censorian

suppose

hardly
and

existed
not

the

establishment have thrown

Republic,
the
to

would

light upon
us^
son.

regal period.
have
were

The such

families, in particular,appear
and down

kept

records,
handed
seen some

Dionysius
from father
must

tells
to

that He

they
even

carefully having
flagration, con-

mentions
to

which
as

have

been the and M. the the

previous
census

the in

Gallic the

they
118th
two

recorded Potitus year

taken

ship consul-

of L. Valerius fell in the

Manlius

Capitolinus,which
of the

after before

expulsion burning
call
s"et.

Tarquin, city.

and

consequently
There both is
no

years in

of

force

Schwegier's concluding remark, expressly

2
3

that the

Livy
^

and
Brut.

Dionysius
IG.

Fabius
Oct.
c.

Pictor
1,
scq.

Lib.

i. 74.

Ivi
oldest historian.! the

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

No

doubt
; but
we

he

was

the first writer

of

literaryboth

history for
the had writers been

public

have
not

already
intended

shown for

from

named,

that
at

histories Eome

publication
the time of

composed
Sir O.

centuries

before

Fabius.

Although
Eoman

C.

Lewis
have had is

is

of

opinion that
or no

the

early
but

history could
of its

little
so

foundation of
a

oral tradition,yet

Schwegler
been

convinced from such

the

bility impossithat, as

having

derived
any

source,

he
to

rejectsthe preservation of
assume

public annals,
"

he

is induced
"

the

existence of the
must

of

certain

private chroniclers.
and

sides Be-

the with Roman drew

annals

he observes,^ priests," have the been time of

unconnected The

them,

there

private
Fabius
must

chronicles. Pictor

annalists from the older Gallic

from

evidently
back

chronicles, which

have

reached be

beyond
that the with of the

catastrophe.

For has

it cannot

supposed
form,
wars,

previous history,which
of the

quite

an

annalistic Veientine the

accounts

Volscian, ^quian,
and wearisome

and

their

frequently dry
handed Gallic down

details,or
and
were

history
natural

the

numerous

prodigies, epidemics,
from from that

striking
oral

"phenomena
after Most WTitten the of

epoch,

first recorded

capture

memory rest
on

and

tradition.
and Such after third

these

accounts
or

must

contemporaneous

record,

at

all events
to

nearly contemporaneous.
have
or

annalistic
the

records of

appear the

been
at

begun
all events been

not

long
the

overthrow
the

monarchy,
appear of the up

in

century of
up
at
we

and city,

to

have

originallycarried they
did

to

the

foundation

Republic.
to

That

not,
as

least have the

reach originally, before

the the

regal period, is shown, unchronological

excludes
score or

remarked,
the

by
the

character

of

history of
record.
cannot
as

kings, which
first been be
"

all
two

of possibility years of the but

annalistic

Even have may

Republic
from

recorded

contemporaneously,
from the battle others the
Bucli

memory, in the

perceived partly
as, for

dictions contra-

chronology
some

instance, the
year Fasti

of Lake in 258

Eegillus is placed by
"

in the of the
vii. 71.

255, by

partly from
Livy,
i. 44

the

confusion
;

during
^

first years
i.

; ii. 40

Dionys.

" 5.

Iviii still
* '

sotHRCBS

OF

kx^man

un"r(vitY,

'

'-

t1io

of "jm"(l\uv

litomvx

lorjivry.

fbr

history

\\oi\^

not

in pri^S(n^\A\^

nl
i "

but r(\H"ixis,
-"'*

in Ot"*rtAin fWnulio:Js
wo

rhroniolos politir:\l
m.-n

ko]M
ot'

i'i;v;iio

lluH^"ii^.'"'''"
moiv ro. ou

ohson

"

Virsi. \]\:\\ this

is

\U1S\^)^^x^rt"\i
"4iu"r hand,
VWliMis
w.
.

authority; whiUs
tho
ri^nunor.:

iho

-~:io\vn. fi"m
/,s

l4^"iiim""iiv of ihe iu
.

i^uthors. \'.

mui

0iMit;4iiu\i l-urit^^t.^

All
Ml

in pn^K^hility,

:,

"uch
see

mth^Atio
HKvtive

$"CH\rc^

beii^

in

""xisunoo.
a

it is diflicult to
to

vlMit
A

"\Mild hiiv^

iuductni if he

individual pri\^it"^
tho

keep
been

similar do
$0 mow

chTx"uioIes ev^^i
; and "l

had
a

op^xatnuity ivqxiisite
could
one.

to

"ll ev^Jits
"

sucli

chronicle the

have

little if

^ma

transcript of

o6"cial could

Thirdly,
Fabius
?

such

piiTtte dironicles
xrith

existed, how

and

Cineius

p^"prietybe

called the tirst annalists

Fourthly,
more

Ae
and

chronicles,so

frequently recording prodigies,epidemics, ph^MMMiii^

than
SKvour

slrikiii^Mttural kopl by priests

We
we

mucli of
a

of
or

of the memoirs
of

warrior
more

therefore

opinion

that

it is much

the presemtkHi "^ IpniAble to assume "t" of tite 0"mm""lMiiBMfclifettm, pw^ of Oms^
At

the

Annales Uian

Maximi,

the existence

pimie
auM

dioraBMlfls of IIm
tOM

Stella doubted that

;

the

it cannot

be

many

of the
when
we

grettt ptttiKHta Ikmms

oaMMtor
te

kept "unily memoirs

and

nitMt

a ts

iifAiB"%
for

it is mdwil

UmA
a

"milies" "uch, of Ums^ kiiduig pait some 1^ fUbit played in the aBBsdrs "tf Some* chronicle^ of the g^us Fabia % or Idsteiy,
"

wouH,

o"tuii

peiiod,"Bd
It
^ewM
m

to

oonsidimbfe

extoot, be
of Bernand OM^ Fidw of

ebistotyof Robml Aiit Aft kudf^^

"M

probable CMqectare
of such
m

pwwMMn l^taiaa

duranicle Oie lUbii fUms

doouiM^ wbidi

by
indoced

lia^
to

oflftft wslms

the nuftdcs about Sdann^'^ kgiol ufciiMlii "f ttfo bJstoiyof tibe kings, and the Tbe
twnrar

to

infareace
155.

liM.

lit.

"

17S" Aml

138

"

an^

Awl

ffitt ^.

"

isnmT*

irmr.

lost

^^adwi

wf

tk" ike

wwimgHuf^
t

Kgfl feiM^ kMeg tkmmltgr

#Ctib^ aoMKil

Item ^ ike

a^ jkmH Mfufljr

cvMMMnt

fe Oar Jmw) li^gpnli" ""4fedt Mtonli rtigtTmmeWM:mikej9M2m-^^i^m"i,ikefmu^

'BSiiMMtt
MStt JMtfMHKi

liUHj

"if tihe

efM"

JnMB.

ii!0M.

Wm9,

2i4-^01

nci^

and

fe

l"

fluf

"

alMMMd^

Hie sKide. isppMttd HuA 9af jfMSe neefdi wcie ofilfMaltefnb "Millif Kiliiwi aad "Sam" aie cwijcdtwgd to Ittre liem ii%al lAcj loKwr 0C llicir0ini lc"0"^^
li "

ii0t

:i"

folt-iate

Bol

fa^

or

tir6" tetiber

on" tins

ww

"

^Wbett
r^ed

we

conikfcy

pfine^kii
tomhKied

tiie "texgy^, wtdligBnte^ and wkaek tbe Banans "iC polief wiHi
tmo

ajrflenniic
liad noi

mfy
tliat

ihe

Tmae
to

Wm",

1ml

tdndi

lla^

liad

isduhited

In lliar imitance

PjT^^

mdaSkweiA abonfc tlidr own tii^ aiid^lnitoij. Anatianw]iidi]iddfos(tik%to]^and c""wtitaiii"al ppeeedent in Hie adiiMBirtiaitkwt gf pnliiic

coold

nol

hawe

Ixen

gold to
"^?i

an

catoUklied
an

eoone

of

niort li^ piadtiee;,

not aeenedttcdyif

aallMnl^

and

trneliaditaon temer and

socectf^

^psMsltianiafitJtiiiif; neufcetiDg sta

ire^eam;
*:pee"mg ihe

daii0Ei%
decda;
tiieir
woe

leipeditig ila gneai

aoffm liie of tiie and

moi

tiictr great ibe

piditxal foni%
inftftirtea nrand

mSatarj

regnhtaau,

t^ffooM
and
1
*

^dndi

patf"]"]eledtngi dnstasd,

wludi, in tlietr Mi^

pu """.

T"i

e2

IX
the

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

sources

of

their

power whom

and the

greatness. high
and

The

leading
furnished

families civil
a

of the

State, in

important offices,
who

and

religious,were
of the
to

almost

hereditary,
censors,

succession

consuls, praetors,
Eoman
to

qusestors, and

pontiffs
the

people,
the

and

who

successively
Senate,
were

tributed con-

members

dignified Roman
a

less doubtthe

depositaries of
of

traditionary
far this of
or a

belief belief

respecting
was

past
and

ages

the

city.^
with the

How the

authentic,

adequately supplied
of such

place
shall the

history written
down from

temporaneously con-

events,
we

taken

the But its

mouths that

contemporaries,
a

inquire presently.
of

fixed
to

belief
time

in of

history
was

Rome,
in

from

foundation
among Roman

up
more

the

Pyrrhus,

then

existence of took the

a

the

intelligent and
and in the
one

instructed

portion
who

people,
part

particularly among
conduct who of its considers Wars." very the
^

those

prominent
be doubted of
state

public affairs,cannot
and political

by

any

social

Rome

during the Punic

here
to
an we

We

have

admission

similar

to

that Romans centuries

of

Schwegler,
as

which
time of

have

just
that

adverted.

The three

early
were
even

as

the
not

Pyrrhus,

is,nearly
their
own

B.C., Yet Lewis

"indifferent

about

early history."
Sir
are

then, and
that
to

although
noted

it is not
art

disputed by though
and
to
an

G.

C.
not

they possessed
have of constitutional
are own

the

of

writing, they

supposed
such
course even

it down.

Nay, supposed
for

they

were

lovers of

precedent
not

established recorded of

practice,they
events

have
benefit

the

of Sir G.

their C.

times
as we

the

their
that

posterity;
Fabius who from Sir and

for

Lewis,

have
whom their
men.

seen,

thinks

Cincius, the
a

first annalists

he

recognises, entirely glaring

fining con-

flourished tradition G.
C.

century later, drew

the memory of of old

narratives

and

Lewis's

character

the

Romans

is in

Here the

Sir

G.

C.

Lewis

adds

in

note,
to
a

"

This
small

system
number

of of

practically
Roman

chief

offices of the

republic

families

must

tended, by preserving politicaltraditions, and politicalinterest, to perpetuate the history of the past."
a

have

concentrating

Vol.

i. p.

83, seq.

SIR

G.

C.

lewis's

view.

Ixi

contradiction that
aware

with took its

his

estimate

of

their in

history.
it, that

He

admits
were

they
of

the

greatest
for and

interest the

they
of

importance
it from

establishment took for

not

tutional consti-

precedent,
care

yet

they

the benefit

slightest
of their

to

preserve

oblivion

the

posterity!
But is had
as

it

probable,
time of

after

the

many interest

vicissitudes
was

which

Eome
so

undergone,
the

that

this
?

first awakened in

late

Pyrrhus
fixed

Or

that

spite
"

of of

"

the
the

and intelligence Eomans

romance?

systematic
time,
it
was

principles of policy
founded that better energy materials

of

that If

these from
were

principles were
such

on

mere
stitutional con-

their
have

precedents
without
to

drawn,

they
bitter

had

been

them
seems us

; to

and be
a

the

intelligence and
but
a

attributed

them Let

nothing
few
more

irony.
In vol. i. p. of of

observe

contradictions. the historical the

119,
the the

Sir best

G.

C. Lewis

affirms
statesmen

that and
not

knowledge beginning
a

informed Punic in the of

pontiffsat
reach
"

Second And

War
next

did page Second the

much Those
were

beyond
who

century.
at

he

says Punic

lived

the

beginning acquainted
century

the

War of than

doubtless
time and

better of of the the

with

constitution

that the

immediately
age could

preceding
be. have Their been

writers of

Augustan
times

knowledge
authentic if
an

the

earlier
fused, con-

must,
even

however,
where it
was

imperfect, faint, and

on

founded

though
was

meagre made

traditions,and
to

positivelyerroneous
outline. any the but The Eoman fundamental Decemvirate

attempt
in

fill up

the

constitution

had the

not,

indeed,
of 230 War law the 300

undergone
years between 218

change
and this of the

interval Punic

Second the

(449
of

"

B.C.) ;

during
laws of law 359

period
367

Canuleian the laws law

of of portant im-

445

B.C., the Publilius the

Licinian

B.C.,

Dictator
B.C., and

Philo,

B.C., the

Ogulnian
formed

Hortensian

of

287

B.C., all

steps
That Punic their War

in the

development
the
a

of the
at

Eoman time of

constitution."
of the G. the

is, though
had

statesmen

the

Second

only
for

confused

knowledge

history of
C.

country

the

previous century, yet

Sir

Lewis,

Ixii
at

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

even

this

day,
it for

can more

go

back than

and

make
that

positive assertion
and
can

respecting
the
was

double
which of

time,
Eoman

trace

successive

measures
a

by

the
230

constitution

developed during
War agree there here
!!

period

years

beforethe Second

Punic We

with
can

Sir G. he,
no

C. Lewis's
authentic records
?

main

position,that without
what that
were

record
the laws laws

history. But
And that
were

cited

but and

to

suppose

these of of is the the

to

stood

isolated under

alone,
which

and

all

knowledge
and

circumstances

they
meant

passed
attain
was

objects
suppose

which
an

tliey

were

to

lost,

absurdity. attempted
not to

Having
we

show

by arguments,
before

some

of

which,
and in in

believe, have
sources

been the the

employed,
of

that

direct

authentic
the Annales

for

early history
Commentarii
we

Eome

existed
and

Maximi,
and

Pontificum,
now

family
some

memoirs other and

records,

will which

proceed

to

consider served
to

collateral confirm the

sources,

might
first
"

have

check

history,and
these
we

where

needful,
mention appear Libri

to

suggest
Libri have

restorations.

Among
from of the the the

may

the
to

Pontificum,
been The distinct
contents
were

Pontificii,or

Pontificales
"

which and the

Commentarii may the be

Augurales.
their and
name.

latter

inferred of

from augurs, of that facts

They
have That

registers of
the laws

college
traditions

must

contained

and

priesthood.
or

they occasionally precedents

is
"

contained shown etiam

historical

tutional constiof

by
a

the

following
fuisse

passage declarant It is

Cicero

Provocationem

regibus
both the the

pontificiilibri, significantetiam
fair inference from this passage reached have

nostri that up
to

augurales."^
Libri
time the of the

Pontificii

and

Libri

Augurales they
The
must

kings
of the

at all events,

contained of the

traditions

regal period. by
that Prom dictator
1

antiquity
obsolete for

Libri Thus

Augurales
Van-o for

is supported

their had

language.
in the

remarks,^ tempestatem.
learn
'

they

tera

terra, and
same

tem^pestutem books,

another
was

passage

we

that that

anciently
2

called
Lat.
v.

Magister
21 ; vii. 51.

Populi
^

is,

De

Rpp.

ii. 31.

u^g.

cic.

Dc

Rep. i. 40.

LIBEI

PONTIFICALES, the
was

AUGURALES,

ETC.

Ixiii
his ordinate subof been

commander

of officer

whole

army,

or

people

; while

only Magister Equitum,

These books
seem as
"
"

commander
to

the

knights, or cavalry.
called
"

also in

have

sometimes passage
:

Commentarii in
"
"

Angurum,
Commentariis habemus nefas." Libri
^

the that

following
is, of
our

Itaque
augurs

nostris

college
gurante,
We

of

scriptum
habere the

Jove

tonante

ful-

comitia

populi
that and

may

suppose

Pontificales
as

contained

the

pontificallaws
those of the

customs,
Thus
at

just
we

the

Augurales
cited

contained from them

augurs.

find

passages

relatingto
"c.
of There the

observances
were

at sacrifices,^ funerals,'"^ on

holidays,*
those

other

sacerdotal

books and the

of

this

sort, as

Salii,called
The of
were

Agonenses,^
Commentaries them. also

Commentarii

Quin-

decemvirorum.^ the foundation

of Numa
to

probably formed
Servius,
"

According
called

the

Libri haec

Pontificales numinum in

'Indigitamenta
deorum it may
et

Nomina

Indigitamentis inveniuntur,
et
"

id

est,

in

libris

pontificalibus, qui
nominum continent
were

nomina
'^

rationes

ipsorum
that the the

;
more

though
modes
=

be

suspected
the

Indigitamenta
proper prayers

particularly books
of

containing
And dei

to, and

addressing,

different
so

deities, from
Macrobius
"

indigitare
Eadem sacris

imprecari,
fovetur

incantare.^ medici

opinio

sospitalis et
; namque

in

nostrisque
ita of the tilian Even of

quoque

Virgines Vestales
The time

indigitant: Apollo Msedice, Apollo Psean."^

Salian it in Latin
was

language
of

books
no

was

so

ancient

that

in the

Quin^^

longer
of

understood

by

the
a

prieststhemselves.
student obscure them

the

time

Yarro,

^lius,
over

distinguished
to

literature, passed
; and

many considered

passages be
seven

in

interpreting them
1

Varro

Cic.
Varr. Varr.
"

De

Div.

ii. 18. Lat.

v.

2 ^ *

Ling.
ib. 98.
quae

23

Serv.

^n.

xii. 603,

Festus,
a

p. 189, opima. genere ]ibros

Sane si

ferise

quo

hominum,

vel

quibus diebus
"

fieri permissa

sint,
^

quis
R.

scire R.

desiderat,
ii.

legat." pontificales
" " "

Serv.

Georg.
Nat.
114.
c.

i. 272

of. Colum. Varr. Ad. Sat.

21, 5.
vi. 14.

Ling. Georg.
i. 17
;

Lat. i. 21.

Censor,
Paul. Inst.

De

Die
p.

17.

Diac.
Or. i.

of.

Schwegler,

S.

32.

6, 40.

bdv centuries the old.^

SOURCES

UK

ROMAN

HISTORY.

Horace
:
"

also

notes

their

obsolete

language

in

following
"

lines

Jam

saliare
mecum

Numae

carmen

qui laudat, et
vult

illud

Quod

ignorat solus
Libri of
were
a

scire videri."^

The

Libri
name

Lintei, or shows,
that

Magistratuum,
the made passage Lintei there in in the
to

contained,

as

the first ever, how-

second
name

lists

magistrates, while
of in and says the linen.

the

indicates
is of

they
from

Becker,
before

opinion,
that
:

Livy
Libri that Libri with

quoted
of

(Lib. iv. 7),

were

the

Libri

Magistratuum
the consuls

distinct year
were

because
not

Livy
mentioned

that

Magistratuum,
the Ardeates
names

though they
and then

were

mentioned

treaty
in

adds
both

that, according
in the follows distinct Libri from from and

Licinius and

Macer,
the

their

appeared by
no

Lintei this the this

treaty.
Libri
are

But

it

means were

passage Lintei. is Thus

that

the

tratuum Magishere

They by
Lib. in

used

as

convertible
which

terms,
so uses

shown

other iv.

passages he says
;

in
"

Livy
tarn

them.

20,

Quod

veteres

annales, quodque
Monetae

Tnagistratuitmlibri, quos
Licinius shows that citat the
"

linteos

in

sede

repositos
And

Macer passage of the

idenLibri Nihil inter

tidem
Lintei

auctores."

another the
names

really contained
constat

magistrates :
anno

enim

disi in libros

linteos
"

utroque
which
or

relatum

nomen magistratus prsefecti

(Lib. iv. 13).

in their

The

first
to

of

the
to

passages
A.U.C.

authority
than indeed
on

is

appealed
a

relates

310,
of

B.C.

443,

more

half it is

century

before

the that

burning
these
were

the
were

city ;
in

and

not

pretended
since the

books

destroyed
the

that
Juno

occasion,
Moneta
on

they
One

preserved
never

Temple
the

of

Capitol, which
would have

fell from himself

into

possession point
but which appear in

of
that

the

Gauls.

think

this
on

circumstance
the

Livy
cause

might

satisfied books

question by
some or

consulting the
another
than
"

themselves;
his
"

from
we

probably

idleness, of
he does
not

shall have

find done
^

more
so.

this

example

to

Ling.

Lat,

vii.

2, seq.

gpp.

ji, j^ gg^

Ixvi existence of
in

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

Numa's
monumentis

laws

"

Et

animos,
ardentes

propositis legibus
consuetudine
et
^

his,

qnas

hahemus,

cupiditate again: juris

quas
et

bellandi autem

religionum
diutiirna
:

cserimoniis pax Numse etiam

mitigavit :
mater

"

and urbi

"Ilia

huic

religionis fuit
^

qui legum
thinks Numa's
^

scriptor fuisset,
word
not

scitis extare^ after

Schwegler,
the last passage
;

Osann,
that

that laws

the could would in

fuisset
have

in

shows
we

been

written

that

must

supply,
had

Numa been off in

to

have
use.

written Tlie
so

them,
sentence
w^e

if at that is

time

writing

common

fragmentary, breaking
what it Cicero
was was an

the add.
to

middle,
But the the
we

that be

know
sure

not

going

may

quite
Numa

that

not

objection
because

possibilityof
passage and first

having
Cicero

written

his of

laws,

in

quoted
in and
a

speaks
before
to

their

positive existence,
see

because,
litercB time of

passage dodrince

cited, we
been in
a

that

Cicero

believed in the

have

already
passage,

inveteratw also and

:

Eomulus.* that Festus Numa

And

Livy,
of Numa's

before

quoted,^ says
to

delivered

his

laws laws

written
as

signed
"

Marcius. in Numae alludes

to

speaks
of Tullus

written

Itaque
Tacitus

Pompili regis legibus scriptum esse," ^ "c.

a

law

Hostilius, and
as

speaks
of in

of

Ancus

Marcius

and

Servius

Tullius

lawgivers.'''
that the laws Numa had of been this absorbed

Schwegler
in the

infers

Pontifical

books,

citing
and

support

opinion
But the It

Festus
passage
runs as :

(p. 189, Opima)

in Festus follows
"

Plutarch

(Marc. 8).
Pontificum,
secundis
:

leads

to

directlyopposite conclusion.
esse

Testimonio

libros pro

in

quibus

sit

Pro pro

primis spoliisbovem
tertiis agno

(bove)

solitaurili-

bus,
reges

publice

fieri debere

esse

etiam

compelli
talem Jovi
a :

(Pompilii regis?) legem

classe darier from law of

opimorum
Now,
when and

spoliorum
writer

Cujus auspicio
Feretrio passage

procincta opima
Pontificum,

spolia capiuntur,
a

oporteat," "c.
the Libri

cites there
same

then

adds,

is

also
1

King Pompilius (" esse

14.
2

etiam," "c.) on
Dionys.
ii.

the

De B.

Rep. ii.
i. S.

jijid. De Ann.

y.

2 ; cf. ii.

24, 63, "c.

^

3
**

25, Aiim.

7.

" ^

Rep.

10, 18.'
:

lj^.

i. 20.

P.

178, Occisum.

iii. 26

xii. 8.

LEGES

REGI^.

Ixvii

subject
two

of

Opima
were

Spolia, the
distinct.
^

necessary

inference

is that

these

documents

Schwegler
the
want

argues

that written

the

decemviral

legislation shows appeals

to

of

previous

laws,
the

and

the laws that down

mony testisisted con-

of

Dionysius that,
of the traditions the force the the

before of of

Twelve

Tables,

only
a

juristicpractice,and
had of been which written
was

only
in
to
so

little

having
sacred

law

certain the

books,
But He

knowledge language
says that of

confined is not half

patricians.
as

Dionysius
was

strong
in

this.
"

only

all law
to, was.

not

comprised
rerafyixeva
we are tending con-

writing
"

ovh'' iv
this

ypa(j)aL^ airavra
that
were a some

hiKaia
that

(x. 1)

and for

shows

All

is,
that

that there

there
was

certain

written

laws

of

the

kings, not might point

of the mentioned have

complete

body
time.

of

them,
And be

which
to

sufficed passage

for

all

subsequent
same

this

another

of the when

Dionysius
that historian

may

cited,not
to
a

by Schwegler,
and

alludes into the laws "It of of

law

kingly period having

quotes
a

been from C.

incorporated
the tvritten observes:^
a

Twelve

Tables,
On for
a

passage G.

Numa.^
easy

this

subject
in his

Sir

Lewis entered

was

pontifical scribe,
law attribute But it to

who

rule the
or a

nary consuetudiof the

a

to dignify register,

it with

name

lex

regia, and

Numa,
easy

Servius,
to

one

of

other this

kings."
sort,

it is still it is not For

to

more

make

conjecture of
but the
"

though

only against all evidence,

think that codes be of

against all
most

probability.
of all human

law,

sacred could among be

a so

institutions,could
this
as

trifled with and

us

nay,
too
"

forged
"

in

free Sir and

and G.

easy C.

manner,

that

people who,
all

Lewis

tells

himself,

held

to legal strictly

constitutional in fact
can one

precedent," is contrary
most

to

experience, and
It

of the

random

and

sible imposthe of had sub-

suppositions that
wiU,

be

imagined.
be
were

perhaps,
their Tables
to

at

all

events

allowed older

that than the

what

Eomans the
sense
1

called

Leges Eegise
; for

laws

Twelve

it

is

not

improbable they
were

that

they

enough
B. iv

discriminate

whether

prior or

i. S. 26.
ois

KoX

ovTw

yeypanraL

"

owsp

ovk

av

typaxpfu."

ii, 27.

Yq].

i. p. 526.

Ixviii that
easy

souKCES

of

koman

histouy.

sequent
it have which

to

great epoch
after the

in

their

legislation.Nor
of the Twelve
to
a more

would

been

promulgation
was

Tables,
exact

by

their

jurisprudence
that
a

reduced
the

science, to pretend

law

passed by
is it for

assemblies obvious
an

of

the

people
motive

was

regal law;
could have

neither been

very such

what

there the

making
the

attempt.
of half faith the
a

But

period
the and

which

elapsed
it

between

expulsion
about of stretch

kings
believe
to

and

decemviral

legislation is only requires

that the
no

century,
be.

therefore

great
of G.

to

that

the

Leges Eegiae were disputed conflagration.

really what
laws
Sir the

they professed
Twelve Tables observes
:

It is not the the

survived
*'

Gallic

C. Lewis

That

decemviral the

legislationwas
text

preserved
cannot

with

perfect
^

fidelityin
Where,
or

original authentic
the

be

doubted."
a

then, is
older

improbability
also
"

that

laws On

only

century

two

may
:

have would laws

^

survived? be
were
"

this

subject
to

Niebuhr doubt time that of

observes the

It

arbitrary scepticism
written

early Roman
laws of the

long by

before of
a

the lection col-

the of

Decemvirs,"
the

and,

The

high antiquity
one

kings compiled
Mere
of the

Papirius
be

seems as
a

unquestionable."^
reason

antiquity
Roman laws between that

cannot

alleged
have
are

why
for

the

laws
are

kings

should that and

perished,
ten

there

Anglo-Saxon
the about interval half in the

extant

centuries times

old,
is

and

Numa

the

historical
Further

only

period.
of the

collateral

evidence

support
treaties of

historyof

the
of

regal period
Servius the

is afforded with the the

by

already mentioned,
and A

Tullius and

Latins,

Tarquinius Superbus
Rome

with
cluded con-

Gabines,
in the

treaty
of

between

Carthage
made

first year the

the

republic.
of Cassius after

treaty
and

with in the

the
B. c.

Latins

in

consulship
years said in
to

Cominius
of

493,
may of

only
it*

seventeen

the
to

expulsion epoch.
on a

kings, speaks
column

almost
as

be extant

belong
rostra.

this

Cicero brazen
to

his the

time, engraved
It whom
' "

which
^

stood

behind

is also

alluded
the

by Livy
1

and
112. 23.

Dionysius,^the
2 -^

latter

of

gives
Hist. Lib.

sub-

Vol.

i. p.

Lect. Lib.

vol. i. p. 6.
i. 33.

vol. i. p. 211. vi. 95.

Pro

Balbo,

TREATIES"

BUILD

iJS GS"

STATUES.

I XIX

stance

of
extant

it.

Scliwegler's conclusion,^
in the time of these that nuper very it

that

it could because

not

have in

been the
rostra

historians had

Cicero,
behind meminimus

passage
"

cited, says

lately stood
aenea

the

"quod
"
"

quidem
is not
not
a

in

columna since

post
that

rostra

logical one,

its removal

from

position does
are

imply
to to

its destruction. of the

These
which

all be have

the

literary monuments
mention. the

regal period
to
us

it may

necessary sufficed
events

It appears memory
at

that

they might
and the

preserve their

of the all
a

kings they
blank,

principal
the the

of the of

reigns ;

events
mere

might
so

have
even

prevented
names

history from
the
be in

being
not

that

kings should
the

be
more

accurately
than section
"

known,

and

whole

narrative after

nothing
observes is
not

fantasy. Schwegler,
his

reciting just
view restrain of with

eighth
:

of portance im-

book,

the of the the

treaties

just mentioned,
recited of of

The

documents

to

be

lightly
;

prized
are

from

point
The

historical
an

criticism and

they
the

boundary stones, scepticism.

the commercial will he

which

unbridled

less measure-

alliance

Servius

TuUius and

with the

Latins,
of

treaty
not

Carthage, by
any these

treaty

Sp. Cassius,
But
reverse

be

doubted

discreet words

historical
when the and he tional tradicludes con-

inquirer."
goes
on

has his

hardly judgment

uttered

to

by asserting that
these

history gains nothing by

the

monuments,
far from

paragraph by saying that, so

serve

supporting
has how of
!

it,they
We far this these

rather

to

show
course

how of

little the

shall

inquire, in the
may
as come

authenticityit following work,

regard
other
to

judgment

be

well within there the

founded

with

such

documents

its scope.
were

Besides

literaryrecords,
and of

also

monuments,
were

architectural
walls and

of plastic, the

regal period.
and Servian

Such

the
Vetus and

gates
the Curia the

Palatine erected

cities,the

Capitolium,
Numa,
the
we

temples

by
"c.

Eomulus,
the In of been

Tatius,

the

Hostilia, the

Tullianum,

Cloaca the the

Maxima,
way

Circus,
may

Capitoline Temple,
the
must
19, Anm.

plastic kings
before

principally instance Capitol.

These
1

statues

which the

stood

in the

have
5.

erected

S.

Ixx

SOURCES

OP

ROMAN

HISTORY.

republican times,
when to the he finished number
a

and

most

probably by Tarquinius Superbus

;

the
and

Capitol
names

they
the

would

have and

borne would

witness

of

kings^
of the of

have
and
were,

formed three

trustworthy record, dating only

from
statue

between

two

centuries the

the of

foundation

city.
Attus in have with the

There

besides,
carved

Junius of

Brutus,

Navius,

the of
own

wooden
All

image
these
been and
were

Servius

TuUius would

Temple
their
names

Fortune, "c.
tale, and
have

monuments

told the

connected indissolubly

of

their founders

prototypes.
the

Such, then,

principal materials
have been Eome. relates
to

with

which
of

we
a

are

acquainted, period for portion of

for that

which

might

used In

by
order

writers
to

later that

the
our

early history of
dissertation

complete
its

which

to the

external how

evidence

early period, it only

treated

remains who
were

inquire
Greeks. who the

history

has

been

by

the

writers of Eome

made

it their

subject. Hieronymus,
in the gave
a

The of

first historians in the

Cardia,

Thracian

Chersonese,
to

flourished first who of the

fourth brief
or

century
survey
of
as

B.C., appears Eoman the

to

have

been his

in affairs,^

history
were

Epigoni,
His

Diadochi,

successors

of Alexander the invasion of that

called.

subject led
and it
was

him

treat
on

of

Italy by Pyrrhus,
he adverted in
to

doubtless Eome. Greek

this

occasion of

the

affairs the
next

of

Timaeus,
writer and who

Tauromenium,
the
same

Sicily, was
his few the
siderably con-

handled

subject, in only
about
a

history
middle

of

Italian remain.^ the less

Sicilian Timaeus

affairs,of
was

which born

fragments
of

probably
B.C.,

fourth than His half

century
a

and the

consequently
capture
of Grsecia become
must

century
to

after

Eome have

by
with

the

Gauls.
him
an

vicinity
in

Magna
to

afforded

excellent

opportunity
and his

acquainted
tained con-

Italian
some

affairs valuable

general,
information
a

history probably
the of

respecting
the
war

early

times with

of Eome. the
^

He

also

wrote

history of

Pyrrhus

Eomans.

Dionys.
Snidus,

i.

6, seq.*
cf,

Tt/iotos ; de rebus

Gellius, N.A.
Romani

xi.

1, "Timaeus

in

historiis

quas

oratione

Grseca

populi

composuit."

GREEK

HISTORIANS.

Ixxi

The about mentions years

great
the

historians

of Greece Neither the

proper Herodotus former

knew
nor

little

or

nothing
once

Eomans.

Thucydides
spent
Rome writers. the of

tliem, although
his life
at

historian

last

of

Thurii.

The

existence

ever, is, howHellato

sometimes

recognised by
in

early

Greek

nicus, who
recorded that ^neas

flourished in his
was

the of

fifth the

century

B.C., is

said
at

have

chronicle the

priestessesof

Juno of

Argos,

founder and
to

of Eome.^ the Arcadian

; but

Cephalon though
these

Gergithes,
seem

Demagoras
also
to

of

Samos,
alluded
exact

poet Agathyllus,
were

have

Rome

early Sigeum,
of the

writers, their
a

date

is uncertain.^ and Antiochus the

name

Damastes

of also

contemporary
foundation

of of

Hellanicus

Herodotus,
of of Rome of

spoke
and

the

Rome.^
mentioned
to

Syracuse,*
that

geographer Seylax
pompus adverted who
same was

city.*
the

Theo-

the
a

capture

of

by
the
on

Gauls.^
tioned men-

Aristotle,
the

contemporary
also the adverted

Theopompus,
to

event, and

legend
the Gallic
a

of

the of

burning

of

the

ships by
of would

Trojan
also

women

coast

Italy.'' Heraclides
which sensation said Roman Diodes
we

Pontus therefore

mentioned
to

the

strophe,^ cata-

appear

have

created of

great

in

Greece.
^

Theophrastus,
have all been the

the first

pupil
Greek

Aristotle, is
who treated and but

by

Pliny
affairs of

to at

diligently.
touched information upon

Antigonus,
the of
same

Silenus,

Peparethus,
no

subject ;
nature

have
or

accurate

the

of

their

works,

even

of who

the

period
whom

in which 204
"

they lived.
122,
any is the first extant
at

Polybius,
Greek valuable
one

flourished from

B.C.
we

historian

derive

information

all
was

respecting the early history

the Achaean
seventeen

of Rome.

Polybius
B.C.

of

hostages
years Universal

sent

into house
"

Italy in
of he treated of the but the

167,

and

he
at

resided Rome.

in

the

^milius of the

Paulus,
Second

In

his and the

''

History
it with of the
a

Punic

War,
from

prefaced burning

sketch

early Roman only part

of

history

city ;

Ixxii

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

his

work is

still extant
the
account
as

that

is of the

any

use

for the

history
show of

of

the

kings,
alluded
on,

of
w^e

Carthaginian
have

treaty already
to

to, which,
in

shall the

occasion
of the

further Eome

confirms the
are

general
arrived

accounts

progress

during
We

regal period.
now

at

Dionysius
be Eoman than The

of

Halicarnassus, who,
the
most

to

judge
of

from

bulk writers little

alone, should
on

by

far

important
the life of

all the

early
is known work. been He

history.
what date in the
to

Of

Dionysius
the

more

he of

himself his birth wide

tells in
is not

introduction

to

his has
B.C.

exactly known,
between
soon

and 54

placed
appears

rather

interval
in

78

and the

have

arrived
to

Italy
lived made in

after Eome

battle

of

Actium years
;

(B.C.31), and during

and which

have he

at

two master

and

twenty

period
the

himself

of the materials

Latin

tongue,
the the his

employed
of

himself

the collecting

for his

history,by studying
most

ancient Eomans.

annals, and
He

conversing with
in his fell in

learned

the

mentions
which

preface ^
B.C.

second
book

consulship
was

of Claudius

Nero,

7,

and He he

therefore

probably
has

published about
the
not art

this

time.

probably

subsisted
a

by teaching

of

rhetoric, which
to

professed ;
as an

calling which
of

tended It
can

enhance

his

merits

historian. work

scarcely be
after that of his

doubted

that

the

Dionysius
that

peared apdid

Livy
The

Niebuhr's ; for he
was

opinion
of it must
wars.

Livy

not

commence

history till
conclusion in his

fiftyyears
the
"

of

age, have How

gether is altobeen else ad hcec

untenable. written could

nova,

earlier

portions
of

before he have

the said

civil

Prsefatio

Festinantibus
vires
se

populi quibus jam pridem prsevalentis

" "

confiipsce
vidit
avertam
own

ciunt
ut
me

; a

or,

Ego
dum

contra

hoc

quoque

laboris per
tot

praemium petam,
annas

conspectu
of

malorum

qicce iiostra ilia

tota

cetas,
.?"

tantispercerte,
The forces
a

prisca
which
to

mente

repeto,
from

people
desire

are

still the
must

employed
eyes have

in their

destruction,
which had

the
so

avert

misfortunes
to
same

and long afflicted,

can

still continued
wars.

the afflict,

state,

refer

only

to the

civil that
an

At

the of

time, the

first book

affords evidence
1

edition

it must

Lib.

i.

c.

3.

Ixxiv

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

With

some

of

the may

German

critics
arise in

Dionysius
a

is

great
of
the the

favourite, which mind,

German
for

perhaps

from
an

congenial
four in
one.

turn

Dionysius
for
the

possessed

eminent

degree
books
to

talent

and prolixity,

devotes had

history of
cannot the
same

kings, which
that it has
"

Livy
this been

given

Schwegler
admits in

sufficiently praise
breath and

quality, though
the
source

he
some

of

egregious
He has in

faults "is

blunders.

The

history of Dionysius,"he remarks,^

its

particularly distinguishedby
with of the his

great fulness.
he found

collected the up annals aU

greatest care
and let

all that

scattered
to

predecessors.
narratives of

And
be

if, in

order he

gather
and

the
two

crumbs,

nothing

wasted,
same

sometimes

gives
relates

divergent
as a

the

occurrence,

them

two

different
treasure

events, this completeness affords,

of instructive and

nevertheless,
accounts

real

important
that
tradiction con-

"

Other

items is
can
a

in

the

panegyric
careful
in

of

the

same
no

critic are^

Dionysius
contradictions he
was

very be and

writer

; that ;

important
he
detects

found

his
of

work the
; that

that

the that

absurdities
of

Eoman his

history ; study
of

is

very

careful

chronology
he
a

sources

extensive, though

consulted

documents

only
of

ally. occasionwe
own

Lastly,
may be
sure

he

was

highly conscientious
is in

writer, and
his

that

there the

his
and
our

work the

nothing
of

invention, except
On this
we

speeches
that

pragmatic reflections. early Eoman

a

may

remark

knowledge
to

history opinion
be of the

is not
on

sufficiently complete
accuracy asserted the many of

pronounce But if the

confident absence of

the

Dionysius. by Schwegler opinion

contradictions, as
test

after

Niebuhr,
The
we

is to work will

of

it, then
contains
a

breaks

down. which
ones

Dionysius
instance will be of

contradictions, of
means

here there

few

by
to

no

unimportant
in the
to

; others

occasion
the

notice

sequel.
Numa,
and

In

ii. 76 the
in iv. 15
as

institution

pagi
In

is ascribed the

to

Servius

Tullius. tribes
as
"

ii. 12

Senate
in

is

represented
the
2

elected
is

by

the

and

curiae,yet

iii. 67 in
v.

Tarquinius Prisons
13

described

choosing them,
L

and

Consuls
ii.

Brutus

B.

S.

100.

Buch

" 14.

DIONYSIUS

OF

HALICARNASSUS.

IxXV

and said

Valerius.
to

In been
a

iv. 21 trick

tlie constitution
to
a

of Servius

Tullius

is

have is

deceive
most

the

people, while

in other

places he
40,
iv. 3 while

represented as
in
v.

"c.),and
in

75

is called
a

king (iv.34, 37, Br]/LLOTifccoTaTo"; ^ao-tXeu?. In

the Eoman
to
a

democratic

Tarquinius
iii.41 Ancus. and
we

is made
are

patricianby
that he
was

people
that rank descendant time have In In

told

elevated
as

by King
of Eomulus
come

In
a

ii.63 Eoman iii. 29 the in

Julius

is described husbandman

Ascanius,

in said

the
to

of first

; while to

in after and

the

Julii of

are

Eome is

capture
v.

Alba from

Longa.
Eome.

iv. 51 iv. 91 in the

ridense the very

must

Sabine,
is

40

revolts

last class
same

exempt
it is

from said

military service,and
that

yet

chapter
its

each

of the

193

centuries

furnish

quota

of

soldiers. lived

In he and be he

fact,though Dionysius
obtained this defect
a

twentyand

two

years Latin

in

Eome,
;

never

critical of

knowledge
his
errors

of the

language
must

to

many in

contradictions of

attributed. caUs the

Thus last

describingthe
of the the who
a

constitution the

Servius,^
could

century
those built

people, or
In

capite censi,a
term

classis

like (a-vfifMopLo)
to

rest, although that

bore
arms. on

be he
to

applied only
says that Fortuna that Patres of

another of the of

place
Tiber

Servius

temple
12,
he

the the

banks

Yirilis,^ misapprehending

genitive
Eomulean

fors

for

fortis.Again,
afterwards may

inii.

calls the

senators

Conscripti {Jlarepe^ eyypa^oc), an

to

appellation only
whether and it

given long
These

part
serve

of them.
to

instances the

raise
a

doubt

sius Dionycareful has of the dates it

was

deserves writer. appearance with those With of

character
to

of

very

accurate

regard
great
It of the

his

chronology, though
from his it is easy
out to

accuracy,

comparison
see
own

Greeks, yet
was

how head.

manufactured. took with the Eoman the

invented
as

of

his

He it

chronology
down who the

he

found

it, and
or

comparing
names

Greek, put archons,

with

Olympiads,
method
or

the

of
to

the
temporary con-

Athenian

by

this

appeared
events

be

certain

persons

in

the

Eoman

Lib. Tux^s

iv. 18.

'

^f'dvSpflav trpoa-rjyopfvor^v, iv. 27

; cf. Yarr.

L.

L. vi. 17.

/2

Ixxvi

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

liistory.
follows
:
"

That

this

was

his

method

may

be

shown

as

During
of

which scarcity and

to

prevailed
Minucius,

at
B.C.

Eome

in the envoys of

ship consulwere

Geganius
into in the
not
was

492,
a

despatched
they returned
whom Gelon did that he the the
was

Sicily
the

buy

corn,

with

supply
in

which this from that

following
name

year. of any while

Livy,

narrating sovereign says^

For Sicilian that but the the the he what

event,^ mentions
corn

Sicilian

procured,
of ?

Dionysius
^ow,
on

then

tyrant

Syracuse,
on

authority
says
reign sove-

name

Gelon

Evidently
who and in he the

none

at

all. any

Koman

annalists

mentioned

named

Dionysius;
no

conjectures

first the of torians. his-

annalist, finding
fact of the
at
corn

name

public records,
inserted Sicily,

only
name

coming
guess, and

from without

Dionysius
and

searching

Greek

But therefore It appears

Dionysius
this from
account

flourished is

eighty-five years Dionysius

annalist,
did but
not

later,

impossible.
that Eoman and the find he he of that
as

this in

passage any

the
"

name

of the from that in

Gelon

searched

Greek
a

historians,"
of

finding in them,
received
was name

supposed,
Eome the

comparison
Greece,
that

chronology

with
event

of

Gelon his other

contemporary
: a

with

question, he
like

inserted all his

synchronism, by
struction con-

therefore,

obtained and

ones,

merely

inference.
to

With I

regard
that he

his

extensive
records

study only
with the the

of

sources,

we

may had Such

remark

himself

annalists Eomans.

who

preceded him,
conversations
while the

and
are

conversations

learned

not,

perhaps,
have

best

materials

for

history,
but the has
some

annalists of
a

could

afforded But

nothing

groundwork
here done in

compilation.
an

perhaps Dionysius
it appears sometimes Gabine valuable from
to

himself his
as, for

injustice,for
that he referred Latin

passages

work

original
of his

documents,
those
1 2

instance, the
are

and

and treaties,

references
ii. 34.
vii. 1.

perhaps

the

most

parts

Lib. Lib.

According
a

to

Clinton,
earlier.

Gelon

reigned

B.c.

485

"

478;

Dionysius places him

few

years

DIONYSIUS

OF

HALICARNASSUS.

Ixxvii

work.

For his
on

since,

as

Scliwegler says,
has thus of

there

is
us

no

reason

to

impugn
evidence His arise

good faith, he
some

supplied
the

with

valuable

important points speeches

of
most

early history.
reflections
to

invented from
want
are

and

pragmatic

appear inaccurate his tion." "invenof

to

judgment, and, owing

unfortunate

his of in

knowledge,
This

specimens
make of

is

admitted

by Schwegler, who,
to
some

spite

his

previous panegyric, proceeds entirely demolish

It is said his
as

remarks
as an

which

the

character

Dionysius

historian.
in

that

he

exercised his

little critical of view of of

judgment
was

selecting
in and in
are

materials shown

; that

point

quite unhistorical, Schwegler

says

by

his

pragmatismus^ by
means

which

another

place,^ that light.

of With
"

these

arbitrary details
of them

literaryword-painting,
a

he

has
to

placed
his

all the

early history
some

false

regard
as,

speeches,
which them He

quite impossible,
mouth any and
on

for

instance, that
most

he

puts
and

into the without

Eomulus,

and

of

ridiculous had
no

individuality of
his idea of the

character. Eoman

historical

view,

constitution But of of the

course

especially is
his chief
to

founded fault be is

erroneous

assumptions.
believed the traditions Where of
an

that

he

regal period

damentally fun-

historical. all with There character the is of confidence much

Livy doubts, Dionysius eye-witness.

this latter

relates

truth

in His

part
are

of

Schwegler's
contempt;

Dionysius.
but
no

speeches
of his
to

below
as or a

they

are

nothing
pay His

specimens regard
details
want

art

professor they

of

rhetoric, and

either
are

time,

place, or

racter. chaare

historical His

still worse, sound and he

because

often

misleading.
whole
we

of

historical throws differs

a

judgment
on or

is manifest his

throughout
narrative. should any in facts
cases

his Hence

work,
when

suspicion
from

Livy
when

Cicero,
he
we

general reject his testimony

not to

; and

supplies
may
1

be

found

in the

Eoman hesitation.

authors, Yet,
of the

in most

abandon

them

without

This of

expression
a

is

but iinti'anslatable,
from authentic
"

seems

to
nor

mean even

the

supplying
head.

details from
2

narrative and 6.

not

record, is, out

from
own

tradition, but

inference B. ii. S.

construction,

that

of the

writer's

Ixxviii
such

SOURCES

op

ROiMAN

HISTORY.

being the

character
in

of the

Dionysius,
hands of between found
a

lie has the

been

most

serviceable

instrument
out

sceptical critics,
narrative and

who,

by pointing Livy
or

variations have to thus the

his

that of
of

Cicero,

convenient itself faults

method
which

attack, by attributing

history

in fact

belong only
what
has

to

the historian.

After
insert

been
estimate

said,
of

it will

perhaps
"

be have find

only fair
been fault

to

Niebuhr's
says

Dionysius.
"for
one

I
to

sured," cen-

that

writer,^

wishing
feels that The
In

with and the

Dionysius,but assuredly no
gratitude towards
greater
the
were are

respect, esteem,
more

him

which
I find

I feel. in him.

I search

the treasures
that of

former had the

more

times, it was
than

general belief
mere

whatever
his
own

Dionysius
;

Livy
of his vented inwere

fancies there is

but,

with

exception
can

speeches,
:

absolutely nothing
worked up those

that

be

called

he

only
to
use

materials It

which is true

transmitted made
more

him of also

by other
Cn.
true

authorities.
and he
not

that than

he of

GeUius
that

similar

writers

Cato,
those gave but

and

it is who

unfrequently preferred
materials AU he
to

writers
more

furnished and

abundant

others this

who

solid

substantial

information. and is love

is true,
to
an

he

is nevertheless
rank with

undervalued,
than the that

has

claims

infinitely higher
him. He did This of and drew
"
"

which

usually assigned
of

to

worked

greatest
to

his

subject,and

he

not

certainly intend only

sort to ; worst

introduce that

any

forgery."
was a
piler com-

amounts

saying
that he
"

Dionysius prolix
no

the

preferred quantity
a

to

quality,
rather

from
a

Cn.

GeUius,

very

and

credulous

writer,"
than from

second-rate
more

historian, and

^ authority,"

briefer,but
character

judicious authors, Dionysius

of the
seems
"

like

Cato.

Becker's
and and

of

more

justly drawn, grammarian

about which

affords little room

and dialectician, and

for

objection.

subtle

writing
of

earliest

times,

numerous

important
task

contradictions

existed, he
far
as

undertook
be

the

impossible
of
*

so reconciling,

it could

done,
plication com-

these

conflicting accounts, legends

what
53.

and

of

extricatingfrom
true
^

the

appeared

and

credible.
p. 38.

This

Lectures, vol.

i. p.

Niebulir, ibid.

DIONYSIUS

OF

HALICAKNA.SSUB.

Ixxix

pragmatismus,
with certain

false view a proceeding from history,good-natured,but higlilydangerous, and

a

of

legendary
an favourable unon

accompanied

vanity
of the

and
as

envy well
on

of

others, had
historical

naturally
forms.

influence
his
must

his

narrative, as
Hence

explanation always
that
use

oldest with
to not

constitutional when in his he

own

we

him

caution exist

is not time

speaking
; and
even

of

relations

continued he has

these, perhaps,

always

adequately comprehended.
in Eome,
a

Although

he

lived

twenty-two
the difficulties
a

years which

he

never

pletely com-

overcame

foreign language
we

and
to

foreign customs
some

offer to
;

stranger.
for

Hence

may he

point

gross

mistakes

as,

instance,

when

translates
or,

Templnm
of KoWlvov

Fortis

FwtnncB
Salii

by dvBpeLa"; Tvxv^ (ii. 70),cSv

to

(i^27) ;
of Dius

ing speakFidius,

the

Colline

iirl rod lepo(f"vXdKiov

or

iv
The

\6^ov (ifthe reading be correct) ; lepS Afco? nva-TLOv, 6v ^VwfJLaloL ^dyKrov

double narrative
a

KoKovaiv

(iv.58).

also

concerning
avoid
or

Cincinnatus When such that those For

(x.17
errors

and
can

24),
be

is doubtless

misapprehension.^
cannot

pointed to, we
are

the

suspicion by
to

where of the

his

accounts

unsupported,

contradicted be

other

writers, a
his

misapprehension may and his zealous great industry,

accuracy,
to

possible.
attain

rest,

desire

the

greatest

possible
such

deserve
to have

to

be often

recognised.
consulted still treated
more

He

seems,

by
that

his allusions
existed of his

them,

documents,

when

; and

this
was

would

appear which

plainly if
the did times he

part
such

work
sources

extant
were as
more

of Nor
to

when

public

abundant.

neglect

private documents,
tarii Censorum." Sir G.
^

he

appeals expressly gives

to

the

Commen-

C.
as

Lewis
an

also

depreciating character
he often
a

of of

Dionysius
the
or

historian,^though
that the writer

avails
statement

himself
of
an

authority of
to

controvert of these

Livy,
putation im-

found of

on

discrepancy
in the
to

two

authors

discrepancy
harm and

tradition.

In

fact, Dionysius
his tions, invendone
d.

has

done

more

the

early Eoman
than

history by
he has
Gesch.

mistakes,
^

pragmatismus,
see

good by

For
Rom.

other

similar B.

blunders
i. S.

Wachsmuth,
3

Aelt.

2, St. S. 47.
vol. i. p.
246,

Alterth.

49,

f.

"c. Credibility,

IxXX

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

the

few

additional
to the

sources

that

he

has

indicated, or
and

by

his

testimony
memorials.
The

existence

of ancient

documents

historical

remaining Greek
us.

writers
was
a

of

Roman

history need
older of the Roman

not

detain
of in

Diodorus, who

somewhat
account

contemporary

Dionysius, probably
the
a

gave
of

an

kings
but appears and his

earlier few

books

his

"Universal ,remain. historian

to

History;"^
Diodorus
as

of

these
to
we

excerpts
as

are

all that
an

have have

been

injudicious

Dionysius,
loss of

not, perhaps, much

of the

reason

regret the

account

regal period.
of and and

Plutarch,
"

several

whose
"

biographies, as
of the

well

as

his
to

Roman

Questions,"
Roman
A.D.

Fortune

Romans,"

relate

early
about

history
46. Since

antiquities, was
his
own

probably
^

born

by

confession Latin
source

he his

was

only history.
Greek Zeno-

imperfectly acquainted
cannot

with

the

tongue,
of

writings

be
to

regarded
this

as

an

authentic had
as

Roman

Owing
writers

defect, he
materials of
;

recourse

chiefly to
of

for

his

Diodes

Peparethus,
; and

dotus, Dionysius
to

Halicarnassus, and
of

others among

especially

Juba
in

II.

king

Mauritania,

who,
Rome.
as

other

things,
who

wrote

Greek cites
in

history

of

Plutarch,
Fabius Valerius

however,

sometimes also
wrote

Roman

authorities;

Pictor,

Greek,

Calpurnius
use

Piso,
romancer

Antias, and
Antias and

Varro.
shows

His

frequent
Niebuhr

of
can

the be

Valerius
on

how

little reliance

placed
of

his
:

judgment
"

knowledge.
with with much

remarks and

Plutarch

He
to

worked be

great carelessness,
discretion.^
who of

therefore

requires

read

Appian,
the

lived his

generation after Plutarch,

history an
if it had it
was

gave the

in

first book It

Roman
even

account

of

regal

period.

is lost, and, been

of of much

survived,

it would
a

hardly have abridgment

The the
' '

service, as

probably

mere

Dionysius.
work, besides
that of

only Greek

Polybius, treatingof
loss need occasion
us

earlyperiod
Heyne,
Vit. De

of Roman
Hist. Diod.

whose history,
in

font.
2.

Diod.
3

0pp.

i. p. Ixxvi.
vol.

f. (ed.

Bip.).

Demosth.

Lectures,

i. p. 70.

Ixxxii Greek

SOURCES

OF

EOMAN

HISTORY.

language;
hardly
be

fact

which

shows

that

uo

Latin

prose

literature
It
can

yet existed.
doubted that the
of

works the

of the first Eoman

historians

contained
as we

the substance
find it in

history of
of later
sources

the

regal
they

period much
The derive
If their

the

narratives

authors.
did

question
there
there aU

therefore
?

arises, From

what

materials is any truth

a

in the

view
of

which

we

have

adopted,
of

that
at

existed
a

collection

public annals, escaped

had there
must

which,
Gallic restored be
no

events,

considerable that

part had
was

the

while conflagration,
so

which
would

burnt

been

well

as

circumstances this

permit, They
we

will have
the

in answering difficulty from the

sources

question. they
did

drawn express

thus

provided.
that

Indeed,
so.i

have

testimony
to

tifies Livy expressly testhe diligence of Cincius in consulting ancient ments. monuannalist From that mentioning the driving of the

of

Dionysius

clavus

at

Volsinii,
to

it and

appears

that

his

researches may

were

not

confined
credit

Kome;
an

therefore, a fortiori, we
use

give

him

for

industrious Plutarch
"

of

Eoman

monuments.

The followed

assertion Diodes
for the
or

of of

that
an

Fabius
author

Pictor mentioned
is the

mostly
work of

Peparethus
of his
too

by nobody

else,

insertion
"

name

in Festus to
on or

Ursinus
course

is

absurd

demand

Scaliger attention; though it

If it in
monuments
were

is of be

eagerly seized
that any

by

the

scepticalcritics.^
first which

denied

public
were

private by
the

existence, or
then

that

they

used

annalists, literary
we
can

only

two

hypotheses remain

by

account

for the been

origin of the early Eoman

upon
a

history :

it must it must
two

either have
have
sources

founded but
course,
De

popular tradition, or
and
a

been

nothing
not, of
Vossius,
^

fiction exclude
Lat.

forgery.
other,
and

These it

do

each
i.
c.

might

be
des

asserted
Romains, 72, "c.

Hist.
No.

lib.

3 ;

Closset, Historiogr.
B.

Developpement,
As in
.

ii.; Becker, before

Rom.
:

Alterth.

i. S.
rah

39, Anni.

passage

quoted

ro"TovTov

iv fjuSvou iv

dpxaiais evpc^v dvacru^oixivuv%Ka"TT6s

3. in

ypoufnus
Tis

Cf. i. 73, iK iraKaiwv

nipToi \6ywv

Upa7s
^

SeArots

irapaXafid^v d.v4ypay\ie.
3

Rom.

See

Becker, Rom.

Alterth.

i. 39.

Becker's is in the

argument

support

of it,

from

Fabius

having

written

in Greek,

highest degree

absurd.

FABIUS, that The

to

CINCIUS,

CATO,

ETC.

Ixxxiu

the

history is partly traditional,partly feigned or forged. of these two examination hypotheses belongs properly
internal

the

evidence, and

we

therefore

postpone

it to

the

second The

part of this dissertation.

next two

Eoman A.

historians

in the Albinus.

order

of

time
were

were temporary con-

C.

Acilius

and with

Postumius

They
in the also
^vrote

Cato, and
B.C.

flourished
annalists who
a

earlier

part of
Eoman

the M.

second Porcius in

century
Cato Latin still
was

These

in Greek.
a

the

first author Yet among that

at
an

attempted
be his
to

history
literature from

prose.

what the

predilection for Greek

may all age

lingered

Eomans

inferred national

the

well-known

fact himself
at

Cato, with
advanced of his

prejudices,applied
of it. It
was so

the wrote

study
his

also

this

period
to

life that

he

Origines,
in the the

called, according
and the third Italian of books cities.

Cornelius contained

Nepos,^
an

because
of the the the

second

was

account

origin of
the Punic

The the

first book book books

comprised
contained contained

history of
First

kings
to

Eome,
the
own

fourth

"War, and
Cato's

remaining
time. The

history down
of Cato
are

industry and
writers
^

diligence
his

commended and blunt

by
and any he

ancient honest inventions did

not

strong
us

practical sense,
think
that he

character, forbid
into

to

introduced which his he

his

or writings,

adopted genuine
to
:

accounts

sincerely believe
is, of
too course,

to

be

though

historical
seems

judgment
have of the

open

criticism, and

to

adopted

readily the
cities.
some

legends respecting the

elevated
a

foundation first Eoman

Italian

The

rank of

of

the

annalists

is,in
not

degree,
by
of
; their

guarantee

their

good
to

faith.
even

They
mere

were

authors

or profession, writing for profit,

fame literary
an

motive those

rather
events
an

was

give

their

countrymen
and
not

account

in

which

their

ancestors

connexions till the

had

played
days
hands.
was

honourable

part.
that

It

was

declining
meaner

of

the L.

republic
Otacilius

historical had

writing
been
a

fell into
tutor to

Pilitus, who
who
2
'^

Pompey,

the
1

first libertinus
Cat.
3.

composed
Nepos,
Clav.

history.^
;

Vit.

loc. cit.
c.

Veil.

Pat.

i,

7,

4.

Suet.

De

Kbet.

3.

Ixxxiv Cato
we

SOURCES

OF

ROMAN

HISTORY.

was

soou

followed

by other
the

Latin

annalists, of whom
One
wrote

shall
was

mention
Lucius the L.

only
Cassius

principal.
Hemina,
who four

of
a

the

iirst

of of

these Eome

history
was

from

earliest times, in
Piso he
censor

books.
who
to

He

lowed folin

by
time
was

Calpumius
whom

Frugi,
appears in

flourished
have

the He

of

the

Gracchi,
in
B.C.

opposed.
in

consul
him

133, and

B.C.

1*20.
consul

Contemporary
B.C.

with whose All written rude

was

C.

Sempronius
hitherto

Tuditanus,
from the

129,

work
the in

also commenced
works the

earliest appear

times.
to

mentioned driest of

have in
a

been certain
was

shortest

and

manner,

and

and

ancient with

simplicity
Piso Eoman and

style.
Hemina,

Cn.
was

Gellius, who
the

contemporary
wrote
a

first who
treated with

voluminous
of the
not

history,which
as

must

have

copiously
Tatius
savours
was

regal times,
related
the any work
"

the

treaty
book.

of

Eomulus
This

till the

third

prolixity
it appear may
clude con-

more

of

author

by profession ;
in the resembled
not
seems

nor

does We

that

Gellius that

held
his and

high post
somewhat
does
"

state.

in any

style high
who

that idea

of of and

Dionysius;
the value of

what work

give
to

us

his

he

have

rationalized

modernized
a

the

early history. Valerius

a

Antias,
or

flourished rather and At

a

little later,was

writer

of him

the
a

same,

perhaps

worse,
accuses

stamp.
him time does of of

Livy
lived
not

gives

very and

bad

character,

falsehood, invention, Q.
seem

exaggeration.^
the

the

same

Claudius
to

whose Quadrigarius, embraced Also

narrative,
before

however,
the who

have

period

capture
was

Eome

by by

the Cicero

Gauls.

C. Licinius in his

Macer,

impeached
66,
and would

for extortion
a

prsetorship

in B.C. Macer

escaped by
appear from

suicide notices and

sentence

of condemnation.
to

in

Livy
the

have

diligently
he appears tion inclina-

consulted
not to to

ancient been

records

moimments,
from

though

have

altogether free
the claims ancient
a

prevailing
Eoman

modernize also of

history.
among which the he

Cicero
on

place
sketch of
31
;

annalists,
of the

account

the

short

gives

early

history

in
^

the
See

second

book

his
xxvi.

Eepublic.
49 ; xxxiii.

It is valuable

Livj', iii. 5, 8,

10, "c.

PISO, in of

ETC.

"

CICERO

"

VARllO.

IXXXV

spite
that of

of

its

briefness,
in

as a

being
the

the

only
of

extant

account

period, though
a

mutilated time

condition,

from From the

the
a

hand passage

Latin it
was some

writer

before have

Livy.
that all the the

in of it

writers taken from

concluded^
; but

stance sub-

Polybius
Cicero

inference

the of

passage the Greek

justifiesis,that
historian. Cicero that derived who all

followed
on

chronology
hand,
of his is of mation inforEoman did

Mebuhr,
the

the

other

opinion 2 history.
not

greater part
that
so

from We

Atticus,
may any
at

had
events

likewise conclude for

investigated slight
Cicero's of the

Cicero
a

make chief the

original
therefore

researches

sketch. notions

Its of

value

is, that
have of

it shows in
:

early history to
with the

agreed Livy

most

essential
are a

points
marked
arose

narrative

though

there which

few

discrepancies,and
from
are

probably mistakes,
Occasional Cicero's other works of

perhaps
to

carelessness. also
to

references

Eoman he of does the

history
not
seem

found made

in
a

; but
even

have

thorough study
number
to
on

it,or

Eoman About

constitution. this Liv. time

a

vast

of

historians

(" scriptorum endeavouring

but
names

turba,"
to most

Prsef

)
new

appears

have

arisen, each

throw

some

light
have

Eoman

history;
and the

for

the

part
a

their with

works
some

perished,
of
a

only
come

of

few,
to

fragments
Terentius

their

writings,have
of

down

us.

M. his books could have from the His

Varro,
"

contemporary
The
were

Cicero,

styled
wrote

from many

great learning
on

doctissimus

Eomanorum,"

Eoman

antiquities.
called historical

only
his

works

of his which Avhich

as

really be
been

Annales,

must

tolerably copious
that
;

for the

early history,
Tullius Second called for Initiis of the be

it appears in

Charisius^
third book

the
a

reign

of Servius

occurred Punic

and

history
valuable

War.

other

works contained De Vita

cannot

properly

historical, though

they
his

materials De

history. Such
1

were

Populi Eomani,
which refers
to

See

ScLwegler,
runs
as

B,
:

i. S.
"

94.

The enim

passage,

the

years

of
quo

Numa,
nemo
2

follows

Sequamur

potissimum Polybium nostrum,

"

fuit in

exquirendis temporibus
i, 45.

diligentior,Rep.
^

ii. 14 Lib

cf.

Becker,

i. 48.

Lectures,

i.

Ixxxvi Urbis

SOURCES

OP

ROMAN

HISTORY.

Romre,

De
; some

Eebiis
of

Urbanis, De however,
His
book

Eepublic^, De
were

Rebus

"c. Trojanis,

which,

probably onlyLingua
many

portions
of which of Roman Titus

of
a

his

Antiquitates.
part

De

LatinU,
notices

considerable

is extant, contains

antiquities. Pomponius
up
a

Atticus,
scheme
he

the

friend

of

Cicero,

appears

to

have
a

drawn

of

Roman

hisi:ory apparently
Annalis.
It

in in

tabular

form,

which

called

recorded
every

chronologicalorder
while in it.^ the He

every of also

law,

every

treaty, and
were

war,

histories
seems

distinguished families
to

interwoven
several
at

have

written that of

the
the

historyof
Gens

Roman
the

families

separately, as
Brutus
; of

Junia,

request
It

of

the

Marcelli, Fabii, iEmilii, "c.

must
sources

Materials
extant.

for may

such
be

biographies
said that

therefore
were

have

been

such
one

polluted by
of
a

and partiality

family pride
be corrective
to

; but

biography
and there expose tells of
us

leading always
that

family
be
were

would

of

another,
and

would

critics
too

enough
who

denounce Indeed in

pretensions
that

egregious.
De Romanis
same

Pliny
the for that ^lius

Messalla
wrote

Corvinus,
his book
About of and the

flourished

reign

Augustus,
purpose.^
wrote
a

Familiis

very

the
from

time, Q.

Tubero

history

Rome

its

origin,which
The of work Rome. of

is sometimes Sallust did

quoted by Livy
not touch upon of

Dionysius. early period

which inserted.
now

Cornelius
wrote
an

Nepos, epitome
Roman

the
of

friend

Cicero, Atticus,
in history,

and the

Catullus,
facts of

universal

the

early

historymust
historians,
attacked
source

have We whose
in

been
are

arrived
and. As

at

the

greatest
have is the

of the Roman been

so

authority
times.

reputation Livy
his work and from

much best

recent

chief

and of

for jected sub-

the

history of
to

Rome,
minute That

has,

course,

been

the most

searching examination
such
was an

by

the

sceptical critics.
come

ordeal
to

it should be

have

out

totally
in

unscathed the earlier

hardly
of his leave

expected.
too

Livy's materials,
scanty
1

part

subject,were
and there
a 38.

and
Corn.

unsatisfactorynot
Nep.
AtL
18.
^

to
h.

here

loop-

N.

xxxv.

2, " 8; cf. xxxiv.

TITUS

LIVIUS.

IxXXVl

hole
success

for of A

attack; and
his assailants considerable

yet
has

we

will
not

venture

to

say,
or

that

the

been their the

very

great
is

ing. astonishon

part
find that the

of of

charges
Eoman

founded
and
^

their

own

misconceptions
Thus
we
"

history enumerating
who to

stitution. con-

Schwegler
the

among

Livy's
Senate

"

blunders

he holds
throne
; that
was

Patres

assumed

the
the
firmed con-

government
the i.

when

vacated Patres
were

have

been who

(Lib. i. 17, 32)

resolutions he he
new

the

Auctores also
manner

of the

people
in

senators

(Lib.
term to

17)

that when

misunderstands considers
senators

like

the

patres,
the Both

Patres created

Minorum

Gentium

be

hundred these

by
have

Tarquinius
been

Priscus.

acts, it is said, cannot

to

cause identical, be-

Tarquin, according
the

consentient

tradition, doubled
the
Senate

patrician races
a

(the Patres), but

these

augmented
their

only by
We the into that that

third.

have

examined
of this

points
need We

in

proper

places
enter to

in

sequel
a

work,
of them.

and

not

therefore

here show
;

discussion Patres Patres

as

have

endeavoured

the the

who

became who gave the

Interregeswere
their Patres Minorum handed the

really the
were

Senate also the

auctoritas

senators,

well

as

Gentium down

created "consentient
or

by
stem

Tarquin;
tribes, and
be

that

it is not

true, nor
doubled

by

tradition," that

Tarquin

patrician races,
a

augmented Schwegler
of ancient in them time for the

the
goes

Senate
on

only by

third. that

It may when taining perhad

use

true,

as

to

complain,
uses sense

Livy, phrases

speaking
to

matters,
more

sometimes

modern

which

they
such
a

in

his

own

; but
a

the

question is, whether

have
us,

of them such may

would be

moment

puzzled
know believe

Eoman,

though
not

its effect

upon We

who

the that words

on

language only Livy

as

through dictionaries.
have
known the
true

cannot

should

meaning
the of

of

such

concilium,
is be

populus, contio,"c., and probably only

the result
our

imputation
our own

his

knowledge
It would of

ignorance.
every

impossiblewithin
1

limits

to

examine

charge

this

B. gee

i. S.

108, f.
p.

below,

139,

seq. ;

254,

seqq.

287, seq.

347,

seq.

Ixxxviii

SOURCES

of

uoman

histoky.

sort

; such

an

undertaking
; and
even

would

rather be

belong
proved
a

to

regular
he may

edition
now

of

Livy
then

if it should

that

and

have

inadvertently
view of the

used

word

improperly,
no

in still,

any

candid

matter, this forms

serious

drawback
Nor

to the

general value
enter

of his

testimony.
whether

will
of

we

into

the
was

question
that

Livy's

ception conor a

Koman For whether faitli and allowed

a

history
the purpose he

of *a

philosopher
the

statesman. to

of

the present volume

the

it suffices

inquire good
and

related with

facts

of

early history
His work is

with

also
to

discrimination.

universally
guarantees
in

be

characterized and

dour, by simplicity, can-

love

of

truth;
His

those

qualities
than
so

are

better

for the the

of his narrative fidelity

all the
far the

sophy philoas our

world.

pre-eminent
he

merit,

object is concerned, is,that

sources.

faithfullyfollowed

ancient "Er

This die

is

admitted

by
effect and

Schwegler,
treu

who und

says:

gibt

alte
To

Sage
the
on

verhaltnissmassig
same

unverfalscht in in fides his

eo

wieder."^
elaborate
erat
rerum

Lachmann
his
sources :

observes,
"

treatise
et
eos

Livy

Summa
et

auctorum

antiquorum
est, nee
rerum nova

reverentia,

ac

religio, qua
nee
causas

sequutus

mirabiliaque narrandi, ingenio

addendi studio

rationesque
"Cum
. . .

ex

suo

cupicor-

ditate, nee

prsejudicatisopinionibus partiumque
fide

rupta"
ubi

antiques sequitur, et veritatem

non

sub

mythorum
sequutus
duxit."
^

involucris

latentem

emit

sed
aut

illaesam

servavit,
suum

Dionysius
omnia

recentiorum auxit
et

exornationes

ingenium
tempera
followed

ipsis verbis
that
a

recentiora

pro-

Wachsmuth not and

admits

Livy's annalistic
that he

method,
his that

though
sources,

philosophical, is
hence accords And
to

proof
an

him G.

authority equal
is also of Fabius

to

of the that and from

old

annalists.3 framed his

Sir

C. Lewis
after

opinion^

Livy

narrative

Pictor, Cincius,

Cato, quoting
Niebuhr
"

in corroboration One may

assume

of it the that
some

following sentence Livy

of his took every

circumstance
1 "

in
105.

his

narrative

from

predecessors,

B. De

i. S.

Fontibus Gesch.

Hist. S.

T.

Livii, Pars
42.

Prior,
"*

p.

83.;
vol. i. p. 248.

"

Aeltere

37,

"c. Credibility,

XC

INTKRNAL

KVIDENCK.

bound

to

show

in

what

manner

it been

originated.
formed.
as

For

this

purpose
course,

several
on
an us

hypotheses
examination the
most
so

have the the

They
it has

rest, of
come

of of

history such
extant
on

down

to

in

works

historians, and
inference
and any

are

therefore
;

for

the

part founded
as

ture conjecpassages

supported,
authors

far that

it may
seem

be
to

possible,by
favour
these
are

in The

ancient

may

conjectures.
to

objections to
to the

the

extant that drawn

even

history,which
it
can

supposed
founded
on

be any

fatal

assumption
are

have
its

been

authentic
and

records,
sometimes in the

from

bility, alleged general improbaare

impossibility,which
events

said

to

be the

displayed
marks its

supernatural
it The
to

which
in the

it records, in confusion

contradictions

which

contains, and
extant

which from tious, fictioral of it it is

to

chronology.

history being deemed,

not

these

considerations,

be

in

great part, if

wholly,
rest
on

though
tradition, some
must
a now

some

small
are

part of it may
of from

possibly
the

critics derived

opinion
ancient

that

great bulk
others
seems
on

have

been

poems,
"

that

downright
the

forgery, and
that
causes

others
"

again

which

be

favourite

hypothesis
;

that

it is founded
on

aetiology
to
are

and

symbolization
in the

is, either
of of the

fables
names

intended that

explain the
found
some

origin and
ideas

different

early history,or
which of the

stories

invented
are

to

symbolize
to

abstract been of

early
in their

Eomans words.

supposed
will
we

have each

incapable
these
to

expressing
in

We

examine will
or

hypotheses

order, and
of

then

proceed
The ancient

investigate the
that
was

charge

improbability history

possibili im-

theory
poems immense for Dr.

the

early Roman
forward may We be and
now

is founded and
to

on

brought
favour.

by Niebuhr,i
indebted for Lord
out

enjoyed
it in

awhile

this

country
"

Arnold's
Rome."

"History,"
But

Macaulay's
of

Lays
^

of Ancient

it is

going
;

fashion,
aUuded

It did
a source

not

altogether originate
in his Animadw.

with
c.

Niebuhr
6. See

Perizonius

had

to

such
S.

Hist. his Lectures

Niebuhr's edited

Rom.

Gesch. Dr.

B.

1.

268,

S.

(4te Aufl.) and

12, 17, "c.

(Eng. transl.

by

Schmitz),

vol.

i. pp.

NIEBUHR

POETICAL

THEORY.

XCl

and

indeed,
One

as

we

shall

endeavour

to

show,

it is

altogether

untenable.^
sort

of
at

historical

songs,

according
of in

to

Niebnhr,

were as we

those leam

sung
on

banquets
authority'
"

in of

praise

distinguished men,
the in

the

Cato, quoted
auctor

following Originibus
virorum
to

sage pasdixit

from

Cicero

:
"

Gravissimus hunc

Cato,

morem

apud majores
canerent

epularum fuisse, ut deinceps,

clarorum alluded
ut

qui accubarent,
atque
"

ad
custom

tibiam

laudes Yarro carmina

et
cum
^

virtutes.''^ in

The

is also modesti

by

(Aderant)

conviviis laudes

pueri
erant

cantarent
assa

antiqua, in quibus
tibicine." be
to

majorum,
the Camenae

voce,

The the

proper

office the

of

was

supposed
Niebuhr and

to

sing

praises of
his wliich shows

ancients.*
on

But,
omitted

among
one

quotations
that in held his

this this

subject,
of
esteem.

has the in

kind

songs,

singers
another quam ad
tamen

of

them,

were

no

great
in

Cicero,
"

passage
est

of

Tusculan
esse

Questions,

says
canere

"

Quam-

in

Originibus, solitos
de clarorum
non

epulis
oratio is

convivas
:

tibicinem huic

hominum declarat

virtutibus

honorem

generi

fuisse

Catonis, in qua
in

ut probrum, objecit,

^larco But

Nobiliori, quod
these songs have
a

provinciam history
who Nor it that

poetas duxisset."^
was
was

if in

the

Eoman

embodied,
fond his in of

Cato that

could

hardly

objected to them,
book upon hint That from
remotest

subject, and
of them convey connected
not to

wrot"

does
were

account

the

they
were

any

way and sung

with

history.

they
the

lyricalsongs,
of their could have

epic rhapsodies, appears

the flute ; and in snatches
no

fact

being
been

connected songs after

history
dinner.

conveyed
refutation ch.

of

For

more

elaborate vol.
L

the 5;
and

reader

may

consult Rom.

Sir

G.

C. Lewis, Band. i.

"c. Credibility,

6,

s.

Schwegler,
"

Gesch-

Bnch
" *

i.

" 23.
19
;

Brutus,

Tusc.

Q. iv. 2.

Ap. Kon.
laudes."
tbese addition. mentions

n.
"

70,

assa

Toce.

"Camenje,

ninsse.

quod
Niebuhr

canunt

antiquorum
:

Paul.
of

Diac.

p.

43,
does

"Camense."
not state
on

When

adds

"and

among

also

kings," he
in

what sang
that

That
are
^

Ennius
no

proofs

authority he makes the kings, and that celebrated they were

*

that Lucretius
in these

It is not them songs.

Paullus.

with

honour,

banqueting

Tusc.

Q. i. 2.

!/2

xcii

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

Besides, the

narrative

of the

regal period
which

is for the
are

most

part

exceedingly prosaic. The

the that

chief

exceptions

some

parts of
materials
like the

reign might

of

Tarquinius
be

Superbus,
to
a

contain

adapted
Queen
for

poetical subject,just
and several other
a more

i-eign of
better

Mary
defined

of

Scots,

modern

sovereigns. What,
or

instance,
in
a

could

prove

striking
than the

rhapsody
to

national
from final Helena? memory

epopee

Hundred
in

Days, Bonaparte's
his his

escape his St. the

more

Elba,

his

landing
throw, over-

France,
and

march

Paris,
to

struggle and
Yet of the among with these

banishment occurred

are

facts

which

have
or, at

in the

present
them.
Cato's
men,
a

generation,
But
to

least,
of

of

elderly
not

sing the reign

was

Tarquin
to

would the
at

agree of

description,which description
songs
a

sing

virtues
once

famous from

which

unfortunately
of for their

banishes in than which

these quently fre-

great part
more

history,the
allowed

actors

are

remarkable it may be

vices that

for their had

virtues.
a

And songs

though

the
as
as

Eomans those

few of

concerning
mentioned

historical

personages, Fabius very Pictor far from

sort

in honour in

Romulus,

by
be

still sung
a

his

time,^ yet these

Niebuhr ncenicB,
not not
nor
or

would

making
historical
But the

history.
songs in

discovers

another
at

of

the

dirges,sung
been formed
we

funerals.

Romans

could would

have have
can

always singing funereal

very

dirges. They
at
a

lively entertainments
any other would

dinner-party,
the actual for the

imagine
which them. and
a

occasion, except
have
assembled their have

funeral,
of have of
to

on

people
the sacred

sure pleawould
a

hearing
be

The

pra^ficseand
affair would These rite.

pipers
been

hired,
of

whole

sort

profanation
great
the have
not at

ever naeniae,therefore,howhonour

individual
been very

in whose

they
known have

were

sung, the the

could

extensively
Niebuhr
in the
even

among

people
basis
such the when

large, and
any

consequently could
of

not

formed
he

of

popular history.
remnants

thinks

discovers
in
so,

nsenise, or
tombs of

them,

inscriptionsfound
this
to

the

Scipios. But,
to

allowing
to

be

they began

be

engraved they ceased

1

be

only

songs,

Dionys.

i. 79.

NIEBUHR

POETICAL

THEORY.

XCIU

and among

might

take

their funeral

place,

for

so

much

as

they
that

were

worth,
other contend

written

orations, busts
for of

with All could

and titles,
we

family records, as
for
no

materials

history. they

is such

that, in

the

shape
festive

songs,

have

afforded

materials. these the and

Besides thinks that

these
the

funereal

songs,
was

Niebuhr in
an a

whole

history of
The

kings

conveyed

series of epopee. the

an a

rhapsodies.^
Numa of the
was

reign of
and the of in

Eomulus

formed

of itself

celebrated

only

in short

songs. of

Tullus,
formed
even

story

Horatii,
the

destruction Eomulus

Alba,
we
"

epic whole, fragment reign

the of of

like it

poem

; nay,

have

preserved
has how
to not

Livy,^
there

in

the

lex

horrendi
a

carminis." The and

After Ancus

this, however,
the

is

unfortunately
must

gap.

slightest poetical colouring,

down
to
a us

question according

it this with which

came

therefore But the

a

remain, poetry

hypothesis,
L. terminates

mystery.
with the
at

begins again
epopee Its

Tarquinius Priscus, forming

battle of

magnificent Regillus.
deeds and the

of his of

parts

are,

the

arrival the of

Tarquin

Eome,

victories, his
criminal the

death,

supernatural history
murder of of the last

Servius,

marriage
whole the

Tullia, the

the the

righteous king,
tokens the
war

history lastly,the

Tarquin,
his battle

of

his of

fall, Lucretia,
and
a

disguise of Brutus, quite

in Eome
most

death,
of

Porsena,
These

Homeric and

Eegillus.
of

formed

poem

which that of the

depth

brilliancy
duced. pro-

fancy

far

surpassed anything
in the

afterwards

Deficient poem, it is divided of have

a

unity

perfect Grecian
with
one,

into

sections, which
; and

correspond
should this other any

the says

adventures

the the

Niebelungenlied
boldness if he
to

Niebuhr,
commit noble On

restore

poem,

he than

would this

great

error

chose

any

plan
existence

form. this
we

may and

remark,
the
; but

that

for

the

of there for

the is the

banqueting
at

songs

nseniae where epopees

before shall
?

spoken
we

of any

least

some

evidence these

find
use a

existence

of

supposed
of the

To

slang quasito

philosophical phrase
1

day, Niebuhr
3

seems

have

B.

i. S. 272, f.

Lib.

i. 26.

Xciv

INTKKNAL

EVIDENCE.

developed
passage
one

them
he

out

of

his

"

inner

consciousness."
of his

The

only
lowing fol-

which from

adduces Ennius
"

in
:
"

support

view

is the

Scripseroalii
Fauui

rem

Versibu', quos Musaruin Quom neque

Nee dicti studiosus

olim

Vatesque cauebaut scopulos quisquam superarat

erat."

But

the

reniy

or

subject, here
because and
was

alluded

to

cannot

be

any

of

these ancient
to some

epopees,
poem,

the word
a

scripsere can
the of

refer

only
^

written that

indeed

passage
to

in Cicero's poem of the there Fauni

Brutus
on

shows the

Ennius

referring
The

Nsevius

First

Punic

War.

whole

value

passage, existed and

fore, there-

in relation before Fauns epopees. the and time

to Niebuhr's

view,
verses

is that

long
"

of

Ennius
or

sung Now

by

Vates
were

poets,
For the those

prophets.
verses

these
as

surely
we

not

of

the

Fauns,

learn

from in

Varro,
woods

were

in

which

they
; and

delivered

their
in

oracles the the

and

solitary places
metre, in
which

they
had

were

rugged
poem

Saturnian
alluded

Naevius

composed
support
of

to.^
are

The

"annosa

volumina

vatum" in

mentioned his

by
view,*

Horace,^ though

also cited
the like admission those For of
^

by

Niebuhr that

with

these
"

were an

probably prophetical
admission
taken which is of the

books,
doubtless
what

the

Marcii is the word enim solum

correct. meant
:
"

such

view

by Cicero
from vaticinanetiam

Ennius

by the
"

vates, as
modo

appears nmlta
a

following passage
tibus ssepe

Eodem neque
olim

praedictasunt
'

verbis, sed

Versibu',

quos

Fauni

vatesque canebant.'
vates

Similiter
Ennius Marcius

Marcius

et
was

Publicius

cecinisse metrical of which

dicuntur."^

therefore
and in

alluding
of the
to not

to

the

predictions of
we

Publicius,

former

have

specimen

Livy,^and
had
seq.

any poems

historical
ever

epopees.

Moreover,
1

these

epic

existed, it is

most

Cap. 19, 75,

"

Fauni

dei

Latinorum,
in

ita

ut

Faunus

et

Fauna
est

sit ; hos

versibus,
futura
a

quos quo

vocant fando
3 s

Saturaios,
Faunos

silvestribus
"

locis

traditum

solitos

fari

dictos."

L.L.

vii. 36.
*

Epp.
De

ii.

1, 26.
i. 50, 114, seq.

B. i. S. 274, Anin. Lib.

xxv.

688.

Div.

"

12.

NIEBUHR

POETICAL

THEORY.

XCV

extraordinary
but should fain be

that that

they
not

should
a

not

only
of author. in the

have

entirely

appeared, dis-

even

hint

their

former Niebuhr

existence would
car-

found
to
some

in

any

ancient of in them his the

point

traces

"

lex of

horrendi the

minis,"
Horatius sub
carmen or

quoted
;

by
he has order

Livy
taken
to

narrative

trial
a

of

and

liberty of altering it
with his for

little,
But

silentio,in
is
a common

make

it square any

theory.
the

expression
^

legal,constitutional,
of tortured

religiousformula
Niebuhr's ad

nor

can

the

substance be

law,
into

even

with Its

libitum

emendation,
rather
more

metre.

form,

though
that of third that because the

perhaps
the book

antique,
Eoman laws We

very

much

resembles Cicero well in

specimens
of his De

of

given by might
as

Legibus.
was

contend

Livy's history
his

originally written
with like
an

in

hexameters,
as

preface quite
and any
not

opens
a

imperfect one,^
The the the the tion assump-

infer of

metrical
a

history from
is

law

this. with

such of the

history
Eoman
we

at variance

unpoetical
earlier reader

nature

mind,
need this

especiallyin longer
It
was

days
with

of
an or

Eome.

But

detain

examination
at all events

of very of

theory.
second

partially abandoned,
himself,
that and

extensively modified, by Mebuhr

his

at

the
now

beginning
authors all events

volume,

we

believe

it is

pretty universally rejected by

are

scholars.

Some
or

of best

opinion

that

the for

early
a

Eoman direct
^ :
"

history,
and
It has
a as

at

the Thus

materials C. Lewis

it, is
remarks

faced barebeen
on

forgery. already
Eoman mentioned

Sir G. that

Clodius,
the

the

author

of

work

chronology,
in the Gallic

described

early records
as

having
wards afterof

perished
honour
account to

and conflagration,

having
the view

been

replaced by registersfabricated particular persons.

of
a

with

doing
back

We

have

likewise been

cited

Cicero's

the

early eclipses having

solar

calculated

from These annals

See
"
-

certain testimonies had

the

eclipse recorded
to

in the

Annales
after
arose

Maximi.
the

lead

the

inference when
a

that,

early

been

destroyed, or
collected

demand
Lewis,

for annals
126.

authorities
operre vol.

by

Sir

G. "c.

C.

vol, i. p. 224, note

Factimisne

pretium sim,"
i. p.

"'

"c. Ci-cdihility,

165, seq.

XCVl

INTEJRNAL

EVIDENCE.

which
a

never

had
this

existed, forgeries were

kind for the

executed, by
of Rome

wliich
was

record

of

early period
This Clodius knows his

supplied."
"

Ecce
to

iterum let

Crispinus drop, though

!"

is too valuable who he

is the

witness

nobody
for is

is, and
such
a

though
writer
as

the

only voucher,
But

even

existence,
from been ?

Plutarch. Clodius

it that

evident, 'even
had
once

mony testior

of how Lewis break

were

himself,
be said
to

there

annals,
Sir
one

could
has
; but
no

they
two

to

have his

been for

destroyed
fear that the in weaker.

G. C.

strings only
show,
makes Sir from

bow,
weapon

should if there has

it

his G. the

For

annals,
to

as

C.

Lewis

another
about

place

attempted
which
Clodius and
we

passage

in Cicero then the

eclipses,
from
;

have

already examined,^
were

inference
ones

that

they
were

replaced by
the is

fabricated inference It

is absurd Cicero evident

must
once

if there did
not
one

annals, then

from is

that that

they
either

exist
or

good
other who

for of

nothing.
these that

the
;

the

witnesses annals
ones,
or

be

carded dis-

either

Clodius,

says

existed,

were

destroyed, and
inference existed and
at

replaced by forged
is But admit have
no

Cicero, who,
that
that

by
never

construction,
all.
will
we

supposed
shown

to

say before

they
the

passage We of Sir and

a

in Cicero will G.
assume,

of

such
a

interpretation.
even

however,

for

moment,

for the

sake

C. Lewis's

hypothesis, that
; at

early
could

annals

had

existed
that of

been

destroyed
arose

what

period
was

it have

been
means

demand

for who that first

them,

which been for

a

supplied by forgers?
must

forgery ?
It from is the

and

could
a

have

the

plain
very

demand that been that took

annals of
at

have
was

existed
or

day
think

line

them all ? cared their

written,
G.

why
them,
a

should

they

have
to

kept

Sir

C. Lewis,
about write

however,

appears

nobody
it into and have
not
as

anything
heads
to

till certain

persons the

Roman

historyfor
earlier and that

public ;
must

they

wanted
to

materials

for the

part, they

applied
any

the Pontifex
earlier

Maximus,
than the

personage,

having

Annales

Gallic

conflagration, very
^

obligingly supplied
seq.

them

Above,

p. xxxvii.

XCViii
the

INTERNAL

EVIDKNCK.

kings, contains

many

consuetudinary, and legal, not possibly have proceeded

mean

concerning constitutional, could topographical points,which

from that any
some

details

but

native

pen.

We

not, however,

to

deny

particulars may especially,as

whatever
in
we

have
have
or a

been

supplied by
other
Gre6k

Greek

writers, and
But

already observed, by
in any Roman
or

Timseus.

Timseus,
itself
to

writer, would
must

have been

approved

understanding,
a

have
source.

derived, immediately
that the

remotely, from
could have the

Eoman been who

Schlegel's idea
for any to Rome

Komans
to

indebted

part

of their the

history
age

needy
is will of

Greeks

flocked

about

of

Augustus,
We

altogether preposterous. proceed

it C.
to

now

examine It
to
we
a

Schwegler's view
is constructed with
extent

of

the

origin

the

early history.
as

much been
in
a

and plausibility,

has

considerable will

adopted by
translation
"
-}
"

Sir

G.

Lewis,

give

it at

length
of

The of

true

and

genuine
to

tradition
"

of the

foundation
such
a

Rome,
ever

and

its earliest
"

fortunes,
have

if indeed been
soon

tradition this

existed,

appears

lost.
secured
to

And

could

scarcely be
or

otherwise.

Being
of
at

neither

against
thus from

tion destruc-

falsification the

by being committed popular poetry,

least in song,
mute

writing, nor
the

having
a

become firm of

subject
form have

and

obtained nature in

traditional
case,

it been

must,

the

become

and

extinguished

the

course

of

generations.
of the certain

It is very the the

possible,nay
Romans
no

probable, that

in

the

time

Decemvirs

longer
city.
and

knew in

anything
this
to

respecting
did
not

origin of
It

their
was

But

ignorance they something

no more

acquiesce.
existed and

felt necessary
events
a

say

definite

respecting a period
; and

of which foundation

historical
of obscure

knowledge
remembrances

therefore, on
constructed usages, process,
an

unconnected

legends

which
from

had proper

been

preserved,a history was

monuments,
the gap of tradition.

subtly
In
are

names, to

institutions, and
this
not

wherewith conscious
to

fill up and

deceit be

designed
; on Krim.

falsification

for

stant inwa?^

imputed
=

the

contrary,
Buch

full

persuasion

See

Gesch,

i. {j 26.

SCHWEGLERS

^ETIOLOGICAL

THEOKY.

XCIX

eutei-tained had been

that

in

these

narratives and be
not

the the

real

course

of

events
structed. recon-

divined, felicitously
It is
a

originalhistory
that
a on a

of

course

to
was

understood
at

history
whole,

devised such This

as

in such is

manner

first

connected Eoman

presented
"

to

us

in

the

works of

history.
is and with

whole,

in

which

the

legend
the that of the ]ine the

-Eneas' the

settlement foundation

brought
the of

into Alba

pragmatical Longa,
of the the and
so

connexion

with of the

history of
Ancus

Alban from

kings
the is

foundation
to

Eome,
overthrow thread

story,

landing
strung
historical

younger

Tarquin,
unbroken of
a

together by
narrative,
"

of

continuous,
whole
was

this
a

systematic
of it
no

course
common

first developed

by
at

knitting

together, and
doubt,

working
and

it, and

partly also,
resolve this

by
its

literary industry
component

reflection.
"

If

we

history

into

parts, and
to

examine
and

each

with separate part by itself, it appears different that the

regard
Eoman and

its

origin
and very

genetic motives,
are

legends require
certain the

traditions different
"

of

very

growth,

explanations.
first of all it must in the be

And

recognised history

that of

mental fundaare

things
historical, and

traditional from

kings
brance, remem-

derived
a

historical
one,

memory. of the

Some

though
the the

very of the

confused Eoman
we

principal points
was

in

development

constitution
cannot

preserved
from

till the The

literary times. kingdom

and their the the of

Hence
a

withhold of

constitutional
united

traditions the

certain and

degree
the

credibility.
; the

Eomans

Sabines

three

stemof

tribes,

successive

origin ;

three of the the

; the

centuries Senate addition

knights;
reached

successive
number of of

augmentation
three

till it of
a

hundred;
minores

plebs
of the

; the
census

creation
; the

the

gentes
of the

introduction
the of the

overthrow
"

monarchy

and

tion foundaoldest

of

republic although
which in which

these
are

fundamental in all

points

constitutional
; ones,

history
the

torical probability essentially his-

details, and
are are

especially the
as

numerical the causal

with

they

related,

well the

as

connexion

they

placed by

historians, may

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

nevertlieless
over

be

invented
of

or

formed
a

by
and

construction. luxuriant of

But

this

foundation has
now

facts

rank

growth
which in bare

of invention
we

entwined
more

itself; a growth
and

legends
them

must

closely examine,
has in

lay

their
"

germs.
A

distinction
and

general
is

been

rightly drawn
memory
to

between

myth
occurrences

legend.
the

Legend
from

the

of

remarkable in the and

propagated
of
out

generation
in
or as a

generation
songs,

mouth decked without A of

people, particularly
the

national less

by

imagination, design, opposite

historical thus the

more so

but arbitrarily, wonderful. If the

any is

conscious

to

become

myth
a

exactly
is
some

of

legend.

kernel

legend

fact, only

adorned

by

the

inventions
on

added

to
some

it,and

quantitativelyexaggerated, so
is the kernel and

the

contrary
of

definite and the

idea

genetic only
the

motive

the

myth,
which and

the

actual
uses

occurrence

stuff, or
idea
"

means,

poet

in

order

to

bring the

into If
we

view

contemplation.
view
to

apply
that

this it

early
both down.

Eoman

history,it
and

cannot

be

denied
sense

contains

legends
To

myths,
some

in

the
:

strict the
a

of them deeds pass of

just
an

laid

give
a a

examples

heroic

Horatius

Codes,
; Brutus

Mucins

Sca3vola,

Claelia, may
in like

for

legends

is
a

legendary figure ;
manner

the battle
and

of Lake
manner

Regillusis depicted in
the victorious hundred On
career

legendary
of the

; ; the

Coriolanus

destruction

of
to

the the

three

Fabii the the is Lar

expedition
hand

of

Cincinnatus
of

Algidus.
TuUius
; in

other of

the

creation prois
a

Servius
a

by
which

the

palace
the idea

specimen
the in

of

myth king.

expressed monarchy
contest

that carnate in-

innermost
this

spirit of

the

Roman the with

became

Further,

of

Hercules

(that
smoke bolism sym-

is,of
and

the

heavenly god Sancus)

a

Cacus, breathing
from
an

fire,is
of

pure

myth, proceeding Again,

the national
so

ancient the

nature.

reference mind in

of which

disparate religious original

the civil

elements
warlike

of the

Roman
were

politicaland
with
two

capacity
to

remarkably
warlike

blended

veneration, founders,
of

the

disparate personificationsof
one,
a

whom

prince, regulates

SCIIWEGLERS

iETIOLOGICAL

THEORY.

CI

and those
"

military affairs
of The

of

the

State, the

other;
is
an

prince

of

peace,

religionand
greater part
under the

divine
of

worship,
Roman of
to

historical

myth.
fall pure of

the

traditions, however,
nor an

neither ideal

definition
are

legend
use

under

that

myth
have

they
:

rather,

such

expression, aitioand
occurrences

logical myths
which

that

is, they
or

relate

events

been

imagined

subtly

invented the
name

in of
a

order

to

explain genetically some

usage, The It

given fact, or
is

custom,
"c.

worship, institution, place, monument,

a as a

sanctuary,
sort

setiological myth
is
a

peculiar
the

subordinate
event
one

of

myth.

myth
true

in

so

far is

actual

in

the

narrative it differs the

of which from whence but

one

it consists

freely imagined
as

; but

the it

myth

insomuch
not
an

its
or an

motive,
ideal

and

point
is

proceeds, is
and

idea,
which

contemplation,
narration The the
most

empirically given,
referred
are

through
indeed

this

explained
childish

to

fundamental and

causes.

setio-

logical myths history

Evander,
Potitii Palladium rape of of the is rich the

the
at

oldest

for The The

part
of the the

attempts
in

historical

hypotheses.
in

early
story

Eoman

such

setiological myths.
of Hercules

settlement the of of

presence

Rome,
and

and

Pinarii, the taking possession

saving
the

by the
the

Nantii,
the

the

sow

with bride of of

the

thirty pigs, the

fable

Sabines,

beautiful of the

Talassius,

Tarpeia,

founding
the miraculous

Temple
of the Attus
as

Jupiter Stator, the

of the and Lacus other and of

traditions

respecting
the of this

origin
deed
serve

name

Curtius,
traditions will the be

of

Navius,
of the

sort, may
from this

examples
view in 'Roman of such

them,
course

explained
rich
and

point

of

following disquisition.
a

Plutarch's

Questions'

contain

instructive

collection

setiological
kind
some

myths.
"

The

etymological myth
takes seeks
event.
as

is its

subordinate of its

of

the

which ^etiological, proper for very it

name,
some

point

departure

given

and actual

to

explain
The
sort

origin by suggesting early Roman history is also

a

rich

in

myths
been the

of

this

heap

of
names.

the

fables Such the

name

which
is the of

it contains fable of

has

spun

out

of

proper

Argos,

guest

of

Evander

(whence

(Ml

INTKRNAL

KVIDKNlK.

Argiletum,
Rome
;

Sei-v. JEn. birth of

viii. Silvius

345),

and

the

Argive
in tlie the

colony
wood bad
;
man

at

the
of

Posthumus
man, to

the
;

relation
the

Evander,
of Romulus the the

the

good
; the

Cacus,
of of the the

suckling

relation

sucklings
Fossa

to the

ruminal

fig-tree ;
of head of Olus of the

reputed origin Tarquins

birth from of Servius

Cluilia ;

the extraction
of the the

Tarquinii ; the
Tullius from

discovery
a

; the

slave
; the

building
of

TuUianum

by the like-named
burnt

king

idiocy

Brutus

; Scaevola's

right hand
of
Roman

; the

conquest
be
;

of Corioli "There

by Coriolanus, "c.
is

still another
from
as

sort

tradition,

to

distinguished
such of traditions actual

the may and and of

and setiological be described which To who

as

etymological myths
thus this
comes

mythical clothings
occupy head
to
a

relations

events,

middle
for the of him eyes,

place reign
divine bums and

between the the

myth

legend. Sibyl

belongs,
Rome nine in books

example,
of

legend
younger
at

the

Tarquin,
a

offers

this

king

prophecies
three of

high price, being ridiculed

then another the nine. this three An

by
his
the

them,
to

and the

three, before
still left actual
at

lastly sells
at

king
of

price
lies the from

originallydemanded
doubtless the

for the bottom

were

occurrence

legend; Tarquin
between

the

fact
to

that

Sibylline prophecies
Cumae of this in the is

probably
second
a mean

brought

Rome the

reign

of

the

; but

clothing myth. kings

seven

fact

invention,
same

legend
of the

and

Perhaps
seven

it is the

with these

the
seven

making kings

Roman the

in

number;
facts

represent

fundamental

of

the

older

(pre-republican)history
remembrance.

of

Rome
"In

which

remained the

in historical Roman that of

general
nor

myths
as a

have

the
are

peculiar
not

and

characteristic

property,
creations

rule

they
;

unlicensed

invention,
like the

the

fancy

and

particularly,not
Greek
a

greater part
natural
that actual them.
are

of the

narratives

of the

mythology,
of certain
at

myth
aspect
bottom

from but of of

philosophy, or
they
The
are

resting on myths,
real Romulus

symbolism
that
a

nature,

historical and of
:

relationships figures mythical

events

lies

the for
;

and

Tatius,

example,

indeed

they

never

really

existed

SCirWEaLKR'S

iETIOLOGICAL

THEOTJY.

ciii

but
truth

their
:

reputed
it is the

double

rule

contains

nevertheless
of
a

historical historical
state.

mythical
united Prisons
:

expression
with it
:

real

of relationship,
contest

the

Latino-Sabine the

twofold augur

The Navius in the

of be

Tarquinius

Attus

is

to

similarly judged
in which is in
an

is
at
:

scarcely
all events,

historical the
a

manner

it is related evident

story of the
real
event

whetstone mirrored sacerdotal

fable

nevertheless of the of

is

it ; the with of

historical the the

conflict

pre-Tarquinian
the of

state

politicalideas legends
the refers and remembrances foundation each forms
to

Tarquinian
the ancient

dynasty.
Roman constitute detached fundamental
"

In

most

myths
and
;

history,
in from

historical
manner

appearances

like it

they
to

may

be

if

one

myth
its

the

general
of

representation which scarcely be

Roman necessary

genetic motive. conception

of the idea

It

can

justifythis

the

early

history,and
have the

especiallythe
been the 'vain have and This
were

myth,
of

against such
it, in
which

objections as
such the

recently brought against

and been the idle found

'levity' mythic

and

play

thoughts,' of
with mind of the

creations

cilable irreconof

moral

earnestness

practical turn
would conscious

ancient mark

Romans.

objection arbitrary and

lies. the

then

only

hit the
"

if the

myths
were are

inventions,
so

in short, they if,

wilful rather of

They

ever, are, howin

little
a

such,
in

that
a

they
Thus,

only language
can

which its
at at

people
and of when

certain

grade
for which
were

civilization the

express

thoughts
that the time

ideas.

example,
the

Latin had
was

language,
attained unable the
to

point

civilization such the

Romans

myths

invented,
conflict of
a

express

exhaustively
and
was

historical idea

between

prethe view

Tarquinian conception
in
a

Tarquinian
aided

state;

wherefore into

by symbolizing
this
scene

and

bringing
and

single significant scene

connected with it
: a

contest

the

general

events

which,
in

empirically taken,
is historically

is at all events
true.

unhistorical, but
us

its foundation
a

Let certain

figure to
stage
of of its

ourselves

people, which, having

the
want

reached under

culture,

feels

of

bringing
it has

its
a

contemplation picture
its

primitive existence, of sketching

of which

for itself

original condition,

CIV

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

no

longer

any

liistorical

knowledge,
will it be

of

tracing
of
to

the

causes

of

its present institutions sacerdotal

in
out

and
:

circumstances,
able

its

and political
want

traditions way

how

satisfythis myths
about
?

anj^ of

other its be
to
"

than

by

the

invention it expresses it is not in

of

What

present consciousness

its

origin

it will

obliged give
to

"

so

long
in

as

ripe yet intellectually

the of form of

enough

these express

expressions
the

historical

hypotheses
"

form

images, that
the various
and

is,

in

mythic language.
In what

precedes
of

we

have
the in

laid down Eoman this

manner

motives

and

modes

origin

of

legends
were

traditions.
further with whole
one

The
spun

legends which
out

arose

then

by
and

intelligent reflection,
thus

and that

connected

another;
Roman noted of the

by degrees
which the of

arose

complete
the of

of and

tradition down. Alban

Roman Silvius
as an

historians

found

The

legend
is

Posthumus,

ancestor

Silvii,may Silvius, it
wood"

serve

example
that
name

such

mythhe

spinning.
was

said, obtained
an

because

born it
was

in

evidently
inferred wood fled
"

etymological myth.
mother Lavinia of his birth
must
:

Thus have

"

further in the

his the

sojourned
therefore
death of

at

time
;

she after of
on

had the

doubtless
her husband

thither

hence

probably
for
rest not

^neas That

; thus

probably
accounts

fear

her
real

step-son
the

Ascanius.
on

all these

tradition, but

pure

invention,
the Roman that who

is manifest.

In from this

like
a

manner

reputed origin of
the of

population
it
was on

runaway that the

rabble, and
the
envoys

account

ground
to

Romulus,

proposed
with from the

connuhium

neighbouring peoples,were
were

repulsed
Sabines.
the he later

contemptuous

words,
tive narra-

certainlyonly
of the rape

inferred the in which from

purely mythical
The
years

of

reputed
of his

despotism reign, and

are

exercised the but

by

Romulus with drawn

body-guard
inferences
was

surrounded

himself,
of his

nothing

the
in its

legend

dismemberment
to

(which
them
"

also

mythical
act.

origin) in
that

order

explain by
trait of the but

that

enigmatical
course

It is of

understood
cannot

every

single
be

traditionaryhistory

any

longer

elucidated;

CVl

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

oral tradition, it is
a

commonly
a

allowed,
deal
more,

may when

be

relied

on

for
with

century,
full and of memory

and

even

good

connected

and
a

supported by
authentic
the last of

usages,
account

laws, monuments,

"c.
to

Especially
have
come

might
whose still the is

be

supposed
Yet of

down the
at

Tarquin,
men

history must living. reign

to

have all the

been

in

many after
one

kings,
is of

all events

Numa,
which

of

the the

last
most

Tarquin
traces

precisely the
falsehood and

said

bear

poetical invention.
indeed

Schwegler points of
and refused
to

acknowledges
may be of

that

certain
as

fundamental historical
not to ;

the

regal period
a

considered

especially

certain

degree
state

credibility is Among
the Romans of centuries of the such and

be

constitutional

traditions. of

historical

things he
the

classes the united

Sabines,

three

original tribes,the
of allows in which facts the the
census,

three
the

knights,the
In
not to

introduction

fall of

kings, "c.

short, he
manner

main
are

facts

the
to

history,but
have
their But
come

the
;

they
and
same

related method

pass

though
rest
on

the

the

of

accomplishment
round of these

precisely the
the them
not
mean

testimony.
itself
a

facts,

it is and and

asserted, had falsehoods,

he

entwined

rank he

growth

inventions
to

origin of
into
to

which
and

proceeds
the
Eoman

discuss

divides
we

legends
assert

myths.

Now

do

that

history is
of
some

altogether free
actual
are

from

fiction.
a are

If

the

exaggeration
no

occurrence

constitutes in

legend, then
in the in

doubt

legends
of
most to

to

be

found The

it,as

they
of
nor we a

early history
from the
an

nations. mouth
were

progress

story
do
we

passing

mouth

is free

proverbial ;
from
we a

contend almost

that say

Eomans

natural,
contend

might

inevitable,
do

failing. All
not

for

is that the

these

exaggerations
of whether

invalidate
On

the the

main

outlines, hand,
come we

grand features,

the
it
;

history.
contains

other that of

altogetherdoubt
invented with the
are

myths
narratives

under

Schwegler's definition merely

to

namely,
some

occurrences

typify
to to

abstract

idea. that of

We such

agree

objectors alluded

by Schwegler,
the

inventions The

entirely foreign
proposed
in

Roman

turn

mind.

example

the

I
THE JP.TIOLOGICAL THEORY. CVll

story of
The

Attus

Navius of
a

is in the

highest degree improbable.

symbolical story of that nature would and imply, a far higher degree of intellectual refinement subtletythan the capacityto understand, and, consequently, to express for if it could not be expressed it could not be
"

invention

understood

"

the difference

between
to

two
us

forms

of

government.

Indeed, a political myth

Schwegler
among
true

is

obliged to
and
at

appears confess that

that

an altogether absurdity. it can be found only

the

Eomans,
fact

even

with of
"

them
it. If

there it be

is

some

historical with

the

bottom

panied accom-

incidents preternatural ^as, for instance, the which cuttingof the whetstone by Attus Navius give it a admits of an mythic colouring; this circumstance easy this We shall discuss when explanation. point presently, which have been brought to consider the objections we come the ground of the supernatural events on againstthe history which it contains. or Every supernaturalappearance, posed supis c onnected with not a necessarily myth. appearance, in the fire, Thus, for instance,the story of the phallus seen to which attributed the generation of Servius was Tullius, have been the result of fancy, or superstition, or many may far-fetched and other causes. It is an extremely improbable order to invented in that it was supposition, express the idea incarnate in that the spirit of the Eoman monarchy became of all the Eoman Servius ; perhaps, kings,the one least fitted to be a type of the monarchy. Schwegler admits that the greater part of the traditional the definition be brought under cannot history of Eome of legend ; and he has therefore either of pure myth or even in what he calls the setiological discovered for them an origin myth is a story subtly invented in myth. The setiological for the existence of certain usages, worships, order to account will not deny that ";c. Now we institutions,monuments, in the early of this kind to be found inventions are some in that portion of it which is and especially Eoman history, it is to this period of the city ; and priorto the foundation that the instances cited by Schwegler chiefly belong. It was ancients the to magnify their common a practiceamong
"

in

Cviii

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

origin and

their

primoeval history.
humana

"

Datur

hsec

venia

anti-

quitati, ut, miscendo

divinis, primordia
in his Preface. of the But
we

urbium do
are

augustiorafaciat," says
believe
be that any

Livy

not to

cetiological myths
the foundation
We of may been

this

description
at

found the

after

city, or

all

events

after

reign of

Numa.
cannot

further

remark

that

the
For

myth setiological
if usages,
must

have
come

altogether
to

baseless.

worships, "c. had formerly they

of may of existed.

down

be

explained, they
that

have

It is true,

however,

in the
;

narrative thus
a

have

been

altered
may and

and

exaggerated
been

and
to

settlement

Arcadians
to

liave
so

attributed

Evander,
that of

Argives
the
most

Hercules,

forth.

Perhaps
the

plausible part
a

of

Schwegler's theory
kind proper of

is

etymological myth,
invented the
to

subordinate

tetio-

logicalmyth,
This

explain the origin of

been
a

names.

part

of

theory
But for

has

very

extensively adopted by
-If be carried and

Sir G. C. Lewis. the deal the

it is

purely arbitrary conjecture.

may
a

principle is good
further historical
was

anything, it
has
it be

great
into of the of
name

than

the

author If
to

carried

it,
that of

quite

times.

asserted the
name

the

conquest
the

CorioH

invented

explain
his Junius's the
same

Coriolanus,
name

story
of

of

Mucins

burning
of
on

left hand

to to

explain

Scsevola, the

account

idiocy grounds
to

explain the
may affirm

Brutus, "c., conquest Africanus,

then

we

that

the
of of

of Africa the In
ever

was

imagined
of M.

explain Scipio'sname
to

wisdom fact be

Porcius

explain
to
nor

the

name no

Cato, "c.
can

the named

theory
after
can

amounts
a

this,

that
some

person

place,
be
more names.

after natural The

peculiarity; whereas
common

nothing imposition
surnames

and

than of
our

the

of

such
no

greater
as

part

English
James

have

other

origin ;
be said

John

Carpenter,
Kufus, story
names

Butcher,
"c.

William So
was

Colchester, William
it

John
a

Lackland,

also

might
to

that

the

of

Danish

settlement

invented

account

for the

of St.

Olave's, St. Clement. Danes, "c.

Further, Schwegler
handed with any

neglects
that

to
are

observe
not

that

tradition

has

down

many

things

necessarily connected
and

proper

name,

usage,

institution,"c.,

the

origin

I
of Thus the

THE

ETIOLOGICAL

THEORY.

CIX

which
the

cannot

be

explained by
of the the

any

myth. setiological
are

religious system
census,

Eonians, the Cloaca Maxima,

not

circus, the

Capitolinetemple, "c.

connected with the names of Numa, of Servius necessarily Tullius, of the Tarquins, nor can they be referred to those sovereignsby the invention of an aetiological myth. There

must,

therefore, have with, and

been

substantive

tradition,unconnected

Occasions will names. independent of,mere in the sequel of this work for further present themselves examining this setiological theory as, for example, in its to the story of the Horatii and Curiatii^ and we application the subjecthere. need not, therefore, pursue the which have been causes Having thus considered wt. will next assignedfor the existence of the Roman history, the arguments which have been proceed to examine brought forward against its authenticity from its alleged general improbability. of these arguments is based on the supernatural One rences occurwhich it relates. after Schwegler, examining the of Eoman history,observes : ^ By the preceding sources it has been think shown what the we sufficiently exposition is with regard to the testimony of the earliest Eoman case that if this historyhas been recentlyclaimed as history ; and
" "

"

'attested,'^ a very
at

confused
a

idea

of historical What
once

'attestation' it

lies

the

bottom
over

of such
over

notion. it was

does

signifyto By the logy mythoalso

at

assert

and

again that
Eomans

handed historically believed it ?

down, and
same

that the

themselves claim

maxim,
as

anybody might
that
was

the whole

Grecian

since history,

also handed Eomulus Latinus

down, and
was were
^
'

one

time of

believed.

By

this maxim

son

Mars, and

Picus, Faunus, and

Even the and

the actually once really At that time

as

kings
Faunus
as

of Laurentum.

reigned over
'

Dionysius says man a aborigines,

even are

of action

well of
as

great wisdom

later authors If
^

give
to

the
at

years
once

the three
1 3 ^

Laurentine

kings.^

we

admit

Below, p. 190, seqq.

The Lib.

Buch

i. " 19.
and

author
i. 3L

seems

to be

to alluding
^

the History of Gerlach

Bachofen.

Eusebius, Hieron3niius, Syiicellus.

ex

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

historical
we are

all that
sutler of the

the

Roman
to

historians
be the
more

relate in
the

good faith;if
of knowledge

to

ourselves
Romans

led

in

representationof
standard
to

the

deeds and

by
and

Roman

belief ; it is much
even

consistent
as

accept,
and

with

Theod.
than
to

Ryck,
draw
so

Janus

Hercules between drawn

historical

persons,
the

the

boundary

line

the in line

mythical
the
must

historical defences somewhere

events

arbitrarilyas else;
it must the the be

it is

most be

recent

of the

history. This
for

boundary
drawn the

drawn

where
*

the

supernatural
child'
Where of

cease:

miraculous,
surest

dearest

popular belief,is
miracles On
cease,

criterion

of

invention.

there be

history begins."
remarked
ceases,

this the lower

it may

that then

if the it must draws

line is to be
be It Punic the

drawn
a

where deal

supernatural
than where the it
was

placed
is War Romans
some

great
is historical.

Schwegler
of the

it.

commonly
that
divine in
cow,

allowed

that

narrntive
a

Second
among

Yet
Hannibal
was

general

belief

conducted records
as a

over

the

Alps
that
a

by

being.^
year
B.C.

Livy
169
"

many torch in

prodigies
the showers of

occurred

the
a

heavens,
stones

speaking
and and few

weeping
Such down before
to

statue

of

Apollo,
times.

blood, "c.2

prodigies continued
tbe

to be

publicly recorded
It is related

expiated
months
at

imperial
murder of

that, a
was

the in with of

Julius tomb

Csesar,
of

there its

discovered
a

Capua,
tablet bones

the
a

reputed
Greek should Julius would

Capys,

founder,
that

brazen the that of

a

inscription,purporting
be would be This of The disinterred be killed it would

when

Capys
of and of the of

happen
hands amidst

descendant

by

the

his

relatives,
calamities
rested
on

presently avenged
was no

great
It and
secrated con-

Italy.
Caesar.^

mere

vulgar report.
the friend had

testimony passing
seen

Cornelius
horses

Balbus,
which

biographer
on

Caesar
from from

the

Rubicon,
his death
arms

and
to

released abstain which

to

further food and in his in he

service, were
to

before The

weep
as

abundantly.
Pontifex the

of
were

Mars,
heard

were

house

Maximus,

clatter

the

and night,
1

folding doors
"

of the

chamber
^

in which
Suet.

slept

Polyb.

iii. 48.

Lib.

xliii. 13.

Cses. 81.

W-'
ARGUMENT
FROM THE SUPERNATURAL.

A opened of themselves. refuge in Pompey's curia There

were

wren was

with
torn to

laurel branch

seeking
birds.

pieces by other
"c.^ sacrifices,

also the of

omens

of his wife's
own

sayer's dream, of the soothWe

warning, might
the
even

his

abortive

go down and these the

to the

reign of Constantine, and instance

of celestial warriors
are seen as

labarum JSTow

hosts

in

the

sky.
recorded

portents

quite
such

as

wonderful

those

lifted as regalperiod, Navius the cap of Tarquin the Elder, the story of Attus and the whetstone, the miraculous generation of Servius Tullius, and Pollux at Lake the apparition of Castor "c. ; Eegillus, of rejectingthe fact of yet nobody thinks on that account Hannibal's of the Alps, or of Caesar's assassination, or passage of Constantine's conversion to Christianity. The boundaiy line between history and myth cannot,
"

in the

the

eagle which

therefore, be
related mixed

drawn

where

miraculous

events

cease

to

be

It may intellectual and

at

plain from these instances that they may be the most genuine and incontestable history. up with be allowed, indeed, that as a people becomes more
and such rational,
events

; for it is

become

fewer

and

fewer,

altogether. But this fact for Schwegler's view, but against it. History not militates, the point of view of the historian, which from is written
varies sits
course

last,perhaps, almost

vanish

in

different
to

ages.

When
a

German

rationalist

now

down omits
not

recompose all miraculous

that, is
to

half

so

credible

supplant. In like manner, invented, according to the

other be
sure

history of early Eome, he of tales ; but the history, for all that it is trying the old one as if the earlyhistoryhad been
notion of Sir of the half G. C. Lewis and may
we republic, so

in the latter centuries critics, that The

we

should

not

have

found is
a

many

miracles

in it.

occurrence

of them
was

proof
such down

of its

genuineness :
rently cur-

they
or

show

that

it

written it
was

when

things were

believed

; that

noted

contemporaneously,

nearly so, by
instead of
sure

fore, events, therepontiffs. Such miraculous being the surest criterion of invention," are the
"

criterion
1

of the

absence

of invention
Dion

; that

is,in the

Suet. Cses. 81, and

Cass. xliv. 18.

CXll

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

writers these
them In
not

of

the

history. reject the

; but

But

we

are

not

bound Romans

ta

believe
believed them. did

stories,like Theod.
; nor to

Ryck,
of

because because the

not

the

history they
did

they
ages, that

believed like

fact,the educated
believe remainder them
of

Romans

later
on

Livy,

account
on

reject
this

the

the

history. Schwegler's argument

the

subject is altogether beside

never

Tlie Grecian purj^ose.*

like for the
ns

logy mythohistory,
that
or

pretended to
It is
son
was

be

composed,
necessary but him

Roman to

from

records.

not

believe

Romulus
a

the
of

of

Mars,

only
to

tliat the
so.

Romans,

great part

them,
some

believed of

be

If later authors is
an

have

accepted
their

these
and

fables,
not

that

argument
great
ledge knowat

against
many

judgment,
was
an

against the
We
Roman need

early history.
a

Dionysius, who things

and

injudicious historian, believed

led
"

that
to

Livy rejected.
be

not, therefore,
of

suffer ourselves

by

the

standard

belief,"and time,
need

follow
we

Theodare

Ryck
the

; but

neither,
set

the the

same

be

led

by

standard

up

by

modern

rationalistic
on

and critics, of
a

reject everything
tales.

criminately indis-

account

few

wonderful

in enumerating several of these supernatural events the early history, :i ";N"obody at Schwegler proceeds to remark to be historical present any longer believes these traditions facts have from
;

After

yet

many
to

still entertain
too

the

childish

notion
to

that

we

only
the

reject these
narrative
so

manifest is

fables, and

strip off
and actual natural super-

mythic They
husk,

what the

evidently exaggerated genuine

wonderful and and of the the

impossible, and

find

in
not

remainder that and

;

history.
not

reflect

is the
"

very but

soul, life,
the is the kernel

genetic motive
and that

myth
old

the the

when
mortuum

this is of
an

stripped
the

away

remainder and

merely the
furthest

caput
have

poetic legend,
fact.

possible from
we

historical
a

And,
which
as

in is

general, what everywhere

right
in

to

regard
manifest

tive narra-

interwoven aU

with
those

tions, inven-

perfectly historical
is
not

points

where

the

invention

palpable, which
a
1

contain
must

nothing absolutely
account

impossible?

Such

narrative
B. i. Buch

rather, on

of

its

i. " 21, S. 61.

CXIV

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

whicli achieve

they

are

connected VII/s
of
a

her

commission
at

from
her
to

heaven

to to to

Charles

coronation

Eheims,
believed d'Arc

revelation confined
as

tliat monarch his and in

own

secret

which
of

he

be is

breast.
as

The

story

Jeanne

romantic

incredible
like
manner

anything
its enthusiasm

in the

early Roman
are

history ; and
doubtless the

supernatural details
or

product either of
Another
is derived from this

craft.

argument
the

against

the

authenticityof
which remarks it is
:
^
"

the

histoiy
to
tain. con-

contradictions

alleged
A further

On of the
the which minor

head

Schwegler
of the of

proof
is

little

authenticity
contradiction in

earliest
accounts:

history of
a

Rome

striking

the

contradiction
not

displays itself
details,but
whole

numberless
often of is in

points period
in

; and

only

in

also

important
a

facts

; and

thus

places the
A
cannot

history history
pass for in

that
so

doubtful

light.
the

period whose possibly

!

anomalous

and for

contradietoiy
instance,
Romulus's the founder

historical. traditions

Take,

astounding jumble
descent of Rome and How
can

the

concerning
make

these the

traditions, which
son,

sometimes
sometimes the

sometimes him
as

the
born
to

grandson,
five hundred

of

.^neas,
years

represent
birth of of

later,claim
?

slightestpretension
the Servius the

historical and

bility crediately medi-

Concerning
his

Tullius,
four
two

concerning
traditions
are

attaining

throne,

different
that
are

preserved, of
best

which

precisely the
Roman from

relativelythe
that
an

attested, the Annals, chasm,

are

national

tradition each We
;

and

of

the

Tuscan

separated
cannot

other

by
will

immeasurable instance

that

be of
:

filled up. tradition may

cannot

here be

all these of the in their

contradictions proper of low

they

spoken
that
a

places
the

we

only

remark has

here

fragment proof
how

Dionysius
that with the

recently
and

found

afforded of

new

variation second
a

uncertainty
of

tradition

reaches and

since

dictatorship
no

Cincinnatus
be the

all connected of any

it is

fable, can
What
common

longer
in this

subject
it is found

well-founded

doubt. the

excites point chiefly

suspicion against
to

tradition

is,that

be
1

in contradiction
B. i. Buch

with

the documents,

i. " 16.

I
where
the the any of alliance with the tradition
case more

ARGUMENT

FllOM

CONTRADICTIONS.

CXV

these of the

have younger

chanced

to

he

preserved. Neither
the

Tarquin with
with
can

Gabines,
the

nor

first commercial

treaty

Carthage, nor
be

treaty
that

of

confederacy of Sp. Cassius,

traditional

brought
we

into

accordance this in

history;
shown had remind that
to
come

and be

may

suspect
in other

might
here
to

be

falsified

points

documents

down reader

to us."

Let purpose

us

again

the every

that of be

it is far from the

our

maintain

incident

early Eoman
to

historical. history is strictly

a

It would

absurd

claim

for

narrative and

coming
in
so

down

from

comparatively rude
a

and

illiterate historical

times,
of
we

fragmentary
be the last two there

form,
for three

the

same

authority which
contend main
to

may

accorded,
or

instance, to
centuries.

the

history
All that

England during
for outlines prove the the

is that of the
names

is evidence

enough

to

establish of the order and of

the

narrative of the

after the
seven

foundation

city ;

kings, their reigns ;

modern

succession, and
to vindicate

principal events fantasy,or

has done is in
to

of their
some

thus

the

history from
mere

being, as
his

writers treated the

have
as

called Dr.

it,a

justifyits being
recent

Mommsen the

work, where
and

individualityof
many of the

kings
of the

completely ignored ;
are

though
are

events

history
in
a

accepted,yet they
often

interpretedand
and

reconstructed
any

manner

entirelynew,
been in

quite unjustified by
all,these
as

sound

critical

principles.
have
to

But, after
much
proper the the

alleged
w^e

contradictions endeavour instances

very the

exaggerated,
with places, of the

shall

show

regard to- those

present
work.

which of them

fall within arise from but the

compass

Many

absurdity and history

with

if those Eoman

ignorance of Dionysius and Plutarch ; writers, from their inadequate acquaintance with
and

constitution, as
T^in

well

as

their

imperfect
which
are

knowledge
at

of the

tongue,
of Latin

made

statements

variance of

those

authors, this
We then
are

forms
not
a

no

just
to

ground
the the

charge against the history.

of

will

deny that
colour of

carelessness
same

Livy

may

now"

and

lend and

charge ; importance.

but

such

instances

rare

minor

CXVl

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

regard to the instances of paragraph just translated, we may the whole at once historybefore
With
It of
was

contradiction
remark that

allegedin
we

the

abandon
the

the from
up

foundation
some

of

city.
to

invented, though
in order

perhaps
to

obscure
Eoman

vestiges
in the in the
a

tradition,
Hence

carry
of

the

lineage
to

/Eneas. birth proper

the
4

difference
as
we

some

five

centuries

of Eomiilus

who,

shall the
son, coast

endeavour
or

show
of many of

place,^was
had

probably
on

grandson,
a

Greek
years Servius
we

who
before

landed

the

Italian of in Eome, which proper the of

not

great
birth the
next

the
and

foundation the mode in the

Of he

the

Tullius,
shall

obtained The

throne,
instance

also

speak
the

place.
present
the

of

contradiction, regarding
falls

second the

dictatorshipof Cincinnatus,
work.
can

beyond
of critical

limits

But be

that

the any
we

fragment
sound

Dionysius lately discovered principles, to

All prove it proves is that
so

said, on
a

account
one or

fable,

altogether deny.
related the
matter

two

annalists that
even

and differently,

improbably
of it. will be

Dionysius
The in their
to

himself

rejected their
adduced

version

other

instances

by Schwegler
in

examined endeavour

proper that

places;
the with
a

where

particularwe
with

shall

show

commercial the

treaty

Carthage,
But

so

far from its be be

being inconsistent
main evident
to

traditional
manner.

history, confirms
it will would this

features that

in
to

most

remarkable
further of the here

enter

into

subject

anticipate the scope

One of the chief its

following book.
brought against the early Eoman
On this

arguments
on

history is founded
remarks
'^
"

chronology. kings
It all
are

subject Schwegler reigned

gether altoremarked It
;

The
or

seven

related been

to have

240 that

244

years.

has

frequently
and

this number
an

contradicts

experience
for the
to the
^

probability.
each

gives on
whilst
in five in

average

thirty-four years
from the year 805

reign of
year therefore the

king
that

Venice,

1311,

is
a

centuries, forty doges reigned

each of

having
have been

reign

of 12

years, Eoman
sec.

or

about

third The
seq.

part

average

of the

reigns of
^

the

kings.
"

examples

which

See Buch

below,

ii. p. 23, seq. ;

28,

xviii. " 20, S. 806.

Nicbuhr,

Rom.

Gcscli. i. 391, Anni.

912.

ARGUMENT

FROM

CHRONOLOGY.

CXVll

adduced purpose, throne not

as

to

justifythe
as

traditional Eoman it in

chronology kings
did
not ; and

are

not

to

the

inasmuch

the

succeed

to the

by birth,but boys
be
or

obtained but

by

election age of

consequently
Besides,
two

youths,
death,
years.

the the the

manhood.

it must died about in and

a

remarked

that, of
and The that

whole

seven

kings, only
his also

natural fifteen

last survived

overthrow stands
;

traditional with

chronology
the

irreconcilable if

contradiction
Priscus

remaining

tradition

Tarquinius
Tullius

actuallyreigned thirty-eight years,

the younger

Servius

and forty-four,
as we

Tarquin twentya

five,

there

arises,
and the
a

have

already shown,^ gives

relation the for
to

chain of

of 240

absurdities years, stands which in

impossibilities. Lastly, the

older tradition mathematical

number

the
the

regal period,
number of the

such which

120,

the
and

period
the

elapses between catastrophe, as

views birds in of fate. connexion

expulsion
to

kings
the

Gallic
one

justly

excite both

suspicion ;

especially if
twelve "Under all be

with

numbers

Eomulean these determined.

circumstances But it is that

the
the

age

of

Eome the

cannot

at

origin of

city
been

is to

be

dated inferred the

"

higher
from

than the

placed by tradition, has buildings, and

each

rightly

Tarquinian
of

especiallyfrom
of

Cloaca The
In See p. Buch

Maxima.^ traditional
i.

years

king's reign
d' Introduzzione
Eom,

are

course

" 20.
che
de
serve

Scipio MafFei, Diplomatica

60
;

all' Arte
i. p. 52
;

Critica, Mebiihr,

1727,
Vortr. he

Levesque,
Gesch.

Hist. i. 128. to

crit.

la

Eep.
for

1807,
cites p. 60 the of

iiber Eom. not

When
his

Schwegler
work,
at is

authority of Maffei,
the
at aH

could

have
is

referred

edition

of

1727,
the
we

which

reference
After

copied from
meant,
opera at p.

Levesque,
for

there

nothing
di Eoma

relatingto
which
in

subject.
suppose

long hunting
one

it
251

we
"

found

the

following

passage,
fatte

is the

T^e Cloache

tempo
di per

di

Tarquinio
T
una

Frisco,
recano

descritta

da

Plinio

(xxxvi. 15)

per

massima

tutte certo

altre, e di cui
Cittk

ancora

maraviglia i pochi avanzi, non

anni

mostrano tosto We
on resa

cominciata
corso
an

cencinquant'
numeroso

avanti,
e

ma

piu

gia grande
have

in

lungo
but the

d'eta, per
dixit i^ose of of

popolo
have wrong

per

richezza."

nothing
The the
tainly cer-

here that

Maffei, copied by
could
a

Levesque, founded nothing

of the but

the false view

builders
rests

Eome

been idea

barbarians.
art

assumption
ancient
a

altogetheron
And it
was

constructive
the

among
is

peoples.
noble which

let
was

it be

remembered of
no

that, though

Cloaca

sewer, it

originally
to

great length, extending only

to

the

Forum,

intended

drain.

CXVIU

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

invented.

On them thus

what
cannot

principle the Pontifices

now

proceeded
We
at

in the
can

fixing only
of

of

be

entirelydiscovered.
Numa's that
^

see

far, that

they placed
suiculuni." that

death Tullus

the

end
at

the first
end

physical saiculuni, and

first civil may of

of

Hostilius

the

of the
we

On average

this

remark,

it is of

no

use

to

give
age that

us

the the of

reigns
their

fortyVenetian
is also young
were men

doges, unless given.

Numa AVe know when

their

at

time the

of Roman

accession

most
to

kings
was

they began
to have

reign.
born

Romulus
on

only eighteen.
Rome
was

is said
; and

been

the

day

that

founded
and
common as

therefore,as
was an

Romulus

reigned thirty-eight years,

of
a

there

interregrum
been of
"

year,

he

would, by the
he year
was

computation, have
But in the
ten

thirty-ninewhen
at

elected. of

time

Romulus,
an

all events, the

consisted is
never

only
made

months the

ance, allow-

by
it suffices the

the of

w^ay,

which

by

critics, though
about his
puted re-

itself to throw

out

all the

fine calculations
one

speculum. age, Numa

Deducting, therefore,
would

sixth
at

from his

have

been

-two thirty

accession,
Tullus avita
a

and

there

is
was

nothing improbable
a
"

in

his
cetas

long reign. viresque, turn grandson

which of his of

Hostilius quoque

young

man

"

tum
"

gloria,animum
of

stimulabat
There is

^
"

the

temporary concan

Romulus.
age the of of

nothing by
time and appear may
even

we

determine
as

the the

Ancus

at

the

election the

; but

he

was

grandson
him,
their the

of

Numa,

as, from to

active

duties
a

required
man

Romans
we

have that
was,

preferred
he he
was

young very well

for

king,
in

conclude if he years middle

room

not

far have

advanced

life ; but

may

very

reigned the twenty-four

probably
throne
; but

assigned
age for
a

to him.

Tarquinius
ascended

may

have there birth

was man

reached is of still

when

he of

the

reign

thirty-seven years.
when
he

The

Servius

Tullius and

is narrated therefore

the
must

reign
have

of

Tarquin
a

well when

advanced,
he

been

young

seized

the

throne.

See

more

in Niebuhr,
p.

Rom.

Gesch.

i.

253, Yortr.

iiber of 110

Rbra.

Gesch. and

i. 84

and

Schwegler,
died
i. 22.
a

557.

Thesseculum of Rome
110

civile consisted

years,

Tullus

Hostilius Liv.

in the year

38

-}-1 -f- 39 -f-32).

ARGUMENT

FROM

CHRONOLOGY.

CXIX

Tarquin
The
were

the there

Proud is
no

reigned only twenty-five

occasion of
to

years,
at his

and

quently conse-

compute

his age

accession.

principle
among the assertion than

election, therefore, if youth

which determined
more

and

strength
contrary

elements of

it, was,
to son,

to

the

Schwegler,
succession.

favourable A

length

of

reign
to

hereditary
under
more

father,
can an

and

son, grand-

even

favourable than age the

a

circumstances,
at

hardly expect equal

average, But the below be

reign

century, which,
accession
at

would

fix

the of

of Eoman

thirty-three.
violent

greater part
that also when The examined about the age

kings
met at
an

acceded
a

considerably
death,

; and

if most that

of them it
was

it must of

remembered

advanced

period

and life,

they

had

long
the

filled the

the

throne. of the

objections to
under the

chronology
of those

Tarquins
The the

will

be

reigns
that

sovereigns.
between their

tion objecof and the

mathematical and

proportion
between but

period

kings' reigns
of
a

expulsion
a

destruction would call

the

city is nothing
"

what

popular
all, the
240

writer tion durayears,

German

cobweb."
to

For,

first of

commonly
but after when
seven

assigned
the four former years
we

the number from

regal period
is obtained the strike

is not

244

; and

by striking off,
Numa.
events

Polybius,
this years is from

reign
off
at

of

Again,
six
or

done,
the

must

all

reign

of

Eomulus,
238
or

which 234

would and The

reduce

the

kingly period
the of
^

either

to

years,

again
"

destroy

supposed
years
as

mathematical the twelve

proportion.
vultures about

ing connect-

these
as

with

is another the

web," cob-

well

Niebuhr's

hypothesis
to

chronology
of the this

having
decemvirs

been

invented

according
and

the

reckoning
On

Quin-

of the

physical
Roman Roman

civil

sseculum.

subject
augury,

'

There
the

was

an

old

prophecy,
State it from what of of

derived

from

the

Romulean
See Bell.

ahout De "c. of 360

duration
c.

of the

for twelve

centuries. De

Censorinus,
Get.
v.

Die

Kat.

17

(who

took
see

Varro)
connexion

Claudian,
there the is

265,

But the

it is difficult to
and the

between
or

the

expulsion
ratio the

kings
from
"

capture
the twelve of

the Rome

city by
to its

Gauls,
"

what
if
we

years

the

foundation to

capture

even

admit
be

that

calculation

bears

vultures.

For

though
minds.

360

may

divided
of such

by twelve, leaving a quotient

a

thirty
to

without

remainder, the meaning

quotient is

not

at all obvious

untranscendental

CXX

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

Schwegler remarks
form
a

"

That of

the

reigns
shown

of

the first two

from

kings
later wliicli of of of
we

peculiar order
in
a

things, separated
the

the

history,is
makes

certain

manner

by tradition,
with the

the

first saeculum

of

city expire
festival
to

the

death

Numa. tlie the

For
was

the

first secular

after the

expulsion
this

kings

celebrated, according
in
A,u.c.

Commentaries

Quindecemvirs,
the

298

; and

if from

point

calculate
of
was

saeculum
siecidum
to

of

110

years in who

backwards, the beginning

78, and
this very year the of Tlie is followed

the

second

falls

A.u.c.

according
after
death

Polybius,
the
Numa
same

by Cicero,
the
year

first year Numa's

old

Numa's
was

death.
last year
was

Consequently
of born the
on

first sseculum. the

tradition has of with

that

day

of

Home's
to
a

foundation doctrine ended

the

meaning.^
rituals,the
of all those

For,

according
of the

the

the him

Etruscan

first saeculum born

on

city
its

who,
the

day

of

foundation, attained
as

this

tradition between

appears two

Hence Numa's greatest age. death, to intimate, forms the line of cation demar-

epochs.
of of

And,
Eome

indeed, with

his the
on

death

the

purely mythical epoch

time, the dawn hand,
other the the first two husband of

expires,
:

and

torical half-histhe other

the'
a

begins history,
"

while,
son

kings
of the
a

the

one
"

the

of

god,
to

goddess
than this

evidently belong ordinary

would one." lead
us

different The suppose

period
last that the
as

world of

the

sentence

paragraph
looked
as
a

to

Quindecemviri

upon

the

early Koman
critic ;
and
as
on a

history with
that that

sceptical an
the
on

eye

modern
as

German

they
account

set

down fixed

first two close

kings

mythical,
the

the

of the

second
was

king's reign only

are

chronological epoch.
for

That, however,
for the

not

reason

choosing that epoch ; abundantly supplied with

was

German for

critics their

always
:

reasons

theories

there
also

another, which,
to at

by

very

singular coincidence,
"

pointed
Plutarch Rome
was

the

same

period, namely
to

that born We
on

Numa,
the will

who,

by
to

least, is said

have

been his

day
not

when

founded, then

closed

life.

stop

B.

i. S.

557.

piut.

Num.

3 ; Dion

Cass.

Fr. 6, 5.

CXXii the

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

reigu

of

Augustus
on

the

celebration

took

place

at

much

shorter We the after account

intervals.
may

remark
historians

the

above the

that

Valerius

Antias in the

and

other
the

placed
of the

first celebration which agrees

were

year the

expulsion
in Valerius

kings,
that

with

Maximus/
Publicola

they
Dis

first

publicly
The
a

instituted
games,

by Valerius
the

in his of

first and

consulship.

with
in

sacrifices at the

altar

Proserpine, at
or
an

place
had named

Campus
been
out

Martins

called

Tarentum,

Terentum,
individual

indeed

previously celebrated
of

by
from
at

Valerius,
for the

gratitude to,
of
some

and

by direction
a

of, the

gods,
disease this and
as we

recovery of

his
warm

children

pestilential
spot
:

by drinking
a

springs by
in
to

that with

but
;

was

private matter, totally unconnected

of the first games the

the state
was,

the

celebration

Consul
The 298.

Valerius

have
their about

said, the

public
or

one. A.u.c.

Quindecemvirs
Yet

placed
dreams and of

origin still lower, carrying

them this
a

Niebuhr
the the

them

up

the

origin of
of who

city,
age

thus Eome.

making
With in the

festival

commemorative is

view,

Niebuhr,^

followed

by
the

Schwegler following
saeculares
a

passage of

already cited, mistranslates

*'

sentence

Censorinus
Romam
esse,

Primes conditam

enim annis Antias M.

ludos ccxlv. ait ; ut

exactis Publicola

regibus, post
institutes annis

Valerie

Valerius

xv-virorum

Commentarii Coss.
"

cclxxxxviii.
"

Valerie, Sp.
festival

Verginio
the

by rendering
the

the

firstsecular
the

after
"

expulsion of
"

kings
was

was

celebrated" after

"c. instead

of,

the
the

first secular

festival
first

instituted of

expulsion
that
; the

of

kings
had

the

method

translation the

assuming
such

there

been

celebrations

during
one,

regal period
any in

second,

which
And

is the this

only

correct

excluding

assumption.
of
a
"

mistranslation of Censorinus

is made

contradiction further
on,

direct Cum

statement

only
at

page

viz.

608

and

as

Hemina

lived
arose

this time, he
some

ought

to

have

known.

But

tlie
era.

discrepancy probably
*

from

difference

in fixing the

foundation

Lib, B.

it.

c.

iv.
:

s.
"

6. Das erste

i. S. 253 298

Sacularfest
u.s.
v\

nach

Verbannung

der

Konige

sey

in Jahr

gefeyert worden,"

ARGUMENT

FROM

CHRONOLOGY.

CXXlll

ab

urbis

primordio
nemo

ad

reges

exactos,
So
on

annos

ccxliv.,(ludos),
attack
on

factos Eoman
common

esse,

sit aicctor." is like founded

that
the
!

this

the
of
a

chronology
Latin fact the with the book

mistranslation

Censorinus

In

festival the age of

had, properly speaking,

of Eome. And this Censorinus
aeras

no was

immediate
most

connexion

tinctly disafter
:

opinion
the

himself,
celebration

who

says,

recording
*'

different

of

before
annos, centum

given
ut

Hiuc

animadvertere

licet, neque
statum esse,

post
neque

centum

hi

referrentur

ludi,
etiamsi

post

decem.
non

Quorum
tamen

alterutrum

retro

fuisset

observatum,
his ludis

id

satis

argumenti

esset, quo

quis

scecula

discerni ad reges

constanter

affirmet, praesertim cum

annos

ah urbis
esse,
nemo

primordio,
sit
auctor.

exactos,

ccxliv.

factos
scecula dici

Quod
si

tempus

proculdubio

naturali

majus

est

saeculo.

Quod
nominis

quis credit,ludis fiant hominis

from the and aid very after of

scecularibus

discerni,sola
face of this

origineinductus; sciat,sseculares
semel and

potuisse,quod plerumque opinion,

it, that
fanciful years that which contains their

setate." Yet
same

it is in the

chapter Schwegler,
it
was

Niebuhr,

him which

have

derived
to cut

theory
from the the

! in

necessary of the

off four
to
assume

the Tuscan

received notion

chronology
of the there

kings, and
saeculum
was

physical
is not the

adopted by

Eomans,
It is

of which

the

evidence. slightest

plain,therefore, that
in any it contains weakest
were

early Eoman
and
"

chronology
as

was

not

manufactured That

such

capricious manner
errors

that
"

here
it

assumed.

serious the

defects,
must
a

that

the in short, is,

; and

point in only
to

history,
that been

be acknowledged of the very

it

be

wished

portion
in of
not

superfluous ingenuity happy attempts

had been be
to

which the

has

expended
method

explain
of is the
; and

supposed
in

its invention, there

employed
some

rather

investigatingwhether
with task the difficult which claim

might
of the

not

way This

reconcilingit
very
we

probability
we

history.
to

here the

propose

ourselves candid
has before

must

therefore the

for

attempt the
1

consideration
touched slightly of Rome."

of
upon

reader.^

The
"

writer

the subject in the introduction

to his

History

of the

City

^2

CXXIV

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

The
"which

idea the

of
sun

coniplete
the

astroiiomical
same

year,

at

tlie

end

of
as

is found
at

in the

position in the heavens

so

he

occupied
to

beginning,
a

is

familiar any
vast
.

to

us

that notion of

it is vailed. pre-

difficult

conceive

period
reflect
to

at
on

which the

other
amount

But

when

we

science any that

and

observation
to

required
we

determine
not

this

year
to

with find

approach
among deviations natural

accuracy, and

shall

be

surprised
nations The

rude

imperfectly
this standard of

civilized

the

grossest
of
us

from

prevailed.
time that

period
upon
moon

the

day

is

measure

is forced of of the time in

voluntari in-

Next the most and time

to

this, the
of

revolutions
the

afford hence

striking indication
months become is concerned.
so

lapse
units duration

; and

days
where

necessary But the

all calculations cal astronomisouthern is not months annual

so

of the

year

is not

easilyascertained, and
the
as

especiallyin
the
seasons

latitudes, where

difference in
more

between northern

strongly perhaps by
a a

marked have

ones.

Ten sun's

may
course

been
;
or

first

assigned
the

for

the

rude

guess

because
"

scanty
on

decimal
ten

arithmetic
"

of

half-civilized

people
to,
or

counting

the

fingers
and

rendered
;
or

them

unequal
may have
a

indisposed for, a longer

satisfied with
accuracy in
"

calculation

they

been

such

measure,

utterly
had the
no
sun

of regardless
means

scientific
"

which, indeed, they

a

of
same

attaining
month

although
had
we

few

revolutions

of would

the

which And year

been know become usages

midsummer the force

have When

become such when

an

midwinter.

of habit. among civil and would

a

imperfect
contracts
come

had

habitual both it ; of it

people
been year, been

and
to

all the

religious

life had

be

regulated by
a more

have

difficult to
even

change
means

it for for

accurate

and
a

scientific
one

if hand. Hence

the

calculating
learn

such

had

at

we

are

not

surprisedto
of various

that had

among
been the

the nations
in
use,

of
even

antiquity
among

years the

duration Thus
to have

and the

Italian Albans

people.
are as we

Terentines,
different

Lavinians,
and

and

the

said

had
was

years

;^

Laurentum,

which,
1

shall
Die Nat.

show,
c.

probably

the

Censorin.

De

20.

NEW

CHRONOLOGICAL

THEOEY.

CXXV

mother from that the

city of
March

the
to

Eomans,

had

year
we

of ten learn who of

months,
from
was

ing extend-

December,
sacrificed
on

since
to

Macrobins
with them It

Laurentines
to

Juno,

equivalent
was

Luna,

all

the

kalends the
as

those

months.^ of

almost the

generally agreed
year

among well

authors

antiquity
at

that

Eoman of

also,

as

the

Laurentine,
authors

first sented disand his

consisted from

only
whose

ten

months. appear
to
was

The have

only
been

who Macer

this view

Licinius

Fenestella,^
"Emendatio
numerous

opinion

followed it is far
;
as

by Scaliger, in outweighed
Junius says that the

Temporum."
and better

But authorities

by

more

Gracchanus,
year of

Fulvius, Varro, Suetonius,

twelve months and of
was

Livy (who
whom says
:
"

introduced

by Numa),

Ovid,

Aulus

Gellius,
On

Macrobius,
the

others, with
the year Ovid

Censorinus

agreed.

subject
"

Nee

totidem Ille minor

veteres, quot

nunc,

habuere
annus

kalendas,
erat.

geminis

mensibus victas sed

*

'

Nondum

tradiderat

victoribus male forte

*

artes genus.
"

Grsecia, facundum,
* *

Ergo animi
Mensibus Annus Hie erat
numerus

indociles

et adhuc lustra qimm

tunc

ratione

carentes,

egerunt
decimum magno

minora Tjuna in

decern.

repleverat orbem,
fuit

honore

Seu

quia

tot

digitiper

quos

numerare

solemus," "c. of
ten

The The year Eoman time

are

question is.
lines
was

How would

long
seem

this
to

year

months the

lasted

of
not

Ovid

imply
had be
a

that been late

astronomical the The

introduced
; but

till Greece appears

to

conquered by
a

arms

that

too

period.
and

of said

the

Decemvirs made
some

might
that time.

be

probable epoch,
of ten

they
;

to have
are

regulation respecting intercalation

the The in year
same

but have show Eome

there lasted that

; one

indications their of

months
seem

must to at

beyond
two
a

indications
at

sorts

years

were

use

the
"

same

time

moon-year, is attributed

consisting of by
a

855

days
to

the

tion introduc-

of which

some

writers

Numa,

by others
huic Dese

"Sed

et

omnibus

kalendis,
"

mense

Martio

ad

Decembrera,

kalendarum
2

die supplicant."
De Die Nat.

Sat. 20.

i. 15.

Censorin.

c.

CXXvi
to

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

Tarquinius
of

Priscus

or

Servius

TuUius
of

"

and

the Romulean
year,

year

304
the

days.
confined

The

knowledge
the the

the

former

and,
to

indeed,
have
were

regulation of
to

calendar How

altogether, seems ignorant the

of the year

been
of

priests.
into

laity
the

the

lapse

of

time

and

revolutions the

appears

from

the circumstance
or
a

that, far
created
a

republican times,
the purpose, of

consuls,

dictator
to

expressly for
into the

were

accustomed
the
to

drive

nail

wall

Minerva's

cell in in order
sort
on

Capitoline temple, on
mark the upon of

the Ides of every

and

September,
to
serve as
a

lapse
the

of

time,

perhaps monopoly by
new

of
the it

check

priests.
also

The shown the

of

knowledge
and fixed of

part
was

the

priestsis
to

the
moon

circumstance

that the the the

they
who and of year,

who

proclaimed
After

Ides,
Dies

and Fasti

retained

themselves the time

the

knowledge

Nefasti.
the

of Servius
or

Tullius

bration cele-

lustrum the

every
two

fifth year, into

every kind
a

sixth
of of

lean Romu;

brought
the time be for
a

years

some was

harmony
confusion

but,
down

as

is well
to

known,
of

the

calendar Caesar.

heap

Julius

It cannot

imagined
civil

that

the Romulean
after

year of

ceased

to

be
or

observed,
indeed
inveterate
most

purposes, while connected

the

time

Romulus,
were

for

long
and

afterwards. with
acts
so

There

certain
of the have has which for the the
rate

customs

it of

relating
root.

to

some

habitual

important
to

life,which
a

must

required a long period pointed out,

widows
a

take

firm
was

As

Niebuhr

year

of ten

months

the
was

period during
also the
term
on

mourned of

their husbands

;^ it

payment
of

portions bequeathed by will, for

and for of these Romulus.

credit

sale of

yearly profits,for loans,

Some of

calculating hardly
have in Macrobius

the

interest. in the still

things would
A year the did passage of
ten

been

known

reign
that
as

illustrates That author

at

more

strikingly the
in March
masters

months.
waited
on

relates^
supper, in order

matrons

their slaves
of

their

in

the

Saturnalia accorded them

were

December,
at

that
of
at
of

the the the Rome,

honour year end

thus

to to

them be

the
;

beginning
for

might
of

incline

obedient

which,
1

it, they

rewarded
^

by
i. 12.

the

Hist,

vol. i. p. 342.

gat.

I
A NEW CHRONOLOGICAL THEORY.
CXXVll

Saturnalia.
at

But the

there time

could

have

been The

few,
fact

if any, of the

slaves

Eome

in

of Eomulus.

asylum

is

with the existence at variance of totally slave-population. That the year originally began with March of several
:

any

considerable

names

of

the

months

as

by the Quintilis, Sextilis, tember, Sepis shown

"c. month "c.

:

for

Quintilis,afterwards
;

Julius, was

the

fifth

from

March and
"

afterwards Sextilis,

Augustus, the sixth,

added to the end of the February were year. Thus Ad Varro hos : qui additi, prior a principe Deo Januarius appellatus ; posteriorab diis inferis Februarius." Cicero 2 also calls February the last month of the year : and the same fact is apparent from its being made the intercalary month natural to add the extra days at the end of ; for it was
^

January

the year. show Livy which that,down advanced to a very the lustrum curred reperiod of the republic, not every fifth but every sixth year, or consulship and ; the two the of twelve that,consequently, priestly years, year the civil one months and of ten months, must during that
are

There

several

passages

in

time lean

have

co-existed.

There

are

distinct traces

of the Eomu-

That year having existed down to b.c. 293. the consulship of L. Papirius Cursor and S. Carvilius was Maximus, and in it the lustrum was performed by the censors, civil year P. Cornelius Arvina and been

C.

Marcius in

Eutilus.^ the sixth

But

the

Sempronius Sophus and P. Sulpicius Savenio, in B.C. 299, according to the ordinary chronology. Therefore the lustrum, which a periodof five astronomical was is the same six consulships, thing, or, what years, contained The consulships six civil years of ten months. follows : are as Tor299 "B.C. Psetinus, T. Manlius (lustrum),M. Fulvius Cn. Fulvius Scipio, quatus ; B.C. 298, L. Cornelius ; B.C. 297, Q. Fabius, P. Decius ; B.C. 296, L. Volumnius, Ap. Claudius ; and Decius B.C. 295, Fabius again ; B.C. 294, L. Postumius L. Papirius Megellus,M. Atilius Eegulus ; B.C. 293 (lustrum),
P.
1

preceding lustrum had that of M. consulship, quatus,*bythe censors,

celebrated Psetinus

previous
Tor-

Fulvius

and

T. Manlius

L. L. vi. 34.

'

De

Le.ff. ii. 54.

Ljy^

x.

47.

Ibid.

c.

9.

CXXviii

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

Cursor,
lustrum taken So Fulvius

S. in

Carvilius
the

Maximus.

The

Fasti
our

place this last

statement

preceding consulship, but

to

is

from

Livy.

also, according
PiBtinus
and Maximus and

Livy,
in

six

consulships before
or

that

of

Manlius

Torquatus,
the Bubulcus
was

in the year
were

consulship
B.C.

of

Arvina

Tremulus,
and the

reputed

305,
^

M.

Valerius it is not

C. Junius lustrum Its

censors

but

said is
no

that
sure

celebrated.

The
some

lustrum,
reason
or

however, other,
of Eome
was

test.

celebration, for Thus,

was

frequently
294, though

omitted.
census

for

instance,

in the
was

year
not

the

taken,

tlie lustrum

celebrated, from
taken
was

because religiousscruples, of the consuls

the This

Capitol had
census,

been which

and
not

one

killed.^
year

completed
in due And

till the

following
to

by

the

celebration tenth

of the

lustrum,

is said

by Livy
than first

have

been should

only the
have

;^

though

order
from the

more

twenty lustrum,

been

brated. cele-

the

celebrated in had

by

Servius

Tullius,
a

and

last, celebrated
six centuries
an

by Vespasian
and
a

A.U.C.

827,

period
and

of about

half, there

been

only

seventy-five lustra,* giving eight

that times of nine
were

average But

inter\^al it may
"

of be

between assumed

years

between

them. every^

censors

appointed

five years

or,
"

in the
as

early
duties

of

the

republic, in
as

every

sixth

consulate

the
not

their

such office,

fixingthe taxes, "c., could

B.C.

well

be

postponed.
In another P.

the

period
pair
in of the

between

305

and

299,

we

find,indeed, Q.
Fabius and and Semnot
"

censors

recorded of

by Livy
but these

; viz.

Decius,

consulship
in
B.C.

Sulpicius

Saverrio created

pronius Sophus, taking

to

303 for

:^
an

were

for

the

census,

but of
some

extraordinary occasion,
tribes,in
order the
to to

the
end the

creation, namely,
forensic
tumults. of the

new

put

an

At

this
was

period, by
limited Maximus
; and

Lex

Emilia,

duration
The would
1

censorship
of have Valerius

eighteen
Junius
these
^

months.

censorship
therefore
ix. 43.
De 46.

and unless

Bubulcus
censors

expired
2

extra
24.

Liv.

Id. iii. 22. 18

:

j^id.

Censoiin. Liv.
ix.

Die

Natal,

c.

Handb. cf. Ideler,

der

Chronologie, ii. 79,

f.

cxxx

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

is remarkable consuls
at

that

L.
set

Papirius Cursor, who

up
not

was

one

of

the
seen

in

B.C.

293,

the been
not

first sundial constructed show

that

had

been

Rome.^

As

it had

for the

latitude

of
can

Rome,

and
be

therefore
as a

did
sort

the

time which

it correctly,

only

regarded
The

of

monument,
from

might
to

priately approsolar

commemorate
year. of
seems

the in which

change
it the
was

tl\e civil

the

place
or

erected, before
introducer of the also C.

the

Temple
year,

Quirinus,
to

Romulus,
without
a

civil be

be

not

significance.
years which he had

It may scribe

bered remem-

that, only

few

before, the

Flavins, by

publishing
had thus had robbed

the the

calendar

obtained, surreptitiously
of

priests of
them
a

their

secret

the

Fasti,

and

had have

deprived
in

of

any of

interest

which

they might
Roman may, of

opposing Livy
on a

change
not

style.
the

That founded also be

did

adopt

ordinary
of

chronology,
we

comparison by
other
no even

with

that

Greece,
First

think,
we

shown that he

circumstances. notice of the

as

all

may

remark and

takes and

Olympiads,
a

like for

Polybius
the

Dionysius,
Roman
occur

Cicero,

means

fixing
Roman
a

early
which

chronology.
at
an

Again, in
between show
to one,

the

few

synchronisms
and

early period
appear
common

Greek
that
can

history,his
lower
on

statements

he be

adopted
part

much

era

than

the

which

explained only
from this the
we

the

supposition
before
a A.U.C.

that

he
or

deducted
B.C.

one-sixth To received

years

459

293.

illustrate

subjoin
one

comparative
in this the

table

of

the
The

chronology
contains

and the

reduced

proportion.
second
the

first column
:
"

usual

chronology,
Rome founded Accession

reduced

B.C.

753 716
646 610 582 562 531 494

of Nunia
....

TuUus
Anens

Hostilius
.

673
640 616

Marcius Priscus

Tarquinius
Servius

TuUius

578
634 510

Tarquinius Superbus Expulsion

Rome of the

kings
the

474 374
293

captured by
of

Gauls
.
.

390 293

End

Livy's

first decade

Pliny,

H.

N.

vii. 60.

NEW

CHKONOLOGICAL

THEORY.

CXXXl

We

will compare says that the

with

this table
came

few

reputed synchronisms. Italy in

there the the in the
ment commencesame

Cicero year of of

Pythagoras
Proud,
His of
;
B.C.

into he
was

fourth time

Tarquin
Brutus.i

and

that in

Junius

arrival

Italy,and
he

of the

reign
the 62d in

Tarquinius, occurred, according

532,
which in
to which

says, in the

Olympiad, began
with
to

computation Tarquin
with Now Cato's this
era,

reign
came

agrees
B.C.

and

Pythagoras
all the

into

Italy
of his

529.

accords
to

accounts

life. Samos he

Thus,
in the is

according
to

Aris-

toxenus,^ Pythagoras quitted

at

reign of Polycrates,
have
B.C.

the

age in he

of
B.C.

forty ; which,
570,
would therefore year. This who

as

supposed
in well the arrived with from
must

been

born and the

have have account

been very also in

year in

530;
in

might

Italy
logy chrono532

following
of

tallies Samos

the
B.C.

Polycrates,
and in the the date

reigned

to

B.C.

522;
island

consequently
second of
to

Pythagoras
of

have The
not
was

quitted
variations affect born the in and

that

year

his

reign.
do he

respecting question.
B.C.

Pythagoras'
some

birth

According
605
; which

authorities
are

608

or

dates

adopted by Bentley
of
B.C.

Larcher,

while make

DodweU him birth the

prefers that
contemporaiy
latter he of the

570.

But

all testimonies Of
one,

with the have and

Polycrates.
more

the
as

dates

of

his
to

the

seems

probable

according
old
at

other

would

been

ninety-six years
when he with

the
to

expulsion
have
!

Tarquin,

ninety-eight
to
a war

is said in
B.C.

urged

Crotoniates

Sybaris,
there in Tar-

510

These is
no

variations, how^ever,
difference But while of

are

of

no

consequence, date the of his year of

as

opinion

about

the

arrival of

Italy.
TuUius. died in

Cicero

places
to

it in it

fourth the

quinius Superbus,
Now,
B.C.

Livy^ assigns
the five have be

to

reign

Servius Servius arrival. of table

according
or

ordinary chronology,
before
a

534,

years

Pythagoras'
different

Livy

must

therefore
; and
15

adopted
seen

mode

computation
1

it will
; Tusc.

that
cf. A.

by
Gell.

the
N". A.

reduced
xvii. 41.

De

Eep. ii.

i. 16, iv. 1
c.

Porphyr.
See

Vit.

Pyth.
Fasti

9.
^

Clinton,

Helleu.

Lib.

i. 18,

CXXXii the
529

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

year of
a
"

B.C.

would

have adds

been that

the

second

year
arrived

of

the

reign
than
annos

Servius. hundred

Livy
years

Pythagoras
"
"

more

after

Numa the

centum

amplius
Numa Eome. have
would of

post
could

that
his
to

is, of

course,

after he

time

when

have

been

pupil, before
the

became

king
it

But,
been

according
187
years, absurd. been the 144 reduced

ordinary chronology,
term from the
a

would

for

which
even

such death

an

expression
Numa be
so

be have

And

of
to

it would

years,

too

long

period

described.
117 years

By
from mode

computation
to
B.C.

it would

have

been

Numa's of

accession

529, which

agrees

with

Livy's

speaking.
Take another the instance. in the Phocaeans in the after

Livy^ places reign

were

the

first invasion

of

Italy by
time
as we

Gauls the shown few

of

Tarquinius Priscus, at the founding

Massalia.

when have
a

Now,
was

body
B.C.

of 546.

the

work,^

Massalia
to

foimded
common

years

But, according
died
in
B.C.

the We

chronology, Tarquin
to

the

Elder

578.

must, therefore,resort
his

the from

reduced
B.C.

chronology, which
to

shows
tion founda-

reign
of it. Could

to

have

lasted would

562

531

; and

the

Massalia

then

have

occurred

about

the middle

of

any

undoubted

synchronisms
and

be
in

shown
which

between
the assumed

the

early
Roman

Eoman

history
it,there
far of
as we

the
with of

Greek,
the

received
to correspond

chronology tallied
with
;

Olympiads
be
an

would
are

course
none

end
are

to to

the
be

tion ques-

but,

so

aware,

such

found.
is
or

The

marking

the

Olympiads

in

Polybius
that the

and

Dionysius
year, then

obtained

empirically, by assuming
consisted in of twelve

Eoman and

consulate, always
the
two

months,
:

placing
in
a

chronologies
to

co-ordination
before

thus

Dionysius,
of

passage make and

out

which
a

we

have

adverted,^ endeavours
the

to

synchronism
in
B.C.

between

consulship
were

Geganius
into But
mere

Minucius

492, when
and the this

envoys

despatched
at

Sicily to buy
we

corn,

reign
The

of Gelon

Syracuse.
is
a

have

shown of
V.

that that

pretended synchronism
year
B.C.
'

invention
^

author.
^

492
See

would,
above,

in

the

Lib.

34.

See

p.

33, seq.

p. Ixxvi.

RECAPITULATION.

CXXXlll

reduced
when
was

chronology,
the

be

B.C.

459,

and
was

thus

fall in

the

period reign
some

chief

man

in
;

Sicily
it is have

Ducetius,

whose that
name

in the of
not

B.C.

466-440

and may

not

improbable
his
events at

of

Eoman

annalists of

confounded But all

with
error

that
was

Dionysius

Syracuse.
nor can

the

adopted by Livy, early Eoman

of the thus

Dionysius'
of
ten

amendment

of

it be But the

accepted.
if the year
was one

months,
to
a

then

duration
one

regal period making

of it

would 203

have years,

be

reduced often And

by
thus be

sixth,
in the of

only
to

period

equalled
one

reigns
tritest

seven

consecutive the

sovereigns.

the

objections
the
art

early history would

to

removed.
To

recapitulate.
"

As

of

writing
earliest best from

appears

have is
no

been
reason

practised at
to

Eome

in the

very of the almost

times,

there

doubt

the had

testimony
been

ancient the

writers foundation with that

that of love

public
the of
to

records

kept
such
a

city ; especially as precedent,

be
a as

practice

accords

well

as

of the

national Eomans. may of

glory, which
And have their of
rest

is admitted
a

characteristic

of

although perished
existence shows oral

siderable con-

part
Gallic the

of

these

records the fact

in

the
to

conflagration, yet
of the ihat fourth

down that
:

middle

century
did
not

Eome
on

its it

history during catastrophe

"

period
been all events
as

tradition after from To

might, therefore,
or

have

easily
its had

reconstructed facts the

"

that

at

leading escaped
and

memory, suppose

aided that

by
it
was

such
not

documents
so

fire.

reconstructed character and

as

preserved
Eomans,
the
as

is not shown

only by

at

variance

with

the

of

the

the

preceding
themselves,
remained evidence and
we

records,
but
to

painted by
the the fact that

sceptical
must

critics

also

with

enough
and
to

have
the laws

substantiate possess had been

we

leading events,
taken
recover

with what

of

the

pains

treaties Further
:

destroyed.
the

if

deny
then for

preservation
remains
no

of

any

public
method

or

private records,
which The
we can

there

probable
of and the

by

account

the

existence

early history.
the

first

literaryannals

of

Fabius, Cato,

rest, could

CXXXIV

INTERNAL

EVIDENCE.

not

have

been

founded

on

oral

tradition, which
down That still
more

would
of

have

been
often

totallyincompetent
of of the
most
or

to hand nature.

such

mass
were

details,
duct proTlie

prosaic
invention

they

the

forgery

is

improbable.
were
"

high

character

of
men

these
of their

early writers, who

distinction
;

not

needy

but litterateurs,

the

minor

differences
blance resem-

sometimes
of

found them
from
on

in

narratives, yet the

that

general they
them
not

the

whole, showing
of

drew and from but of

pendently indethe the have torical his-

sources

recognised authority;
been upon

check

that of their tnith.

must

always
from methods

have

jealousy
insured

the

great patrician houses, could

any The which of have the been

accounts

flagrantperversions
history
and
are

invented
not

in

order

to

account of all

for the

existence but also

only
probable, im-

destitute
Niebuhr's

evidence,
of
a

inadequate
is

improbable.
himself. and

theory
and in

poetical origin
abandoned is also for
a

unauthenticated,
the

great part

by
mere

author

The

hypothesis setiological
to

invention,
far

altogether inadequate
of the

account
no

the
can

greater portion
into
an

history,

which

ingenuity

torture

aetiological origin.
To conclude
: on

the

objections which ground

to

have internal its

been

urged against
are

the

history

the

of

its

improbability
from
porary contem-

altogether
accounts

insufficient The

invalidate drawn

origin
the

record. which in much

argument
is

from

supernatural
accounts
are

it contains

futile,since similar

found

later, and
in

unquestionably authentic,
the

history.
been times

Their
of

greater frequency
in the

early period confirms, instead showing

it to have

invalidatingjjjbs authenticity,as superstitiousand

Its of it records. of
own

written which result of

our

comparatively
of their the

illiterate
are

alleged contradictions
materials,
well and much
as

chieflythe
and
want

the

paucity

partial destruction,
of

ignorance, as
of

ignorance
;

judgment
nature to

Dionysius
have been the

Plutarch

but,

after and

all,these
are

contradictions
a

exaggerated,
historical the
our

not

of
:

obliterate
adduced the

general against only

of

picture. Lastly ignorance,

the
are

arguments
also often

history from
own

chronology
or are

result

RECAPITULATION.

CXXXV

founded

on

the
of of the

mistranslations,
the

misapprehensions,
critics
themselves.

and
But

sical whim-

fancies this is

sceptical history
to

though
yet
nor

part
not

is invalidate that

undoubtedly
the whole

the

weakest, narrative,
we

it

of

nature

to

leave

us

without

hopes
in

by
it

careful

investigation

may

ultimately

succeed

clearing

up.

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

One the

thing

seems

tolerably certain
held this
to

"

that
to
a

the
race

great bulk
allied
to

of
the

early
he

Italian

population belonged
race

Greek.
once,

Niebuhr

have

been both

Pelasgians, who
of Greece of their
are

thought, occupied
were

the

peninsulas by
the

and

Italy,till they
tribes, and
;

overwhelmed them

incursions of

other
ence existwhelmed over-

left behind
as a

only partial-traces
features
a

just by

the

physical
above has of
name

of

country
is

deluge, except

few
But

which hill-tops, this

here
now

and
ploded. ex-

there

lift themselves

it.

theory
regard
of
to

Schwegler
Dr.
once

refuted latest the

it with historians

Italy/ and
does
not

Mommsen,
mention

one

the of

Kome,

the

Pelasgians.
we

The
"

last-named for Niebuhr's

writer, to
star

whom

thus that

advert
of

^ar

lence excelis

is the

and setting, last

new

Mommsen of Teutonic-

in

the

ascendant,

with

version

Eoman first

history" peopled by by

is
a

nevertheless Greek
the he
race,

of and

opinion
that At

that

Italy
entered of

was

they
at

the

peniQSula
civilization
an

crossing

Alps.
in the

the

period
that
of

their
of

immigration

they had,
which is
on

thinks, arrived

stage

implied
certain

practice
in

agriculture;
Greek

opinion formed languages.

ceases

analogies
stage
the
were

the
an

and

Latin

But,

generally speaking,
Its next
are

agricultural large and

upon
a

people

to

wander.
if these

is to
sea,

found
to enter

and opulent cities, commercial

near

life.
seems

As

the much

Greeks
more

pre-eminently
whatever

time mari-

people, it
elements
and the
out

likelythat Italy were

entered
traces

Hellenic

may the

be

discovered

in

introduced

by
were

sea,

that

population which
; of

by

the have

Alps
been

of

Celtic
in the The

stock Italian

whose

language by
modern

pointed peopled

dialects
of

inquirers. Italy Alps,

on
or was

balance

probability
who
measure

whether

entirelyby immigrants by
sea, must

crossed

the

partly making
to
sea

also of

in

great
the
as

depend
were

the
of

antiquity

navigation.
voyages
attested at

That least

Greeks
the

capable
of

long
is

early as
of his

time

the

siege of Troy,
that after the

by the
and

account

Ulysses having sailed

over

city
its

from

Ithaca,

of
*

long wanderings
Geschichte, Buch

Romische

iii. " 4.

EARLY

POPULATION

OF

ITALY.

fall.
mere

It is

nothing

to

the
We

purpose do
not to

to

object
cite them

that
as on

these

are

poeticallegends.
we

here be

historical
rences. occura

facts,though
We who

believe
to

them

founded
to

real that

allude
a

them

here centuries

merely
before

show the

poet
era,

lived

great
voyages the

many
to

Christian

believed
that
must
era.

such On

be

possible
Dr.
to

twelve

centuries
^

before

other

hand.

Mommsen the

argues Hellenes its An for any been

name.

that

Italy
to

have

been he

totallyunknown
does
not
once

in

Homer's But

time,
prove the

because this

mention
not. not

point, a negative
towards if
we

suffices called to

expedition
mention

of of

Greeks

the allow appears

east

Italy ; while,
of the
more

Homer
to

have

the

author the

Odyssey,
distant

he

have he

been

acquainted
of under mentioned under

with the
name

still

which Sicily, The Siculi

are

speaks
times

of Thrinakia.2
same

several

in the
name,

poem;^
may allude Such The

and
to
a

Strabo the

is of

opinion* that,
inhabited all events

this

he

people
were

who
at

the

extremities

of in

Italy.
Greece.

people
name

entirely unknown
"

of
to

Epirus, which
the islands that have
a

the signifies which lie off

mainland,"
in

in contradistinction the with Iliad.

^

it,appears
coast

But

to

suppose
not

seafaringpeople,acquainted
known the of

Epirus, should
is

also

Italy,

which
Dr.

only

about

forty miles "opinion on

distant, is
this

utterly incredible.
is

Mommsen's and

subject
the

comprehens altogether inconfutes tenth songs of

self-contradictory. In
mouth. the had At time
no

fact, he
the Homeric

himself

out

of his

own

beginning

of his

chapter
were

he

teUs

us

that, at
Greeks

when certain heard But

composed,

the

knowledge
of
at

Italy
when the have

and from

Sicily, though
some

they might
was

have

their the he

existence

storm-tossed

mariner.

time

Hesiod's
whole

Theogony
make

composed,
not

they knew,

says, may

Italian
to

coast, and
settlements theories
a

long afterwards
it. the

they

begun
The

upon

different embrace Mommsen Gesch,

B.

respecting
of
not
no

period when
than date he five

Homer

flourished and
1 3

period
tells
us

fewer what
^

centuries,
We

Dr.
Rom.

selects.

i.

Kap.

2. "c.
-*

Odyss.
c

xii. 127.
"

Odyss.xx.

38a;

xxiv.

211,

Lib.

i.

1, " 10.

ii. 635.

b2

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

will, however,
which
war,
or

assume

that

he

takes
a

the

earliest,according
the

to"^

Homer

flourished
the There

within

century after
of

Trojan
the
a

towards
era.

end

of the
a

eleventh
difference

century before
more

Christian

is also
of

than here him

century in the
we

computations
ninth the
even

Hesiod's

date ; but

also in the

win

take of

the

highest calculation, which

century
Italian
B.C.

places
on

middle
own

the

Now,
must

Dr.

Mommsen's
been this in he

showing,
to, but
For

coast

not

only have long

us,

known

colonized
as

by
he
;

the

Greeks

before founded

period.
Olympiad
further
was B.C.

Sybaris was,
or

rightly tells
in the
same

xiv. 2,
us,

B.C.

723
all

and

paragraph
which the
a

tells

also

in

probability correctly,that
before

Cumse be of

founded

three
or

centuries
two

Sybaris ;^
years about

would
time

1023,
at

nearly
very

hundred

before

Hesiod,
of the

the

least, and
date of the

within

half who

century
said
to not

very been

highest ignorant
Cumsean the

assigned to Homer,
existence
were,

is

have

of
as

Italy !
Dr.

It matters Mommsen

whether

the

Greeks

says, it

merchants,
is

and that

Sybarite Greeks
Greeks had
to

agriculturists ; though
sailed

probable
"When

the

to, and

traded

with,

Italy,long
maritime

before

they began

settle there.
the

it is and
era

considered commercial the

that

Phoenicians
many centuries
to

were

great
the
a

nation
war,

before

reputed
clever have famous and who of

of

Trojan
them

it is difficult like the

believe should

that

and

enterprising people
from the who

Greeks

not

acquired

art of

navigation long
in the
to

before

that

siege. Herodotus,
may the therefore be

lived

fifth

century B.C.,
a we a

supposed
ancient this there

have

been than

better
can

judge
Cretans

capabilitiesof
to

navigation
tells
us ^

possibly pretend
"

be

at

day,
are

that

crew

of tlements set-

in whose
"

island their
coast
Jahr

traces

of

Phoenician

were,
on

on

return

from

Sicily,driven
Eoman

by

stress

of
^

weather
"Kyme

the

of

lapygia, the
ist der

Calabria, and
'*Die
. .

dreihmidert
01.

alter 23

als

Sybaris"
s.

Griindung
that,
of

von

Sybaris fallt
the

14, 2, oder
text
"

Stadt,"
altered
a

89.
here

We

perceive
tradition and
^

in

English

translation, the
we

is much is the

; and, instead

the
a

first

sentence,

find

only, elapsed
"

There

further

credible at
2

that
the main

considerable Hellenic

interval

between

settlement

Cumae yji

emigration,"

Vol.

i. p.

140.

i^[\y

^70

MAEITIME

COLONIZATION

OF

ITALY.

there

established
of

themselves.
Crete
;

This

happened
the of had

in

the

reign

of

Minos, king
the

that
no

is, in
means

mythical period returning

cast to

before
own

Trojan
; thus

war.

Having becoming,
exhibits

their
town

country, they built, where

fortune says

them,

the

of

Hyria
instead
or

Herodotus,
this

lapygian Messapians
be
a an

of

Cretans.
at least

Whether the
as

story
of

historical ancient Grreek

fact and gation, navi-

not, it

opinion
to

very of

very

inquisitive historian
and of Greek

the
on

antiquity
the Italian in this

settlements

coast.

The

lapygians, or Messapians, peninsula,

or

settled

most south-easternconsiders

"heel,"

of

Italy,Dr.
for that in down
swarms

Mommsen

to have

been

the

primitive inhabitants, or reputed autochthons,

main had
reason

of the be that

country

; the

opinion appearing
the

to
as

though they

come

over

Alps, they had, extremity

new can

usually happened,
land The
a

been

thrust

to

this of

of

the

by only

constantly succeeding
remains

immigrants.
be traced
are

by
a

which Greek Greek

their

ethnology
but

few

inscriptionsin analogy
will be.
to

character, and

bearing apparently they

of Dr. have
never

some

the

language;
to the

been
never

deciphered and, according

The
"

opinion
Greek

Mommsen,

names

of certain

divinities, apreiJie^i,

aTTpoBcra Ba/uLarpLa,
show,
we

-that

is,Artemis, Demeter,
the authors
race

Aphrodite^
of who the shall

"

think have

indubitably, that
been
were

tions inscriptell

must
us or

of the

an

Hellenic

; but

whether

they

or original,

autochthonic Cretans Hellenic

?

inhabitants,
mentioned

immigrant

Greeks,
a

such very

as

the

by
the
as

Herodotus,

speaking

primitive
with

dialect, corrupted
so

perhaps by Messapians
a were

intercourse

barbarians the

that

universally regarded by
accidental
maritime visits and such

later

Greeks

barbarous Besides

people.
the and it settlements
as

of

the

more

southern
we

Greeks,
that very

that

just

alluded also

to,
have

think

highly probable
colonized and
no

southern

Italy may
Greece.

been from that

partly Epirus
we

at

early period by immigrants

of
or even

the

western

coasts

It

is

true any

have

historical Greeks
Die

record,
and

tradition, of
at

early contact
1

between
Mommsen,

Italiots

this
p. 84.

point

and,

Untcritalische

Dialekte,

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

considering the
the
same

state

of

our

knowledge
surprising if
tribes
a

respecting the earlywe

historyof Italy,it
names

would

be

had.

But in two

when
tries, coun-

of

places
at

and

are

found

there that

is room,
one

all
was we

events, for

very

strong
the other. both

tion presumpIt
can
a a

of

them that
or

peopled
should
a

from

hardly
race

be

accidental

find^in

countries

called

Chaones,

Chones,
And the

town

called Pandosia, and

names

river
a

called Acheron.
between

if these
two

afford

evidence
to

of

connexion it could
sea.

lands,

it is difficult

believe
than

that the At

have

been

established

in any

other

way

by

the
there

same was

time
not

we

are

willing to
much The
sea

allow

that

in

ancient
Greece

times
and
race,

probably
to

intercourse

between
were a

Italy across
not

the

Adriatic.
the

Epirots
;

pastoral length
did

much which

addicted

though,
be
a

with

the if

of
not
come

coast

they possessed, it
venture

would
even

strange

they

sometimes within of

upon

it,and

fishing-boatmight
considered the

sight making
in

of

Italy. The
in

seafaring Greeks, however, days

of
were

capable
voyages,

what the

those

long
of
on

dwelt
on

Peloponnesus,
coasts

in

islands
and
no

the the

Archipelago,
shores of Asia

the

eastern

Greece,
to
see

Minor.
the of

Hence

it is easy

that

Greek
on

navigators,with
the
western coast

exception, perhaps, Peloponnesus,

On of and for
a

of

those

dwelling

especially the Italy,have

a

thians, Corin-

would,
to

in

steering westward
such

anything
from any Ma-

do

with

the

Adriatic.

course,

vessel

pai-tof Greece

eastward have
to

Cape
to

Tsenarum

(now
of of

Cape
and

tapan),
thus

would itself

doable

that
the

promontory,
south

would

find

considerably
the her

Cape

Pachynus
Under Ionian coasts is
more

(Cape
these Sea for

Passaro),

southernmost
course

point
would reach
be

Sicily.
the

circumstances,

across

Sicily; whence

she would

the western
what

of

Italy either by circumnavigating that island, or probable, by passing through the

this the
was

Straits

of

Messina.

That from
or

the

usual of

course

of Greek Italian

navigation, is evident Leaving question, there

of is not

situation and

their

colonies.

lapygia,
a

Messapia,
Greek

Venice
on

out

of the

single
;

colony

the

eastern

coast

Italy,except

Ancona

VOYAGES

OF

THE

GEEEKS.

and
as on

this
the the

we

know

was

settled
before the

by refugees from
Christian of
era.

Sicilyas
In

late

fourth southern
numerous,

century
and while

Sicily,and
colonies
to

western

coasts

the Greek Italy,

was

were

the the

Adriatic

but of

little known nation.

and

less

explored by
alone,
out not

greater part
the

that

The

Corinthians

from

their

geographical position,their gulf

entrance

opening
have
eastern

far

from to
even

of
a

that

sea,

seem
on

to

visited shores
cause we

it,and
; but

have

planted
appear
to

few have

colonies

its from

they
Now,
the of

abstained,
the

what
coast

cannot

explain, from
if such

colonizing
was

Italian of other

of

the

Adriatic.

the

usual
or,

course

Greek

navigation during
when
seems

historical

times,
were

in

words,
there

the
to
an

colonies
no

Magna

Graecia
not

founded,
have the
so

be

reason

why

it should

also that

been

pursued
had voyage

at

earlier

period, provided always

sailors this
to to

Greeks

become
; and
we

sufficientlyskilful
that

make

long
remote

they

had

attained endeavoured
source

skill show.

in very

antiquity might
the

have
been

already
another which Eome
seem city,
we

Here, then,
and

have

of of

Italian Greek of

population,
settlements

many

legends
of that

have before
to

in the which We
are

neighbourhood actually built

also of southern

that

the
a

people
source.
we

point
the

to such

opinion

that

several

of the

races

which

hear

of

in

and Italy,

Sicily,as

"c., -"Enotrii, Siculi,Itali,

been introduced with

bably pro-

Pelasgic tribes,might
We shall
content
some
so

have

by

sea.

ourselves, however,

indicating
at

the

possibilitythat might length

present
may be have how work in that been

portion
introduced

of

the

early
the

Italian

population
any the of

without As

discussing
main

Italy
is to the
we

was

peopled.
at of

object
truth

endeavour

ascertaining what
Eome,
into the it will still upon
we

there be
pected ex-

early history
should
enter

hardly
more

obscure

question
more we

of

Italian

ethnography, a subject
more

which,
feel there
to

the nounce pro-

investigate it,the
any

incompetent
If, as
the all is

decided
to

opinion.
establish
which
at

supposed,
of the there
to

is not
turies cen-

evidence of
some

enough
Eome,
how

history
events

first few

of

profess
a

to

be

records,

should

it be

possible

give

satisfactory

8
account
a

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

of

long antecedent
those of ? This

period, of which
the
most

there
and

are

only

few

traditions, and
nature

divergent
has

dictory contra-

circumstance, however,

not

deterred

writers who from

of

Teutonic-Roman
reconstruct the
most

history
it

of

the

Niehuhr of
"

school,

profess to
proposing
vaguest

by

process

divination," ^
course,
on

confident
"

theories,built,of
we come

the

inductions.
Sir

When Come

to
"

examine
on

the the

evidence," observes etlmological theories

are

George
the
at

wall of

Lewis,

which

of

majority
their
an

antiquarian
and indeed

treatises almost is too

founded,

our

wonder
is

wide,
No

unlimited

divergences, conjecture is
the
an

at

end.
no

probability
too

faint, no
to to

too

bold,

ethnology is
in search

uncertain

resist

credulity of^ian antiquarian ethnological hypothesis.

nations,
one

of evidence
men,

support

Gods
another wand
; nor,
are

become

kings become
sites
are

nation
a

becomes of the minutes

nation,

oppo-

interchanged
Centuries
account

at

stroke
as

of the historical

magician.
itself of much In method the

are

to him

indeed,
in

is space

when

national
or

affinities

question."^
modern
us

absence of

of all records

traditions, the great

may

comparative philology
ancient in

aindoubtedly
It has

teach

something respecting
with
some

ethnography.
the

been

used

success

the discriminating

dififerent
Italian in the

races

which,

during
but their

the

historical
not
as

period, inhabited
made For much this little all the
"

peninsula,
is

it has

yet

progress purpose
or

demonstrating
method
so

immediate

origin.
that

comprehensive
now,
we

it teaches

nothing specific.
peoples
is of ancient called

It is

believe, decided
the

that
were

Italy,
Indoof
roots

including
European
which may

Etruscans,
that

of

what

the

family :
be within its
as

is,they spoke languages

up
to

the

traced

the

Sanscrit.

This

description
now so

contains

comprehensive
the

boundaries
the

tongues
the

widely
Erse,
the

different

Greek,
more.

Latin,
As
these

Teutonic,

the

Gaelic, and

several
all
to

nations, however
fewer
or

diverse

their which fact

^

dialects,had

some

words,
in
common,

greater
to

in

number,
how this

belonged

them

it is easy the

see

complicates, instead
of

of

removing,

difficulty

Hist,

Rome,

vol. i. p.

152.

Credibilityof

Early

Roman

History,

vol. i. \i. 270.

10

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

of and

certain with

classes of Greek their

and

Latin

words

with

one

another,
trace be the

progress
to
some

of

parent Sanscrit, he has those peoples. This method

lead
with to the
not
a

attempted
may, few and
on

to

indeed,

liable From their the

objections, and long

intercourse almost

fallacies.
because

their

Greeks,

literature Komans
words found

was no

entirely modelled adopted,

is at
a

the

Grecian,
many be
as
was

doubt their

late
could

period,
not

Greek

into

language, which
a

originally
we a

there.
to

There show

great probability, too,

on,

shall

endeavour

further would in

that

Eome for
a

itself

Greek
of in the any for

settlement, which
Greek

account

great many
Hence
of those

words
of

found the

the

Latin dialects it
seems

language.
with
to

comparison
and the

Italian

Greece be

ethnological purposes, comparison

dialects.
results

Latin,
made

us,

should and the

omitted,
Umbrothese
to

between

Greek
for

the
moment

Sabellian

Waiving, however,
of the process

objections,the
that when had

alluded
from

to

appear

be

the

Graeco-Italians
at

separated
more

the parent stock

they
words not

arrived

nothing
possess

than

pastoral life,since the

with the Sanscrit do towards tion. civiliza-

which go further Mommsen

they
than

in

common

this stage in the

next

progress after this to he

supposes

that

separation,and
dwell

while

the

Graeco-Italians
at

still continued of

together,
the

they arrived
also
to

the

stage
wliich for

agriculture,as
had in
to

infers from

agricultural words
common some

they

common.

They
domestic
here

have

words

things relating
of kind of Dr. of the

and life, also the both

elementary
of of the
more

principles
domestic

religion, but
;
as

religion worship
to

for
was

instance
known

Vesta,
and

the

goddess
Here

hearth,

Greeks

Italians.

Mommsen the

stops short, for

and Latin will

further
not

than

this

comparison
that
an

Greek

carry It is

him.

obvious, however,
may tend Greeks
in
an

though

the

preceding
no

tigation invesrace

to

show

original community point

The
are

of

between
into

the

and

Italians, it affords
of

ever insight whatmuch Latin

more

what,
"

historical

view, is
and most

important
for civil

their and

political life.
affairs

Greek
for the

terms

military

part

quite

I
GREEK AND CELTIC ELEMENTS OF LATIN.

11

different resemblance has

; and

what
to
some we

is

the singular,
and words
a

Latin

bear

very

striking
Newman referred

the

Gaelic of these
extract

Welsh. in the that

we

Professor work the

"

collected from

before
most

to/

which

few

have find

striking
arma,

resemblance.
arm

In

military

terms

Latin,

G.
;

gladius,G. claidheamh, galia

; caterva, W.

W.

cleddyr; telum, G.
;

tailm

galea, E.
G. lorica, W.

catorva

G. sagitta, W.
mur

saighead ;
;

luireach

; baltens, G. halt ; murus,

vallum,

gwal, G. fal
corona,

and

halle ;
coron

spuill;
affairs we

G. W.
"

preeda, W. praidh, spolia,G. In civil gloria,G. gloir; "c.

W. carchar
;

have

Latin,rex, G.
; career,
as

righ; populus,W. poU,G.2)ohuU ;

ordo,
W. urdh
;

senatus, G.
and

seanadh
more.

several
upon

Now

it is natural
names

that for

victors

should

impose
and for

the

conquered their
we

military affairs
infer
that

civil

government,
tribes in his had

might
subdued

hence

the

originalItalian
Dr. other
were

been

by Celtic invaders.
of that

Prichard,
modern
a

"Physical History
maintained this

Mankind,"
the

and

writers, have
race,

Umbrians

Celtic

and

opinion
to

is in
same ^ an

some

degree

ported sup-

by by
not
some

an

obscure later

tradition Eoman

the
;

effect mentioned

of the

writers into the

opinion, however,
dialect have
it from

which

researches philological
to

the

Umbrian

tended the

confirm. nations

On

other these

hand,
words

might
the

be

said

that

Celtic

derived

Eomans

during their long struggle with and that people. This, however, does not in which the Eomans came by them
of
war

partialsubjugation by
account ;

for the besides

are

manner

and,

the terms
others
to
names

and

politicsbefore
mere

aUuded

to, there
are

many

relating to
Latin and

natural
not

objects which
to the

common
as

the for

Celtic,and
abstain

Greek,
*

such

the

earth,sea, mountain, wind, storm, d"c.

But
we

from wiU

pursuing
content

any

further with

these

general

observations, and
most

ourselves

generally received results of modern regard to the ancient populations of Italy.

1

recordingthe inquiry with

Eegal Eome,
Solinus, ii.
"

ch. 4.
11

The ad

letters G. W.
^n, xii, 753 ; p.

E, stand

for Gaelic, Welsh, Erse.

2.

3
*

; Serv.

Isidore,Orig. ix.
20, seqq.

See the list in Newman's

Eegal Eome,

12 There of whom
for the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

can

be
or

no

doubt
is

that, leaving aside known,

the

the

Ligurians,
was was

little most

nothing

the

Italian

peninsula
Kome another

founded,
their

time when part occupied, at by three races, distinguished from one

;
a

by

language

namely,
dialect.
we

the of

lapygians, or
tribes

Messapians, the

Etruscans, and

collection

called .Umbro-Sabellian,

speaking
Of the
or

cognate

the

lapygians
be

have

already spoken.
of the The

Eespecting language
decide

origin and nothing

be it
was oan

ethnological affinities
established.
but

Etruscans, little
of their of

remains
is known any

cannot that

interpreted;
Etruscans

enough
from

it to

entirely different family.^

be As

other

Italian

dialect,
to

yet that

the

nevertheless
no

probably belonged
clue
to

the the

Indo-European
Etruscans is
so

the

origin
so

of

can

derived
that the of

from

their
us

language,
in
an

also

tion tradiof
certainty. un-

various
One of

it leaves
most

equal
received

state

commonly
who of

accounts

is,
to

or

rather

was,

that

Herodotus,^
the pressure

represents them famine,

one

have then

emigrated, under
called

from of the

Lydia,
sons

Mseonia, into
of

Italy. Tursenus,
the
to

of
; he

Atys, king
conducted
and

Maeonia,
the

was

leader

of

this

expedition

half
at

nation

Smyrna,
been of

where

they embarked,
or

landed
This

last in the
seems

country of the Ombrici,

almost

Umbrians.

account

to have

universallyreceived
appears his
to

among be the

the

Eonians. ancient

Dionysius
author could who
not

Halicarnassus it ; but

only

disputed
have from been that absurd.

argument
because

that his

the time

Etruscans

Lydians, people
^

in

they entirely differed

and which fifteen
must

in

language,
that other each

customs,
two

is eminently religion, have been

It

assumes

nations
or

separated
both

from

twelve that

centuries,* and
extreme
customs

had

undergone
have In

during
retained

long period
their

vicissitudes, should
and

unaltered

their

language.

fact, the

1 '

Mommsen,
Aut. The Rom.

Rom,
i. 30.

Gescli.

B. i. " 81.

Lib.

i.

c.

94.

emigration
centuries

mentioned the

by Herodotus
era,
as

must

have

taken

place more
was

than

twelve
to

before

Christian

the

dynasty

of Atys

previou

that

of the

Heraclidae.

ORIGIN

OF

THE

ETRUSCANS.

V3
but
two

originalemigrants
MjBonians;
and have has fact that of

were

not,

properly speaking, Lydians,

Herodotus is considers

although
been shown their from

these
to
as

peoples
as

to

identical, there
other

good
that

reason

believe,
well
as

Niebuhr
the and

ancient

authors,

from
races,

change
endured

of name,
were

they

were

distinct

the

Maeonians

conquered by the Lydians. ^

revolutions,
and among
;
so

Subsequently, Lydia
was as

many

which

subjugation by
Strabo tells

the

Persians,

by

the

Greeks
had in
at

that,
time
same

us,^

the Yet

Lydian
!
^

language
who The

his

entirely disappeared.
time
as

Dionysius,

lived

the

Strabo, is
turn

still

seeking it

Lydians

in

Italy must

in their the

have
on

endured
which

equal vicissitudes. Dionysius

dissimilar
seems

Nevertheless,

argument
than
on

to

lay

even

more

stress

the

dissimilarityof their language

their

to

that
to

of be

the

Lydians, namely, by
common as

customs,

appears

contradicted A
custom

the

researches
to

of modern

"* inquirers.

the

Etruscans that chance

with the

the

Lydians
could

is

so

singular,as well
well have
to

abominable,
work of
a

coincidence custom,

not

been

the

of

; the

namely,
the

alluded sake
of

by Plautus,^
them modern

prostitutingtheir daughters for dowry.

and

procuring

Several
have also

writers,
the

among
of

them
the

Dr.
account

Mommsen, given by impossible

sea.

disputed
on so

probability
that

Herodotus,
to

the
numerous

ground
a

it would
so

have
across

been

convey

people

far

the

This

however, difficulty,
nor

occurred

neither

to

Herodotus
he

himself,

to

his
not
were

critic

Dionysius, who, though

this

disputes the story,

These
ancient

does writers their

employ
better

argument

against it.
with the

acquainted
are.

early navigation than

Greeks
could

modern

critics

In

fact,if
on

people

1 2

Hist, Lib. He See in

of Rome, xiii. ch.

vol.
iv.

i. p.
p.

32 631.
:

Lect.

Anc.

Hist.

vol.

i. p, 87.

17,

3 *

uses

the

present
of

tense

oiS^

yip tKelvois SfiSyAaxraroi flaiv,loc. cit.

; who

Mr. especially the customs

Dennis's the

Etniria, vol. i.
with

points
their

out

many

ties similariin

Etruscans

those

of

reputed forefathers

Asia
5

Minor.
"

Non

enim

hie
dotem

est

ubi

ex

Tuscp
"

modo

Tute
Cf.

tibi

indigne

quseras

corpore."

Cistell. ii. 3, 20.

Herod,

i. 93,

14 the have
coasts

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

of

Magna
had
at

Grsecia
in

and

Sicily, why
some

might
? have

not

this
vided prothat

been

performed
the
to
case

Etruria

centuries
progress
we

before,
And

navigation
this
was

made
a

adequate

very

early period
need
not

already

endeavoured
But
numerous.

show.

the

Lydian
times

immigrants people
thousand grow
not at

have
the

been

so

very
; but
a

Herodotus,
a

indeed, speaks
was

of half

people
a

in

ancient
Nor

often
suppose

composed
that may

of

city or
came

tribe.
one

is it necessary A few
soon

to

they
under

all

in

fleet.

immigrants
up into
a

favourable

circumstances
the of

great nation
formed any

; and

though
their

Lydians
the

may

first have

great portion
from in

people
of their

afterwards

called
may

Etruscans,
succeeded of their

yet,

superior
many
more even

civilisation
customs

they

have much whom

imparting
to

and

language
and

the

barbarous their
name.

people among
that

they landed,
had
race.

perhaps
made

It is evident the
coast

other

settlements
an

also been Such

its

on

of Etruria

by

Hellenic with

were

Pisse,
others. its
a

Telamon,
The Greek
name

Agylla
of

or

Caere,

Pyrgi,
shown
Greek

port,
its

and

Pyrgi
which

(Uvpyoi, the
is further

towers) of itself denotes by goddess,

that who
a

origin;
to

containing

temple
over

Eileithyia, a purely
The
also

presided
treasury
of
:

child-birth.

circumstance
a

Caere

had

at

Delphi, affords origin of

strong presumption
and
was

in

favour
names

its the

Grecian Greek
in

origin. Telamon
the latter the

Pisse almost author at the

a

are

Grecian

universally recognized
who
same

antiquity; Cato,
foundation,
been

only

ascribes time that

to

it

an

Etruscan
had

admits

its site
a

previously occupied by
These Greek settlers

people speaking
to

Greek them^ of
an

dialect.^ selves
a

appear the in in
were

have

spread vestiges Argolic

"c.

considerable
relates

distance
^

into
even

interior. his the time

Dionysius
of
towns

Halicamassus Hellenic Ealerii

and in
race

that

might
other

still be

traced Such

Etruscan

of

and

Eescennium.
and weapons,

their

shields method the

lances which
"

their

the religiousrites,

their
Serv.
ad

temples
^n.
x.

were

constructed,
a

But

Apud

179.

Lib.

i.

ch. 21.

OEIGIN

OF

THE

ETEUSCANS.

15

strongest evidence
of

was

temple
in may

at

Falerii
similar
more

exactly like
sacred rites

that
were

Here,

or

Juno,
among

at

Argos,
which

which be

performed;
the the

particularly girlswho Livy,

who in

guished distin-

who basket-bearing virgin {Kavr]"j"6po^) the the chorus of

rated inaugusung their the

sacrifices,and
to

traditionary hymns treachery

his
a

goddess.
the

relating
to

of

the the

Faliscan hands commit

some

schoolmaster,
of

offered
that
care

give
was
one

pupils

into

Eomans,

remarks
to

it of

Greek

custom

to

several Etruscan

boys
words
are,

the

master.^

Moreover,
as

connected
as

with

religion,
observes,
^

haruspex
also

and

hariolus,
of the

Mr.

Newman

manifest
were
on.

corruptions
traces

Greek

and lepoaKoiro^i
at

Upev^.
shall It Eomans settlements
see
seems

There further

of the

Argives
aid

Eome,

as

we

highly probable occasionally received

made in that and also of Etruria,

that from

the

"

which
and from

the

early

Etruria,
derived

the
the

Etruscan Grecian of

city,were
were

population
race.

prompted Pelasgic, or
became know ancient
one.

by by

community

It

was

probably

the that
we

Hellenic, portion
their

of the
terror
a

Etruscan of the
seas.

population
of the

piracies the
was

Piracy, as
more

from

Thucydides,
and bulk of

favourite them

pursuit
as an

Greeks, great
maritime

regarded
the At

by

honourable
seem

The
a

Etruscans

do

not

to

have

been

people.

all events, the inland But

:

leading
of the
was

cities twelve

of the
was

Etruscan seated of the

on

confederacy were
the
sea.

not

one

of what Of

the the

great
their

bulk

Etruscan the

population
are

composed?
to

Umbrians,
on

whom
?
^ ^

Lydians
of
a

said
race,
no

have

found

there

arrival

Or

distinct

that

called

by Dionysius
Faliscis, eodeni
hodie 27.
p. 109. not

Mhasennce

It is evident

that

**Mos

erat

magistro
in

liberorum

et

comite
unius

uti
curse

simulque
demanda-

plures piieri, quod

bantur."
2
"

quoque

Grsecia

manet,

Li

v.

v.

Regal Rome,
that he

"Whatever have

Tarquin
the

may

have

done usages

at

Rome,

it is

evident
to
^

could

introduced

religious

above

adverted

at

Falerii. is the

This

opinion
2

of

Lepsius

in his

"

Tyrrhenische Pelasger in

Etrurien"

(8vo. Leipsic, 1842,

4

Bande).

Lib.

i.

c.

30.

16 mixture of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Hellenes

and

Umbrians

could the

have

produced
which

language
defeated
There

totally
all the

to unintelligible

Romans,

has

efforts of

modem been
was

to interpretit. philologists
a

must,

therefore,

have

third
or a

element,
Rhasennic?
race
"

and

the The

question
latter

is whether however
"

this

Lydian
it be for the

race,

if indeed
name

distinct Etruscans

at

all,

instead

of

only

another
and

is known ancient
as a

only

from

Dionysius,
How
race

is mentioned

by

no

other
existence
to

author.

they
is to appear where

came

into

Italy, if their
to

separate
The of

be

allowed, it is impossible
at
one

ascertain.
the

Etruscans

time

have

occupied
the
turn

plains

Lombardy,
were

they
time of

must

have
out

subdued in

Umbrians,
or

till they

themselves the

driven

by the Celts
; when

Gauls, about
them and appear the

Tarquinius refuge

Priscus

part of Rhaetia,
the

to have

taken
we

in the

mountains

of

remainder,
Hence
names some

may modern

presume,

proceeded
the been
the

towards

south.^
of

writers, from
have
from

resemblance
led
to
clude con-

the

Rhcetia the Etruscans

and

Rhasenna,
entered

that had with the been the

Italy
But

AlpS,

which

their
account

primitive abode.
of

this

is

quite
us

at variance

Livy.
of

That

historian
of

tells

that, before
Etruscans the

above-mentioned
both sides

invasion
the

the

Gauls, the
that

occupied
each
those the

Apennines,
the
The

towards

Adriatic, and'
district
on

that twelve

towards

Tyrrhenian
twelve
and

Sea, having in
cities
were
on

cities.

original
the from Po
as

the

Roman
or

side of the

Apennines,
colonies the the

twelve

further,

northern
all the

side, were

these.
far
as

The
the ^
^

latter

occupied

territorybeyond belonging
races, to

Alps, except the

who became

district

Veneti.

Hence,
Rhaetians
;

also, the originof the Alpine

barbarized
in of their ancient

especiallythe
their

these

countries, retaining

nothing
even,

cultivation
^

except

language,

and

that

corrupted.
Plin. H. Liv.
V.

1
'

N.
33.
or

iii. 20, " 24

Justin,

xx.

5. whether the Etruscans of

fonner
were

Livy
went

does

not

explain

driven But
the is at

into the
the

Alps,
of

there
is

voluntarily

in

the progress
while the

colonization.
agrees

latter

supposition

quite improbable,
It may

with

accounts

Pliny

and

Justin.

be

observed

that

Livy's

account

18

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

time,
Etruria

when

the
or

Etruscan the
on

dominion

had

been

limited

to

proper, the Tiber

north,
and the

the the Magra on country between the east, the south, the Apennines on
on

Tyrrhenian
to
narrower

Sea

the

west, all these

elements, being
more

confined fused
the nation

limits, became

gradually

and

more

of the Lydians, and the language and customs together^ the How the predominance. governing race, obtained thus formed say, but obtained it is the hard

the
to

name

of

Etruscans it should

it

is

difficult to
have been from

believe
race.

that The
to

not to

imposed by
the

dominant

Umbrians,
called
the
u

judge
became

Eugubine Tables,
by
and
an

appear

have

them
r,

Tursci, which,

easy the

transposition of
of e,

and

Tnisci, and
Tusci
of
some

by

addition
are

probably
Eoman

an

article,

Etmsci.
The
rest
name on

Etruria

perhaps
author.

corruptions.
may is of Tursci

Rhasennce,
mistake of

mentioned that

only by Dionysius,
The
root

perhaps
of have of

the

of the leader sought in Tyrsenus, the name hardly appellation can Lydian emigration.^ The
to

be

been the

derived

from

the
of

Tyrrhenian Pelasgians as
the

founders
name

Hellenic

portion
for
to

Etruscans; Sea,
seems

and

the
to

of been ever, howhave

Mare

Tyrrhenum,
confined in
to

the

Lower

have

chiefly given
near

Greek of

writers. Northern

The

Etruscans,
to

when
name

possession
the of the Po.

Italy, appear
their

Adriatic

through

colony

of

Adria,

the

mouths the

Besides inhabited

lapygians
various
are

and

Etruscans,

Ancient
as

Italy was they spoke

stock whether
or

by
from

other

nations, which,
to

cognate

dialects,
one

supposed
common

have Their

been

scended originally deis

stock. been
was

remote

universally agreed
their has
more

to

have stock

Indo-European;
Greek, Teutonic,
to

immediate

Celtic,
or

been May
not

determined, according differently

the
name

the

judgment
the Tursci
son,

be Tvp(rr)v6s

composed might
The

of Tvpa,

whence in

of
or

the

Umbrians,

and

riv6s,a signiiicant meaning particle,

Hence
we

Lydian
seems

something analogous?
Pors-ena licence
or

explain making
Latin

such of the

Etruscan
e

names

as
a

(or Porsenna), Vib-ena, "c.

taken

short

to be

by

some,

not

all,of the Latin

most

poets. Greek

authors

write

Tlopori^vas
{JEn.

Tloparij/os. Virgil,the

learned

of the

poets, has

Porsena

viil

646).

THE

SABELLIAN

RACES.

19

prejudice of inquirers. These various ranked under the three grand divisions
the

races

are

commonly
Sabel-

of

Umbrians,
as

lians,
which the from and the

and

Latins; though
call
and
as

some

writers,
the The with

Dr.

Mommsen,
those
races

recognise only two, including

others Sabines

under

Umbrians
races

Sabellian.

Sabellian
the tribes

included
sprung

the

Samnites,

which

them,
others. Samnites

the The is

Marsi, Marrucini, Peligni, Picentes, Hirpini,

near

connexion

between fact of
to

the the

Sabines
latter And and

and called the

shown

by
a

the

that h into

themselves
term

Safini^ with
was

change
both in

that

Sahellus
from both

applied
^

Samnites

Sabines
Horace
were

appears
uses

several
races.

passages

ancient that the

authors. the

it of

Pliny

says

Samnites

called with The

Sabelli,^ and
that of Samnium.* the

Livy

identifies

Sabellian

territory

Sabines,
the

Samnites,
of

and

their

cognate
the
on

races

pied occu-

greater part
the north
to
on

Central

Italy,from
and

Nar

and

the and

^sis from
on

on

Lucania the of these

Apulia
to

the and

south, who,

the the

Adriatic North

east

Latium

Campania
in very

west.

lay
the

the

Umbrians,
of with the the

early times, probably occupied

from
sea

the

whole

Northern

Italy,
of the
tinued con-

to
on

sea,

and

as

far and

as

Alps,

exception
on

Liguria
east.

the the

west,
time

the Eome

territoryof
was

Veneti

At
to

when these

founded for

they
had
not

still

occupy the

regions ; by
Gallia
were

they

yet
Gauls the

been and
most

driven the

from

north of

the

invasion

of

the for

establishment
at

Cisalpina.
no

But,

part
had held

all events, subdued

they by
as we

longer independent.
who appear the
as

They
have

been
as

the

Etruscans,

to

conquerors, the Umbrian

have

already observed,
above which

greater
south
to

part
at

of

as territory or

defined,

far

least, as

Felsina,

Bononia,

they

appear

have

Mommsen,
Of the

Unterit.

Dial. ii.

S.

101.
:

Samnites,

Sat.

1, 36

of

the

Sabines,

Od.

iii.

6, 38 ; Sat.

i.

9,

29, "c.
3

H.
"

K Alteri

iii. 12, 17. ; cf. Strab.

Consuli

v.

12, p.

250.

iEmilio, ingi-essoSabellum

agrum,
1.

non

castra

Samnitium,

nonlegiones

usquam

oppositae."
"

Lib.

viii.

c.

c2

20

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

founded. maintained

In

the

south-east

the
; but

Umbrians
after

seem

to

have

their reduced

independence
to
a

the

Gallic

invasion
Etruria
on

they
on

were

small

strip of land
chain of Tiber

between

the

west, and
from the

the

central
of

the
on

Apennines
the

the

east, and
Sabine
If

sources

the

north,

to

the

on territory

the
are

south.
to

the

Umbrians
races,
as

be

regarded hardly
been
as

as

the most

ancient
to

of

the Italian ancient

that
we
"

they

are

universally represented
agrees with since towards

be

by

authors"though
was

this

the

theory
case

Italy

peopled exclusively by land,

to

in that

might expect them be then they must

And this

have

thrust
the

the south those

regarded
before
to

progenitors of
to, who

Umbro-SabeUian dialects.

tribes
seems

alluded
be

confirmed
Tables

spoke cognate by philologicalresearches,

found
at

facilitated

by

the

celebrated

Gubbio,
of

the

ancient from the

Iguvium, containing tolerably long specimens

the

what,
been The
seem,

place

of

their

discovery, is considered
of

to

have

ancient

Umbrian

dialect.

southern in
to

extremities
ancient been

Italy,besides
before various the

the

lapygians,
of
or

very

times, and

foundation

Eome,

have
as

inhabited

by
or

Grecian

Pelasgio
Siculi,
obscure
scope
as

tribes,^such "c.,
and whose

the

(Enotrians,

ItaH, the

Daunians,
are so

history and
work
to

ethnological affinities altogether

to unravel
to

perplexed,that
present
of the

it would

exceed

the

of the

the
name

attempt
are

them. have

Only
been

who Itali,

supposed
famous may the

identical
to

with the

the
whole
seem

(Enotrii, has
Italian
to

become

by being
mention

extended

peninsula, we
southwards the
race

that of

originally
the and
toe

they

have

occupied only

extremity
the the

of

Italy,or Bruttium,
laetian

from

Terinaean
name

Scylwards north-

Gulfs.
over

Hence the

and

spread
Bruttii

territory subsequently
race,

occupied

by
seem

the
to

Lucanians,
have

Samnite
the

who

with
after

the
this

subdued

Itali.

How,

catastrophe, the
remote

Among
name

other
the
on

evidences

of Greek

colonization
in
or

at

very the to

period,may
of the

be mentioned
same

Scyllseanpromontory
coast

Argolis,and

promontory

the

of Brattium,

Italia,alluded

by

Homer

(Odyss.

xii. 73, 235,

"c.).

MAGNA

GEiECIA

"

LATIUM.

21

name

came

to for the

be

preserved,
whole

and

ultimately
from which in of the

to

have
to

been the

adopted
to

peninsula,
a

the
we

Alps
are

southernmost
solve. It

extremity, is
appears least
to
as

problem
been
as

unable extended
or era

have

applied
the time before
to

that

significationat
more

early
a

Polybius/
Christian

than its

century
of he

and

half
seem as

though
even

meaning
time

does

not

have

been thinks

quite

settled

in the define

Augustus,
part
the North from and of

Dionysius
under the

it necessary

to

what

comprehends

name.^
to

All

this

southern

Italy came
numerous

afterwards Greek

be

called

Magna along
Liris the in

Grsecia, from
its
coasts.

colonies the
on more

founded modern
to sea,

of

the

Itali, or
Silarus
on

Lucania, extending
on

the river
bounded of the

the

south the

the
on

the

north,

the

west

by

east

by

the

country
as

Sabines, lay
inhabited

the
at

district
an

known

later the

times

Campania, Opicans,
different
some

but
or

early period
identical,

by
were

Ausonians,

Oscans, who,
of the of
same

if not

probably only
It remains of
to

tribes
account

people.
the
most

give
of

Latium,

portant imLatin
were

all the the

seat

Italian Eome.

districts, as
The where On

the

country
of marked

of the Latium

race, at

and

boundaries
are

first

uncertain, except
and the
sea.

they
the

by
the

the

Anio,
Latins

the
were

Tiber,

east

and

south

the

surrounded
and
success

by

hostile their

nations,
limits

the
seem

Sabines,
to

Hernici,
with

^qui,
their The other

Yolsci,
in
war.

and

have

varied

early history of
Italian handed down
at

Latium
even

is
more

as

obscure
so,

as

that the

of

the

nations, and

from

figments
to

respecting it
have been

by
an

ancient

authors. the

It appears

inhabited also
or

early period by
and

Siculi,who,

perhaps,
a

had

possessionof Campania,
race

were

probably
or

Pelasgic
These

Greek
tribes
western were,

nearly allied
then of
most

to

the

CEnotrians

Itali. southern

would

have

held

possession of
far north
out
or

the the

and till

coasts for the

Italy, as
part,

as

Tiber,

they

driven

subdued
into in

by

the

advancing
gave
ii. 14.

Sabellian
name

nations, when
that

they
Their

retired presence
i. 10.

Sicily, and
1

to

island.
^
,

Hist.

Ant.

Eom.

22 Latium
Latin

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

seems

to

be

attested Greek.^

by

some

words
enumerates
:

common

to the tants inhabi-

with

Sicilian

Pliny

the

of Latium

in the

followingorder
with

Aborigines,Pelasgians,
The Aurunci The
from gians Pelas-

Arcadians,
seem

Siculians, Aurunci,
been

Eutulians.^ the Ausones. colonists

to

have

identical
must at
an
a

and
who settled

Arcadians
in Latium

have
very

been

Greece,
Latin in

remote

period.
of

The

traditions stories of

conveyed
Hercules

indistinct
the

memory

them

the
a

and the
on

Pelasgian Argives
of

founding
Evander
called third

Saturnian

city on
another
on

Capitoline Hill, of the Arcadian

the

building

Palatine, and
These
cause

Antipolis
were

Mons

Janiculus.
from what

settlements, however,
be

abandoned,

cannot

said,
or

and

the their

inhabitants Hellenic
that

probably proceeded
brethren in the of south the

further of

inland,

joined
is led
to

Etruria. may

It

possible
their

the

inconvenience
Eome ; for

situation the last

have

abandonment

was

city built
no

in this

district,
rounding sur-

by

necessity apparently which

parts being
then

left

choice,
with these
to

all the towns.

accounts

thickly studded rejects all history,

the Yet Latins

Dr. of
a

Mommsen,
Grecian
pure and

indeed,

in his

colonists, and
unmixed differ from

considers
race.

have
as

been
a

Italian those

his
as

opinions
an

lologist phiFor that

to

which of

he holds
Lower

historian.

in his

work

on

the

dialects

Italy,he maintains
the

the Arcadian
the

refugee Evander
of it the

brought
and Latin
or

Greek mother order

alphabet
Carmenta to commit which

inhabitants
out

Latium,
oldest

that
one,

his
in

formed

of

to

writing
founded mother and that

the

holy formulae,
Dr. Mommsen
on

Sacra

Carmina,

over

she

presided.
a

does his

not, indeed, say

own
a

that

Evander and his

;

colony ; but,
have
could

showing,
very into

Evander

must

exercised
have
come

considerable

influence
all is
a

they
Eom.

Italy
few

at

very

Mommsen,
may
are

Gesch. from he
;
as

B. the

i. Kap.
commerce
some

3, quotes
between
of

of these, and and

could

thinks But
no

they
there

have
more

resulted than

Kome latter

Sicily.
have
had

cites,

and

these

reference

to p. N.

commerce

gelu,

campus,

nepotes, "c.
12.

See

Newman,

Eegal

Rome,
=

11, and
iii. 9.

Miiller, Etmsker,

p.

H.

I
FOUNDATION OF ROME.

23 elsewhere the

important
denies the

admission

from

one a

who

so

stoutly
which

of possibility in that

such

visit in

state in

navigationwas

very

remote

period.^

SECTION
FOUNDATION OF

II.
ROME.

The

constancy with
forbids
us

which
to

tradition that

asserts

the
have

foreign origin
been founded

of Eome

think

it could

itself ('Pc3//"a=Valentia, by native Latins; while the name like Pyrgi, or Neapolis, to Greek strength) points directly, traditions founders. The respecting its origin are, however, and so so divergent as to deprive them, for the numerous most part, of any historical value ; and the fact that they are in Greek authors tends the same almost wholly found way. would be Latin traditions more naturally Any trustworthy ; have been such and fortunately preserved by Dionysius.

They
books in

were

taken, it appears,
as

from could of

the

sacred, or sacerdotal,
have been

; and

such

books the time

not, of course,

existence

before

Numa,

we

may the

infer, from
were

their

mentioning
the
occurrences,

antecedent

events, that
mere a

Pontifices

not, like

Pontifex

Maximus,
but monks of
a

of registrars
sort

porary contem-

composed
in the

of

chronicle, resembling
and that in

those

of the

Middle and

Ages,

fact,in the
1
'
'

absence
also die
dem

cultivated

reading public,prosie die

Insofern
in in

hat Eom

Sage durchaus
oder

Recht,
dem

wenn

Einfiihrungder
Von nicht
den

litteratura

Evander sei die Arkadern

von

Herkules
Latium

zuschreibt.

Pelasgern
nach
dem

Arcadien
den

Schrift

nach

gekommen, geworden
das ; der den

lange

dieselbe

selber
das

bekannt

Arcadische

FliichtlingEvander

habe dessen

dort

griechische Alphabet
daraus

Aboriginern
Lateinische zunachst Carmenta

mitgebracht und literas (grrecas gebildet

zur

Mutter

Carmenta

alteste

Aufzeiclmung
"

vorstand."
Indeed
as

in latinas commutavit, Hygin.) heiligeu Formeln, der Sacra Carmina, denen Dialekte, S. 28. Die unteritalischen

ohne

Zeweifel

der

Dr. he is

Mommsen
a

is

as

great a stickler
of

for the

of antiquity

Italian literature
in the

determined

opponent

early Greek

navigation. Thus,

work them

just cited (p. 3),he holds that the Samnites brought their alphabetwith and unknown remote when period over the they immigrated at some
into

Alps

Italy.

It

is difficult to

conceive

how

writer

who

holds

such

opinions should

consider

the

early

Roman

history to be

fabulous. entirely

24 fessional
were

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

authors, and

an

established

trade, they book-selling

the Eoman

the After

of recognisedhistoriographers

city.^
foundation

giving
could

the

Greek

traditions
as

respecting the
^ :
"

of Rome,
"

Dionysius proceeds
adduce of many the

follows

other

Greek
not

writers

who

record
will

various
come

founders
to
a

city ; but,
historian, or
from the

to^be tedious, I
Romans
writer
:

the

Roman

authorities.

The
prose

have but

not,

indeed,
are

singleancient
to

they
in the and of

accustomed sacerdotal who

the

draw

ancient

sources

preserved
some

their

books
from

(eV lepah SiXroLs:).Now

these of
books
were

writers

drew

say the children that

that
sons

Romulus of his ^neas

Romus,
while w^ithout
as

founders
say that

Rome,
were

others

they

the

of

daughter,
gave when them

specifying their
to

father ; and
of

^neas

hostages

Latinus, king
between

the

Aborigines,
not

the

treaty was
the

made

them.

Latinus
male

only
that
to

treated them
on

youths kindly,but, dying

of of

without

issue, made
say

heirs
death

part

of

his

dominions.
who

Others had

the

^neas,
divided
with

Ascanius,
all

succeeded

all

his

dominions,

the

Latin

territory into
Romulus and

three
Romus

parts,
; that

sharing them
Ascanius Romus

his
built

brothers Alba which

so

himself founded

and

some

other
after his

cities,while
his

Capua,
;

he

named

grandfather great; and

some

Capys
Anchises
;

Anchise,

called

after

grandfather

^nea,
bore

afterwards his
own

Janiculum,
name.

after his father last remained

Rome,
time

which

This another

deserted,
Romulus

till the

Albans when

sent

colony thither, led

form twice
was

by

and

Romus,
that
war,
a

its ancient

revived.
a

Thus
after We

it appears the

Rome and

was

founded

; first

little

Trojan
here it may of

again fifteen generations later."

of

have

strange jumble
be

traditions,from
a

which,
of truth. about

however,
First the

not

impossible to
be laid in down

extract that the

kernel

all it must of is his ^neas the

traditions
but pure

appearance who of

Italy are
but

nothing
to

fable.
knows

Homer,

best

authority concerning him,

appears after have

nothing
that
^

wanderings,
over

conceived
of Priam.

he
See

reigned
the

the

Trojans

the
^

death

Preliminary

Dissertation.

Lib,

i. ch. 73.

26

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Ida.^

All

the

Greek

Sibylline oracles
delivered her the

Teiicrian
of
a was

Sibyl, who According

not

originated with the prophecies in the ravines

was

Ida.

to

legend she
in

bom

at

Mai'pessus,
her tomb

place
her

far

from the

Gergis,
of
race

the

Troad,
The

where

shown

ip

Temple
was

Apollo.
of "the of

principal subject
which
The
to

of

prophecies
Ida
over

the

^neads,
Teucrians.

ruled

in Mount

the
was

remnant

the

Sibyl

and

her

prophecies
as

afterwards she

transferred

Erythrae,
greatest
offered
way of

where,
renown.

the
It
was

Erythraean Sibyl,
this collection

attained

her
was

of

prophecies that
no

to

Tarquinius Superbus, having

which
^

come

doubt
no

by

Cumse,
its
own

had

indeed

celebrated
to

Sibyl,but
have used
to

oracles, of

and That

appears this

therefore had that been the

the

Gergithean
is inferred
was

collection. from the

brought

Cumae Cumae
some

circumstance

Campanian
whom

partly

founded of

by the
dwelt. have

^olian
^

Cymaeans, among
this account

Teucrians

Gergis
We

inserted
as

partly for
not

its

and ingenuity,

partly because,
occur

the

books Sibylline it may and be

offered
amiss

to to

Tarquin
know That

will

again
of

further
contents

on,

thing some-

their

their

reputed origin.
is shown

they
of

were

of Trojan growth originally

to

by the
or or

circle

gods

which
or

they

appear

to

relate, as Apollo, Lato

or

Latona,

Artemis
all which but
more

Diana, Aphrodite
deities

Venus,
native

and

Pallas of

Minerva,
Ida the
;

belong
Idaean

to

the

worship by
their from

Mount

particularly is
of
at

it shown
as

inculcating
the

worship
it
was

the their

mother,
the

appears mother

fact that
to

bidding legend
Alban of

Idaean

was

brought
we are

Eome

from that

Pessinus,
the

A.U.C.

549.*

Nevertheless

of

opinion
the

^neas,

and,
which

in

connexion

with

it,

history of

the

kings, by
a a

the

Eomans in of
or

traced
a

their

origin to him,
manner.

obtained It
was

footing in
some

Eome

less

recondite
to

common

practice
hero

antiquity

refer

the

foundation and

of

cities to
were

demigod.
for

Hercules, Diomede,
1

^neas

favourite

personages

Lib.

i.

c. x.

49,

65.
*

Pausan.
Liv.

12, 8.
10 ; cf.

Athenajus, vi.

68

; xii. 26.

xxix.

Schwegler.

B.

i. S. 315.

THE

LEGEND

OF

^NEAS.

2?

this purpose
least
a

; and
on

tlie

ambiguity
hang
to

of

Homer's
of

language
the

left at of

peg who the

v/Iiicli to is

the

fiction

wanderings

^neas,

reputed
founder who
was

have of

founded

several

besides cities,
even

being
that may

remote

Eome.
a

Nay,
her

it is

possible
"

the have

Sibyl
been

"

evidently
to

mercenary
wares

impostor
Eome,
from
from

induced the

bring

to

knowledge
which would

that

Eomans the the books

claimed
more

descent
saleable.

^neas,

render that

It is evident educated sketch book

at
once

legend
later of

of

^neas

was

not

credited in the the

by

Eomans which he

of

the

times.

Cicero,

short second
on

gives

early Eoman
not
a

history in
about

of

his
to

Eepublic,
to

says

word

it,but
as we

passes

the

foundation remark

of

Eome.

Livy,

have

before
as

taken appears of

occasion from

in the the

Introduction, considered,

his
as

Preface,
it
was

whole

history before
received,
had then
to

the have such with both

time been hold the his

Eomulus,
But

commonly
of JEnesiS
so

fabulous. of the

the

story
and
race,

taken

public mind,
of the Julian

was

intimately
he consulted with the

connected

glory

that

perhaps

literary popularity and abstaining

without his functions hard from

his

favour He

imperial family,by
it

refuting it.^
into it historian. him when of

inquiring
of upon

accepted the story as critically, resigning on this

Hence he Sir observes G. Cornewall that made
"

stood,

occasion Lewis is

rather of his

at

the

outset

history he
and

speaks

the
the

exception
capture
^

in favour the

of torious vic-

-(Eneas

Antenor,
as a

after certain from

of

Troy, by charging
in his

Greeks,

fact ; " what words assertion omnium

thus had

him

with

inconsistency in varying
But
we

he

said Sir the

Preface.
Lewis

think in
not

that

the

very

which prove

Cornewall

adduces does

support

of this

contrary.
as

Livy
would

say,

"jam
nee

primum
refellere
mind

constat,"
est." Prsef.

he

**Ea

nee was

affirmare,
to of tlie

in

animo

"

How

gi*ateful

the
the into

story

imperial
the to laws flatter

is shown also

by the

splendid popular
of

flatterer

Augustus,
all

who
of

the gratified

it, against
have been

chronology, the
national

tale

Virgil, by pressing Dido, and by many

taste

fiction of

passages

calculated

the

self-love. his Preface

But and

the

J^neid

could at

hardly
least.
^

published

when

Livy

wrote

earlier

books,

"c. Credibility,

vol. i. p. 3^4, note

199.

28

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

have
word

done
"

in

announcing
"

certain
"
"

fact ; but

he

the qualifies satis Lewis

constat
"

with is

"

satis

"

jam
of

primum
Sir

omnium

constat"

"it
to

tolerably
him of with

certain."

Cornewall
that

proceeds

charge
son

saying
"

Ascanius ^ne^

he

was

certainly the

^neas"

certe

natum

constat,"
or

though
Lavinia. knew the the
son
son

he

had

not

ventured

to

decide
also

whether

by Creusa
not

however, t.ivy,
well
that

is here true

quite consistent.
could have

He been

very of of

the

Ascanius

Lavinia

; but

he

was

quite justifiedin callinghim

he
had The the

uEneas,
It
was

for

which

authority
passage
too

of

all
was

antiquity.

delicate
so as

ground.
to

whole

cautiously framed, pedigi'ee ;

satire
"

not
even

question
been
a

rudely
and

the

perial im-

or
"

may

have
pronounce

delicate

latent

upon it

it.
was

I will

not

for than

certain," says he,

born

Livy,

whether

Ascanius,

or

an

elder the

of Creusa

before

Ilium

and fell,
as
^

afterwards the Julian

companion
that many

of his father's
as

whom, flight,
of
were we

lulus,
In

family claims

the and

author lulus
; as

its name."
two

fact, Livy
show. that

knew born

Ascanius
centuries

distinct

personages,
to

apart

shall The

proceed
true
or

tradition,
two

Eome
settlement been

had of

been
some

founded
Greek in the

only
colonists

generation
on

after the

the

coast ; but

of

Latium,

had

preserved
had been be

pontifical
Eome

books
was

these

unfortunately
Gauls. It the
can

burnt

when

taken
we

by
see

the what

hardly
took the

doubted, however,
to
recover

when

pains

Eomans

their old
their
so, how

laws

after

that
at

catastrophe,^ that
that

priests re-wrote
had
not to

Commentarii should

epoch
authors
assures

for, if they
have
us

done find

subsequent
as

been

able

in

their

books,
a

Dionysius
antecedent

they did,
of

accounts

relating to
? In thus
to
writing re-

period

to

the

foundiation
no

Eome have

their memory, have

books, they must,

where them
;

doubt,
were

trusted that

their

unless

documents such
as

still extant
Annates The

might
laws,

guided
down

the

Maximi,

domestic treaties, inscriptions,

"c. histories,
of
we

Commentarii,
not

however,
very

to

the
; and

burning
when

the

city,were
that
Ibid.

probably
were

voluminous
1

consider
2

there

five

Liv.

i. 3.

vi. 1.

THE

PONTIFICIAL

TRADITION.

29

including pontiffs,
have
one

the

Pontifex
one

Maximus,
another's work and

we

are

perhaps
must

justifiedin thinking that, with

may been when restored of their
was no

assistance, they
which have

pretty accurately a
chief

employments,
have

also of their

in

those

days,
ments, amuse-

there

public literature,one consequently

It must
to the

chief

and

must

remained be

pretty deeply
allowed

impressed
the
must

upon

their down
on

memory.

also, that Hostilius,

two to
even

originalwork,
have rested may be
;

perhaps
tradition. with

time
a

of Tullus

But

for

century
at

or

tradition

trusted,
and if the

regard
before

least

leading
"Rome
not

politicalevents
landed
more

immigrants
two

who its

founded

only
than
a

generation
century
that and event

or a

foundation,
have

half, at
the

most, might
of

vened inter-

between

and

reign
the the

Tullus.^
edition of these

Meanwhile,
books and their

however,
restoration arrival miraculous mind. favourite

between after Latium birth To

a

first

Gallic
and

the conflagration,
gether to-

story
h'old
some

of ^neas's with of the

in

its consequences, had of taken

of

Eomulus,
the line among
some

firm
to
as

the
was

pubHc
as

trace

their the

kings

god
the

practice city to
town

ancients
or

to refer Thus have

the

foundation
founder like in
a

of their the Sabine the of

demigod
Cures Mars and of

hero.
to

of

of

is related
a

been,

Eomulus,
moment

offspringof
divine To

noble

virgin,who
like the these

enthusiasm,
run

it is

said, had
to

incautiously entered
would
nor

his

penetralia.^
been the
an

counter act
on

stories

have
were

unpopular
themselves

the

part

of
to

pontiffs ;

stories

ill calculated
were

promote

superstition and

priestcraft. They

therefore

Both

Nsevius
of ^Eneas

and

Ennius

adopted
Ilia.

tlie tradition
See Serv. father

that
^n. of

Eomulus
Yet and "c.

was

the

grandson
had the also

by his daughter
the the iii.

i. 273.

Ennius

adopted
of R. R.

story of Mars

being the
of Rome

Romulus
the

Remus,
Ennius years

exposure

twins, the
be
as

suckling
that
from far

them
was

by

wolf,
the

(ap. Varro,
in his

1, 2) also held
very died

only about
up to

700

old
;

time, which
at the
same

would

reaching
the end than
a

Trojan
of

times

while
that for

time,
would
of

he

before

of the

sixth

century
the is

Rome,
date to

computation
the

exceed
the

by

more

century
it

received

foundation

city.

These

contradictions

impossible

reconcile.
2

Dionys.

ii. 48, after Yarro.

30

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

accepted
same

iii the

new

edition
the

of

the

Gommcntarii. honest

At
to

the

time, however,

pontiffswere
the after

enough
of
two

insert very Greek

the

story containing original

of Kome
; and

authentic the

version

of the the

speedy foundation colony

two

arrival of

hence
the

the

inconsistent
between

stories

-^neases,
and

Eomuluses,
a

confusion
of

Ascanius

lulus,

and

double

foundation

Eome.
some

Tlie story, however,

or

derived which of

support
been
the There

from

the
some

Pelasgian
centuries Palatine
reason

Grecian the and that

settlements

had
on

made,

before
Hills doubt

foundation
on

Rome,

Capitolineand
is
no

Mons

Janiculus. may

good
made,
three

to
we

such

settlements
was,

have

been

when

find that

Cumae
era

in all

founded probability, for the Etruria That

at

centuries of have

before and

the

commonly
Greek before that

received in

foundation
must

Rome,
been tion tradi-

that

the

colonies

also
a

planted long
of such of
even

event.

least

strong
the
of
:

settlements

prevailed

is evident

from

stance circumand

Romulus

retaining
the

certain

memorials

them,
that of

consecrating them worship

Maxima,
;

by religious observances
established

ah

Argive settlement, under

whose Romulus and

reputed leadership of Hercules, by consecrating

settlement
to

him for

the Ara
his

appointing
that of
an

an

hereditary priesthood
and in especially

worship
who of

and
was

Arcadian
more

under the

Evander,
person

also

honoured,
Carmenta. it

his

mother been may who

Why
is
to

these

settlements to of say, the but site.

should
much To have

have

abandoned be attributed
no

impossible
the
nature

perhaps
fresh comers,

had

experience
river further

of

it,this

site may

appeared
a

attractive and
a secure

enough.

Isolated,

craggy
to

hills, defend,
portance im-

which
offered

broad
least
to

rapid
in

helped
of But
no

at

stronghold, a point
a

small

settlers
soon

strange country.
to

these

tages advan-

were

discovered
which the

be

counterbalanced of the which

by equal
air, and
must
a

defects ; among
the often

unhealthiness of the

ticularly par-

overflowings
the

Tiber,

have

rendered
are

surrounding

neighbourhood
It
seems

complete
the site

swamp,
that

obvious. sufficiently

not

improbable

these

early colonists, when

they

abandoned

EARLY

GREEK

SETTLEMENTS

NEAR

ROME.

31

which
the

they

had

first

chosen,
there miles

may have

have

betaken Alba

themselves

to

Alban

Mount,
about
a

and twelve

founded

Longa.
from

It

lies within also Tiber

more

of Eome

; its elevated

situation

offered
and

strong position, while

rendered Hence the from the of
race,

its

distance
more

the
and

its floods

site both mixture

healthy
of this

convenient.
with the
arose

Greek
had the

race

originalinhabitants
the the
name

Latium,

whom

they
from

subdued,
later It
one was

first Latin of Prisci

distinguished
that the been
or

by
soon

Latini. Romans
man

discovered could their

by
not coast

the

whom hero before

more

they caUed
he the had

^neas
on

possibly have only

a as

that
two

landed

generation they got

with tale

foundation from
a

of their further

city ; and,
that

wiser

and

learned

acquaintance
their But

Greek
contained
were

traditions,
an chronism ana-

they began
of
to

to

perceive

many

centuries.

they
to

willing naturally un-

abandon of

it,and,

in order the

retain

it, they adopted

of their founder difficulties Alba had of

the with in

expedient
that the of

connecting
Alban

genealogy
There
were

the

kings.
however,

many
not.

way,

which,

they long
name,

heeded before
as a

become

thoroughly
as

Latinized its very besides

the
as

foundation

Eome,
of its

is

seen

by

weU Latin

by

the

names

kings, which,
; one,

having
had
a

are signification,

also

double

that
as

is, they
^neas
as we

gentile
is

name

besides

their

individual the of
name

Silvius, Latinus
have Greek
seen,

Silvius, "c. Greek,

and

; whilst
name

of

Eome,
after of the the
was

the

its

founder,
addition with

the

fashion, single,without

the him botch

gentile
connected
which That historical up for of
as a

Silvius,

which of

might
Alba.
two

have This

shown is
a

royal family
between

betrays
Eome

rent
a

the of Alba

stories. is also destitute may be of summed all

colony

probability. The
^

reasons

against it
Eome
"

follows

first, immediately

is there

founded. Alba
are no

long

time

altogether
as

vanishes
a a

traces

any

connexion there

betweeii
been
not
Rom.

colony
Alba,
i. Buch

and

its mother Eome also would with

city ;
have
all the

secondly, had
had

such

connexion,
but

the

jus connubii,
1

only

with
B.

See

Schwegler,

Gesch.

viii. S. 24.

32 Latin
women.

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

towns,
It
must

and is
have
no

had

not

needed

to to

resort

to

the

of stealing to say that

valid
had

objection jus
the

this
with

view Alba
and

Rome

the

connuhii

before
Curiatii

the
who

reign
been

of

TuUus

Hostilius, since
side
are

Horatii

fight on
of such
to

either

cousins

; because

this is. no

jus might have special record

no

acquired by treaty, although there

a

treaty
the

in the
are

early history. Moreover,

to

invitations

the
war

Consualia with

despatched
aid

Alba

Longa
are

; and
on

again, in
the brink the the

the of

Sabines, when
is asked

the

Romans
or

destruction,

no

from,

offered has

by. Alba,
a

pretended
way with in

mother

city. Dionysius, indeed,

is also
to

story
^

to

which contrary,^ which the

be

found of

in Paterculus

but

the

this

author

speaks
which

it,viewed
any

in

connexion
tween beit

all

circumstances and Alba

so

render

connexion
shows what
was

Rome
was

utterly improbable,
of

that

invented
to

for the
a

purpose

propping
Romulus of

up

sidered con-

be

weak

point.
to the
a

Another

objection,first started,
never

apparently, by Beaufort,^ is, that

have made any
so

appears

to

claim
warlike

kingdom

Alba

after Numitor's have failed Rome

not to at

death, which
do

prince would
from
an

hardly
which

had

he

really been
had she been

Numitor's

grandson.*
Latium,
Alban
of

Again,
would
; in

first is been

entirelyestranged
case

have
case

the would

been
a

colony
the Latin

which

she

have of the
as an

member Rome

league.
been

The

badness adduced from it: very Alba Rome

site

on

which

is built its

is also

sometimes colonized
stress upon the

argument
we

against
at

having
any

; but
was

are

unwilling
a

to

lay
late all

great

founded
any

very

period, probably
the

latest

of

city in Latium;

territoryaround

1 *

Lib.
"

ii.

c.

37.

Id

Romulus, gessit

adjutus legionibusLatinis
;
ac cum

avi sui. urbem et

Libenter
novam,

enim
tarn
manu

his,

qui

ita

Veientibus

prodidemnt, accesserim aliisque Etruscis

"

aliter firmare
cum

vicinis vix

Sabinis,

imbelli

i pastoral

potuerit."
because necessary
^

Paterc. considered to

lib. i. it
an

c.

8, " 5.
authentic

Paterculus, therefore, believed tradition, but

because

it, not
it

he

he

considered

probability.
sur

Dissert,

I'lncertitude, "c. 27,

mentions

p.
an

183.

Plutarch, Rom.

improbable

and

unsupported story
the succession.

that

Romulus,

after Numitor's

death, voluntarilyrenounced

34 founded
years,
or

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

about

twenty
to

years

before.
and
soon

After

staying there
founded

five

they

went

Ehegium,
who

after

Hyele,
mentions sents repre-

Velia.^
about

Herodotus,
their

relates Massalia the

these
; but

events,
Pausanias
as

nothing
after

founding

these

same

fugitives from
the that this

Medes
a same

settlingthere
^

defeating
be and fix the

Carthaginians in
is the There

naval

battle.

It
to

can

hardly
Herodotus

doubted

battle

alluded other

by
dence evi-

by ThUcydides.^
foundation
to

is,however,
which is

to

of

Massalia,

incidentally
Justin,

of the
on

some

importance
of entered and

the

early chronology
tells the
us

of Eome. that

epitomizer
their way,

Trogus Pompeius,
the mouth of
an

the Phocaeans,
in the the

Tiber,

reign
Romans

of
;

King Tarquinius,
and Massilia

contracted the

alliance with

thence, sailing into

among of
course,

furthest and

gulfs
the

of

Gaul, founded
Gallic His

the
means

Ligurians
who the

savage

races.*

Justin,

Tarquinius Priscus.
relates that of when

testimony
Gauls
were

is confirmed

by Livy, Italy, in
way the shall of

the

passing
heard attacked But
on

into

reign
tribe

Tarquinius Priscus, they

from

their

that

the

Massilienses of the this

Phoceea

were

by
how

Ligurian
we

Salyes.^
with fixes took

reconcile

account

the
his

ordinary
from in

chronology
B.C. B.C.

Tarquinius Priscus,
If the Phocseans Massalia
never

which

reign

616

to

578?

only
some

to

their

ships
in

546,

and that of the

founded

years arrived

afterwards,
in
an

it is the in

evident lifetime

they
elder

could

have There

Italy

Tarquin.
of of

is,indeed,
be
one

account

Scymnus
a

Chius,

which

professes to
Massalia

taken

from

Timseus, of
and

previous
before

foundation the battle

hundred

twenty
work
c.

years
1
*

Salamis,
2 x.

or

b.c.

600.^

But
3

that
i.

Herod,
"

i. 163"167.

8, " 6.
Phocseensium
in

Lib.

13.

Temporibiis Tarquinii regis ex

amicitiam
cum

Asia

juventus

ostio Tiberis navibus

"

invecta

Eomanis inter

jiinxit : inde
et

ultimos Gallorum
"

Gallise sinus condidit."

v.

profecta Massiliam
xliii.
* c.

Ligures

feras

gentes

Lib.

3.

Liv.

34.

MacrtraXla
noA.ts

S' icr' airoiKia,

^x^P-^^'t

^wKoiwv fxeyiffTr)

'"Ev

rp

AiyvffTiyp Se

ravrrfy

eKTicrav

Uph TTJs fidxvs

"ETccii/
Tmatos

TTJs iy

^a\afj.ii/r) yevofietnjs
(pacriv, iKarbv
"

ws irpSrepov, ovrws

e^KOffi'

icTop^l 5e riiv ktIciv,

Vers.

208, seqq*

THE

PHOCJlANS

AND

TARQUINIUS

PRISCUS.

35

has

Been

shown

to
are

be

spurious ; ^ besides, the

said who
to

Phocseans those

who

visited from

Tarquin
the of Medes.
a

expressly
Herodotus,
Phocsean whom

have mentions Nor

been

flying
knows
"

Alalia,
does
"

nothing
Gallic such
a

previous

colony.
he have taken

Justin

or, of in
we

rather, Trogus Pompeius, descent,

was

abridged,
a

who, being
interest of
it which

likely to gives
more

strong
of the
or

subject,and recognise
we

the

longest account
one

possess, And

than
on

foundation

Massalia. of the

if,as

have of the Eome

era

shown is to

other

grounds,
then

date

foundation lower this than visit in

be

placed seventy
received,
the
as

eighty
account

years of

commonly
well with be

the

tallies

very

and,
of it. Our

fact,

may

regarded
to

chronology of Tarquin, forming a corroboration

of the tion foundaon

main of

object in adverting
and
to

this account
colonies

Massalia,

the and

Greek
a

planted

the

coast to

of

Italy at
that the

that

time,

couple
of
one means

of centuries in the

is earlier,

show

establishment this also

neighbourhood
laterally, Colwas

of Eome

during
it has

period
served

is

by
to

no

improbable.
that there
now

show

really
the

such
to

king
as

as a

Tarquinius Priscus, whom mythical

the of
one

it is for

fashion
to

regard
that

personage; notices of

it is

impossible
two

believe

two
on

independent
occasion that

of him the
same

by

different but of of
on

authors,
different accident the other. Where

both

event,
result

phases
on

event,
or

were a

the

either

the

hand,
which will
seems

of

fictitious

combination

the

colony
there

ultimately pretend
be the
same

founded say. We

Eome will

first

established
observe Lavinium
two

we itself,

not to
as

to

only
the Thus

that and

ambiguity
the
two

between

Laurentum and the

between foundations
are

^neases,
the
to

Eomuluses,
retainers ambassadors the murder of

two

of

city.
have is

the the

King
of the of the

Tatius

represented
yet
the

struck

Laurentines;
at

insult

avenged
this illhave

by

Tatius

Lavinium}
and the

May

not

feelingbetween
^ 2

Sabine

Tatius
of

Laurentines

By Meineke,
Liv.
i. 14.

in his edition

Scymnus

1846). (Berlin,

d2

:^6

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

aiisen

from

the

latter

having
of his

been

tlie

progenitors of
On for Eome this what and may

the

Greeco-Koman Romulus
does nium.
not

portion
to
"

subjects?^
and
renews"

occasion
reason

forbears appear It is

punish,
former that
a

treaty between

Lavihave Greek

possible
to

body
Tatius.

of

Laurentines
The
to
more

gone

to

Lavinium

murder

ancient

colony,which

subsequently migrated
at at

Alba

Longa,
should

was

first,

perhaps, established originally settled

to

Lavinium

; for it is

incredible, if they
have
moved reor

Laurentum,
much
was

that the

they
same

another distant.

place, of
Lavinium

kind, only four

the cradle that In of of

five

miles

probably
the

the

Prisci
more

Latini, the founders

modern Latins the
so

of

Alba, and

Laurentum

the

"

represented by
confounded

Eomans.

process with
two

of

time,
of

as

Romans also
races

their

early history
the
at

that

Alba,
of up the
to

they
; and

would Lavinium

naturally confound
came,

cradles looked of the

length, to
the

be

as

the

original settlement
as

of

-^neas, the

abode whole

Penates, and,
race.

it were,

the

birthplace of
as

Latin The do idle

not

above

remarks
to

are

merely offered
historical
to

conjectures. They
for it would abandoned be

pretend
a

any writer

authority ;
any in
a

in

modern
as

seek

subject

by Livy
towns
as

mythical.
and connected may

There

were,

however,
and there
so

certainly such
were

Lavinium

Laurentum,
them
;

also certain
a

traditions

with

and, in

famous

subject,
to

the

imagination
and of the for it

please
the

itself awhile of

in

endeavouring
After and look firm
must

select

arrange

vestiges
tradition the
a

probability.
more
we

the
sistent; con-

foundation

city,tradition
still to of
to

becomes that

is

for,

perhaps, three-fourths
But walls it is and
now

first definite

century

of

its

existence.

confined and

place, and
;

is aided

by

temples,

other that

monuments

in

short, it has
historian

emancipated
considered
It
seems
as

itself from

period which
Romulus,

the

Roman

fabulous.
that before of
from

probable
an

he

built

his

city,

had
^

contracted
The

alliance
is
such

with

some

the
the

Grecian

cities of
or

name

Laurentum

perhaps
would

derived
be

Greek

a street Aot5/)o,

village, a

small

place,

as

founded

by

new

colonists.

THE

ORIGIN

OF

KOME.

37
Etruscan

Etriiria, which, though belonging

continued when cities,
to

to

the

confederacy,
These Etruscan
not
were

retain the

their

Hellenic interests

customs.

general
to

of

the

league

in

question,
such Eome

seem we

have
must

acted refer

pretty independently.
the circumstance his
as

To

some

alliance with of

of his the he the

building
Etruscan appears

Etruscan

rites, and
;
as

adopting
the aid

ensigns
to to must
on

regal

power from

well

which

have which

received
we

Etruria have

in his

struggle with
to

Sabines,
on.

shall

occasion the and had

advert who

further fed

He flocks
to

also the

have

conciliated site of Whether

shepherds
who been

their

future
race.

Eome,

probably belonged previously

relate if

the

Latin with But which among their

they
to

connected

Alba,

it

were

useless

inquire.
further, let
us

before obtained the

proceeding
almost

any

the
not
a

story belief,
in

universal It the

acceptance,

Eomans

themselves. has been

so

plays

so

great
so

part
it is

traditions,it
and

subject
and of

of

much

of their solutely aband

poetry,

is in itself for

pleasing
student with

that poetical, Eoman

necessary

the

history

literature After
upon the his shores

to

be

acquainted
to

it.
is

the

fall of

Troy, ^neas
have

supposed
islands
at

to have

embarked and

fleet,and
of Northern

visited the

successively
of

Pallene

Greece,
after
makes

Delos, Crete, and Buthrotum,

the

Zacynthus.
and other

Hence,

touching
the Italian

Leucas,
at

places,he

shore

lapygian
end.
this
as

promontory,
off and Sicily, which the

and, coasting along

its southern

extremity, arrives
The

proceeds
overtook of the of

to

Drepanum Trojans
for
on

at its western

storm

the

sailing from
are

port

forms

opening
the Latin visit
coast

^Eneid.

They
the the

described of

driven

by
into

it to the

Africa,
of the
;
an

purpose famous

introducing
of
not

version
to

story

anachronism which
to
"

^neas's appear introduced

Dido been

episode, however,
his before

does have First

to

have

invented

by Virgil, but
poem
on

been Punic
seems

by
some

in ISTaevius, centuries the

the

War,"
also
1

two

Yirgil'stime.
of ^neas's

Varro

to
See

have
Ksevii

recognised

story

visit to

Carthage,

Fragnienta, ed. Klussmann,

note

p. 38, seqq. ; Lewis,

"c. Credibility,

vol.

i. p.

316,

76,

38

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

though
queen

he

makes

Anna, Dido's
of driven

and sister, the

to

not hero

the
^

Carthaginian
but is the
count ac-

herself,enamoured
of ^neas and

Trojan
the

being

African

coast

ignored
western

botli

by Livy
of

Dionysius.
^neas the
town

After

leaving Carthage, Sicily,and

at

again
of
a

visits

the
a

point
in
coast

founds

Segesta, and
of his Points

temple
this
are so was

of Venus

Eryx.
sails have

Then,
for

having
the famous the

left

portion
coast.

followers
on

Sicily, he
which

Italian

become between

through Virgil's poem

of Laus and

Cape Palinurus,
named from the

gulfs

Pgestum,
and

^neas's
islands
;

pilot,who
and

there

fell overboard of the the

drowned;
abode of the

promontory
at

Sirenusae,

the

of the Sirens Gulf of

Cape Misenum,
-^Eneas's

northern of the

extremity
trumpeter

the IN'aples, where

burial-place
visit
to

Misenus;
occasion
to

Cumae,
one

the poem

Sibyl gives
; and
so

of the

finest

episodes

in the of

lastly,
named

Cajeta,
after the
The

the
nurse

southernmost of ^neas.
are

promontory

Latium,

Trojans
some

supposed
miles

to

have
of

finally landed
the mouth
to

at

Laurentum,
Tiber. the here
or

ten

southwards

of

th"

Here

the

prediction was
consumed the
on

fulfilled, according
their tables
"

which

place where
either the slices the
term
are

they

which
were

they did reposing,

meat
"

by eating
of bread of

parsley on
which

which had To the

they
the
name

they given

laid their

was

to be

their
to
name,

wanderings.
have which the

spot
of

where

they
;

landed any later

they
times,

said that

Troy
So of

but in also

village of
was

may result

have of the the

existed

there

probably
like with

legend.
capture
is

Antenor,
to to

who,
sailed

^neas,
the

is said
to

after the

Troy
and
to

have have

Heneti the

top

of the

Adriatic,
related

established
a

there named

Venetian

people,

have

founded ^neas of

town

Troja.
in

When inhabitants

landed

Italy, the
the

aborigines
all the

or

native he
of
a

Latium,
were

near

spot, at
The

events, where
fourth
of

disembarked,

ruled
was

by King
Saturn.
It
was

Latinus,
fabled
;
v.

dynasty
was

whose

founder age
*

reign
to

Saturnus all the

the

golden

of

Italy.
Serv. ad

enjoy

Apud

^ii.

iv. 682

i.

THE

LEGEND

OF

^NEAS.

Z9

without blessings of civilization, its train. There in

common was

the and

evils

which but

it

brings
it
was

in all

wealth
;

abundance,

enjoyed
undisturbed
to

the
or

public felicitywas
and the

consequently
taken Saturnus hence
on more

by
or

theft

violence,
were

precautions

prevent
his
name

repress
on

them the

utterly unknown.
Over

had the the

dwelling
of Mons side of

Capitoline Hill, which

Janus,

obtained
a

Saturnius. the

against him,
a

hill

on

other than

river, dwelt

still
to

ancient

king
whereas his

he,

and
was

apparently belonging
an

the Janus

aborigines,
extended and Picus the

Saturnus

immigrant,
was

to

whom

hospitality.
Paunus. It Evander hill
next

Saturnus
was came

succeeded the

by Picus,
of Paunus
a

by

during
to

reign
and
; which
name

that

Arcadian
on

Latium,

formed

settlement is

the have

Mons its

Saturnius

by
of

some

thought
the

to

derived from

subsequent
a

Mons
or

Palatinus from

either Arcadian ancient of who

Pallantia,
town

daughter

of

Evander,
like

of

Pallantium.^ descended
an

Evander,
from the

most

of these the
son

founders,

was

gods, being
and veneration

Mercury
was

by Carmenta,

Arcadian with

nymph
great
the and

prophetess, by
few in the

afterwards till she also in

was

regarded
the

Eomans,
It after
was

superseded by reign
of

Sibyl. only
of
a

Paunus,
that

years

the

Arcadian with him

settlement,
from
to

Hercules the he of
oxen was

arrived

Italy,
which of

bringing
he them
so was

Hesperia
Here robber of

Geryon,
of
a

conveying by Cacus,
a

Argos.

robbed

some

ferocious
verse

the

Aventine,
of

legend
Mons
more

prettilytold
; but

in the

Ovid.
as

Dionysius
at

Halicarof the

nassus^

represents
this

Hercules version

taking possession
variance with

Saturnius

seems

There
a

are

various

other

etymologies
; from
an

as

from

Pallas,
mother
near

son

of
or

Hercules, by
wife of

Launa,
Latinus the
or

daughter
; or

of Evander

Palanto,

either

King
seek

from the

Palatium,
name

aboriginal colony
as

Eeate.
or

Others the

origin of
the

etymologically;
;
or

from
a

halare,

palare,
the the and

bleating
have

been

wandering of sheep originally fortified

is from of Rome is said
on

from

palus,

stake, supposing
But of

hill to

with

palisades.
or

perhaps
the

most

probable
Tljie
that

derivation foundation the

3

Pales, the god,

to have the 21st

goddess,

shepherds

flocks.
of

taken of

place on

festival

deity,

Palilia, celebrated
Lib.
i,
c.

Apiil.

34, seqq.

40

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

commonly
Hercules the and

received
in these

account.

The

legend
a

of

the

arrival

of
on

parts made,
and
was

however,

deep impression
Eoman

public mind,
temples
the

perpetuated by
events of the

institutions

in his

honour. and time

All

settlements before the the and

man.

which

we war.

have

just recorded
It
was

occurred

Trojan
of

in

the

reign
Troy
was

of

Latinus,

successor

Faunus,
arrived

that in of

the

siege of
Latinus

took

place ;
an arms

when

iEneas On them. warned after

a

Latium,
the

already
his

old

the

landing
Both in
a

Trojans, he
and the from agrees forbear

turned Latin

against
however, Latinus,

the dream

Trojans
to

king

are,

hostilities ; and
to

colloquy ground
that he

with

iEneas,
the

assign
had

to him

forty
A

stadia

of

around

hill which his

he

occupied, on
to

condition radius the of

should

lend

aid
all

against the Eutuli.

round,
seems

forty stadia, or
average of

five miles

be

about

usual

territorypossessed completes
he had been while hands

by
In

these

primitive
of of this

cities.

pursuance

treaty, the
at
a

Trojan
spot
to

leader

the foundation
directed he
was

Lavinium,
a

which
sow,

by

the

flightof
first rested called ^neas

white

pregnant
she had
after

which,
the this the

offeringhis
and priests,
town
was

had sacrifice,
not

escaped

from

of the The of
as new

until

reached

place.
Hence,
after of

Lavinium,
had

Lavinia,
in

daughter

Latinus,
the

whom

received the in
; and

marriage.
Penates
a

first stable

resting-place of
Lavinium Eomans
was

Trojan
after it became

their

long wanderings,

ages

place

peculiar veneration
for the sacrifice Penates first
not

for the

customary
offer the

consuls, praetors,and
there
and of
to

dictators
on

of their

the

republic to
that it

when

they

entered

magistracies to
was

Vesta.^ the

These
on

deities
Italian

show

the

home

Trojans
founded

soil ; and which

they could
was a

therefore
2

have

Laurentum,

later

settlement.
But

Lavinia
a

had

been

promised

to

Turnus,
at

king

of

the

Eutuli,
^

neighbouring people, who,

Sat. lib. iii. c.
"

enraged

being thus

Macrob,
So Varro
;

4.

Oppidum,
ibi dii

qiiodprimum
"

conditum

in Latio
v.

stirpis"Romanse

Lavinium

nam

penates nostri."

Ling.

Lat.

" 144.

42 took which
the
sow.

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

place thirty years

are

after

the

foundation

of

Lavinium, history of
to

supposed
We shall

to not

represent the

thirty pigs littered by

the natural is

inquire

into

this

miraculous

parturition. Alba ridge

been from which where its the massive walls

Longa
the

thought
side what
name

have

occupied the
lake of
to
some

overhangs

eastern

of

the
posed sup-

Albano,
have

fragments
still remain. but

of

are

'Its

is
see

by
the
its

derived

white

sow;

it is difficult
more

to

animal's
name

connexion
the

with
nature

Alba,
of
new

which

probably
combines
been to have

took

from

the

place. city seems

of had

Varro

both

these without after

none

etymologies.^
molestation,
defeat the
to

The

founded

for the

power

the
so

Latins, particularly increased,

to

the of

of the

Etruscans,

much

that

surrounding peoples
the called
two
was a

ventured

attack

them.
river

Agreeably
Tiber,
between then

treaty
the nations. succeeded which born

of peace

with
was

the Etruscans, the

to

Albula,

form

the

boundary
son

the

Ascanius
Postumus
some name

on

the

throne for

by by
in

his his

Silvius

name

is accounted in the woods.

next
was
an

having by
the

chance of
"

been Alban

It remained
two

family

the

kings.
Eome,
Silvius and

The

hereditarysuccession
The latter

for, unlike
JEneas

Alba

hereditary monarchy
Silvius.

"

were

Latinus

planted some
were

colonies, whose
Prisci
the Latini
;

inhabitants, according to Livy,^

but
were

called that the

were

it

seems

more

probable
Latins,
Latinus
or

account before Silvius

Prisci

Latini of

the The

more successors

ancient
of

foundation

Eome.^
or

Alba,
"

Atys
who

Epytus,
name

Capys, Capetus
to
or

Calpetus, being
his Aventinus
name

Tiberinus in it who it
" "

gave

the Aremulus and

Tiber

from

drowned
"

Agrippa,
buried
on

Eomulus the

Silvius,

was

Aventine,
Amulius.
and occupy

bequeathed

to

Procas, Numitor,
these

and

The ^neas

reigns of
to

sixteen
both

Alban

Trojan kings, from

a

Numitor,
colorem

inclusive,

period
dicta.
"

of

432

"

Propter
V.

suis

et

loci

naturam

Alba

Longa

"

Ling.

Lat.
'

"

144.

Lib.

i.

c.

3 ; cf.

Dionys.
j

i. 45. ad Mn.
v.

'

Paul.

Diac.

p. 226

cf. Serv.

598.

"

BIRTH

OF

ROMULUS

AND

REMUS.

43

years,

giving reign.
the

an

average
we

of this of

twenty-seven
term
we

years the 1185 for

to each Yarronian years, the

ditary hereera

If

add

to

753,
have

for (B.C.) exceeds of

foundation
one

Eome,
of

which

hy

year

the and

era

Eratosthenes besides
no

capture
for the

makes 1184), Troy (b.c. time of JEneas's wanderings. Amulius

was a

allowance

usurper

who
sons

dethroned
to
a

his and in

elder

brother,
his she Mars her in its the cradle

Numitor,

put
Khea
no

ISTumitor's

death,

compelled
order that

daughter, might
and into the have

Silvia,

to

become But
:

vestal,
was

offspring.
male

Silvia

deflowered Amulius be

by
cast

brought
river. and of
on

forth

twins that that

to

whereupon
babes Tiber had

prison, and
It the

directed chanced
slaves cruel

her the

should had been the

drowned

overflowed committed in their marked that

to

banks,
execution
at
a

whom

this the

order, exposed

boys
at

spot

Palatine The the the

Hill, subsequently
was

by
a

the
vast

Ficus

Euminalis.

neighbourhood flooding waters

cradle
to

time recede
a

solitude. their

Presently
had of

began
and

into she-

channel, leaving
that
come

high

dry, when
thirst, was
suck.

wolf,

thither

slake and of

her

attracted At
at

by

the

cries

the

children,
a

gave the

them

this the

juncture, Faustulus,
spot, and
So he took where have
was

herdsman

king's, arrived
babes with
to

found them he

the

wolf

licking
her,
and
to

the

her the
to

tongue.
cattlenurse.

from gave

carried
his wife

them

sheds,
Some Larentia As

them the

Larentia

explained
called grew the and

miraculous from
to

story by
her

saying

that

lupa, or wolf,
up cattle

prostitutelife.
instead of sloth-

the

boys

they
; and

took

hunting,
thus

fully tending
both of
to

having
of with infested

acquired strength
wild beasts

body

mind,
robbers
as

instead

pursuing booty
with What and

they
to

began
have
remote

attack

laden
much

; for

Italy seems
in took band number

been ages

almost
as

brigands spoil they

with the in

those

it is at the other up

present.

they
of

divided

with who

shepherds;
them,
and

youths

grew

with various

increased and

daily, they
^

celebrated

sports
and

festivals. Livy
says

Among
about

The

years

are

given "byDionysius

Diodorus;

nothing

them.

44 these Hill.
the is

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

was

Lupercal, which
said
to

was an

celebrated Arcadian

on

the Palatine

It

have when about

been he in had it

solemnity,
of this and

stituted in-

by Evander
Naked
honour Eomans. the

possession sportively
at

district.
in the and

youths
of the These

ran

wantonly
Inuus

Lycean
who

Pan,

afterwards certain
at

called

by

sports recurred
were

fixed
loss make
names

periods ;
of
an

brigands,
and

enraged
the
; for

the
to

their

prey,
on

availed

themselves Kemus

of

opportunity
such
to
were

attack of but the

Komulus

the

two

youths.

Komulus and

managed brought
him

defend

himself;
"

Eemus
times somenow

they took,
showed and

before
towns
as

Amulius

for

they
do

themselves

in the
as

just
Eomulus,
appear

as

they
of

"

they accused
from stood

him,

well

carrying
then their

off
to

booty
have
was

Numitor's

fields. with
was

They
the handed

even

pretty
and

well Eemus

authorities,
over

for

story
for

believed,

to

Numitor

punishment.
Faustulus

had

all
were

along suspected
of the till this
a

that

the

youths whom
he

he
not

was

educating
his and
to

royal
proper
now

race

; but

determined

to reveal
:

thoughts
that

occasion

should

present

itself
matter

thinking
Eomulus.
had

had

arrived, he

opened the
the

Numitor
to

also, on
the the
same

hearing thing
of

story
so

of

the from him

youths,
his

begun

suspect
was
on

; and

far

punishing Eemus,
as

point
of

acknowledging
and

grandson.
with and

Under
a

these band

circumstances, Eomulus

having
aided
masters

collected Eemus

together
put

shepherds, they
made

being

by
of

another
to

band,
death of the

themselves

Alba,^
at

Amulius.

Numitor,
enemies had

the

beginning
the of

tumult, exclaiming that

drawn the away the Alban he citadel had
at ; but

entered

city, had defending

after

youth under
beheld

pretence
and with he him

when

Eomulus

Eemus,

they
whole

killed
once

Amulius,
called
a

approaching
council, to

congratulations, he
the and of

whom the

explained
of the

story
he

of his

brother's

wickedness,
and the

origin,education,
tyrant,

discovery
which

of his

sons, grandhim-

death

declared

Cic. De

Rep.

lib. ii.

c.

2.

FOUNDATION

Of

ROME.

"

45

self the
as

author. and the

Then whole thus seized had the

Eomulus council

and did

Eemus like. his

to

saluted

Numitor

king,
Numitor Eemus

the in

being
were

reinstated with
a

kingdom,
build
a

Eomulus the

and

desire and

city at
The

spot
was

where favoured
;

they by

been

exposed

educated. of
so

project
and

superabundant
also
were

multitude

Albans

Latins

the

shepherds
Lavinium with that

numerous,

that but

it seemed small But

curse

probable
in

that

and which

Alba

would should the

be

cities these of of

comparison
were

they
their

build.

plans
their them
not

disturbed

by ambition,
to

hereditary
as new

family.
should be decided
means

Being twins,
name

pretensions
over so

to

which

give
of

and

reign
birth will Hill
;

the

city could
to
sult con-

by priorityof
augury the the Palatine

they

resolved
; to

by
Eomulus the

of
as

the
a

gods

w^hich and

end

chose

temple,

Eemus

Aventine. As

they
to

thus

stood
;

surveying
but

the

heavens,
after the
a

six

vultures
showed of each

appeared
themselves saluted first
to

Eemus
to

presently Hereupon
because because and
a

dozen

Eomulus.
:

followers had the

was

him him

king
;

Eemus,

the he

vultures had
seen

appeared
greater shed,
and version brother of his for

Eomulus,
a

number. amidst of the the

Hence tumult

quarrel
Eemus

fight;

blood A

was

killed. Eomulus
over

commoner

story, however,
thus and become

is that

slew

his

having contemptuously
Eomulus, Palatine,
Such named the
; most

leapt
sole

the

rising walls
built
a

city.
the

master,

city
of

on

it after

himself. received versions of

was

commonly
different Alban in order
;

legend
it
we

Eome's
not

foundation
enter.

into

the

shall

The been

list of the invented Eomulus

name

kings
to

has

all the up
to

appearance

of times

having
the

carry

the

Trojan
at

lineage of
of

though
Silvius
a

it is not may firm have hold

improbable reigned
on

that Alba.

dynasty
The

the

of

story, however,
of

acquired
into So

the
to

popular
doubt it

belief,and, being
became Latin
name a

received

the also

sacred

books,
the

sort

heresy.
was

Valentia,
to

equivalent
; for

of

Roina,

forbidden the

be

whispered
recent

it

might have

betrayed

to

ignorant

the

Greek

origin

46 of the

"

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

and city,
the and Alban when of

have

upset the story of

Eome's there We into all have the that in
as

its

Trojan foundation
invented,
of that

through
How what

dynasty.
foundation
may be
at

legend
the surmised

was

grains
to

truth

bottom

it,it is
it may
at
a

impossible
have very
must

say.

already
Pontifical is

found

its way date been

; but

Commentaries

early
have

certainly known
mind year Cn. and
as an

is, that
article Eome

it of

i*ooted
at

the

popular
as

historical

belief

least

early
the

the

of

458

(B.C.295), since
caused and
to be

in that

year

^diles

Q. Ogulnius
of Eomulus tarch's upsets Pluto

erected

at the

Ficus
^

Ruminalis
This
was

images
at
once

Eemus

sucking the
2

wolf the

fact

account

that

story
Pictor

first introduced it from

at
one

the
of
a

Eomans

by

Fabius since than

Pictor, who
Fabius
B.C.

took

Diodes
least half

Peparethos,
century later
it has all

flourished
as

295.

Indeed,
of home

Schwegler remarks,^
and the could
not

the

characteristics been of Greek been it is

growth,
Into
to

possibly have meanings

not

invention. attributed

allegorical
we

which
*

have

the

legend
it and

shall

enter

though

probable enough
of Eomulus

that

symbolizes
the

in

general
The

the

warlike

character

early

Eomans.

testimony
upon
;
can

of

all

antiquity that
has been
we

the

original Eoman
by
this modern its foundation, hill of stood

city stood
excavations there
a

the

Palatine

confirmed attribute that

on

and,
be

to whomsoever
no

may

reasonable

doubt the

town,
was

or

citadel, which
in process became of the pause
at

formed
time mistress
a

proper into

nucleus the

Eome,

and

developed
of the
to

magnificent general
a

city which
We

world.
survey
we

will
of

here

moment
;

the

dition con-

Italy

this

period
apt
to

for

unless

obtain

correct
was

notion

of the
we

state

of civilization be form

and very

society when
incorrect

Eome of

founded,
Eoman The and

shall

ideas

early

history.
essential

step towards

civilization the
c.

"

which

in its proper in

primary significationmeans
Liv.
X.

dwelling together
^

23.

In

Romul.

3, 8.
this head

B.

i. S. 412.

The

German

writers

are,

of course,

gi'eaton

GENERAL

CONDITION

OF

ITALY.

47 the
to

cities and

communities from any

to

"

is

agriculture ; for, witliout

it is

plies suplive

derived

this

source,

impossible
mutual useful
to

for

men

together
division

in

great
build is

numbers. cities for

But, having
their

these

supplies,
the
are-

they begin
of

protection ;
arts

labour

established, the
wealth the

of

life

invented,
few and become

and and

by degrees,as
thus
arts to
are

begins
means

accumulate

in

hands,
the

afford

of the

leisure,literature
of and it is birth

finer
more

cultivated,

manners

society
are

refined laws the fraud and

and

polite,and
of

violence But

crime
soon

repressed by
that
to

civil institutions. wealth also view well

as

covered dis-

accumulation and

gives
to

not

only lators legis-

domestic
a

violence,
opens
on

but the

foreign aggression.
of rulers and
"

Hence
;

wider

horizon become consider and

to

they
to

politiciansas
the relations establish arise

lawgivers

^that is,

they begin
to
one

of cities and

communities

another,

alliances, leagues, unions, and

the first may formation Eome
was

confederacies,
The third and of

and last

thus

beginnings
be called of

of

State.

step
the

in what is the when this

the

political
neither in the

progress and

civilization At

large kingdoms
founded,

empires.
nor

time reached

Greece

Italy had
had had and

stage.

It

was

only

East,

wdiich

been

much
as

earlier

civilized, that
of

great
the

monarchies

arisen,

the

kingdom
far

Egypt

and

Assyrian
At the

Median

empires.
to, Italy
This is
was

period

alluded

behind

Greece other

in

politicaldevelopment. by
to

shown,
of the

among Greek

things,
led them and

the

superabundant
and

population
after the

which cities,

long
but
at

before

long
in

foundation

of Eome

plant
that

colonies

Italy,then
And

comparatively
Greece
are

uncivilized
not

scantilypeopled.
stage
when

though
cities

had

yet
up

arrived

single
a

swallowed

by,

and

amalgamated
arose

with,

great empire
of

yet
well

this
as

perhaps partly
the
nature

from

Greek

habits whose

mind,

as

from and

of their

country,

mountainous maintain of the their

character

numerous

bays helped
had of

cities to the

independence.
race

Yet

they

recognised
In

unity

Hellenic

by

community
had

religiousfestivals, and Italy the

second

by

their of

Amphictyonies.

stage

politicalexistence

hardly

48 been reached
Even

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

at

the time
in that

when

Rome

was

founded, except
can

in be

Etruria.
little doubt

country, however, though there

Etruscan of

that

the

confederacy had
the to

been

formed
longed, be-

before

tlie foundation
or were

Eome,

different

cities which
to have
not

nominally subject
part,
and
were

it,appear
when

acted
upon

very

independent
any

probably
of

called
extreme

to

perform

federal

duties, except
the in the

some

and
federacy. con-

common

danger
This

threatened may be
seen

well-being
wars

the

whole

waged
not

between appear
to

Eome
have

and been

Veii,

in

which

the
the

latter Etruscan

city

does

supported by
deprived
a
or

confederacy, even
of its to have

when

the hear
of

Romans also of
same,

it of

great part
but
a

territ6ry. We
been

Latin
even,

League,

this still

appears looser

the the

perhaps,
of
as

description.
which

Of

politicalconstitution
upon and that of

the

other

nations the

bordered the

Latium, others, we

such know

the little
or

Sabines,

Hernici,
it
seems

Volsci,

nothing
of

; but

probable

their chief, if not

sole, bond

union

lay

in

community,
in its

race.

We

have, therefore, to figure to ourselves

as

Rome of

early
yet

days

closely

surrounded

by

vast

number

small

whose virtuallyindependent cities,

views political
or

were

almost

entirely confined
These
we

to

their

own

preservation
before

advancement.

cities

had

all been

established
was

Rome,
almost

which,
the like

as

have

before in Latium.

intimated,

probably
to
"

last

founded

They
few

appear

have

been,

the
than
we

original Rome
modern
are were

itself,small
a

places,
thousand of their
were
"

in

fact, little

more

villages of
to form
a

inhabitants;

though
ruled besides

apt

higher
had the

idea

importance
in

because

they by
a

walled who

and

and fortified, title of

general

magistrate
Alban
and

king." Thus,
of

the
as

Roman

kings, we
small

hear Even

kings
the its all

of such

places

Caenina, Cures, Ardea, "c.

of

Alba,
that

ancient

metropolis
the Caelian
a

Latium,

was

so

city
be have

population, when
on

transferred

to

Rome,
as cities,

could
we

accommodated
before

Hill.

These

observed,
;
a

possessed
we

territoryof only know

some

ten

miles

in diameter of

fact which

not

from

but tradition,

which

we

may

immediately

50

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

small

an

area

would but

3,000
a

persons,
or

hardly have sufficed to accommodate it was amply large enough to serve

for
some

as

fortress

citadel the When

or

thousand
of Romulus of
on a

men. were

We

must

remember young
men.

that

followers the

probably all
as

population
place
been the

colony such
coast

that

of Laurentum, Greek
narrow a

at may
"

whatever have
and in

th6

the

original
its half

settlement boundaries
this
to

made,
course
"

began
of
even was

to overflow

less than the The

century
forth

might easily happen

seek
for themselves
to
new

it

youth

that

went

homes.

Romulean

emigration was
for
their the

forced

content

itself with
in fact
now

the

site of Eome

settlement,

for

it

was

the

only choice
with

they
with

had,

surrounding
But from the

country being
nature of

fully occupied
the
or

cities.
of
a

the

place, and
themselves

help
other
any

wan,

1,000 soldiers,without

apparently

women

incuinbrances,
force which
to
a

might

easily defend
town

against thought

neighbouring against them.

was

might

have

it worth

while

direct

Such, then,
Palatine
HiU
or

the
a

originalRome
wall erected

; the

western its

half of the
in
a name

with

round

base

rangular, quadof

rather

lozenge-like, form
The built

; whence to

the

Borna

Quadrata.
of
or

wall, according
was

the

well-known

description fomo"rium,
furrow clods lifted made

Tacitus,^
sacred

with

Etruscan

rites; the
out
a

space

around
drawn

it,being marked

by

with

plough

by

cow

and the

bull

; the

being carefully thrown

over

inwards,
necessary of portay
are
as a

and

plough being
gates ; whence,
because

the to

profane
the
2

spaces
name

for the

according

Cato,

portando,
a

the

plough
with

was

carried.

We

thus
a

to

consider

city founded
in fact
a

these

religious rites
limits, the

sacred

enclosure,
marked under
Isidor.
"

templum, whose
the
1 8

pommrium,
enclosure
was

the the
xv.

extent

of

city'sauspices.^ This
Ann. A

protection
2, 3.
Eom.

xii. 24,
terrestre
was

Ap.

templurn
32
was

always
Palatine

of

square

form

irXivGiov,Pint.
B.i. S. 448

22

; Cam.

Nagele, Studien, S.
also within the

But
or

there
small of

square omeA

be

good

; ap. Schwegler, city,in the Area Apollinis, a mimdits, walled deposited things considered to place, in which were in fouudinar also called Eoma a city ; which place was rata, Quad122 ; i^nm.l2.

(Fest.p. 258.)

THEORY

OP

COMMERCIAL

EMPORIUM.

51

of the

presiding deity,or deities,as Tarquinian

So be
not

Eome that the of

was

"

or

at

all events and and

Eome Veil it

"

under
was was

Jupiter, Juno,
of

Minerva. could her

also

under

safeguard
till the

Juno,

taken,
the
ever

thought,

deity had

given
hill.
that

consent. Such
was

original Eome
have entered
a

little fortress head could of have any been

on

That such for that

a

it could
a

the

writer

city founded
commercial attained

in such

place
as

intended in
a

great
has

emporium,
all

is maintained in this
to

work in

great popularity belief,and

A mixed

both
seems
race

country

and
want

Germany,^
of

surpasses

betray total shepherds, we

of another also

historical

judgment.
the

of

are

told, partly Latin, partly Sabine,

and

partly
but in

nation
to
on

representedunder
be

name

of

Luceres,

supposed
and

Latin,

had

long
at

dwelt

together
this for their
near

concord

amity
to
a on

these

till hills,

length
choose it

pastoral people place

the
a
mere

resolve

turn

merchants.

They
indeed

of

commerce

top, hillthat

which, though
side, and
continual convenient drained remains
have
on

is,indeed,
which

Tiber, yet
swamp, have

three

sides, was
could

subject to
any
was

inundations,
the of Cloaca

never

presented
till it which

or wharf, landing-place,

at

all this of

events sewer,

by
one

Maxima.

That evidences foundation

even

still

the

material with the

early Eome,
the those who is

should
we

been be

coeval

of

city will,
inclined

presume, historical

hardly
least the

maintained

by
Mommsen

reject all
to

tradition.

Indeed,

Dr.

assign it,at
and consider almost
a

in its finished Palatine in with

state,to the republican times,^

the

regal period
A fine

to

have

been for

entirelysurrounded city !
account

marsh.

situation

great commercial
Dr. Mommsen's of the

of

the
as

origin

of
as

the that

founder of the

and

inhabitants itself. there

1 '

city is just
the
a

incredible
of

city

He

accepts
have

tradition union

early Eoman
a

historythat
and
a

must

been

between
B. i. ch. 4

Eoman

Sabine

Dr.

Mommsen's i. ch. of the

Hist, 47.

of Rome, Dr.

B.

5, p.

M.,

who

does

not
was

even

know

the

number in

or

names

in their

kings, yet period !

is certain

that peperino

not

employed

building

e2

62
The

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

race.

evidence
in which
one

is here

too

strong
tells
us

for him it
a was

; but

he

rejects
part

the and

method
invents

tradition his which

own,

accomplished,
so

of

which

is not

hundredth

probable,or
"

rather

is

utterly incredible.
Dr.

That

the

Eamnians,"
be

says for

Mommsen,^
gave their
must
name

"

were

Latin
new

stock, cannot
Roman determined That
we

doubted,

they
the

to

the

commonwealth,
the in
a

and

therefore

have

substantially
Latin

nationality of
sense

united

community."
were
a

certain
That of
a

the

Eamnians
a neiu

stock

will the

allow. fusion that gave that

is,they

were

Latin

stock, arising
with the the in the have Greek

from

tolerably recent
Latium
to

Greek

colony
settled.

people
Eamnians the words
an r

of

part
name

af

where
we

they
also do

That
but
not

Eome
means.
are or

will We

allow,

sense

the and
m.

author Romani Ramnis last

not

believe

that

Ramnes and
an

identical Ramnes is

because

both
a

evidently
become claim
;
an

name,

*Pafivov^,the
as

syllable having
We shall dermis render from whence and
; not

Latinized,
for

just
Eamnes there

7rov";
an

becomes from

pes. the

these

origin
tradition

Attic

Ehamnus such

although
is

is

which

might Emigrants Thespia,

to

origin not
it

altogether improbable.
went

Athens^
a

said,
of

first to

Sicyon

and

large portion
founded
name, at
on

them Palatine

afterwards HiU and

a

proceeded city
named with into

Italy,
Greeks However

the

Valentia
many

which arrived absurd Latin

when
same

Evander

JEneas

the this

place, was
may be

changed
cart

Roma.

story first,

thought, which,
before
the of

by putting
horse,

the

name

places the
the and

it nevertheless
was

shows the Greek This

that, in
word
account

opinion
not

antiquity, its etymon

^

pu)fi7}, is

the

gentile appellative Eamnis.

from be
an

given by
the

Festus

author
to

of

Cumaean had

history ; who,
the best
an

after

Latins,
about

may

thought
Without,
it is

have

mation inforAttic before

at

Eome.

however,
that

claiming
their
name,

origin
the

for

the of

Eomans,
the

enough
the

founding

city,was
of
a

evidently Greek,
Attic

derived from have

p. 266.

all

events, probably like that brier;

1

borough,
which may

pd/ivo"i,
given

characteristic
i. p.

of

country
'

Vol.

45, Engl. transL

"

Voc.

Romam,

RAMNIANS

AND

ROMANS.

53

name

to

more

than

one

town

in

Greece.

"We before

agree the

therefore
foundation

with of

Dr.

Mommsen,

that called
to

the

Eomans,
;

their who

city,were
wished

Eamnians

probably
Eomans that

also

after,by
to

those their from who We the

to

distinguish
we

the

according
Romani
name comes

originaltribes
Ramnes,
dwelt also when in Roma. agree that

; but

cannot

admit the

it is

evidently
Eamnians
"

ethnic

of

those

the

substantiallydetermined
"

nationality of
Dr. Mommsen's
come

the

united

community
it Tor is Jie

though, according
how
us a

hypothesis,
that conclusion. appear, Latin

strange
tells
at

he in the

could
next

have
page
"

to

"It when

would the less than

a

therefore, that
and Sabellian in and entered
more

period
were,

very

remote,

stocks

beyond
manners,

question^
and later union
customs

far

sharply
were

contrasted Eomans

language,
the into Latin

the

Samnites
a

of
canton

age,
; and

Sabellian
as

community
older and take Titles the their

in the the that

credible of

out withtraditions, the

exception,
it is

precedence
Titles

Eamnians,
the older

probable
to

intruding

compelled

Eamnians

accept
to
race

synoihismos."
Titles, or
those
as was

According conquering
can

this
; for to

account, the
it is
a

Sabines,
are

are

the

only
that and

who

superior who
did in Attica. who
to
pare com-

compel
we

others

synoikismos ;
told it the the

Athens the

Yet

have

just
the

been

Eamnians goes
on

determined this Attus

nationality;
invasion
or

author

Sabine

with

voluntary
with his centuries and who
must
a

settlement few thousand

of

Clauzus,
the

Appius
Eoman

Claudius,

followers, in
when rural

territorymany by
compares the Eomans
a

afterwards,
formed
came

they

were

received

into in had

tribe.;that
numbers

is,he
to be

people
who with Eoman
were

cient suffiall

victorious,
conquerors, of the

and

have

the

power
not
a

and

pride of

small

tribe who

ing formcame

twentieth

part

people, glad
to

into there

their
!

territoryas
Latin
at
a

refugees, and
and Sabellian remote that Dr.

be

received

How and

far the
"

stocks

differed do
can

in languagre

customs,
nor

very

period,"we
Mommsen

not

pretend

to

tell ;

do

we

believe

tell. We

only

54

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

see

that
to

his views

are

not he

always consistent, but

wishes
to

vary in his

ing accordsecond

the

point
which

that he

prove.

For,
ancient

chapter, in
into he he

treats

of the most
presume, of

immigrations
remote
races,

Italy,and
classes under

therefore,we
Latins the from term
"a

very

period,
which
us

separates the
dialect
races.
^

all the other

Italian
and
to

Umhro-Samnite,
marked

tells

that

the Latin of these

It is
rests
on

formed

contrast"

the dialects

hardly worth
nothing
the but that

while

to

pursue

in detail

theory
the
"

which

the wildest

conjectures. We
supposes,

shall

only

brieflyobserve
had been

if,as Dr. Mommsen

race

Sabines

superior

in

prae-Eoman
whether
name

times

though,
them Eomans
suppose
federacy con-

indeed,

it is difficult to

determine
town

he

considers the

superioror
would
that have such
a

inferior been

"

no

taking its
it is been
;

from

built. should

Further,
have

impossible to
by
we as

city

founded

the Latin have

for Latin
not

trading
was

purposes

because,

said, the
would
the it

League
have of

but for

very
a

looselybound
purpose
can

together,and
because

united

such

; and
no

during
between
would oppress them

early days
and Latin the

the

city we
Had
have
we are

trace been

connexion

Latins.

there

this

connexion,
Sabines
to

the the their

mercial com-

Confederacy
and,
as

suffered
told

the

Kamnians,

they did, force

the

upon

the synoikismos? But strongest reason hypothesis is perhaps the fact of

of

against this
to

total repugnance
a

early

Eoman

manners

and of

institutions
and when

commercial

life ; her

though empire
in

in process
to

time,
of the

she

had
to
some

extended
extent

the

mouth

Tiber, Eome

engaged
Dr.

foreign commerce.
indeed,
is of

Mommsen,
from

opinion that
the
as

the both of

Eomans

sessed pos-

the earliest
to
see

times
as

country
the adds

on

sides of the
;

Tiber
we

down do
not

the

sea,

well

port
to

Ostia
his

though

what
to

strength
him,
one

this

commercial
for

theory.
1

According
des

of the

reasons

choosing
Lateinische Dialekthat both

**Innerlialb
in

Italischen

Sprachstammes
zu

aber

tritt

das

wieder
ten."
"

einen

bestimmten

Gegensatz
i. p.

den We

nmbrisch-samnitischen have

B.

i. S. 11 ; and Sabines

cf. Transl.
were

53.

already

seen

Samnites

Sabellian,and

in fact almost

identical.

ORIGINAL

ROMAN

BOUNDARIES.

55

Rome
was

as

an

entrejpSt was,
of if the

that

being
does
at

so

high
was

np
to be

the river
a

it

out
"

of the way and

"

pirates. But
vanishes

if Ostia
not
once.
on

landingmeans

place
As

assumption

mean

that, it

nothing
a

this
matter

advantage
of Eomans
to

fact, however,
could the than of the
sea.

and

Dr.

Mommsen's

own

showing,
"

the

not

have

originallypossessed
evidence,"
that the he

the

territory down
more on

"We of

have

says,

trustworthy right
bank

that

legend,
must

possessions
to at

the

Tiber
;

have very

belonged
quarter,
the chief
^

the the

original territory of
fourth
of the milestone
on

Eome the

for

in

this
to

later

road

the

port, lay
of Eome." of

grove
seat

creative

goddess (Dea
and

Dia), the
a

primitive

of

the Arval
Now
even

Festival,
the

Ar\^al Brotherhood
were

Ambarvalia time
of of the the of the the time
to

festival when

boundaries,
was

and of the from barvalia Amthe

at

in the

Empire,
Eoman of the

Eome
were

mistress
at

the

greater part

world, they

celebrated Thus
we

original boundaries
Strabo'^ that, in
continued borders of the

State.

learn the
on

Emperor
at

Tiberius,

be

celebrated

various and

places
among

primitive Ager Eomanus,

on

them

Eesti, which
from the Eoman And the the
not

lay
The

the
grove

road
on

to

Alba,

about bank that

five of

or

six miles

Eome. fourth

the

right
quarter
of
a

the

Tiber,

at

milestone,
not

shows,
reach
a

therefore,

the
way

primitive
to

did territory this

of the

the
us

sea.

agrees

with ceded that

the
to

account

Livy,^
on

who the

tells

that of
was

Veientines Tiber
; and

Eomulus whole of

tract

right bank
to

the time

territorydown
Ancus.

the
to

sea

acquired
Eomulus he

till the who

According
member. ancient Cornewall
we

tradition,
of

it

was

founded said
to

the Arval have been

Brotherhood,
a

which,

indeed,
On that

is himself of

modes

thus Dr.

reconstructing
Sir G.

history like
Lewis here

adopted by
a

Mommsen,

has

passed
In that
were

very

sensible he

judgment,
observes,
is able
"

which We
are

shall

extract.
to believe

such
a

attempts,
modern

called

upon

historian

to

recast

the traditions
ages
2

which and
to

thus
1

preserved through
Trans, vol. i. p. 49.
3

the

dark

of
lj^.

Eome,
v. c.

Engl.

3,

s.

2.

Lib. i. 15, 33.

66

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

extract their
a

the

truth
form

which

is
are

imbedded false. We

in
are

them,
first
to

although
believe from

in
that

existing

they
in

tradition

was,

substance,
Christ to

faithfully conveyed
the
it be

the and
it
ing cover-

eighth century
then
to

before

Second is
not

Punic

War,

believe of
some

that, although
truth

literally true,
under
own

is

typical
for

which

can

discerned
of
our

its age.

the
of and

first historical

time

by
types
than been

writer
more

This with
some

doctrine
reason

is

difficult

to

reconcile
that
a

experience
facts may

even

the

supposition through
tradition.
refined the the of

authentic of years,

have

preserved
oral and

long
It

series
fact of

in
more

an

unaltered than
an

state, by

is in

nothing
the of It the
man

ingenious
of

application

rationalist

method
so

interpreting

marvellous ancient

legends
historians.

mythology,
is

much form the

employed
of the grove

by

only

another in

system
was

reduction,
into and One hand skill than
;

by which
an

god
in

Mars

sacred who

converted

armed wolf of

disguise,
was

overpowered
into
a a

Ilia,

the

Komulus
may may be be

transmuted

courtesan.

imitation

executed

by
with

coarse

and
resources

clumsy
and better

the

other

performed
but
^

all

the

of

modern

learning;
forgeries." Nothing
scope. stands
"

still

they

are

both

no

historical

can

be
must

truer

than take

these
the

remarks,

in

their

general
as

We
or

either
as

early

Eoman

history
those

it

nearly

it the

stands,
natural
must

rejecting product
abandon

only
of it
an

figments
and
as no

which

are

evidently
age
a
"

illiterate

superstitious
better
escape it may than from
not

or

we

altogether,
Our

romance

from

first

to

last. in the

only

hope

of

this
rest
so

last

alternative,
on

lies

circumstance
as

that
C. Lewis

entirely

oral

tradition

Sir

G.

supposes.

Credibility,

"c.

vol.

i. p.

440,

seq.

68
to him of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

are

done makes
had
a

by
no

Romus. mention of
as
"

Cicero,in
of that

his account

of the foundation he
Roman
: as
"

Rome,^

Remus,
name

though
the Romulus

is

aware

that quently frene-

Romulus

brother Remus

; and

poets
Remi

consider

identical

with
"

potes,"
is

"

domus Latinized form way

Remi,"
form
;

turba

Remi,"
It

plebs Remi,"
was

"c.^

Romulus
Latins
a

only
and

of Romus.

natural

for the says,

a as

to

give it this by

not

so

much,

perhaps, as
but

Servius
such

tive diminuwas

of

endearment,^
of their
an

because

termination

agreeable to the
words modern

genius
with

language, as
Like sdrucciole and

is shown their
"

by

the

many the

they

have

such

ending.
parole

descendants,

Italians,they loved
words

well long, slippery,

off the

vocalized
Thus

that

tripped nimbly
Greek
The word
name on

smoothly
into

tongue.
as

they changed
the
name

the

circus

circulus,just Romanula,
affords

they
of

had

of Romus.
the ancient

of Porta the

instead another

Romana,

for

gate
also

Palatine, Janiculum,

striking
however,
name

instance.
all the
names

So

Tusculum,
to

several

rivers

Albula, "c.,
as

belonging
called

early Latin
closer

times.
to

Romulus,
own

Latins when

him, kept
it to

his

Greek for

of

Romus

he

gave

his

newly-founded city j
at all events

if not 'Pwfjiog,

itself

actuallyderived
it.
a

from been

was /5w/i";,

near

enough
Latin

to

suggest
of make
was

Had

his

name

derived

from have the

the been

city by
called

inventors to

later age, he
him the

would

doubtless
father of

Romanus,
as

eponymous

Romans,

just
for

King
We

Latinus do

of the

Latins.
any valid

not,

therefore, see
universal its

etymological grounds
of

rejecting the
was

almost
after

testimony
We

antiquity, that
urge the
course

Rome dible incre-

named

founder.
who

might

further from the

how

it is that the
or one so

the

Romans,
their any

possessed forgotten in
and been

earliest times
of
a

art

of

writing, should
name

have

century
a were new

the

of

founder,
of the

obliged to

invent

for him.

Why,
before
had is
a

which neighbouring cities, in aU

in

existence their

long

Rome,
it been

could

probabilityhave
all the deeds of Rome

refreshed

memories,
Romulus
are mere

necessary. person, That the

so

As
him

fictitious

attributed
institutes the first

to its
wars

abstractions.

founder

fundamental

military and
ii.
c.

political regulations, wages

De See
**

Rep.
Ut

2, seq.

2
*

Catull.
pro

Ivi. 5 ;

Prop.
Ad

iv. 1, 5;

Juv.

x.

73

; Mart.

x.

76, 4.
factum

Romo

Romuliis ^n.

diceretur, blandimenti
i. 273.

genere

est, quod

gaudet

diminutione.""

NAME

AND

EEALITY

OF

ROMULUS.

'5^

with first the

the

celebrates neighbouring cities,

"

the

first

trinniph,wins

the

spolia opima,
idea of
a

all

these, it

is

said, are

abstractions

arisingfrom
old

founder

of warlike
we

Eome.^
all have
assume

From did
not

this

idea,then,
their

learn, at

events, that
been
a

the

Romans
one.

consider
on

early city to
are we

commercial events of every

But to
we

what been
mere

grounds
down he

to

the

alluded

to

have

abstractions
some

The of
to

founder and

city must,
; it

presume,

lay

rules have

civil contend

military conduct
with that
not

is not and may his

unlikely that
have been state in

may

offended, jealous,
Eomulus
see was

suspiciousneighbours
infant could

far from ; it is

improbable
we

general victorious, otherwise

have
maintained that
were

do

how torious, vic-

itself; and
he
not

if he have

it is not the is to

altogetherincredible
assert

may

instituted

triumph. beg
"00

To whole

that

these

acts
a

real,but

invented,

the

question.
dictation had be

It is

good specimen
often from the

of that

terial magisGerman

cathedra
as

which
come

too

characterises skies. that be

critics colour
was
a

"

if

they

just
derived

down from his the the

The

only

for

it must

assumption
must to

Eomulus

fictitious have

personage,

when that

deeds

also prove

fictitious.
so are

But

we

already seen
miraculous and

arguments

him

altogetherinconclusive.
JN'or do attended person. Besides make up the the his circumstances prove him

which
to have

are

said
an

to

have

birth

death

been

unhistorical

abstraction, it
the

is

said, the
is

other

element
^
"

that wolf

goes

to

history
Acca

of

Romulus Ruminal

myth

the

that

gives
at

suck,
the

Lupercal,
the

the

the fig-tree, the laceration I^ones.

stepfather Faustulus,
of Romulus the

stepmother
on

Larentia,
of the

Goat-lake ideas
are as we

day

Caprotine
from the the

These of Faunus

mythological Lupercus,
or

evidently
must

taken had

worship
of

who,
This

assume,

cognomen

Rumus,
appears

Ruminus.
in the ditional tra-

fecundating goat-god, Ruminus-Faunus, legend

to

have

been

fused

into

one

-person

with

Romulus,
to be
a mere

the

eponymous Here it
occurs

founder
to

of Rome.

ask,
how

if the
came

Romans it that

considered

Romulus
him

identical
name,

with

Faunus,
from
two

they

also made
have

derived
did ? The

the

name are

of the

city,as

we

just been

told

they
The

views

utterlyincompatible.
be seen,
rests
on

whole

induction,
Schwegler, B.

it will

two

conjectures:

i. S. 425.

:j|5i"j ^^^

60 first,that Faunus
or was

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

had
to

the

name

of Rmnus
with

second, that Rumus

or

is,

supposed
we

be,

identical

Romus,

Romulus.
home German
same

If

ask
or

for the

evidence
we are

for Faunus told

"

having
two
"

the

name

of

Rumus,
Schwenck that

Ruminus,
and

that

other the few with

authors,

Zinzow,
himself
was are

had had
"

conjectured
identical

thing ;

and

Schwegler
or

conjectured,"a
critics sensible

pages Fauna who of

before,that Luperca. reject,on

the Roman

Rumia,
With
most

Rumina,
evidence
the

perhaps
these
more

such

contented

occasions,
!

much

evidence

historians
If
we

inquire
traces

how
the

Romiilus
ancient Festus

is connected
authors
^

with
such

rumus^

we

find,
or

indeed,
rather

in

of

some some

connexion,
his
same name

confusion.
the Ficus the
teat

Thus

says
"

that

derived the

from
"

Ruminalis

; others
or a

which

is

nearly by
which

thing
been authors nalis Rumito

from

(ruma,

rumis)
notice

of the
to

wolf
same

he Other

had

nourished.
reverse was

Plutarch

has
as

the

effect.
that the
a

the

derivation,
named the after Ficus

Servius,^who
; and

says

Ficus notice

Romulus

Livy gives
of

the So

effect that that the is It to

Ruminalis

is

corruption
or

Romularis.*
of

theory gains nothing against it.

be with
mere

here

rather, the balance

dence evi-

would

learned
an

and trifling It

battling with
course, Rome.

the

wind
to says, the

proceed

such
to
same

inquiry.
ruma

is, of
with

necessary

Schwegler's theory
has
"

connect

Roma,
derived
is with

he

name

of

the
as

meaning
name

with

Palatium is

; it is ruma,

nourisher," just
the
pa

the

of

the

Palatine whose
root

remotely
from
to

from

shepherd-goddess Pales,
the
as

pal,

the its

Sanscrit

(to nourish, feed).^ But,

"nourisher,"
Roma is
a

viewed
no

regard
so

meaning, Ruma,
a name

by

means

appropriate
viewed

for

citadel

(strength,a stronghold) ; and,

m

etymologically,it requires the requires no

The
same

to be

changed
the old

into

o, while

Roma

change
remark

at

all,piofia being
to

Greek odd

form

for

poifxri.
from
it to

applies

Dr. from

Mommsen's
ramus

derivation
he considers name,

Rama,^
mean

and the

this

apparently
or

since the

wood,

bush-town. is
a

Surely,
more

Greek

p^\ir\,
these.

adopted by Niebuhr,
1

hundredfold
; Anm. 26.

appropriate than
2

Schwegler,
Ad "Ubi
^n.
nunc

B.

i. S. 426

p.

266.

3 *
"

viii. 90

Plut. ; cf.

Rom.
est

4,

6. vocatam

ficus ruminalis B. i. S. 420,

444

(Romularem
Anm. 10.

ferunt)."
"

i. 4.

Schwegler,
P. i. c. A,

"

ETYMOLOGIES

OF

ROMULUS

AND

ROMA.

61

Of birth had that

to

course

all

or

most

of

the
; we

circumstances have
not
are

connected admitted
on

with it.

the

of Romulus said
so

are

fabulous
us

abeady
fabulous. and may

Livy

before

; but

he

does

conclude,

that

account,

all the how

; but

circumstances the

of his of

reign
that

It is

impossible
may have from be

say

legends
connected

Eomulus's

birth

education have

arisen old
as

it is not

improbable
with
to

they

sprung

traditions

the

Palatine historical tacked and

Hill.

It would of
as

just

irrational, however,
these doubt traditions the

reject the
have of been

existence his
name,

Romulus,
it would monkish

because be
to

to

existence
some

Edwy.
to

Elgiva, because
acts to

the

legends
age
treats

attribute

supernatural
its
own

St. Dunstan. and convictions. will invent in

Every
A and
more

history according
age,
or an

views

superstitious
believe cultivated transactions fabulous. many

illiterate would not

but be

poetical age,
at
once

things
; but

which it does

exploded
that
to

times of

follow
are

thence also say

the

ordinaryas

life
we
are

in

those go

periods
of

be that

regarded
these that the

Nay,
additions first
arose

will
a

further,

and

culous miradition tra-

proof

good faith, and

to

show

in

the the

times age.

which of

it these
to

relates, because

it is

framed

in the

spiritof
had historian should

If

early
us,

times
as a

purely
German Berlin
a

rationalistic

account

been

transmitted have written

such

professor or
or

might
at
once

in it to

his be

study
the

at

Leipsic,we
age.

pronounce

forgery of

later

ROMULEAN

CONSTITUTION.

Romulus,
named

having

thus

built

city
to
were

on

the

Palatine, and
laws and with the he

it after

himself, proceeded
The
"

endow
to

it with be
no

religious ceremonies.
Alban,
usages retained
to

latter
a

performed
doubt,
to

that of his
were

is, Latin
Latin those he

rites,

concession,
The of

subjects.
in honour should of up the in have

only
Hercules

Greek
; and
even

rites which

it is difficult

perceive why
he
was was

preserved
descent.

these, except
The

that

himself

Grecian after

worship
in the

of the

Hercules

kept
of

times,
; under

and

especially in Maxima,

neighbourhood
Forum
one or

Palatine
was

which,
Ara

sequent sub-

Boarium,

the
to

besides Romulus

two

temples

dedicated

that

demi-god.

62 then called
laws.

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

his

subjects together, and

this account

dictated

to

them

tain cer-

According
absolute

to

the

Roman and

sovereign
State. the He

was

an

king, the head

both

of Church

ruled

by by
but

divine augury.

right,for
Livy
of

the

gods had

given him

kingdom correctly,
he

has

represented these

matters

Dionysius
them

Halicarnassus
as

quite erroneously,^ when

and The Roman power been

describes
to

Romulus the choice

calling the people together

a

leaving
was an

of

constitution.
was

king, like
had it

those

of ancient

Greece,

irresponsible; his
it would

apxh
been

which avvTr"vdvvo";,^

hardly have
And

delegated
the
same,

to

him
were

by the
elected

people.
by
same,

though
and

after

Romulus

kings
or

the

people
to

senate,
which
as

yet
he
be

the had

very appears

nearly the
to

absolute
on

power them
;

enjoyed
for
a
3 new

have

passed
of his

may who

seen,

instance,

in

the

example
of
own

Servius

Tullius,
and

bestows
power.

constitution
order
to

free will
person
more

absolute

In

render

his
of

venerable,
command
;

Romulus
as
a

assumed

certain

badges
and

authority and
the

more

august dress,
Some from
more

especially supposed

attendance

of of

twelve these

lictors.
was

have the

that

the

number

taken it

vultures that

seen

by
of the

Romulus;
from twelve

but
the

Livy
of the the

thinks

probable
in which

it

was

derived

Etruscan

practice ;

nation
a

each

cities

confederacy supplied
that the the from Romulean of the

lictor.

This
and

agrees,

too, with

circumstance

sella curulis

were toga jpfcetexta

borrowed The
as

Etruscans.

kingdom
Jews,
be

was

theocratic

; almost

as

much
with

so
a

that

if the

comparison
admitted.

of Not

the

latter is

Pagan government may appointed by the will of

but

only

the

king

the
the

gods,

as

manifested

by

augury,

all the institutions

of

state, the

senate, the

centuries

1 *

Ant. See

Rom.

lib. ii.

c.

3.

See

Rubino,

Rom.

Staatsverfussung.
Th.
; dein
a

Waclismuth, Romulus,

Hellenische
ut

Alterthumskunde,

i. Abth. Numa Tullo

reges

i. S.

"Nobis

libitum^ imperitaverat
:

religionibuset
et Anco ; sed
"

divino

jure populum
Ann. iii. 26.

devinxit
aiictor

repertaque

qusedam

praecipuusServius
"Tac.

Tullius

legum fuit,quies etiam

obtemperarent.

ROMULEAN

CONSTITUTION.

63^

of
same

knights,
divine the

and

the

whole
^

constitution,
Hence its

are

founded
nature

on

the
even

sanction.

conservative For the

under

popular
the

forms

of

republic.
was

grand plea
their

of

the

patricians against the possession by

the

plebeians
of the the

always
This
to

sacred

character,
character

auspices.

conservative
in
name

is manifested which
of

tendency
been

retain,

at

least, institutions
after

had

virtually abolished.
a

Thus,
was

the

expulsion
for certain

kings

Eex

Sacrificulus
none,

pointed ap-

functions,

which

it

was

thought, long
after still and

but the

royal priest could

power of the

properly discharge
Curiata had

; and

real

Comitia their

vanished, they
of

nominally
But

retained

original power
of his
an

sanctioning

confirming.
the chief
is the the

characteristic

the

early monarchy
their leader

is, that
in
war

the
and is to

king
that be

general
are

of

people,
army,

people
to

but

whose

principal duty
to

it

prepared
the

obey

the

first

summons

take

the

field.
senate

Thus, during is,

"

first sine

interregnum, imperio,
animis,

the

chief

fear

of the

Ne

civitatem

exercitum

sine

duce,

multarum

circa

civitatum

irritatis

vis

aliqua

externa

adori-

retur."2
THE ASYLUM.

After

awhile
and of

other

spots beyond
rather

the
to

city walls
for the

began
the limits the

to

be

occupied
increase
too

fortified,but

provide occupied
at

expected
were

the

citizens,than
the
was

because thus

present
was

small. HiU

Among
; since

places
on

CapitoInter that for

line duos

it

this

hiU,

the the

spot
two

called

lucos, in

the

depression
his

between This
was a

summits,
of

Eomulus

opened
from

Asylum.
ancient

place

refuge
not

fugitives

other in

communities;
times

contrivance

unfre-

quently adopted
1
"

by the founders
et

of

cities,in
institu-

Hunc
.
. .

(senatum) auspicate a parente

"

conditore

urbis

nostras

tum

accepimus."

Tac.
"

Hist,

i. 84.

"

Id (centurias

equitum) quia inaugurate

rerum

Eomulus

fecerat."

Liv.

i. 36. Ut
et

"Omnino
enim

apudveteres, qui
sic divinare et

potie-

bantur, iidem
Testis
est

auguria tenebant. civitas,

in qua

sapere,

regale ducebant.
privati
"
"

nostra

reges

augures,

postea
rexerunt.

eodem

sacerdotio i. 40.

praeditirempublicam

religionum

auctoritate
2

Cic. Div.

Liv.

i. 17.

64 order
course

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

to

augment
have earth.

the
of

population.
lowest

Such

refugees
that

were

of
gests, sug-

commonly
may

the

class ; and of

hence, Livy

arisen

the

fable

populations

sprung

from

the

Rem
as a

ARKS.

-^The

asylum
all that

is of

course

regarded by
an

the

critics sceptical is

pure

invention.
with

it First,
we

is

said,such
of under the

institution
manners

entirely
times.

at
"

variance
All the

know

of

the

peoples of antiquitylived
; the

strong
were

and

stable

regimen
the

(in festen Formen)

down
more

civic

communities the the

more more

always organized
the

to

the

lowest
were

classes these

; and

remote

times,

binding
of civil

regimens,
these

compact
and
to

all the

tions relasee

life. of

Under

circumstances

it is difficult to dissolute the

common

how

these
have

bands
come

adventurers, vagabonds,
from the

feUows tion, tradi-

could

together,which, according
Rome

flocked

to must

neighbouring
to
us a new

towns

and of

tribes."

This, times,
Golden

we

confess, appears
to

idea

these

ancient
the in

and

hardly
those

be

realized

in

any,

except, perhaps,
had

Age,
It

Saturnia
that there

Regna
were

which
no

long passed by
persons
as

Italy.

assumes

such all
or

insolvent

debtors, brigands, pirates,criminals

persons
desirous hear

of

sorts, runaway
with their We
own

slaves, lot, or

dissatisfied
of
a

with

the

government
for the ancient been and sake of

change merely
classes in the

novelty.
and the
ever

certainly
it not of be. probable imRome's

of such
that

authors,
found
at

think
time will

they might
Roman of nation

have
now

foundation, just as they

That from
a

may

probably
sprung,

the

should

have

it is further entire
a

said,
of

band
Roman
one

robbers,
state.^

is contradicted The

by
state

the
was

character

the Such

old
a

original

family by

state.

can

be

made

neither

by legislationnor

military

1
*

Schwegler,
We
do not

B. i. S. 465.
see

how

this view
S. 345

agrees
in

with

the
of to

passage it.

quoted
for the

from
to

Hegel
us

(Philosophic
accept the
Roman
are:

d.

Gesch.

f.)

support
of

Hegel

appears

to

robber-state, and, by
This
is

means

it,

account

severity of
His
v/ords

discipline.
"Dass
Rom

preciselycontrary
als wesentliche

to

Schwegler's view.
war, seiner

urspriinglich eine
hat,
Ein
muss

Rauberverbindung
Grundlage
des
Staats

und

sich

als

Rauberstaat lichkeit

constituirt

Eigenthiimdie mit

angesehen
mit

werden.

Dieser

Ursjuaing
auf

fiihrt
muss

harteste Gewalt

Disciplin zusammengehalten
sondem
ein

sich.

Staat, der
Es Zustand der

Gewalt
nicht ein

beruht,

werden.

ist da

sittlicher

Zusammenhang,

gezwungener

Subordination."

66
On not for

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

this

we

will observe

that first,
a

the and
as

Eomulean invention
established

Asylum
of the
among

could

then
no

have

possibly been
invent
an

fiction

Romans,
selves them-

people
which
is has

institution their

entirelyforeign to
even a name.

habits,and

for which

their

language
where it

not

Secondly,

it

could

not

have
to

been retain

invention, because
its
name names even

the

place
to

stood

continued
The

down is

the

imperial times.
uncommon or

long survival
"We
a

of such have

by

no

means

unparalleled.
Clement's
more

still in of

London,
the Danes

in

the

Church
in that several

of

St.

Danes,
than and between
"

memorial

settled
well This is
as a

neighbourhood
others in London that the
name,

eight centuries
parts
of and Romulus of the it

ago,^ as

other

England.

longer period than

And

imperial times. indissolubly

to

being
that of of

called his

Asylum
and

Romulus,"
to

was

connected
as

with
the that

helped king
a

hand in any

it down this way

posterity,
as

first

Roman
even

being

good

voucher

fact, or

better, than
been
an

written

document. it reflects

Thirdly, it
no

is not upon that

likely to
the in
some

have

invention, as
A
nation

great

credit

Roman

people.
dishonour to and

is not

apt
prone

to

invent may be

stories
to

degree
.^Eneas.
at

it,however

it
the

the
a

opposite course,
descent from existed

imagine for instance,as

it

Romans
But if that

did,
an

asylum

Rome,

could
says,

have the
we was

been

no course
a

other of

than
Roman

of

Romulus,

for,as
of
none

Schwegler
other.
as we

whole have
to

history knows
of
a

And have

here
seen,

natural

explanation
and purposes

it ; for Greek

Romulus,
; and in
own

all intents
was

the asylum instituting

he

only
a name as

following a
from he

custom

of his

country.
he
name.

And
no

he

gave

it

his
called

own

language, city by
who of it
a

since

could

find

Latin

name,

just

his

Greek

Dr.
a

Ihne,

course

supposes

that

the

founder
to

of

Rome

was

Latin,

calls had this

"preposterous
connexion

supposition"
with We he and have

believe of

that

Romulus
to

sufficient

knowledge
endeavoured,
such remark

Greece,
shall How

adopt

foreign institution.
to

and

further much would able

to

endeavour,
force prove attract had there

show
be in

that
Dr.

had

connexion. that
"

may

Ihne's would the which

in

even

this been

useless, for
many

Romulus

surely never nobody

England,
knew
"c.

have

suppliants from something

Danes
and

neighbouring states, if the

of, and
to

asylum
.

been

new,

See

Worsaae's

Norwegians

p. 16, seqq.

THE

SENATE

OF

ROMULUS,

67
the
to

which
How
"

nobody
"

could
he
a

trust,"

we

must

leave

reader say,

to determine. the

many
was

attracted

it is

impossible

but, though
been the

institution

novelty, we
it

think and

it would

have

readily
class of

discovered, easilyunderstood,
persons for whom
was

eagerly embraced

by

intended.

THE

ROMAN

SENATE.

"

THE

CONSUALIA.

The and

city having
its
to

been

thus

founded,
Komulus

its boundaries created in the

a

enlarged,
council, or
of it.

population augmented, guide

of
a

senate,

him

with

their

advice
a

ruling
whose

It consisted

hundred be them

members,
that
to

number
were

probably
more

deemed age
were

sufficient, or
and called families rank

it may

there
enter

not

entitled

it.

These
or

senators

Fatres, or
were

fathers, by
bear from the the
new

way title

of of

honour

affection

; their

to

patricii, or
mass

patricians,to
of the
to advise

distinguishthem
The functions
no

or plehs, general

people.
;

of this

senate

were

merely
;

they
arose

shared
from

portion of
respect
due

the
to

royal
their

power

their

influence
was

the

judgment,
which

which

called

auctoritas,or
A

authority.^
in the
manner
we

city formed privilege of

have
as

described
it did
not

was

necessarilyill provided
the

with

w^omen

and,
the

enjoy
them,
In his of

intermarriage
power it could it
was

with

surrounding cities,
to

although
it
was

in warlike that

quite equal
but
a

any

of

evident
to

last

singlegeneration. by
the advice

order

remedy
and

this

defect, Eomulus,
to

senate,
their
a

sent

ambassadors

the

surrounding peoples,to request

or

alliance which of
was a

connubium,
seems

the
to

right of intermarriage ;
have times. resembled But The the
new

process

somewhat
state

the

cognition re-

new

in

modern

tion applicacity was

everywhere
was

scornfully rejected.
also

not

only despised,it
Cicero,
Sabine the De

feared, and
as

its

increasingstrength
senate when that after he both

Rep.
in

ii.

8, represents Romulus

instituting the
at the
same

the

War,
and
the

conjunction with
tribes
were

Tatius, and

time

divided the in

people into
curiee from
was

and

curiae ; while
before
seems

Dionysius
the

relates
War. the

senate

established
; but not

Sabine

The

account

the text
of the

is taken senate

Livy
at least

it

probable that
till after the

full complement union.

completed
E

Sabine

68 looked

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

was

upon with did would

as

dangerous.
insult,
and
an

The the

refusal

was

frequently
were

accompanied
"

ambassadors
for
women

asked,
In that

Why
The

they they
Koman that
was

not

open find

asylum
wives."
not

manner

suitable

youth
the

could

brook
end in this
a

this
war

insult ;
and but and

it

was

evident Romulus
same

matter to to

must

violence.
at

willing

encourage

temper,

the

time
for

determined
its

provide
He busied of the

fittingplace
therefore himself in

tunity oppor-

manifestation.
meantime honour He the

dissembled

his
some

anger
solemn

; and

in the in

preparing spectacle
and

games

Equestrian Neptune,
directed the the

which
to

he

called

Gonsualia.
among with

then

be

announced
were

neighbouring people; magnificence then

to to

games
or

prepared
in
to

all the in order

known,
and

that
cause

lay
them

his be

power, looked

give

them

renown,

forward

with

interest

and

curiosity.
has of

Remarks.

"

Whether down
as a

the
to
to
us

exact

nature not
seem

of

these
to

games
a

been
very

correctlyhanded
vital

does

be of

point

importance
On
we

the

general credibihty
tradition
that may before but the

the

early Roman
varied
a

history.
little ; and
tilius
we

such
do

subject pretend
on

naturally have
time of tradition.
to

not

Tullus

Hos-

the not

history rested
think that have the

anything

Nevertheless, charges
objected
of
^

do

story

is amenable

all the is

that that

modern
the the games

critics

brought against it.

were

First, it
till the

of the and when

two

Circus

not not

introduced have Circus of taken

was

time

Tarquin reign
a

Elder,

indeed the

could site of

place nothing
and

in the but

of

Romulus,
But the

the

marsh. of

professed
say gave
not
a

historians word

Rome,
the Rome

Livy
in

Dionysius
of

Halicarnassus,
that It is
as

about
at

Circus.

They merely
honour

state

Roinulus

some

games

Neptune.^
games

probable enough origin of

that those there

that of

posteritymay
the have Circus been Roman
; and
none

have

regarded

these

the

it is at earlier

all events
at

quite
It is

certain

could the

Rome.
in the

only Cicero, amongst

sketch which
a

classical Roman pen, says

authors, who,
his De

slight

he

gives of
the

history in
that
^

Bepuhlica,^ and place in

perhaps by
"

slip of

they actually took

Liv.
i.

Schwegler,

B. i. S. 471.
3

9; Dionys. ii. 30,

Lib.

ii.

c.

7.

THE

CONSUALIA.

69

the

Circus.
and

For

though
the

they
the

are name

also of Eomulus
were

alluded cir censes,

must

to

hy
those

"Valerius
authors

Maximus/
say

under Yirgil,^

nothing
some

about

Circus.
where could he the

N"ow

of

course

have

prepared
method

space

chariots beenin

driven

round,
viewed

the

only
the

in which and

they
this In

have

conveniently
his he mother would

by

spectators ;
a

place
the

called

tongue
have said

KipKos,

circus,or
these

ring.
were

Latin

tongue
first

orbis.
not

Hence

really the place

the

Circensian

games,

though
for suitable of the

performed
but,
It it may is further

in

the

afterwards

expressly provided
or
some

them,
spot.
tine Pala-

be, in

Campus
How
town

Martins,
should the

other

objected :
inland
a

pastoral folk
or

city,an
come

without

navigation
such
: an

commerce,

have Where
the Conis
no

to
ever

celebrate
a

festival to
festival 1
"

of JN'eptune, and Further

all the

gods

has

shepherds'
in the all it
was

originallywere
Italian And

sualia found

"

concerned

Neptune
Greek the
not to

Equestrian Neptune Neptune

so

only
at

mythology taming Neptune,

Census
;
a mere

; the

has

relation

of

horses. but

in
was

the

Circus

jMaximus,
The

Census,
Poseidon of

that

honoured.
is therefore

interpretation of
unauthorized knew

as

Hippios
later

altogether
who

subtlety
and horse-races
; and

archaeologists,
and of

perhaps
was

that

in
to

Greece,

in Thessaly especially in honour

Boeotia, it
as

customary
and
tamer

give

Neptune
ferred transhibited ex-

the

breeder the games

of
races

horses
on

accordingly they
and in

and
on

horseback of the
a

chariots,
to

by Hippios.

Eomulus
But this the

the

festival

Consualia,
new

Poseidon how
pletely com-

interpretationis only
later Eomans
were

proof

incapable

of

understanding
that old
a

their

antiquities.^
Now knew
so

of

course

nobody
about he his

would

presume and many

to say

an

Eoman modern

much

language
have had

antiquitiesas
sources

German,
which
way of
we

although
are now

might
Census

for

studying them
had
some

lost,and

might, therefore, possibly

and We the
see,

have

connecting
are

Equestrian
at

Neptune
as

with diffiraces

which

unacquainted.
does in

all events, horse and them

much

xiulty as
with
a

Schwegler
and

connecting
in with

chariot with he

shepherds' festival, as
world,
therefore

connecting
Census,

anything
may

in

the

whoever

have

been.
We

might
ii
c.

leave

Dr.
2

Mommsen

and

his

followers
3

in

the

mer-

Lib.

iv.

s.

^j,

y^

636_

Schwegler,

B.

i. S. 472.

70
cantile
of the

HISTOKY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

theory
Palatine

to settle the

objection about
fete Greek
to

the

pastoralinhabitants
for that
; for

city celebratinga
it
was

Neptune, except
and

second the
a

tliat objection,
are

the pure

Equestrian Neptune
know
to

Mommsenites
mixture
was
a

all

Latins,
But
we

nothing
our

about

Greek

in

Latium.

according
find
no

theory

that

Romulus
in of this
our

Greek

by descent,
; nay,

whatever difficulty to the

Equestrian Neptune
view.
said

it

only

adds

probability
but

It

is

that

the

Consualia which
is

were

originallynothing
or

shepherds'
The

in festival, for this

they

rolled

jumped

upon

hides.

authority
voc.

Varro,
:
"

De

Vit.

Pop. Rom., quoted by

oleo
vetus

Nonius,
carminibus

Cernum,

p. 21

"Etiam
A

pellesbubulas
quo ille
versus

perfusas
est

percurrebant, ibique
:

cernuabant.
ludos
we

in

Sibi
in

pastores
Nonius

faciunt may he set says

coriis the
:
"

consualia." Varro
in

But his
a

against
book

Varro

same
"

De

Lingua
turn

Latina,
ferise illi

where

Consualia
ad
^ aram

dicta

Conso, quod
sacerdotibus

publicas ei
Eoman rape

deo,

et in

circo

ejus ab

ludi other and

quibus virginesSabinse
the

raptae."
And
Varro
as

Here Consus
we

Varro,
with

like the

aU

the

best

connects authorities,

Circus,
a

with

of the
may

Sabines.

will

here

venture and the Varro

"

conjecture, which
is
at
were

reconcile founded

with

himself,
fete

which

all

events

as

well

Schwegler's, that
"

Gonsimlia
does
not

a originally(urspriinglich) pastoral

for

bear the

him

out

in

saying

that

such

was

tJieir

origin
races,

namely,
for
"

that

shepherds, after seeing Eomulus'

a

chariot
ludos and

made

themselves
"

sort
ran

of

Consualia
about
seen on

^'
"

sibi

faciunt

Consualia
in

^in which

they they
be

oiled chariots

hides
run.

skins,
Such
a

racing fashion, as
would There be

had

the the
was

piece of mimicry
can no

quite in
events,
festival

Italian
an

character. Consi
time in the of

doubt
at

that there
all

Ara the
was

Circus,
and
as we

for it existed

there,

down

to

Tertullian.

It

appears

to have
at

been the of

underground,
of the

and

kept

covered

concealed, except
understand
in imitation
Lib.
So

Consualia, when,
some

the of

words those

Varro,

the

priestsgave

games

there From

which

laccompanied the

Sabine

rape.^

1 '

vi.

s.

20

(ed. MiilL).
:

also Dionysius

ttji/

Se

rore

rep

KaQicpwdelcrau kopriiv in koX (Is 'PcDfiuXco

Ka\ovyTfs,
iv y

4fi" "yovT"S 'Pw/xotoj SiereAouv,

Kwi/(Tovd\ia

fiauSs
yrjs,
Koi

re

viroyfios

tSpvfievosirapd. rwv T"f fieyiarcp

Koi

rrji irepicrKacpela-t]! imro^pofioov,

re

Qvaiais

re

inrfpTTvpois
"

a-rrapxcus

Koi Spdfios 'Ittttup ^(vktwv yepaiperat, 31

.

d^evKTWif

iviTf Kflrai.

Lib.

ii. c.

Dionysius, therefore, had

seerithQm.

THE

ARA

CONSI.

71
and it other
was

this

underground
are as
an

site

of

the

altar,Hartung,i
infer view that

German

who critics,
to

followed infernal

by Schwegler, deity.
that This the and

consecrated
ducing adwas

Consus
the

is

supported by
at his altar ;

circumstances Flamen festival work and

offering
the Vestal horses

made that
on

by

the the

Quirinalis
of the decked games

Virgins
and mules mules

and
were were

Consualia,
with in
to

released used in

from

garlands, while
Circus
infernal

celebrating the
in
near

the the

Maximus.

For and

the

horse

stood

relation to

world,

mules of

especiallywere
their

acceptable
; for

the

infernal it
was

deities, on
a

account

unfruitfulness
to

which
on

reason

custom

and

sacred

I)recept not
or

harness

mules

the

occasion the

of of

the
a

fericedenicales,
deceased
2

solemnity
a

for the is

of purification

family
the
not
were

person,

"

it parallel,
an

said, which
on

exactly suits
mules
on were

Consualia. harnessed

How suitable
must

occasion

which

can

be

parallelto
been
to

another

which the games the

they
in games

harnessed, as they
Circus,
alluded it is rather
to

have to

perform
These

the

difficult in the

perceive.
before of the

were as

by Varro,
memoration com-

passage

quoted,
rape of is

performed
Sabines.
to

by Why
but

the

priests in
used former has the

the

they

mules have

instead

of been deal

horses
a

it

impossible
kind of

say,

always
a

sacerdotal

animal. in

Schwegler trying
with to which he

expended
Consus
an

great

of

misplaced ingenuity
all the

prove

infernal be

deity, when
historians. in the Eomans first

circumstances

adduces
of

may the

explained, in conformity satisfactorily

For,

the

account

Eoman

place,it
should

is the

most

natural
there the
an

thing
altar of

in
to

the

world

that whom

the

have connected

placed
with that the much

the

god

their It
was

traditions also
on

origin
and do

their
mules

races. horseshould

natural this feast ribbons

a

horses
as

enjoy

holiday
on

occasion,
of St.
;
a

they

at
are

the also

present
decked
to

day
with
us

at Kome

the and

Antony,
for

when

they

garlands
rather
was

practice,however,
an

which ceremony.

seems

of

too

cheerful

nature

infernal because

The
was an

altar

underground deity,but
in when

and

concealed,
it
was

not

Consus
the
secret

infernal of the had

'

because

thus games.

typical of
It
as was

design only
in
474. at

Eomulus time

institutingthe they
were

revealed counsel of

performed, just
with

the

of Romulus

been.

This
Rbmer.

agrees
B.

the

explanation
^

Servius
ib. S.

Religion d.

ii. S. 87.

Schwegler,

72
which
autem

HISTORY

OF

THK

KINGS

OF

HOME.

passage
"

we

look
est ut

for in vain

among

those
ideo

cited

by Schweglei* :
sub
tecto
^

Consiis
Circo
we

deus

consiliorum, qui
tectum

templum
esse

in

habet,
learn

ostendatur
a

debere

consilium." the
with Conso

Kay,

from

passage

in

Tertullian,
he
:
"
"

that
saw ara

following
his
own

inscriptionto
eyes,

the
stood

same

which effect, the altar

probably
Et
nunc

actually
defossaest
:

upon

illi in

Circo
modi

ad

primasmetas
Mars
a

sub

terra

ctim

inscriptionehujuscomitio of the

Consus
"

consilio,
where
we

duello,

Lares brief

(or coillo)
whole and
action trans-

potentes

have

history in
the the
we war

; the

design
life.

of

Eomulus,
with
now

which
and

ensued,
union

the them

subsequent
in domestic

reconciliation
And Eomulus the

Sabines,
see as

with the

the

reason

why
the in of

Flamen

or Quirinalis,

of

deified sacrifice

Mars,

and

Vestal reference the

Virgins,
to

should
war,

have the

offered with the

; the to

former union

the and

Vestals under

reference of
a

the

Sabines

Eomans The

Lares

common

city.
of How idea
or

inscription shows
entertained the it eponymous is of

what the

sort

at
at

least what

the time of
a

Eomans

themselves became

god.
of
; but

Consus Poseidon Grecian

When of the

deity

this festival, instead

it is natural
to
a

Hippios, deity
the games
name

impossible
have

to say

that
one.

should

ultimately given place

use

Latin

Latin

writers

the

term this is to from

a

Consualia

in

speaking
the shall sound bad of
was

given by Eomulus,
that the
was name

prolepsls; they employed

Whether
we

the

most

familiar
of

them.

Eomans
not

derived
to

Consus

consilium,
the

stop

inquire.
; for
we

If

they did, perhaps

are

similarityof they
use were

sufficed

them

constantly told
the ancient

that
authors do

very
name

logists. etymoConsus

But in

though
with

the say

conjunction
it.

consilium^ they

not

that

it

derived

from

Schwegler having
seen, was.

satisfied himself
concurrent to

for

such of

reasons

as

we

have Consus

and
an

against the
infernal to

testimony
argue he that has

that antiquity, such

god, proceeds

gods

were

closely
us

related
mules

fruitfulness, though
used the in these

just
their this

before
un

told

that
was

were

games
deities
races,

because
! For

fruitfulness
Consus
was

acceptable to
be this and conciliated
reason

infernal games,
was

reason

to

with he the

and with We

the

like

and festivities,

for

also rape
1

connected

the

first Eoman
not
2

marriages
our

the

of
Mn.

Sabines

shall

abuse
De

readers*

Ad

viii. 636.

Spect. 5.

74 the wives the

ties of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Romans,

they
heart.

would
of their

share

in all the

fortunes

of

city,and
to

consequently
human

children, the dearest

to to

of all

the

He

persuaded them
affections
He

lay aside
to

their
fortune
a

anger,

and

to

give their
barred love

those

whom

had

given
no means

their persons.

representedto
following
more

them

that that

wrong

by

from

it ; and

they would
because
to

find their husbands

every
one

all the

kind

and

ate, affectionattentions These of the

;

of them

would
and

endeavour

by

make

them
were

forget their
seconded
excused
to
a

parents

their
and

country.
flatteries

arguments husbands,
an

by the
their
act

caresses

who which

by allegingirresistible love
is
ever

apology By
these

female
women

mind
were

the

most

efficacious.
but

means

the
;

gradually pacified;
about in
to not

not

so

their

parents

who,
tears

going
and

mourning
excite their

attire,
spective re-

endeavoured

by their gathered
renowned

complaints
And

their
own

cities to avenge
alone. whom
was

their about

cause.

cities
to

They
most

Tatius, King
on

of

the

Sabines,

also embassies
the

were

despatched sovereign
slow in the

the

subject; for
parts.
have
But

Tatius he and

in those

his

Sabines

appearing too
and in

matter, the Cseninenses,

as we

Crustuminians,
also

Antemnates,

who,
a

said, had
themselves
found
even

shared

the
to go

injury, made
to
war.

league
the took

among

and their
own

prepared
account,
to

But

Caeninenses
the

allies too

slow; they therefore

invaded
and easy

field

on

their

and

the

Eoman

territory.
order and

But

they
and

began
and
so

devastate
an

pillagewithout
prey to

discipline,
their

became them
at

Romulus,
He and then

who

fell upon

routed

the

first onset. in

pursued

flying
of his took

host, killed their king

combat,

possessed
lost their
marched

himself

spoils; and
their victorious
as

the

enemy

having
he

ihus he
as

leader, he
home of with

city at the
army

first rush.
; and
as

Then
was

his

ostentatious their the

his deeds
he

he

was

great
the
a
an

and

admirable

in

accomplishment, spoils of
Here he the

ascended

Capitoline Hill, bearing

adapted
he marked
an

slain

king
them the

on

frame

to

the

purpose.

deposited
; and at
a

by
same

oak, regarded as
time

sacred
out

by
his

the mind

shepherds
the for

in

limits

for

temple

to

Jupiter,adding

appropriate

name

the

god.

THE

TEMPLE

OF

JUPITEK

FEKETRIUS.

75 victorious
and

"

Jupiter reretrhis," lie exclaimed,

here this be for bear
to
a

"

I, the
arms,

King
to

Eomulus,
thee
at to

thee

these which

royal
I the

dedicate

spot
for

temple

have

determined
I
now

in my

mind,

after posterity,
or

example

set, a
are

ceptacle re-

spolia opima, king temple

of
or

those

spoils which
Such The
not

taken

from of the

slain
first

leader dedicated

of the
at

enemy."

is the have

origin
willed

Eome. should

gods
be of such

that

the

words

its

founder future the

altogether vain,
nor spoils, an

when
at

he mentioned
same

the
that
common

dedication of

the

time made since many twice has Eomans

too

reputation by
the
to

such
of the

offering
of the been

should

be

number the

dedicators.

Although
empire
cated. Whilst
so

that years

time
have

down

establishment
many
wars

elapsed, so spoils
fortune of

have

waged, only
So the

have been
were

such
the

been
so

subsequently dedi^
great
in of
an

rare

honour

thus seized

employed
the
a

their celebrating their borders

But
:

victory,the Antemnates being

left defenceless the
same

occasion
over

to

make

foray
the

them.

they they

committed
were

mistake

as

Caeninenses

while

spread
them

in disorder with their of his

through

the fields, Eomulus

them the wife
on

suddenly
first onset,
at

attacked and the

legion,routed
ravished
to

the of

captured
their
means

city. Hersilia,
the

Eomulus,
him

intercession

brides, besought
them

to

pardon
thus, by augment
double

fathers, and
of coalition and

receive
and

into his
to

city;
with
most

and
and

concord,

strengthen
flushed
A

the

state;

Eomulus,
acceded
secret to

though
the
Eome's

his
portant im;

victory,readily
tradition, and
cannot
as

request.
future

the

of the of

greatness

for

it

be

doubted

that

empire
matiQg
The

much

by

their
as

policy by

acquired their and conciliating amalgavalour

"

Eomans

the

vanquished,

their

in

subduing

them.

policy is expressed
'*

in

liae Virgil's
debellare

Parcere

et subjectis

superbos." i

"^

Compare

the

speech
et

of the

Emperor

Claudius

to the Senate

"

Quid aliud
nisi

exitio Lacedsemoniis

Atheniensibus

fuit,

quamquam

armis
noster

poUerent,
cives

At ? arcebant quod victos pro alienigenis eodem sapientiavaluit, ut plerosque populos

"

conditor

Romulus

tantuni

die hostes, dein

habuerit.

"

Tac.

Ann.

xi. 24.

76 Romulus
were

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

HOME.

now

marched attack
the

preparing to
easy become Eomulus

against the Crustuminians, who him. His victoryin this quarter was
preceding
demoralized thus
at
were

still more
had

than

ones,

for the

Crustuminians
defeat of their

completely having
colonies that

by

the his

allies.

vanquished
Crustumerium

more

immediate

enemies,
AVe
who may

planted
suppose
to

and hundred

Antemnae.

these

only

few in

soldiers,
; whilst
a

served

keep

the

conquered

cities

check

considerable
relations and her

migration to Rome,
ravished

of especially
to

the parents and

of the

brides, tended

fuse

together

Rome

conquests.
last For
war

The
of aU. of anger

against the people

did

Sabines
not

was

the most
mere

formidable

that

follow

the

blind their
enter to

impulse
warlike

and

cupidity ; they carefully matured

concealed
were

preparations,and
till

their

design
Tatius of the

to

upon

tilities hosit out.

they

thoroughly prepared
to counsel.

carry

Stratagem
of

was

added the had

some

bribed Roman

the

daughter
on

Sp. Tarpeius,
who for
water

commander

citadel

the
to

CapitoHne,
fetch

proceeded beyond
sacred The
her

the
to

fortifications
the

solemnities,
on

admit

soldiers
whelmed over-

into

the

fortress. and

Sabines,
with had
to

being
arms

admitted,
to

kiUed
the

their been

; either

make
for

it

appear sake upon

that

citadel
and The

taken

by force, or
can never

the

of

example,
had

show is the
on

that

treason

rely
which

impunity.
Sabines

story
for

embellished

by relatingthat
bracelets and

Taipeia
the

stipulated commonly
with her

heavy golden
the left arm, of say

carried
;

their

rings
ment agreeto

beautifully set heaped

upon for what

gems

when, instead
Some left

these, the
that her in the

Sabines

their
had

shields. in their
arms

they

hands,
her

object was
of

"get possession of
The

their

and made

that the

fraudulent

tion inten-

being perceived, she

Sabines, however,
of
come

was

martyr
manner,

it.

in
nor

whatever
on

had

got
did

session pos-

the into

citadel;
the level the

the

following day
the

they
and

down

ground
Romans,

between incited

Capitoline
rage and
to

Palatine
desire
to

hills, till
of

by

the

recovering
of it.

their The

citadel, were

preparing
were,
on

mount

the

assault

principal leaders

the side

THE

SABINE

WAR.

77
of the in the Eomaiis
van,

of the

Sabines

Metius

Curtius,

on

that

Hostius sustained Eoman

; but

Hostilius. awhile

Hostius, j)lanting himself

his courage
was

by
which

and

audacity
on

the

fortunes

of the

host,
no

arrayed
he
fall than back
was

very the

unfavourable

ground
was

sooner

did and

Eoman ancient

line

immediately
of the of he Palatine.

broken Eomulus

driven

to

the

gate heaven,
of

himself

carried
hands the

away towards

in the

crowd

fugitives;
exclaimed,
that I

when,
"

liftingup
was

his

Jupiter, it
here
on

by
fraud

command the

thy auguries
of Sabines

laid

the

Palatine and
;

first foundations

the
are

city.
in the them

Already, through possession valley,and

at

corruption, the
and attack
now

of
are

the

citadel

they
the

have

crossed Drive this

vow

hastening
0 and
a

to

Palatine.
men

least

hence,

father

of

gods
foul which

and

; arrest

panic
thee,
to

of the
as

Eomans

stop

their

flight.
shall

I here be
a

to

Jupiter Stator,
the if
"

temple,
that

monument

posteritythat saying, as
exclaimed,
mus

city was
this

preserved by thy present

his prayer had been

aid."

So he

perceiving
From you
to

heard,

spot, Eomans,
stand the and
renew

Jupiter Optimus
the

Maxi-,
these had

commands
was a

fightI"
if flies to

By

words

the voice

flight of
from
was

Eomans

arrested, as

they

heard
Metius fi'om whole Palatine

heaven

; and

Eomulus Sabines. the he

was

their

head. down the the fidious per-

Curtius the

leading
had Forum
:

the

Charging
from
not

citadel, he
of the

driven
;

Eomans
now

him

length
hosts

and
"

far from
our

gate, exclaiming
and
to

We

have
!

conquered

cowardly
ravish

enemies

They
to set

have

learnt

that
men."

it is While band

one

thing
he
was

virgins,another
Eomulus
as

fight with
upon him
to

thus

boasting, youth
; and

with be
on

of

his boldest
he him
was as

Metius

happened
back.

horseback

the he

more

easily driven
another the

The

Eomans inflamed whose self him-

pursued by
the
was

fled ; whilst breaks the

Eoman

band,

king's
the

courage,

Sabines.

Metius,
threw and

horse

frightened by
marsh he the
were

cries of the

pursuers, shouts The

into of the Sabines

; but

animated
to

by

the

gestures
and hills ; but,

Sabines,
renew

managed
in figlit
now

get through.

Eomans the

tlie

valley

between

the

Eomans

evidently superior.

78
At
upon
at

HISTORY

OF

THE

KIl^GS

OF

ROME.

this whom

juncture
the
war

the had

Sabine

women,

by the injury inflicted

aside

arisen, throwing
between
on one

womanly
of the and

fear

this

terrible

ventured, through the thick sight,

themselves

flying
to

missiles, to throw

the combatants side

to their the
a

pacify their
the

rage,

appealing
themselves

fathers, on
case

other
not
to

to their stain

husbands, imploring them,-as

with the

might
or a

be,

the

blood of

of

father
'*

son-in-law

and

contract

stain

parricide.
your and anger

If

you

this marriage, regret this relationship, us; for

we are

turn

against
mutual be

the

cause

of

this

war,

of

the

wounds
better
to

and
for
us

slaughter of
to

husbands

and
as

parents.

It will
as

perish than, either

the women, soldiers
the tumult which of

orphans

or

widows,

live The

deprived of you."

sight of
the
common

their
and of

pathetic entreaties,touched
leaders.
was
on

both aU

their strife

The

fray by
sides this

ceased
a

at once,

and

succeeded
both In of
to

found pro-

silence

; amidst

the leaders

stepped
was

forth

for
not

the

purpose
a

making
but
two

treaty.

cluded in-

only
the

peace, The

the

converting

the share

two

cities

into

common

one.

kings agreed
was

the
to

royal
Eome.

power; The not town

but

entire

government
in order
were

assigned
the

city being thus doubled,

seem

that

Sabines

might
the called

to be

neglected, they
A
monument

called
battle

Quirites, from
is the

of Cures.
so

of that

lake
of

Curtian,

named

from

the

spot where
the

the

horse bore

Curtius,

having
to the

at

length emerged

from

deep bog,

him

safely

margin.
"

Remarks.

The
a

rape

of which

the

Sabines, and
the two of

the

war

which

ensued,

terminated
one

by
most

peace

fused

peoples together,form history.

or a

of

the the

important

traditions the the

early Eoman
were was a

It

involves
race

questions whether
latter,whether
as some

Romans mixture

pure

mixed

; and

if the

effected

by treaty
with

and of

agreement, or,
the Romans.

have the

supposed, by
tradition is
at

the actual

subjugation
some

That

accompanied
; bnt

fabulous

circumstances to

must
on

be this

once

admitted

it would

be
rests

unreasonable
on

rejectit
must

account, if the
as

principal fact
should

evidence be

that

be
to

considered

almost

irrefragable. It
be

would

preposterous

expect

that

early history

THE

SABINE

UNION.

79
with all that

handed
array The of work

down

in

all which

that

connexion

of events, and
modern historical
no

evidence,
of of
us

characterise for

compositions.
doubt
a

Herodotus,

instance,
mixed ridiculous up

contains

vast

substratum appear
to

truth, though
the
not most

occasionally with
childish
the fables.

what
This ancient often
are

to be arises

and from

characteristic
manners.

unfrequently
were

simplicityof
world
; ;

The

ancients in
a

the

children credulous

of the
manner

they

regarded things
not, therefore,
us,

simple and regarded

as us

and

they

to

be

wilfullypalming
truths such

untruths with

upon
ordinary extraor

but

rather

as

transmitting to
of

accompanied
as

and
the

fabulous

circumstances, them,
believed.
to

they themselves,
such fables

great majority

That

should

attach particularly events the of

themselves

the

more

striking and
It
was

important
that
were

early history is natural

upon

enough.
the ; that

these that

made the such

deepest impression topics

and with of

popular mind;
were

constant

conversation
as

the
;

subjects
and
were

of

songs

poetry

might
not

then

have

existed

hence

accompanied
which fictions,
their War

and exaggerated details,

embellished

with

pleasing
Sabine

have
value

only depreciated, but

the
an

actually destroyed,
critics.
The

historical
was

in

eyes

of of

modern the kind

pre-eminently
subject
for what attached traits

event

just alluded
"We other will then will

to, and
endeavour

natural
to

embellishment of this

and

fiction.
or

eliminate have

sort,
to

what and

incongruities, proceed
the
to

may

themselves

it,

examine

the main
the dates
at

subject of
to

the the

tradition.

Among
are

objections
which the

story
is

of

the

rape the

of

Sabines
numbers the the rape

the the

event

placed,and
to

varying
Pictor,^
of

of took

ravished

virgins.^ According
the fourth be The month
more

Fabius the

place

in

after

building
the
on

city.
this

Nothing,
calculation and of

it is
was

said, can
made. in the of the

simple
Consualia
month Other

than fall after

way

in which of
or

the the

18th

August,
festival

consequently
the foundation
too

fourth

Palilia^
whom

city.

writers, to

this

period

seemed

short, as
it into four the

Cn.

Gellius, quoted by Dionysius,^ arbitrarily

These
was

converted
that the

years. event not

variations unknown

compel
; but

us

to

conclude
sarily neces-

date

of that

it does

not

follow The
1

it did

take

place.
number
,2

original tradition
Schwegler,
Buch

gave
ix. S. 7.
3

the

of

the

ravished
Eom.

Sabines
14.

Ap. Pint.

Lib.

ii.

c.

31.

80

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

at

thirty;
But

which

number the
names

was

evidently
Sabine
women

taken
are

from said
to

the have

thirty
been
it

curiae,to which

of
too

given.
only

as women

this

seemed had

small,

another peace

tradition
;
^

assigned
is When

to the
a

who

sued of

for the the

which

evidently
other
or

only
these
to

rationalistic
make the

version number and

original account.
women

traditions
are

of

the

627,

or

683,
and

800,2
serve

the
with

purest
what

most

arbitraryinventions,
most

only
invented

show later It may

levity the
the
number

positive data
taken this

were

by
of been
gave from

the

annalists.

be

that

thirty was
evident ravished

from could For

the
not

number have

the the
names

curise ; but whole

to

it is
of

quite
the

that
women.

number the curiae

those
women

who

were

all also

Sabines,
fell into

besides the which hands

whom,
of

the

three

Latin the

towns

the

Romans ensued

though
between
women

from the

intimate and almost

were

connexion

subsequently
that the

Romans have

Sabines,

it

was

natural the

Sabine whole
women.

should

engrossed
not

tradition.
the

The

however, thirty curiae,

Ten this
names

named before the

after

Sabine
union

of
was

them so,

must

have

existed the

Sabine

; and the three

that tevr
are

appears curiae

from that

circumstance been
are

that, among
or

of

these

have
names

preserved, two
Diaconus,

evidently
Velitia, in
curiae
*

Romulean. Festus ; in is
^

These

Foriensis, Rapta, Veliensis,

as

Titia,in Livy
^

Paulus

among Of

the these

new

Faucia

and

Acculeia
from is
as

in Varro.^ the

the
wa?

Curia

Veliensis
Romulean
was

evidently named
; while

Yelian

Hill, and

therefore Acculeia it to

the

Titia

evidently Sabine.
a

The in

also

probably
Goddess
of the

Romulean of

; as

sacrifice

was

offered

Angerona,
makes stood
near

the

Silence, particularly as regarded the

name

forbidden indeed which very lend It

utterance

secret

of in
; but

Rome.

Macrobius^ of

the

sacrifice Porta each

to

performed
Romanula

the the

chapel
curia and

Volupia^
sacellum
names

the

and Sabine

probably adjoined
some seems

other.
old the
ii. 47.
Rom. to to 14 be

The

Roman

confirmation

the
even

tradition. Sabine
women

probable
Rep.

that

must

have

been

1 Cic.
2

De

ii. 8 ; Dionys. 47
; Plut.

Dionys.
number,
for

ii. 30,

;
a

comp.

Thes.
of memory 683.
"

et

Rom.
on

6.

But of

the

Plutarch

"nearly 800," appears "nearly 700 ;" alluding

41.

slip
number

the

part

the

See

Lewis,
38.

vol. ii.

p. 421, note
8

"

Page 174. Ling. Lat.

vi. 23

Page (ed. Miijl.).

366.
.

"

Lib. Sat,

ix.

c.

i. 10.

82

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Before that
"

we name

address

ourselves
is

to

these
a

objections,let
Greek should
one,
"

us

remark

the

Talassius the

evidently
the customs from ;
a

daXdaaios,

pertaining to
word
it
came

sea.," How

Latins

have very

adopted
easy to

Greek unless
we

in

their down
was a

marriage
to

it is not

say,
as a

them

the

time

of

Romulus,

who,

have of

seen,

Greek

word,

moreover, liamnes

appropriateto
had

festival
not

the

Equestrian Neptune. long wanderings

of the
difference
to

The
over

evidently
the

yet forgotten their

That there is
was a

the

sea.

opinion
There Order

about is
a

the

origin of
of

cry

Talassius about and the

nothing
the

point.
the

difference Garter
was

opinion
but

manner

in which

of the of

instituted,

whether

story
on

about

the Countess that the

Salisbury be true;
was

nobody
Edward

doubts III.

that

account

Order

instituted

by

It is allowed

that

the
but it

Roman
were

wedding
to
as

customs from

were some

not

mere

arbitrary inventions,
nature
to

really derived
contrary
of all

ancient

practice; and, indeed,

suppose into that

is

experience
have
it

of human
trated pene-

such habits

observances
a

these, which

have

deeply
a mere

the

people, could
so,
we

originatedfrom
very much of the

idle

story.
of
the

But

if this be

think

speaks

in

favour

old

tradition, and

the
If

unanimous it be
see

opinion
admitted

Romans Romans

themselves at
one

concerning
stole their

it.

that

the

time

wives,

we

no

more

convenient

epoch
at the among

to which commencement
"

to refer of

the

practice than history.

of

where That
"

tradition the

places it,
round their
as an

their

practiceobtained exceedingly
retained in
^

most The

of the

people

antiquity
seem

is

an

assertion.

Spartans only
some

to of

have
a

marriage Dionysius
ancient

ceremonies
makes

traces
excuse

such
act

practice;
he

and,
it
was

Romulus

his

that by alleging that

Greek
in Greek
we

custom,^ Italy.
shown the very The

we

may
same

conclude

considered
our

it

as

unknown
of the

passage

tends

to confirm

theory
also
Thus

origin of Romulus.
have with
that tradition the of

But

festival of the
the rape
one

Consualia the the

the

was

connected
we

of
in of
to

Sabines.

have
in

two

prominent
and

usages,

public life, the

Romans,
*'

other

the
to

domestic
a

daily
which,
but
of

customs

both
"

referring
school should
of

tradition

according
pure
so

the

etiological
That
there at

critics,was
been two

nothing
customs cf, Herod,

invention.
a

have
"

different

nature, yet
"

the

riu'.

Lye. 15;

vi. Q5.

ii. 13.

REMARKS

ON

THE

SABINE

WAR.

83
and And rape is effect,

same

time

capable of being joined together

we

as

cause

most

and extraordinary,

should
been

say

unexampled.
with
a

further,
of the

that

they
of

could

have there

both had

connected

the

Sabines,

unless

previously existed
the To

tion deeply-rooted tradiwe

that
to

event

among

Roman
suppose

people,
that
a

confess

ourselves
from met

unable those with

understand. customs at
a

story

invented have

two the

comparatively late period

which
us

should

universal
to

acceptance
seems

that

of the

rape

of the

Sabines

appears If could said "with the

have of

done,
the been

to

utterlyincredible. mythical, continues

of the
wars

rape

Sabines
the with There

is

Schwegler,^
Eomulus

it is

not

have

occasion
some

which

to the

have

waged

and neighbouring cities,

no

afterwards
wars

Sabines.

is and

historical
;

ground they
are

for the

with for the

Csenina, Crustumerium,
purpose the of first
on

Antemnae
as a

invented

displayingRomulus
and of
account
a

victorious first

warrior, as celebrating
attributes
to
sure

triumph,
founder

winning
their of

the

spolia opima;
was war

which,

ominous But

character, it
the Sabine

necessary has
a

assign
We rape which
to

to

Rome.

historical

ground. assigned
not
some reasons

have
may

for

thinking
The
or a

that

the of the

Sabine
wars

be may

altogether mythical. perhaps

are

details

ensued that

be

exaggerated
is the and

misrepresented ;
mere

but

say

they

altogetherinvented
for
war

conjecture and
precon-

gratuitous assertion, made

ceived
are

purpose its

of

supporting a
described Romans. careful of

theory.

The

Sabine
much

issue, as
to

by Livy,
In and order
secret

probably
extenuate

made their

too

favourable
most

the

to

defeat, the
Sabines.

is made

of the

preparations of Livy
himself
an

the
a

The

pretty story
there the
were

Tarpeia, which
several of without taken it

calls

fable, and

of which
to

different
national let
on or

versions, is
self-love.

evident the foot

invention should

salve have

wounds

That
to

Sabines of the

marched have

hindrance
first assault Romans has
to

the

Capitoline and
with

the

and betrays their superiority,

suggests
defeats

the

idea their

that the

had

previously met
The in
war,

some was

which

vanity
the

concealed. have been

however,
of

much

longer than
we

it appears

the
a

narrative circumstance

Livy,
to the

where

have

only

decisive

results;
a

characteristic national either

of

tradition, and
But

of especially it
seems

tradition

derogatory
the

reputation.
that the

probable, from

consequences,
1

last battle

Buchix.
G

S. 8.

84
drawn

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

was

one,

or

that the

peace

and

union
of

were

effected
women,
or

between
in
some

the other

two

nations, by

intervention

the

manner.

Before moment

examining
to
soon

these
and

consequences,
one or

we

will

advert

for That

the after

wars, its

two

of

their

incidents.
to

Kome,
some

foundation, should
should
in

have

had

contend
and

with
that is of

of these

the

seems surrounding cities,

natural, sufficiently
have

in

struggles it by
the fact

general
We

proved
that to of

victorious

shown

of its existence.
which
to

think
to

the
a

Temple
late
This
as

Jupiter Feretrius,
shown Greek
There term

continued the very

exist times

period,
is its

undoubtedly belonged by
is for its small and

early

Kome.
as

dimensions, insignificant ^eperpov, which

from which carries
can

well
to

by

name,
no

derived
Latin

from

it up be The

Komulus. the of

word that
a

Feretrius

derived,

in "f"ipeTpov

tongue being ferculam.

more

Temple

Jupiter
in to the that Almost union.

Stator

may war,
^

be

doubtful

matter. said

The

Consul

Atilius
a

Samnite

a.u.0.

458,

is also

to have

vowed

temple
and the
we

deity.
every Even of

writer Mommsen

on

Roman allows

history admits
such
a

Sabine

war

union, though
it
as a

before

foundation
may the
or

Eome that

; it

and,
was

as

he

describes
a war. a

forced union,
his
account

suppose

preceded by

But

of

matter, besides

being unsupported by know,

the

single scrap
Sir G.

of evidence Cornewall

tradition, is is,so
far

in the
as we

highest degree improbable. only

entire writer

Lewis
his

who, consistentlywith
of Rome war,
to

principle

of

regarding
^

the

early history
to

be

without

foundation, withholds
union.

his

assent

the

Sabine

and

consequent
The event not

amalgamation
so

of

two

races

into

one

nation
a

is

an

historical
who
were

striking and
Romans several tradition

important, that,
the
art

among

people
if

absolutely barbarians,
as

memory of

of

it,even
be

they possessed
And find it the served, prethat

not,
of

the

did, the

writing,may
oral enhanced

supposed capable

surviving
of

centuries, merely by
is

tradition.
we

value

the

greatly
been

when
at

if not
on

exactly by
union had

the

conquered nation,
forced.
The

all events

by

which

the would

national the

vanity
to

of the
not

Romans
the

doubtless
of it been

have
too

willinglyignored
numerous

event, had

memorials

and

too

strong

be

set

aside.
"

Liv.

X.

36, 37.

See

"c. Credibility,

vol. i. p. 438.

MEMORIALS

OF

THE

SABINE

UNION.

85

We

will

here

enumerate

some

of which

the

material
have

evidences manifested

of

the

union,

without
to

going
Roman the "c. in

into in

those their

must

selves them-

every

language, customs,
with and

laws, religious equivalent

had to its

observances,
that of

name

Quirites coupled
the

Eomani,
name

On

Quirinal Hill, which

to

changed
to

ancient
were
"

of Mons the

Agonus showing
from
;

the Yetus

Sabine
and

one

of CoUis

Quirinalis,^ Jupiter,
a

besides and

Capitolium
Rome that

its the

temple Quirinal
the Semo

Juno,

Minerva,

the
"

city on
the of
name

to be
or

stantive sub-

city,distinct
sacred from Latin This
to

following temples
or

fanes, Mars,
the

Sabine the

deities

Quirinus,
; that

Sabine

which Dius

hill derived and

on

its of

of

Sancus,

Fidius,

those the the

Flora, Salus, and

could
not

Sol.
have

Sabine
supposes,

city

Quirinal
foundation
on

existed, as height
have
should
a

Niebuhr
of

before

of Rome.

It is the hand to

improbability,
to

that
a

Romulus

the

one

attempted
or,
on

found that

city in
Tatius is
no so

such the

near

proximity
should
of

foreign one, permitted

tinct disdown the
two

the
to

other,
so.

and

Sabines
way

have

him

do

There

probable
close the

accounting
but that
arose

for two

cities

being
been

found

together
Sabine
and

handed after

by tradition; namely, peoples

The which had united

that

city

by agreement
to retain

compact.
of then removed the

Sabines

continued

possession
it
was

Capitoline,
to

they

had
a

conquered, and, indeed,

tongue
of

united in

the
to

Quirinal by
make way for north-eastern into
a

land, subsequently
Hence the

order
at

Trajan's Forum.
foot
the of

Janus

Geminus

the

the

Capitol, afterwards
index
an

converted and
to war,

by

Numa
its

temple,

famous

of

peace entrance

must,
Sabine

from

situation,have
this
we

formed originally

the

and city,

is certified

by

the

additional
to ;

name

of

Janus

Quirinus, which
was

frequently find
of the been

attached Hill the

it.^

For

Quirinus
his
a name

the would of

peculiar hardly
as

deity
have

Quirinal given
author to

and

therefore
had

gate
the if

it been

gate

Rome,

Schwegler supposes.^
The
same

admits
But

storming
the

and

taking
were

of the settled

line Capitoon

by
^

the

Sabines.*

Sabines

the

Festus, p.
Suet.
does

254. 22
run

Oct
not

; Hor. counter

Car.
to

iv. 15, 9 ; Macrob. Macrobius's hasta

Sat. i. 19. that

The Janus

view
was

in the called

text

explanation
quam
^

Quirinus,
3

"quasi

bellorum

potens, ab

Sabini

curim

vocant."

Buch.

i. S. 481.

Ibid.

S. 484.

86

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Quirinal previously
is still more
to

to

that
that

event,

as

ho

and have

Niebuhr allowed

assume,

it

improbable
on

they
on

should the

the
as

Komans
we

settle
the

the

Capitoline than
and the the that

Palatine. then the

For, Quirinal

have hill. made

seen,

Capitoline
tradition
war now

Quirinal
settlement
one.

were on

virtuallyone
was

The

old

after the
We
two

is the

only probable
the
to the

will

continue

history after
of Tatius.

tho

amalgamation

of

the

peoples, down

death

THE

SABINE

UNION

AND

CONSTITUTION.

The after

joyful peace
so

so
a

suddenly
rendered
above

effected them

by the Sabine
still

women

terrible
and

war

dearer

to

their
on

husbands which which

parents, and
he

all to Eomulus
to

himself,

account

affixed
the

their

names

the

thirty curiae
women

into
was

he

divided

people.
than this

The
;

number
it has

of the
not

undoubtedly larger
down
to age,
to
or us

but

been

handed

how

the

thirty were
and

selected, whether
of

according
or

the

position
At

dignity
were

their

husbands,
three
centuries

simply by lot.
of

the

same

time

enrolled

knights, called
were

Eamnenses,
named after

Titienses, and
Eomulus The
cause

Luceres.

The after of the

Kamnenses
Titus
name

the
and

Titienses

Tatius, the Sabine

Luceres
is doubtful.

king.
further

origin

So

far

Livy.
who

Cicero

says

that

Eomulus

also divided
and

the

people into three

was as
an

tribes, named

after

himself, Tatius,
fell in the

Lucumo,
war.^ of these
were

ally of Eomulus,
afterwards suppose
;

and

Sabine

And

Livy himself
tribes,^we
at
we

mentions
that he

the knew
is

existence that
no

three

may time

they
other

instituted

this
can

and, indeed, there

XDcriodto which
The The
names

conveniently assign their institution.

to

of

them of

appear that named

have after

been

rather
were

looselyused.
sometimes
name

members

Eomulus
The

called
appears
1
2

Eamnes,

sometimes

Eamnenses.
from

former and

in the passage

just quoted

Livy,

both

in the

De "Ut

Rep.
tres

ii. 8.

antiqiisetribus, Eamnes,
Lib.
x. c.

Titienses, Luceres,

suum

quse^uc

augurem

habeant.""

6,

THE

THKEE

TKIBES.

87
after

subjoined
we

passage

of Varro.^

Those

named
Titles.

Titus

Tatius of

find

called

Tatienses, Titienses, and

occur

The

first two

these

names

in the in will

passages in

already quoted.
cited
Eemarks.
two

The

name

of Titles the

is found
we

Varro,

tlie passage

below.'''

Of

Luceres

speak only
some

in the of the

After
two years

the

amalgamation
not

peoples, the reign of

concordant.
of After struck demanded Tatius
a

the few the

kings
had

was

common

but

elapsed,
of due the
to

relations

King
when
of

Tatius these

ambassadors
the redress from

Laurentines
them

; and

by

the the

law

nations,
of his But the

was

deterred
the he
to

affording it by
he bore

entreaties

relatives
this

and

love

which

towards upon gone his

to
a

them.
own

by

conduct

only brought down

them
was :

head

punishment
at to

due

for, having
upon with

solemn Eomulus than been

sacrifice is said became

not

Laviniuni,
have borne
; either

he

set matter

and
more

killed.

this

equanimity
Tatius of the had

him

because
or

he

thought
a

that

unjustly killed,
can never

because

partition

supreme

power

bo

trusted.

Eemarks. union very

"

Schwegler
have

observes,^ that
and much this
on

the

tradition
to to

makes all inner

the bability, proHe

speedily completed,
taken
a

that, according

it must does

longer
as
an

time

effect the

it.

not, however,
truth of the that

bring

forward

objection to
he arise
as

mental fundaWe want

story, wliich,

the this

contrary,
sometimes life dealt

accepts.
from

are

of

opinion
and

objections like
numbers time the may

of
our

considering the simplicityof early ancient

own,

compared
It

with

the

small the

which have

are

with.

is possible, tion tradi-

however,
has

that
us

been

longer, and
of the

that

given
same

only

results.
that the

The
^

author

thinks

relation

two

united

"

Ager

Romanus

primum

divisus

iu

parteis tris, a
ut
a

quo

Teibus Tatienses

appellata
a

Tatiensiiim, Ramnium,
Ramnenses
a

Luceruin,
ut

uominatse,

ait

Ennius,
"

Tatio,
v.

Romiilo, Luceres,

Juuius,

Lucumone."

Ling.

Lat.

" 55

(ed. Miill.).
2
"

Trihuni ad
an

militum,

quod

terni
"
"

tribus
Ibid.

tribubus

Ramnium,
cf.

Lucerum,

Titiuni MSS. infor

dim

exercitum
a

mittebautur.

" 81

" 91.
this

Though
passage
we

some

have that
3

here"

tacium,
of the

taccium, tatium.
tribes
was

From

may

the Buch

institution ix. S. 11.

for

military purposes.

88

HISTOEY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

peoples was
form from
a

at

first

only

federative
but
a

and

isopolitical ; they
This is

did

not

single state
fact that

in common,

confedeiacy.
its
own

apparent
a

the

each
a

state

retains

king.
tradition

Moreover,
tells about of it to
us

credible,or
the
common

at all events did not that whom met If its

sensibly devised,
consult
had of them

that

two

kings

immediately
each
he

together
his
own

their
one was

but affairs,
men,

senate ; and

hundred

with

first took

counsel

apart
of and

after this that

in
common.

they
in
one

together for
this
"

the purpose
founded
"

coming
internal

lutions reso-

is well

bility probacognises re-

speaks only
was a a

favour
one

then

the

later constitution, which

one

king,

senate, and

assembly
have much

of been

the

people,
time to

work

of

gradual assimilation, and

It must

must taken two

produced
have

by
been

series

of mediations. the

have
the
on

longer
It may

accomplish
and
the

religiousunion
before
sacra

of

peoples. subject were

the
no

centuries

all differences

this

reconciled,

Roman this
we

completely
remark the that short if the that

fused
there

with
are

Sabine.
traces

On

may for

of

double
It
a can

kingdom, except
hardly
be

period
double have
hear

of

the

life of
had
no

Tatius. lasted memory

imagined
death of

kingdom
preserved
of of

derable consiof

time, tradition
After the Tatius
;

should
we

it.

only

single kings, alternately

the two
a races

Sabine
that had

and

Roman

but

this
no

alternation motive for

shows

there
there

could

have

been
one.

concealing
to draw

joint reign,
conclusion

reallybeen
to

It is

impossible

any

from

the

symbolical empty
a

throne, with assigns

considers the that But

sceptre and

crown,

which,
next
;

according
his
own.

tradition

preserved by Servius,^Romulus
empty
it

placed
to

Servius

himself

throne

Remus dormant be
of
"

after Schwegler,^

Niebuhr,
the
two

represented
if this
one

the

right
true

of

one

of

peoples.
there The
was

even

view

the both
it is

one,

it admits and

that

actuallyonly
devised"

king
tradition
such

Romans

Sabines.

"sensibly
views

astonishing how
when
own

readily the scepticalcritics adopt

to their rests
own
"

traditions

favourable

of each

king having
with the

held

his

separate senate,
follower of

only
is

on

the

authority of Plutarch, and

the other
of

his

Zonaras,^ and
this
it may

totally incompatible
as

accounts

period, such
have taken

the

institution

curiae,"c.

How
of

long
the
1

to

effect the

complete religious union but, with

s

two

peoples
i. 2

it is

impossible to

say ;

the

easy-going
3.

Ad

^En.

; vi. 780.
3

S. 488;

Anm.

Plut.

Rom.

20 ; Zonar.

vii. 4.

DO
that bility
have

IIISTOKY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

the little town

as

upon
to

the Palatine
rtsist of
to

would,

in

the

long
of and

run,

been
as

little

able

the

victorious
of

advance Tiber
some

the
the
cient an-

Sabines Anio.

the
idea
;

other
seems

towns
even

the

valley

the
to

This

have

occurred

of

the

writers
that
to have

and

thus,
such of
.

for
a

instance, Velleius

Paterculus^
must

thinks,
been is

averted

catastrophe,Eomulus grandfather, !N"umif or.

been

have

aided

by

the
that

legions
Rome

his

Kiebuhr

of

opinion
same

must

have

subject
these
on

to

the

Sabines.^ the
common

The

state

of

things

is
to

apparent through the veil which

throw Eome
over

tradition seized
is
to

endeavours

events brink

the of

Sabines

have It

the

citadel,and
from the

stands of Eomans
a

the

destruction.
Tatius
"

probably
have
been from
at

memory to the
to

this
:

subjection that
Ennius
of
^

appears

hateful

calls him

tyrant law,
he

"

and,
slain

his

refusal

punish city
of

breach

international
and Penates

is

Lavinium,
been

the

the

Lares

of

Latiuni. when arch all

logists, apo-

It has
the

also

observed
are

by Huschke,
the Tities first

and

others, that
most

three
as

tribes
a

mentioned

together, the
:

knowing
of the

rule, place
not
as seem

an

order

precedence
Luceres,
for of

which

does

to

be

altogether accidental, as
last.^ A
still
more

instance, are
the of

regularly put
the Romans be it could of
name

decisive
the

proof
name

subjection of
if Quirites,
to the

at first would that this for

be
name

collective

shown

originally belonged
the conqueror
name

only

Sabines
his
to

the
on

Quirinal ;
the

otherwise

always imposes Quirinus, given

the

conquered.
is
race. a

Lastly, the

of of

the

deified
of the

Romulus,
Sabine

indication significant

originalprecedence Schwegler
is also of of the

opinion, with
shows
a

Niebuhr,
when
with the the

that

the

tradition
the Palatine

of

the
did and

rape not

Sabines the
must the

time

city on city on

enjoy
extorted

right of
have
"

connuhium been

the

Quirinal,

therefore

inferior

to it ; till at

length subjected
"

Rome

right,
may

that

is,political equality, by
it is and significant, the not Roman
on

arms.

But, however
without
takes
a

this

be,

doubtless

not

deep
We

historical
on

ground,

that

tradition
that the
was

always
Sabine Rome

its stand

the
must

Palatine

city,and
from
on

of

the

conquerors.
was
1

conclude
and

this

that
the

Palatine

at Lib. Rom. The

least
I

the stem

stock

which

rest

grafted.
^

8, 5.
Gesch. i. 305
; cf.

Ihnc, ForschungeD, S.
not
we

33.
as

Ann.

i. 151.

remark,
in

however,

does
as

hold have
are

good universally,

Schwegler quotation
note 2.

self himfrom

mentions

his note, and the

already seen
put
last.

from

the

Varro,

L.

L.

" 81, where

Tities

Above,

p. 87,

THE

PALATINE

AND

QUIltlNAL

CITIES.

91

"With
concur. was

good

deal

of that

these

remarks

of

Schwegler's
that of the the
were
a

we

entirely
ment governthat

We

think

Livy's assertion,
is the
reverse

whole

assigned to Eome, though

Tatius in
a

truth

; and

the the

Eomans, reign
of

not

actually conquered,

placed, during period by

the it first, added. adduced be

at

least,and

perhaps

for

considerable
reasons

afterwards,

subordinate

position.^
the the Sabine

To

the
we

Schwegler
The combatants is

for this

view,

following may,
women

think,
rush

tradition
was

that

makes

in between
reasons
:

probably adopted by Livy secondly, it

were

for

two

picturesque, and
if the Eomans short

obviates

the the

embarrassing question,
Sabines
and
not

Why,
did
success

thus

driving
the after of the Eoman
more

before

them,
their

they stop

in their

victorious

career,

complete varying
were

by regaining possession of adopted by Cicero,

with the
consent
^

Capitoline ?
a

There

is another
success

tradition and

that

battle

of

undecided

result, thirty
of This

Sabine

women

spatched, depeace
state
are

the
seems

Senate,
accordant when
not

to

beg
with

from of

their

countrymen.
which into
we

the

things

lind

afterwards.
are

Thus,

the

people
but
race.

distributed
Sabine like Juno extant

Curiae, these

designated

by
the
a

Eoman latter

by
In

names,
manner

showing
Tatius

the

predominance
in all the

of curiae

dedicates

table, or
tells

altar,to
us,
were

Quiritia, or
in of his

Curis,

which all
are

tables, Dionysius
the transactions

time.^
and
retreats

Again,
Tatius

during
the latter

the

joint

reign
and Tatius and insult who
a

Eomulus

conducted into the

by

monarch,
Thus
to

Eomulus who
not

quite
whom

background.
;

it is

receives
to

the

Laurentine the

ambassadors Laurentines

it is
to

Tatius,
the also
was

Eomulus,
their
to

apply
; and

redress

which

ambassadors solemn

had sacrifice

received
at

it is Tatius

proceeds

the

Lavinium,

though
the Alban
a

that

town

peculiarlyLatin,
which

if not

Eoman. and Tatius

Dionysius, indeed,
against
converted

tells of
town

joint expedition by Cameria,*

^

Eomulus

of

they
the
other

subdued

and

into

Eoman

How

much
on

more

later

Romans

prided

themselves
from

on

their

Ramnesian
:

origin, than
"Hoc et "c.
2

their

progenitors, appears
istam

the

speech
oriundi

of Canuleins
ex

si

poUuit
non

nohihtatem genere
nee

vestram,
sed per

quam

plerique

Alhanis

Sabinis,
"

sanguine,

co-optationem

in Patres

habetis,"

Liv.
"

iv. 4.

Matronis

ipsis,quae
"

raptse erant, orantibiis," De

oratrices

Rep. ii. 7; and,

c.

"ex

Sabinis ii. 45.

^

virgines raptae
ii. c. 50.

pacis

et

fcederis, ib.
"*

"

8 ;

cf.

Dionys.

Lib.

Loc.

cit.

92

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

colony, transferring 4,000

read
of

of

the

inhabitants

to

Rome.

But
to

we

this event

in

no

other

author, and
of

Dionysius
that
on came

is little his

be

trusted

except when
and

he

speaks

things
evidence

under occasion

own

knowledge
reduced
a

observation.
we

His find him

this

is

ticularly par-

as suspicious, as

afterwards

mentioning

Cameria
sides, Beto

by Tarquin,

and

again by
of

the

Consul

Verginius.^ nothing
in
as

joint military expedition superiorityor

of

this kind the

proves two

the

relative

of inferiority

kings
those
was

the

ternal in-

government
For

Rome.
as

these
we

reasons,
are

well
to

as

for

some

of

stated

by
ordinate subas

Schwegler,

inclined
lifetime

think

that

Romulus But
are we

quite
go
so

during
Ihne, Ampere,^
was

the and

of Tatius.

cannot

far

other

writers, who
Had

of the

opinion
case

that

Rome would

absolutely conquered.
ceased to

that
of
a

been

its

name

have of The

exist, and
have the

instead

history from
the

the

Roman of

point
view. of that not

view,

we

should

had
sole

one

from

Sabine

point
the

resumption
the
power Roman

of

power

by Romulus,
of
a

after

death
show

Tatius, and
the been We

recurrence

after !N'uma

Roman
a

king,

and

influence, though
that

for

time

had inferior,

annihilated.
may

here

remark,
;

originallythe
after

curiae Sabine

were

evidentlya
may and

Romulean have
number than
a

institution altered and

however,

the
new

union, they

been

adapted people
to

to the

circumstances,
was

their
more

increased. division

The

early Roman
for

constitution

little
In
an

of the

military
and
and

purposes. purposes

fact,the
army,

Romulean which The

population
Romulus
was

were

all intents

of

the
seems

supreme

irresponsible commander.
army.

term
was

popultLs itself
the

to have who
as

the originally signified

It
at

fightingmen
same

alone
manner

at first

enjoyed
Germans
the

any

civil

rights
whom

Rome,
was

in the the

the

ancient

; among

it In who

only
of
not

warriors

who

administrated

afiiairsof

State.^

process

time, these rights were belong

to

gradually extended
and hence the

to citizens

did

the

army,

original military
noted deIts ancient
as

of j^opulus signification the

became instead

ultimately quite obsolete, and

of the

Roman

people
was

Roman
in
some

army.

however, signification, popularej

1

still retained

cognate words,
or

to

lay
v.

waste

populatioj a laying waste

'

plundering, "c.
t. i. p.

Lib.
"

iii. 51, enim

40, 49.
ueque

L'Hist.

Rom.

Rome,

442, seq.
"

Nihil

publicseneque

privatse rei

nisi armati

agunt."

Tac.

Germ.

13.

THE

ORIGINAL

KOMAN

PEOPLE.

^V^^
consisted

Eefore of 100 into

one

the about under under the

Sabine

union, the
men,

army

of Eomulus into
ten

probably containing
soldier
not

^s"*J^i^
"^

only
men

1,000
a a

distributed

each curiae, company of miles that in

an

cicrio, or
decurio.

captain
Hence

; and

this
name

again divided
for this
a
"

tens

the
we

of

thousand. but

When
of

consider

was

standing
for

army,

composed
an

men

engaged
appears the and field,

agricultural and
excellent
one

pastoralpursuits,such summoning
when
on an

arrangement

both it well been

army service

quickly
:

to

for

keeping
have

in hand

but

for

civil purposes

it would

totallyuseless
The word

and

inexplicable. evidently
the under
was comes

curio

from
to
as

the
be

Greek Eomulean.

Kvpios,

lord

or

master, thus
formed
sacra,
a

showing
of

institution the

Each It had
common

curia

sort

clan,
the

curio
also its

its head. The

and

hence

curio these

priest.
also

head-quarters or
curiae. Thus
we

places of assembly
find shows
on

for

clans Curiae

were

called
; the

the that

Palatine

hill the

Yeteres while curiae ranks

position of which
proves Sabine after the

they

were

Eomulean,
to

the

epithet veteres
called with

that
union. the

they
Greek of

were
men

antecedent who
to

the the

erected
were

The

formed which

from clientes,

k\vw,
the

hear,

is synonymous the institution. the

obei/.

Another

proof
We army, feudal

Greek

origin of
exercitus of

must

not, however,
the

confound later
to

populus,
It

or

primitive Eoman
resembled when
a

with

times. do

rather

militia. under

All their Hence and in

to

were

bound
; but

military service,
times in

quired, re-

lord

in

peaceable

they
civil

cultivated

their the To had

as a

fields. expenses

they
of these head

also

became

involved

affairs, by

risks

losses,disputes,lawsuits, "c. agriculture,

with
or

help
recourse

them

conjunctures
of their gens,

advice

and

money,

they
tween be-

the

clan, whom
These
to
a

they regarded
relations late

sort

of

father, and
and client

called

patronus.
to

last

patron
after become There clients curies. the

continued of

subsist and

period, long
soldier
had

primitive
and
no

relation

captain
shall

common

obsolete
can

forgotten. doubt,
in
as we

be their the

show

further
or

on,

that of

the the

gave But in

votes

the

Comitia

Curiata,

assemblies

clients

were

certainly not
dictum
some

patricians,and
the That
term

quently, conse-

opposition to
have voted in

the

of

Niebulir,

populus clients,
from
a

must

always

included the he

plebeians.

the

although they
passage in

curiae,were
tells
us

plebeian, appears
Ecmulus

Cicero, where

that

distributed

the

94
into jplehs

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

clientelce of the could

been anny, of not

leadingmen,
constituted

or

patricians.^The
whole of the

clients,
did

however,
must have

have other
or

the
of
a

plehs. There
who
not

plebeians
populus,
and

lower
had
was

grade,
not
an

belong
The

to the division

who
curiae

the

franchise.

the

people
of

into

arbitrarypolitical
was reason

regulation;
the
did
nature

the

division

them

into This

three may be

tribes the

dictated

by Livy

of

the

population.

why
; the

not

think is
no

it necessary

to mention the of

the

formation
and the

of these

tribes.^
former of

There

about difficulty stock what name,

on an

Eamnes

Titles

being
Titus
was

the

originalGreek
But of their

Romulus,
Luceres been

latter the

Sabines
and

Tatius. the

the

were

composed,
of writers

what

origin of
his
"

have

matters

dispute.
derive who

Livy
the

confesses
name

ignorance
Lucumo,"

the

subject.^ Many
and Lucus the and
war

from

Etruscan,
from

ally of Romulus,
from

fell
of the of

in the

Sabine
of

war;*
the aided

some

Asyli, the origin

Lucerus,
Tatius.
a

refugee part
Ardea,
who that and

population;^
Romulus
mere

one^

king
is
name

in guesses

his

against
on a

It

dent evi;

these

are

founded

sunilarityof
undecided.
most

Livy, therefore, very

of the

sensibly left
immediate

the

point
the

The
;

second
since the had and

proposed
the

derivations
or

might

seem

probable
and also

besides Sabines
an

Ramnes,
the

followers

of

Romulus,
have

of

Tatius,

early Roman
of the
to

population
who

must

element

composed
who

shepherds
his been

joined Romulus,
This

the

refugees
would
was

flocked

asylum.
considered
the these
or

part

of
to

the the It
an

population
rest ; and

naturally have
the estimation that

inferior Luceres

such

in which among

stood.
was

is, however,
Etruscan
some

not

improbable
named Caeles
sua a

refugees
Mons

Lucumo followers
was
"

Vibenna,
"

Cselius
the and

Vibennus,

with

(cum

manu) place
HilU
of

to

whom

Querquefrom him that

tulanus the
name

assigned as
of had the formed

residence,
We
can

derived

Caelian
any

hardly imagine
alliance
at

Romulus

regular
clientelas

Etruscan

this

early
Eep. ii.

"

"Et
16.

habuit

plebem

in

principum
Anm.

descriptam."
2)

"

De

9,
*

It is

extraordinary how
of the in

Schwegler (S. 498,

of

can

charge
the
same x.

him
note
c.

with he

being ignorant
qnotes
3

existence which

these

tribes, when
as

in

the i.

passage
c.

Livy speaks
L. L.
55

of them

such.

(Lib.

6.)

Lib.
Cic.

13. 8 ; Varr.
y-

4 *

De

Itep.ii.
20
v.

Prop.

iv. 1, 29, "c.

"

riut. Yarr.

Rom. L.L.

; Schol.
s.

Pers.

i. 20.

Paul.

Diac.

p. 11?.

46.

THE

LUCERES.

95

l-)eriod ; while
obtained in of the the
a

at the

same

time the time

the of

Mons

Cselius
as we

appears find

to

have

its sacred

name

before

]^uma,

it mentioned assertion all and

books

relatingto
named

the

Argive chapels."^ The

recorded is

certain three

tragicpoet
of the

Volnius,
were

by Varro,^ that

names

tribes

Tuscan,

altogether absurd
Luceres much

inadmissible. The been lie with

not

arguments
thus

brought by Schwegler against the

do the
not

having weight, fugitives,

composed, opinion thought

that
to

appear

to

us a

to

be
out

of

is of land
to

formation

of

tribe members

of such
to

assigned

it,and
But

furnishing
among like these

the

Equites, is
have
It been all

be

of.^ of

fugitives may
Vibenna.
tribes should had

politicalrefugees
events,
formed
as

condition,
one

Cseles

is, at

likely that
of these

of

the whom of

Eoman

have

been to his is that the

out

persons,
out

Romulus the

invited

as hospitality, subsequently

conquered Albans,
In
a

which

Schwegler's improbable
position, Schwegler
Luceres the other
or can

supposition. point
that
never

order

to

support

out

what

subordinate
were

place
fi'om the

held

; and
a

shows,

though
taken
not

they

admitted

among the

knights, yet
two the

king
that But

was

from

them,

as

tribes,and

they
these

were

represented
are

in

senate for the

priesthood.^ having
been

arguments

equally good being

or

Luceres

refugees.
derived in the
we on

Schwegler's arguments, early Etruscan

affect
our

from Latin not

there

no

traces

of not

influence
; because at

language
assume

do religion,-^
a

view

do this most

that but

large
among

Etruscan other can Etrusthere

at

colony

settled

Rome

occasion,

only,

refugees,though perhaps
Lucumo with
a

the

distinguished of them,
The circumstance Etruscan
a

an

few and

followers.
more

of

having
Rome such been The and

been would

second
no

regular

settlement
one

be

good argument
that both
a

against

former

; and

in

remote

traditions with of

the is not

name

of Cseles

Vibenna

may

have

connected division

very

extraordinary.
tribes any

peoi)le iuto
and

three
not

merely

for

political
of
race,

administrative to the have

purposes, been We
a

from

difference

appears among in

frequent might
of the

Grecian

and practice, of this

especially
AVe

Dorians.**
of
our

avail

ourselves

circumstance
are

support
1

theory
v.

Grecian

origin of
5r,.
3

Rome.

Van-.

L.

L.

47.

^ ^

ibiJ. Ibid.

s.

j^. i

g, 50a.

Buck
See

i. S. 514.

509, seq.
14.

the

examples

collected

by Schwegler, B. ix. ".

96
of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

opinion, however,
arose

as

we

have
an

said

before,that
before
in his

this

threefold That
the

division Komans the

at Rome been

from

actual

diversityof
tribes

race.

had

divided asserted

into three

their

union

with sketch

Sabines, though
Roman to the

by Dionysius
of the tradition. with
the

imaginary shown,
patres
on

of the

constitution, is, as
remainder
into
or

Schwegler

has
The

entirely
not can-

contrary
be
Romulean The

thirty curiae
of the

brought

accordance
the

hundred

the

senate,
is also
;

thousand

originalsettlers
undoubted nowhere

Palatine.
the Titles

notion
the

confuted
whilst Romulean for

by

the

identity of
ventures to

with
names

Sabines

Dionysius
tribes.^ Grecian

give

the

of the
better

three

argument
Romulean
to

origin may
; and

be the

derived
Romans

from
are

other

parts of

the said

constitution imitated but the

cularly partinot,

have

Lacedaemonians.^

It has

was

however,
out

imitation,

hereditary custom.
which the
a

Dionysius
of the

pointed
sembled re-

several
the

particulars in Spartan
sacra on
:

the

Romulean

constitution

as

division

people
house,
the Greek

into

curiae,

with

common

for

each,

curia, or
a

curial

in which

they
also

feasted
common

together
to

and festivals,
curiae. The

hall,like
of
a

Prytanea,
had
a

all the

body-guard
likcAvise found
the

Romulus
resemblance
to

Spartan prototype.
the but

Dionysius
and
not

between
senates
;

relations
on

of

Romulus
we

Spartan kings
he The
a

their

this of

point
the

shall

as insist,

totallymisunderstood
number in the

this

part
with

Roman

Constitution.^

three,

bined com-

ten, 3, 30, 300, also

plays

great part

institutions

of both We

peoples.
will here

add

few

words

respectingthe agrarian
after
of

tion constitu-

of Romulus.

Dionysius
the Roman of the service

tells

^ us

that

Romulus,
the another

setting apart
the
as crown

portion of
of the divided

territoryfor temples, and

We

support

and

portion

common one

land,
of them
account

the
the

rest into

thirty equal parts, and

are

assigned
to believe
we

to each because

of

thirty curiae.
with

disposed
notices
tracts

this in

it tallies Thus

scattered
says, that
as

which of
were

find

Latin

authors.
and

Cicero
were

large

arable

land, pasturage,
for the
use

wood,
^

set

apart

royal,and

cultivated

of the

Schwegler, Band i. S. 504 ; cf. Dionys. ii. 7. A rijvAaKiSaifxoyiwv iroXiTeiav oi'P(i)fia7oi. IxifjunfrinivoiKOT^irdtn-a,
"

then,

vi.

106.
3

See

Dionys.

Ub.

ii.

c.

13, 14, 23.

Mi.

7 ; iii. 1.

9S
tlieir

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

own

name, who
were

instead

of

being compelled
if Tatius and
at

to

assume

that

of

thd

Romans,
Another he the

evidently inferior.
was

is,why, difficulty
abandoned Avith

king

of

Cures,
to

should share

have

his

solo

ancient

monarchy, only
of

regal power
But the

Romulus had the another

name

Rome

ancients whence

derivation
would is much

Quirites from

quiris,
or

a
*'

spear

;^

signify "spearmen,"
more

warriors."
; and

Such
after

derivation
all it would
term
"

the befitting
on
"

warlike the

Sabines

only put Populus

them

level with
the
or

Romans, seeing
army. mixture
**

that the

Romanus
a

meant

Roman

Professor in the

Newman,
Italian
a

who

maintains

Gaelic,
on

Celtic, subject :
The

ancient here

populations,observes
clue which words
a

this

We

happen
gives

to have has
numerous

the in

Romans

had with

not.

Gaelic
and the

language
us

common

the
a

Latin

;
;

Coir

(sounded Quir),
to
^

spear;

Curaidh,
at rest

warrior

similarityof
Quirite
author
cannot

which

Quir
The

and

Quirite sets
is
"

the

question
but
as

what
the

meant."

analogy
observed,
from the

certainlystriking;
that until it is shown is
no

had

just before
have two
come

that

Cures

also in

same

root, there

proved
too far

disagreement
to

the

explanations,"it is,perhaps, going

is

say On

that the

the

question
from with formed with the
was

entirelyset
we

at
as

rest.

whole, however,

accept
or

much
spear.

the
The

more

probable
were

one

the

derivation

cwm,

quiris,a
and

Sabines
in the

enrolled, together curiae, which

some now

the

Romans the

Luceres,
of the

thirty city
of

military force
But
as

entire
no

3,000

men,

300

horse.

this
name

force
was

longer consisted
not, indeed,
and
was

only
abolished,
honour
called It
"

of

Populus Romanus, accompanied

the Sabine with

that
one

but

of

e"|ual extent
whole army

taken

from

tongue,

and

the

Populus
a

Romanus

Quirites."
this The may

is

nice the

point

whether

have
of
seen

meant

"

the is not

Roman
at

people
unusual
*'

and in

Quirites."
and is

omission

the in
et

copula
the

all

Latin,

constantly
for there
"

familiar

address But
not
we an

Patres

Conscripti,"standing
in the

Patres is
a mere

Conscripti."
and apposition,

think
1

that

present case
Paul.
from

Oviil.
i.

Fast,

ii, 475;
"We

Diac.

p. 49, mris

Plut.

Rom. Varro

29;
also

Macrob. this

Pat.

9, "c.

learn

Dionysius
mediately

(i.48

/?i.) that

knew
not

derivation
in his from
'

(Kvpeis y"p
works,
Lib.

ol 'Saffivoi ras

a"xA"Js KaXovtrtv), but through

Quirinus

it does
; which

appear
derives

extant

except
v.

he

Quiritibus."

8, 73.

Regal Rome,

p. 65, seqq.

EOMANI

AND

QUIRITES.
formula
^

99

addition. of
are
"

This

is sliown

by
this

the

whicli
the be
a

frequently occurs
and

Populus
have the

Eomanus

Quiritium,"
can

where form

Eomani

Quirites
some we

identified.

Nor

latter in the

corruption,as
passage
a

critics also

thought,
two

since

following
in death
at

of

Livy
manner.

find

words Patres

identified, though
devoted M. Fabio to Pontifice

different time of

It relates invasion devovisse

:

to the
"

the

the

Gallic

Sunt, qui
se

]\Iaximo

prsefantecarmen, tradant,"^
Quirites. Quirites
Eoman
on

eos

pro is

patria
add the

Quiritibusque
an

Eomanis,
"

where
^Ve stands In would
one

Romanis

evidently
of the amicable up
a

adjective
occasions

the

might

here

also

many

which

for the

whole the

Eomans. union memory and

was

fact,after
have been

of the

Eomans

and

Sabines, it
feud
to

keeping people
Eomauus

of their

ancient

call

part

of the the and

Eomans

another

Quirites. As
to

individual

citizens

name

naturally applied
name

all,

both to be

Eomans

Sabines, because
an

the

of

the

city continued
been
a

Eoma,
But

and

inhabitant
name

of it must for Eomans had and

therefore and
not

have Sabines

Eomanus.

this

common

individually is collectively.
of

another
In army

presumption
of had been

that

they

separate
the

names

process

time, however,
altered, the
name

when

constitution

the

like Populus, entirely Quirites, retained

lost its
denote which

and militarysignification, those

were

only
the

its civil

meaning,
bore

to ;

who

enjoyed
at

civil

rights, as
in

the
men

suffragium, "c.
who the
arms.

originally vested
last the in collectively than direct
"

only
civil

Thus

it became

usual

appellationof

Eomans,
because the

when it

addressed
was was

their

capacity; probably
Quirites,"and Populus.
"

because

shorter
more

Populus
and

Eomanus

Quirites
word not

personal than
of
"

Nay,
from of

only
at

lost its

original meaning
to

warrior," or
as

but became soldier," the the

so as

length entirelyopposed quelling a mutiny

it ;

we

learn

anecdote

of

Caesar

and

insubordination of

Decumani,
hurt lambs. their
3

them merely by calling

Quirites instead
became
as

milites; which
and obedient

militarypride that they

On
in the must of the the

docile and
were

whole, the
many
as

names

Romani

Quirites,which

remained

language
be accounts is
no

centuries, and
the the way

pretty nearly equivalent,

of the truth

regarded
of

strongest possible proof

Sabine
of union

given by
for this

the

historians.
name,

There

probable
see

accounting
der
Suet,

double

1 *

For

instances
V. c.

Becker, Handb.
^

'Rom. in Jul.

Alt.
c.

B. ii. i.

21, if.

Lib.

41.

70.

h2

100

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

except by the treaty and

would have

union

of two and of
not

peoples by
and

; and

that

union
latter

effected
case,
name

by-

agreement,
been nation been
now
one

force

; for in the

which of the would

conquest
have

subjugation, the
and that of the

conquered
alone
We have will

would

vanished,

victors

preserved.
return to the
course

of the

after l\istory

the

death

of Tatius.

REMAINDER

OF

THE

REIGN

OF

ROMULUS.

Eomulus
war;

abstained
to

from

avenging the death

wrong

of

Tatius

by

though
and

expiate the
of the
Eome
an

suffered
renewed

by
On

the the

sadors, ambasalliance

the

murder
between
was

king, he
and

which

existed

Lavinium. peace
at ; but

this

side,
and It

therefore, there
much
was,
nearer
war

unexpected
out

another of Rome.

broke close

almost

the

gates

indeed,
the

this

vicinitythat
that

occasioned the

the

hostilities.^

For

Fidenates, thinking
too

neighbouring
to

city
which

was

growing
Rome

strong,
have

seized

the
at

occasion

make

war

before it

should
to

arrived

that

pitch
made

of
a

strength
sudden of
;

promised
into waste the the

attain.

Wherefore

they
on

incursion Tiber laid

to

Roman

territory,and
lies between the their The rushed Romulus admitted from took of

the

side

the

all that

two

cities
to

then, turning great

alarm of

left,they continued
rural

ravages, tumult into

at

the

of the first and

the

population.
as

and the

trepidation
forth his

husbandmen,
news

they

city,brought
led

the army,

of
so

the

matter.
a
a war

once no

indeed his camp

close
about

of

delay.
left
a

Having
moderate his
at
a

pitched
rison gar-

mile

Fidense, and
the them with field in with

to

guard
thick all

it, he
a

all

remaining
spot
of and
cealed con-

soldiers.

Placing
his

part

ambush the

by
troops
and

brushwood,
horse,
up
to

greater part
Fidense and
;

his

he the

approached
very

by
a

sending his cavalry

tumultuous and
out

gates,
he of

threatening
his

disorderly attack,
enemy. This it

obtained
a

object
ment engage-

of

drawing

the the

display
was

cavalry
to

made
^

flightwhich
miles
from

his
the

design
same

feign

less

Fidenae
up,

was

only five

Rome,

on

bank

of the

Tiber, but

higher

at the

present Castel

Giubileo.

WAR

WITH

FIDEN^.

101

surprising.
attack enemy and

Whilst

his foot

horse also forth

seemed

hesitating l)etween
give
drawn Eomans enemy that way
; when

retreat, the

began
from

to

the
and

rushing suddenly
before
to

the

crowded

gates, by
the

driving
of there whose

them the

the

Eoman of

line, are
The

ardour

pursuit

place

ambush.
the

concealed
in flank had been
rified ter;

suddenly rise,and panic by

the is increased

charge

pursuing
the The

by seeing
to the

garrison
them his

left in the

camp

advancing
which before
; and

attack.

Fidenates,
all

danger
horses

threatened
and

on

sides, took
wheel

to

flight almost
their much

Eomulus

cavalry
to

could

round in
a

they endeavoured
than the real. close But
at

regain
not

their of

city
the their

more

disorderly rout
was was

feigned

one

Eomans pursuers. could

was

; for theirs

they could
them in

escape

Eomulus

their heels, and, before

one

they
Thus

close the gates, broke

Fidense

in with
a

troop.
this

taken,

and
were

made

Eoman

colony.^ by
war, to

Tlie
as

Yeientines
as

contagiously irritated consanguinity

Fidenates
were

well

from
to

their

the

Fidenates;
of the

for
most
war

according
other
also served
to

Livy the
make

Etruscans, though
The

writers

them
to

Latins.

proximity
as

still further

irritate them,
all who

the

Eoman
nearest

arms

seemed

threaten

hostilityto
to

were

them.

Eesolving, therefore,
invaded the Eoman incursion than
nor

bring
of

matters in

to

settlement, they
of
a

territorymore
awaited

the

manner

datory depreneither
to

regular
the the

warfare.

They
but

pitched
in

any

camp

Eomans,
which

returned had

Veii, carrying off

the
fields.

With

them

booty

they
no

seized
in

The

Eomans the

hereupon, finding
Tiber, resolved
But
a

enemy

their
war

territory,pass
to

and

intent

upon heard
attack to

the

last
were

extremity.

when
and

the Veientines intended

to

that

they

pitching
went

camp,
to

their

city, they
of homes
was

forth

meet

them,

preferring
within

try

the fortune
for their

the open
and

field,to contending
hearths.
In the without (lib.i.

their walls

battle

which
recourse

ensued,
to

Eomulus
1

victorious,
not
c.

having
14); but
alluded
it to

any
Dio-

Livy does

state

so

here
we

c.

is

mentioned
as a

by

nysius (lib.ii.

53)

; and
on

find

Fidense

by Livy

Roman

colony

little further

(c. 27).

102

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

stratagem, and
veteran but
one,

the merely tlirougli

He

superior qualities of his

enemy
to
a

troops.

pursued the attacking

so

routed

their

gates,
and

abstained too, that with

from

from
was

well

fortified site. So

town,

defended

by its very
the revenge
no

he

contented
he of

himself

laying
"i

waste

Veientine
rather less to

as territory,

returned,

motive

of

4;han

the

desire

booty.

The

Veientines, tamed
ambassadors
years
was

by

their
to

losses

than
peace.
were

by
A

their
truce

defeat, sent
of in
a

Eome

beg
but says
^

hundred
of

mulcted district

part

their

granted them, territory. Dionysius Pagi, and

that

they
that

the

ceded
on

was

the

Septem
and

the

treaty was
of the

engraved
Such

columns. the
domestic
; in

were

military transactions
we

reign of
in tradition

Eomulus his

which, whether

consider
"

his the

courage

recovering

grandfather's kingdom
or

as

ordinary
in

relates"

his his

wisdom
wars

in

building

his

city,and
was

strengthening it by
at

and of his

treaties,there
divme

nothing
his
own

variance

with after

the

belief

apotheosis
so

death.

From the

such

originor beginnings
years
more

of

Eome
she

grew

strong, that
the

during
peace. than

forty ensuing
was

enjoyed
all

uninterrupted

Eomulus

beloved, however,
most
on

by
he

populace
to
as

but by the patricians, It

was

of

was

endeared
peace

the
well

soldiers.
as

perhaps always
a

this account
of

that, in
300

war,

he had

body-guard
works,

armed

men,

whom

he

called

Celeres. these
or

Eomulus,
assembled
a

after
concio

performing
at

immortal

had
the

the

lake,

marsh,

of

Caprse,
army. thunder with
so

in

Campus
he
was

Martins,
thus

for the purpose

a

of

reviewing his
tempest
the
no

While and thick

employed,
arose,

terrible covered could

of

lightning suddenly
a

and

king longer

darkness
was

that
he

the

assembly
upon

discern

hinu

Nor

again seen
their

earth. when and

The

Eoman

youth having
had

recovered and
was

from

alarm,
a

the storm
brilliant who

passed
stood
to

over

succeeded
throne told
;

by

calm

sunshine, beheld
had up
near

the the the

^

royal king,

vacant.

The he
had

Fathers,
been

them

that

carried
not
war

heaven

in

tempest
Lib.

but,,though
The
same

they doubted
makes the

this

affirmation,
campaigns.

ii. c. 55.

author

last two

LAST

DAYS

OF

EOMULUS.

103

they they
the his

remained had

for

some

time

dejected
At of

and

sorrowful,
the whole
as a

as

if of

suddenly
the of

become

orphans.
a

length
liome

them, following
son
a

impulse king
that I and

few,

hail

liomulus
;

god,

god,
and

the

parent
will
ever

of

they implore
towards
were

favour,
his
some

pray

he

be

propitious
that
torn

them,

offspring.
who of the

believe, however,
that

there
to

already by
kind
as

suspected
Fathers down.
awe

he

had
an

been obscure

pieces
of this
man,

the

hands
been the

; for

report
of
were

has
as

handed
fear and

But

admiration

the

well

wdth
to

which

they
The

overcome,

caused

the
was

other

account

prevail.
the
sorrow

belief of
one

of

it,moreover,
Proculus loss

strengthened by
who, perceiving the

contrivance
of the

Julius of

citizens for the

their

king, and
in
an

their

anger of

against the people, and

his

Fathers, stepped

forward

assembly
add said

the
to

trusting that
even

his

authoritywould
a

weight
"

words,

in

so

ordinary extra-

matter,

Quirites, Eomulus,
descended break of the

the

parent heaven,
Struck

of

this

our

city, having
to
me

suddenly
at

from

appeared
with that I
awe

this

morning

day.

and

veneration,
lift up my Eomans have

I stood eyes

and still, him. will be

humbly
Then of the

implored
Eomulus

might
'Go

towards the

said:

tell the
I Let and resist

it is

gods
head of
no war

that all
; let

Eome,
the them power

which

founded,
therefore
to

should cultivate

the
art

of

earth.

them

the

know,
can

transmit the into Eoman

their arms.' It

posterity,that Having
is the thus wonderful

human he

spoken,
what of the

again ascended
this
and of his The the

heaven."
and how
was

belief army

story acquired ;

much

regret

plebs

for

Eomulus

mitigated by

the

certainty

immortality. reign
a

of Eomulus the
two

lasted

thirty-seven years.
works of the of Eomulus He of them
^

As
.

ruler,
of

great
and
to

were

the

foundation
as

the

Auspices
in

the

Senate.

is represented

always
the

listening

counsels

the in He

latter.cattle

He

kept

people
by
severe

order

by

mulcting

rather
1 2

than
"Patrum Ibid. P.

corporal punishments.
"" consilioqueregnavit.

was

the

auctoritate

Cic. Dc

Rep.

ii. 8.

104

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

founder
of

of the Roman
been
a

militarys}'stem,and
warlike
success,

has

the
must

reputation
be buted attri-

having
to

very

prince ;
and his
to

which

his
to

military
the

personal prowess;
us,
wars

for,
enter

according
upon
a

accounts

transmitted
All
to

he

did
were

not

single aggressive war. be said defence, though he may

ones

his

in

self-

have

brought upon

himself

the earlier

by

the

rape

of the

Sabines.

Remarks.
who

"

On
born

the
in In

end
so

of Romulus
wonderful
to enhance
a

Schwegler
manner

remarks

"

One the

had

been

could

only
nature of

leave

earth

by

miracle. the

order

the miraculous

of these his

occurrences, is marked

moment

both
;
a

of

his

conception
which The ; for he

and has

death

by by
a

an

ecUpse
the

coincidence

been

already
also is

observed affords
borne enemy,

Dionysius" by
and

and

Plutarch.^

Greek

mythology
to his

in pai-allel
a

story of Hercules
; where

Hercules

to heaven

thunder-cloud
her

is reconciled

Hera,

marries

daughter
was

Hebe.

This, or
to the

similar,
of is

story of the
the Roman

Greek

mythology
; since to

certainlypresent
of
an

minds

poets
between
are

the the and from had

idea Italian
men,

apotheosis
the

in this form idea

men

as originally

foreign

religion as
and Greek
a a

of

sexual

intercourse Both ideas

gods

begetting of mythology
Greek
a

by gods.
it who
was

derived

the

; and

doubtless invented the idea To

the

Ennius, who
the
among
same

received

education,

first

apotheosis of
the
effect

Romulus

in such

form, and
Greek

domesticated

Romans." Mommsen
: *
"

The

hero-worship
clumsily
un-Roman honoured
at

is

entirelyforeign to
Romulus

the Romans
was

; and

how

recently and by
his oldest and
as a

the

legend
in Roman
at

invented, is shown

quite
most

metamorphosis
name

into

Quirinus. I^uma,
never

the

tradition,was
Athens." beheves

worshipped
actual
a

god

Rome,

like Theseus

Nobody,
the

of course,

in the such times Dr.

apotheosis of
was

Romulus

only question
have
very

is,whether

belief

congenial against
as a a

to, and

might
The proves

prevailed in, the

argument
it could which not

in which

Romulus
uses

lived 1 the

Mommsen
a

story
Httle

that

have

been him.

late

invention,
of

very

reflection
1 "

might
Buch D"
X.

have
" 10.

shown

No

inventor
"

story invents

Lib.

ii. c.

56. p. 113.

fort. Rom.

8.

Kap. 12,

106
of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

thinking.
among

But,
the

in

fact,

that

the before

deification the
time

of of

Komuhis Enniiis

-was

known from
in

Romans that books

long
the
:
"

appears

the circumstance

temple
dictos

dedicated
enim

to him

is mentioned
ex

the

sacred

Argive

collis
:

plureis apparet

Argeorum

in quibus scriptum sacrificiis,

" *

sic est

Collie

Quirinalis, terticepscis sedem

QuMiii.'

"^

Schwegler
of the
course

himself

recognises the high antiquity of

to

the

division
must

city,according
have
are

these

books

divisions

which

of

preceded
of

those

of Servius. that
the

We

opinion, however,
Proculus,
The
that
a

though
time

the

belief

in

the

apotheosis of
the

Eomulus

originated at
or

of his death, yet that

story

of Julius

at

least his
that
to

prediction,is
could

more

modern
Roman

addition.
arms,

prophecy
Rome
was
ex

nothing
be the

resist of

the
the been

and

leading city
must

"world, is evidently invented,

in the
AS a

vaticinium
after Rome
was

eventu, which
had made

have

at

all events, of

considerable

progress

conquest

Italy,and
and ad

perhaps
to

inserted

by Livy himself,
the

rhetorical

flourish

capiandum

vulgus. Dimng
or

reign
a

of

Romulus

there
There

was

nothing
of

suggest
sort

to

justifysuch
as

diction. pre-

is

nothing
to

the

in

the

tradition
to

given by
Julius,

Cicero
on

according
built to

whom,
and

Romulus

appeared
he

Proculus
a

the

Quirinal Hill,
be him

merely requested
that
was now

that
a

temple might
and called

there

; for

god

Quirinus.3
That have
a

simple
in

and

primitive people
deification
amidst like of

like

the

early Romans
is of

should

believed
centuries

the

Romulus

nothing surprising.
the perial im-

Many
the

afterwards,
Caesar

all the
his

enlightenment
the mouths

times, Julius gods,

The
not

was,

successors,

translated

among who

only, says
that honour, of i^uma Romulus
with

Suetonius, by
but also in the
a

pf those

decreed

him

belief of the
his
own

vulgar.'^
of
as

descent

from

god,

apotheosis, the sceptical critics

^des the Romuli
same on as

colloquies of
this

Egeria,

and upon

other

supernatural events
the

description, are
Van. L. L.
v.

eagerly seized
The
same

by

52.
; but

books

also mention this may have

an

the tlio

Germalus Casa
3

(ib. " 54)

i. S.

it is

possible

been

Romuli. B. De "In

380, Anm.
ii. 10, 20.
numerum
"

14. So

3 *

Rep.

also

Dionysius, lib.
est,
non

ii.

c.

63.

deoriim

relatus C8es.
c.

ore

modo

decementium

scd

et

persnasione vnlgi."

Jul.

88.

APOTHEOSIS
"

OF

llOMULUS.

107

of 2)i'Oofs

the

falsehood prove and the

of

early Eoman
and will

history.

But

in fact

such of

objectionsonly
ancient of character

thorough misconception
of especially the the do transcribe that
we

of these ancient of and think

an

critics

manners,
we

the

notion eminent of

deity.
word
to

On

this
:

point
"

words
use

German the

scholar deics is remind

^Notwithstanding
readers that throw

meaning
it of

known, sufficiently
our

yet
when aside

not
are

fluous superthe

they
the For of

thiuking
of the would lead

Latin word very

deusy they
Gott
false
we

must

quite
the

notion it the of A

German
us

(or the
ideas should
our as

English
of

word

God).
views

to

religious
the
a

ancients, if, for

Eoman deus emperors is far from

instance,

regard
notions of
;

deification

according being
the
so

to

divine
every

being.
of

much and in

saint
the

since

person's soul,
ceremonies became
was
a

after

quitting
those The deus
;

body,

after the

performance
of
an

like
a

employed
invisible
a

apotheosis
to not

emperor,

deus. called

guide assigned
which
to

every

man
a

by heaven, good,
but also in denoted

word

denoted this

only
word

wicked

being.
an
as

According

view,

the

deus

general only
were

invisible, or spiritual, personality.

numerous
as

These

spiritualbeings
presented
also and every but

the

corporeal
not

appearances every these

man,

which

themselves

to

the

senses

; since

only
of

plant, every
in

place, nay,
the

every

property
this

creatures

objects, had,
^

belief of

antiquity,their spiritual counterparts."

to

According
existence Eoman of

view,

it

would

be
or

as

rational any other

to

doubt in

the the

St.

Augustine,
the

St. Jerome, have

of been

saint the he

calendar, because
to

they
existence

placed among
because
as
a

heavenly
had been

choir, as
deified.
on

doubt

Eomulus

And of

if that his

king

is to be

regarded
also
must

mythical
amongst
find
no

personage and the the best

account

apotheosis, so though
It this but

Julius is

Caesar

succeeding
attested

emperors, of

their is
true

reality
that
we

facts the

history.

deifications after the

during
Sabine
it
was no

republic ;

happened
less
to
or

partly because,
way, that of
a

mixture, superstition ran

difficult to find
sooner

that

and

partly because
of

anybody empire,
claimed

deify in
the rule

period

equality.
been the and who had For

But

had

the the

single person,
Venus

re-established,than

practicewas
a

immediately revived. origin,through

persons in that all

like Eomulus, Coesars,

divine
fewer

^neas. believed

There
in

were,

perhaps,
The

period
events,

the
1

deification.
Hartimir,

higher classes,at
Komcr,
B. i. S. 31.

'Relviiion der

108

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

grown
were

more

and sceptical much

rationalistic ; but above the

the

mass

of the

people
vailed pre-

still not
under We will

advanced

superstition which

the
now

kings. proceed
to examine

the

remaining
little pass
eponymous
seems

occurrences

of

the

reign of

Romulus.

Although
personage
as as

Tatius, it is said/
Romulus
is of the double
"

can

as

for

an

historical

for he
"

is the

hero

of the
be
some as

Tities,
oldest
a

Romulus

Romans

^yetthere
which the

to

historical
the

ground

for the of

kingdom king
the from and

legend

offers

constitution

the
of

federated
a

state.

It is
races

quite possible that

may

temporary con-

reign
alternate
rule

both Sabine

have
The

preceded
tradition with when
a

the served pre-

of

Roman of
were

kings.

by
and
crown, his

Servius
which

double

Romulean
near

throne,
Romulus

sceptre
he
was

always placed
to to

giving
others Remus.Can

sanction

anything,
Romulus

seem

to

point
but

this

way,

though
and

refer

them,

not

and

Tatius,

to Romulus

anything nothing, reign

facts
of

be

more

perverse
may of have

than
been

reasoning like
a

this 1

It

is

quite possible that

says be like tJie

there

reign

of

which

tradition
not !

that

Romulus
of

and which

Tatius, only
tradition
very

it could

those

monarchs,
are

tells

something
refer

Surely such
The

arguments
are

begot
but

in the

spiritof
to

contradiction.

admitted,

the ?

persons We The have

reason

whom

they

are

rejectedas question
is,that he
was

unhistoricaL
case

Why
Romulus.

already
for

examined

this

in the is

of

rejectingTatius Now,
us

the
any

eponymous

hero
in such The
no

of
an

the

Tities.
let
a

if there that
Tities it
was

otherwise

weight
not

argument,
were

observe

the

does parallel
a

hold.
wanted its
name

Romans

nation, the
;

only
But

city tribe,and enough

been observe
in
a

eponymous
have

hero
been

though
from

natural

that

should
an

taken
at

Tatius.

if that

king

had
of

been

eponymous
or

hero
a

all, it would

surely have
Let and
us

the

Sabines,
the

Quirites,as
of
on

nation.

that

body

Tatius the

was

brought
where

to Rome

buried

magnificent tomb
x.

Aventine,^

public

"

Schwegler, B.
*'

" 5.
cum

Ob

quam

rem

sella curulis

sceptra
Romulum

et

corona

et ceteris ut

regniinsignibus
also
in

semper

juxta

saucientem Serv. ^n.

aliquid
i. 276

ponebatur,
But Remus. and ibi
"
"

pariter imperare
these

viderentur.""

; conf.

id. vi. 780.

Servius

places refers
'
""

the double

insigniato Romulus
ab
eo

In

eo

(Aventino) Lauretum,
interfectus

quod

sepultus est
Varr. L. L.

Tatius
v
.

rex,

qui

ab

Laurentibus

est, vel ab silva laurea.

" 152.

Qdirrtrai

CONCERNING

KING

TATIUS.

109

libations
the that time the

still continued of the

to ;

be

made

to

his manes,
of

at least down tells

to
us

empire

since in his

Dionysius
time.
not

Halicarnassus

practiceexisted
we

Here, then,
but tells also
us.
as

have

evidence,
his

only

of the

existence in the way

of

Tatius,

of collaterally For
to

having perished
be

tradition
were
so

it

can

hardly
these them had
a

believed
for

that

the

Eomans
to
an

besotted

make made Komulus

libations
at

centuries
to

imaginary untimely neglect

took

king, death,

or

to

have

all,except
left

expiate
For

his this

which been

unavenged.
of the

having
this The down

punished by
of

devastating pestilence, Eomulus

anger annual
; for

method

appeasing
of

the

gods.i
have
to

performance
from should the have

these

rites must it is

been

handed
that of

regal period
been
means

impossible
the

imagine
in favour

they
a

established
a

during
one.

republic

king, and
Be

by

no

popular

it remarked incidental. his time

that He

the had

testimony
no

of

Dionysius
no

on

this

subject
to make His all the

is

only

point
matter

.to prove,

theory
of

out, for in

nobody
notice of

doubted the

the

existence

Tatius.

merely
more

accidental

is, on

that

account,

valuable.

Schwegler rightly just quoted,

at connects

observes these
on

that rites the of

when
to

Plutarch,
with of this
not

in

the

passage

Tatius

those the

performed
of is the
no

the

grove
or

of

Ferentina,
Council

occasion

meeting
have
as
a

Diet,
doubt

Confederate

Latium,
appears and

explanation
to

quite groundless.
between

There Rome the

been

the

slightestconnexion
state, during the
of Plutarch

Latium,

confederate
The
text
:

reigns of

first two It
runs

kings
thus
ovq was

of in
vvv

Eome. the

is doubtless

corrupt.

vulgate
Ferentina

kuI

6 'P(i)fxvXo"s ijyvKrerag Kadapfjiol"s

xoXeic,
There

irl
no

laropovaLVeVi
Porta the emendation
so

r^e
at

^epevTivriQ Rome;

ttvXijs ffwreXeicrdai. Becker^

or irvXr}';,

wherefore

would that

adopt
of
at

either

of
piatory ex-

Doujatius, vXyjs for

rites
were

Cluver, Trrjyijs ;
the grove
or

that

the

performed
are

either

the

fountain this
removes

of

Ferentina,
the
we scene

which of from
was

both

frequently
Rome of Varro that such

mentioned.
and and rites the

But

them the

entirelyfrom
passages and

Aventine

; where

know,
Tatius

Dionysius
were

just quoted,
The

that

buried,

performed.
eKacrroy

Se

its 'PcS/jL-nv KOfiiaOels eVri/i^ Ta(pf}, Ka\ xocis

aincf Kad'

iviavrbv

tjirSXis

iirireKel
1

5r]iJ.6(Tias. Dionys.
"

lib, 11.

C.

52.
2

Plut.

Rom.

24.

Kom.

Alterth.

B. i. S. 177.

110

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

cities alluded
as wo

to

by Plutarcli
had then

are

only
that

Rome

and with

Laurontum,
the
grove of

which,
Feren-

have It is

said,

nothing

to do

tma.

evident, therefore,
Nor need
the
we

Plutarch

requires still further

Either

emendation.
own

scruple to apply it.

of his
; witness
or

through
makes

his sad
on

ignorance, or
with
Palatine heard We of Roman called

blunders

he transcribers, his

havoc the
over

topography
KaXrf
(xktii,

discovering a spot
Littus,
a

Pulcrum is

whteh

nobody
for Scalar

elsewhere, read,
grove

and cVl
on

which

evidently
It

mistake the

Caci.
or

should

t^q Aavptvrivrjg vXr/c, at

the
name

Lauretum,
the

the

Laurentine may have

Aventine.
from its

is

possible that
his

grove

derived rather
be

its than

Tatius,

and

connexion

with It

Laurentum,
will
not

from to

consisting of laurel-trees. Schwegler's conjectures

whole

necessary

examine
in the

respecting a symbolical meaning

that Tatius's violation towns the had which

historyof
towards

this

affair ; and
geance venflicts conraces.

of the

law

of nations

Laurentum and the

Lavinium,
which which It

contained took between

the
upon

Latian

Lares,

Laurentines taken

him, typify bloody

Sabine
and

place
hidden

the these and in the

Latin

is wonderful in the

what
commonest

meanings
them

aesthetical how face.

critics

cover dis-

occurrences,

they
and

overlook
we

the
go All

most

obvious the

things

that

stare

'Not need
Remus.

into
these Roman In after

fanciful

resemblance
no

between

Tatius

things have history.

a

connexion

with

the

of the early credibility

similarlyingenious
that two in the the

manner

Schwegler kings
of
at

goes Rome

on

to the

suppose,^

Buttmann,

first two

myth

has

personified
elements

fundamental, though
existence
"

first

sight disparate,
the
a

of Roman
"

the
be

warlike

spiritof king,

nation, and
word

its deisidcemonia the

or, if

we
"

may Hence

allowed
the first

to borrow who

from
the lust

Latin,

its

religiosity. by
force of ambition founded

founded
with the the

Roman
of

state

arms,

must

have

inspired it

conquest,

the

of

military superiority;
it
anew

whilst

second

regenerated it,and
warlike exhortation word which
^

by religionand
of of the the
as

morals.

Tlius
and the
an

activityis the
to
a

central

point

acts

of

Romulus,
art

zealous

exercise to the

military
if it
were

is his

last

he

addresses

Romans,

political
character

testament." We

have

alreadyintimated
^

our

opinion that the warlike

Mytliol. ii. 85.

Buch

X. "

"

6 ; cf.

Buttmann,
B.

Schwegler,

i. S. 524.

I
of Romulus and
none

POLITICAL

CIIAEACTER

OF

ROMULUS.

Ill

has

been

much

exaggerated.All
of the
new

his

wars

are

defensive,
undertakes
have spired in-

necessary from his the

to the

maintenance of

state ; he

lust

conquest, and it;and

his

therefore

could the

not

by extraordinarily character arises long peace reign. military skill which from the bravery and he displays in the wars that are forced upon him, and more particularly, puted perhaps,from his being reof Mars. the son His last years in almost are spent ignoble and circumstance is seized this the aesthetical critics by peace ; very as an objectionagainst the length of his reign. His "political testament," as Schwegler calls it,is evidentlythe figment of a later only in Livy, as we have alreadyintimated. According age, found have before to Cicero,in a passage to which the two we alluded, and civil grand characteristics of Eomulus's reign were religious the Auspices and the Senate and it is to these, and not to his wars, that Cicero ascribes his apotheosis.^In fact, Eomulus, as the first the founder of all the institutions of the state, king,was necessarily and it is preposcivil,^ political, religious, and, therefore, military, terous
which followed His
" "

subjectswith

this is shown

to
a

contrast

him

with

Xuma,

and Such

to maintain
a

that is drawn

both

had

peculiarand
the view

separate mission.
of

contrast

merely
are

with

colouringthe

assertion

that

both

kings

the

creatures

of invention. the institutions political of the the and senate, the patricians, first each 300

Besides the 300 curia.

Romulus curiae, in

also founded
that

Equites,or knights, at
tribe, or
as
a

number;
Besides

is, 100
the

from

each

ten

from

these, Livy mentions,^

formedhave
names

distinct

body,

Celeres, which
appear, in

fact,to

king'sbody-guard. But the Celeres been the same the Equites. They are as
for the
same

only two or Romulean,

it
was

different
name,

afterwards
name

Celeres being the Greek, class, superseded by Equites. And haps perled
some

this double different The

name

which
;

authors

to think

that their
run,

they were identity.*

^
"

bodies

but

Pliny acquaints us
to be derived from

with

Celer
septem

seems

/ccXXw,to
et hsec

Ac

Romulus,
rei

quum subito

et

triginta regnavisset annos,

non

egregia
con-

duo

firmamenta

et senatum, publicsepeperisset,auspicia

tantum in

est

secutus, ut, quum

"collocatus
^

sole obscurato 11. 10. 1.

c.

deorum comparuisset,

numero

So

De putaretur."" Rep. Livy : "jura dedlt," lib.

8.

3
*

Lib.
"

1. c. 15.
sub

Celeres

Romulo

sunt regibusque appellati

"" (equites).

N". H.

lib.

xxxlil. 2, se(iq.

112

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

KfXrjc,
is

runner,
as serve

or

race-horse,

in

the

iEolic also

dialect identical

Kfknp.
with

Celms

the

same

CeleVy and, therefore,

to

Eques.^

This

may

explain

the line in Horace: poemata

for to
Ramnes."*

"Celsi

prsetereiintaustera

Here

the word
have

Celsi is racked

commonly
their
as

taken brains

an

adjective,and
it

mentators com-

explain
the

by

supposed
But

equivalent epithets, such

Celsi Ramne^
the
true
means

elati^fastidiosi, sublimes, "c.

or

the

Roman,

rather

Ramnian,
could in

knights,
not
mean same

old Romulean
or

stock

; for Ramnes
"

by
both

itself

hiigkts. Ramnes,
way
as

Ramnenses,

for

forms,
"

the

Tities
nouns,

and
an

Titienses, are
and adjective, of

used here

indifferently,^ is,like
stands for

other with

ethnic
the

Romani,

but

stronger meaning
that the to the

originalor genuine
Celerum
and in
was

Romans.
next

It should person the in

be

observed
and

Tribunus

the

power

dignity
The

king,

his

absence

had

p^i^dlege of
like

assembling
wars

the of

Comitia.

Romulus,

it is

said,^ are
In

poor

invention, and,
borrowed
of this is

many

other

pretended
of that the

events

of the times.

regal period,are
support

from

occurrences

historical

assertion, it
a

is affirmed copy It

Romulus's
year

campaign
328.
to

against
that of be for

Fidense

manifest

of that

of the
our

is not

intention
that all

affirm
events must

the them
made the

wars

of Romulus

are
as

true, literally

and

the

occurred for
so

exactly high
an

they
of But

are

described. for the

Allowance
circumstance of

quity, anti-

and the
we

that its

greater part, perhaps,

on

first do and

century
not

Rome,
that

history rested
are

oral

tradition.
are

think

they
accounts

inventions. of
or wars

They really

rather
;

meagre

fragmentary
the

that

occurred

wliich, through
have
an

original want, desultory,and

subsequent
is

loss, of

details,
The

unconnected,
that the

unhistorical

appearance.
a

affirmation

campaign against Fidenae

as

copy will

of

that

of

328,

is

quite unfounded,
to compare rush

anybody
The town

may

see

who

take

the

trouble
the

them.^
into the

only
with

resemblance the

is that ;
an

in both event

Romans

flying enemy
dictus." "Celsi
ratione
"

Paul.

Diac.
omnes

p.

55.

"Celsus
. .

Grseco Sed

KeXAeiv

in
sic

genere

dicuntur

equitantes.
"
.

propria qxiadam
; Serv.
3

dicwntur

equites Jtomani"
p.
2 *

Celeres Dial.

xmd.

celsi, die

Ritter, KcXrires."
Mn.

Doed,

Etym.

32;'Koen.
Ars. Poet.

ad

Greg.
Buch

p. 140, seqq.

xl

603.

342.
x.

gee Liv.

Varr. i. 14

L. L.
; iv.

v.

55. seqq.

Schwegler,

"

9.

31,

114

HISTOllY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

amalgamate
to
remove

as

much

as

possible the
of creed of and

Sabines
manners.

and

the
But

Romans,
it is
we no

and

all differences the

tion objecunable
among

to to

general truth
the

early Roman

history that
The

are

explain
the

origin
and

of

every

early religious observance

same

that
to

primitive

superstitious people.
in the

remark

applies
There the
two since army of

festival of Jbhe

Populifugia,the Caprotine Nones,

circumstance
on

"c.

is

nothing singular, however, just

may Palus named have should

that
same

festivals
Romulus
at

have
chosen
we

fallen
a

the to

day,
his
nature

purposely
Nor

holiday

review
the

the

Caprese.
be drawn

shall

inquire into
the

the
No

or Caprotine festival,

whether
from

it resembled

Lupercalia.
the German

conclusion

can

the

discussion

of such

points,though
it woidd of Romulus

they

admit

of many But
more

fanciful when natural the

with interpretations,

which

critics

abound.
much

Schwegler says,^ that

if the

have
had instead the old in the would

appeared
been of the

disappearance
the
we

assigned
Nones is much of

to

Quirinalia, on

17th
see

of
at

February,
once

of

Quinctilis, or
more

July,
than
no

that

tradition the time

consistent there
was

the

modern of

since critic, Had

Romulus
a

month
occurrence

February.
in

story

been

modern been have is

invention^the placed
looked
on

question
as

probably
observes,
which
the

have would

the
"

Quirinalia, which,
natural with the
"

Schwegler
way in

more

but

the

it stands

more

consistent

genuine antiquity of
of

tradition.

Schwegler proceeds
Romulus,
shows with he the
was can

to

argue

that

the

connexion and

Rumus,

or

festivals
an

of the

Lupercalia
obsolete

Caprotine Nones,
of the Roman ancient
to

that

ancient be
we

and

being
from and

that religion, sacred reconcile

only
But his

dimly recognised
must

certain his is the

ceremonies. this with

leave

him Romulus

followers eponymous
or

other

theory, that
his
name

hero

of

Rome,
theories

from

which too

is derived.

One

the

other

of these

proves

much. that

Schwegler having
obsolete been
or

is further
torn to

"convinced"

the

story

of

Romulus

pieces by
"

the

senators, also

arises But
as

from
his
were

some

misunderstood
"

religious worship.
is that

only
also much

ground
torn

of

conviction

Orpheus
be

and

Pentheus from

to

pieces, we
on

shall

perhaps
the

excused

laying

weight
We

it.

ourselves

think
1

that
B.

tearing to pieces is
21.

very

problema-

i. S. 534, Anm.

THE

MUEDER

OF

EOMULUS.

115

tical ;
a

though, it
death,

is and

likelyenough
that the

that

Romulus
of

may the

have

met is

with
one

violent

laceratingpart
so

story

of
to

those any

popular exaggerationswhich
remarkable
occurrence.
"

readilyattach

themselves is
more
"

On
course

this
was

point Schwegler
of in the

critical.^ historically

Of
so

it

necessary,"he observes,
outbreak attack

to

assign
Senate. Romulus

motive

for
as

horrible murderous

an

deepest
bosom the of rule

and the of

bitterest

hatred, Hence,
became and

that it
was

the

invented

.that {gedichtet),

at

last

despotic and
ostentation he

oppressive,that
alienated all

by

able insufferfrom sake

pride
him
;

hateful

hearts the

indecentlyslightedthe Senate, consulting it only for

and lands Yeientine the
new

of appearance, the

often among

not

at all ; as, for

instance,when
his
own

he

divided

conquered
the he

his

troops,by
in

supreme of the

will,and
Senate
;

restored that

hostages against the opinion

citizens
a

treated

contemptuous
hateful

and

overbearing
offences and

manner;

administered and

and justice arbitrarily, made

a

punished
this

crUelly;
violent with knows historians them

having
out

himself

by

despotic
the old

conduct,
a

of

well-grounded suspicion surrounded

men. serve

self himtion tradi-

guard

of 300 may

All
as

this,about
a

which

nothing,
were

proof
when

how

little the
were

Roman want of

at

loss

for

causes,

they

in

for their
so.

pragmatismus.^^
But manner? their who
are

Exactly
matize in

"the
are

Roman

historians"
"

who

prag-

this and

They
wanted

exclusively Greek
so

Dionysius,
to

Plutarch,
because

followers.^

And
to

Roman
a

history is
pretty
did book

suffer

these !

rhetoricians

make

for their

countrymen
It is
a

pity that Schwegler's

accounts
as

critical

acumen

not

lead

him

to

reject these
Roman
to

worthless.
was

But He

they
inserts of

told them

against early
in
a

and history, the reader

that

enough.
that the

manner are

make faults Yet he

believe

faults

these

historians

the

of the

history.
to

proceeds

give the
is

Latin

view

as

follows

"

According
rule
of

to
1 ^

the

old
f.

tradition,which

represented by Ennius,

the

S. 535 The

authorities Rom.

Plutarch,
Joann. Roman for the

quoted by Schwegler for the 2 ; Dionysius, 26, 27, Num.

32 ;
can

above ii.
6Q ;

"

inventions," Zonaras, 5, ll.

vii. The is

are

4 ;

Antioch, authority
the

Fr. that

App.
be

B. C. ii. 114;
for any

Dio.
one

Cass.
of

Fr. the

adduced
been

assertions

only Livy

body-guard.
Celeres

But

it has the

before
This

shown

that

guishes Livy wrongly distinview

of

from

Knights.
i2

is also the

Schwegler.

116
Romulus him
the
as
a

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

was

just

and Even
that

mild

; after

his in of
a

death

his

people

lamented
to

father.^
views
"

Cicero

says, views
on

complete
the Greek

contradiction historians
"

above

is,the

that
the

Romulus

continued and

throughout
the
^

good understanding
his

with

Senate,
with The
a

punished
of

offences

of

subjects,not
to show had the
no

cruelly,but
Romulus,
to

wise drift

moderation."

this passage
well

is the the

of

course

that
reason

having
him,

behaved
that

towards

Senate, they story, or

must

kill his But

and

consequently
put
to

rather be

suspicion,of

having
it is
to

been

death

by

them may the XVI.

unfounded. totally
very revolution
most

quite possiblethat Senate, and

put
him
to

Romulus that from

have desire

behaved of
a

handsomely they
may towards Louis when

the

yet
death.
he

have
his

Louis
his that

behaved
on

kindly
; while

subjects ; yet
who
an

ended

days

the in

scaffold his bed.

XV.,
we

reallydeserved
author
out to

fate,died
a

And him
out

quote
not

support
that

view,
make
a

we

should

quote
leave
on,

fairly,
others

and that Julius in

pick
told his

passages

for

it,and

make

against it.
vision that

Cicero
of

says,

little further

that the

Proculus

Romulus deliver

at the

instigationof
from
se

Fathers,
hatred of

order

they might
him
"
"

themselves quo that illi a

the

having
Romuli

killed

impulsu patrum,
And
to

invidiam desired in

interitus
a lution revoown as

pellerent."
is the

the

proof
the

the

Senate
power Cicero

attempt
death and

keep
Romulus

supreme
; to

their

hands
it the
were

after
a

the
base

of

which for his

alludes In of

if

ungrateful
as

return

kindness.*
with the the
mass

fact,
the of

popularity of Romulus,
not

Livy
as

says,
we

lay
see

people, and
the passage The

with

the

Senate,

also

by

conclusion

just quoted.
of Julius Proculus
so
^ :
"

connexion

with
as

this

story
to

is not

of much of the

historical Caesars.

importance, except Schwegler

to

far The

relates tradition
as

the

family
the

observes be the

represents
of the

tion eleva-

of Romulus

god Quirinus by
him
to

first revealed rest

to Proculus

Julius,
1

and

communicated
i. 177 ff.

the

people.

This

Enn. De

Ann.

2 *

Rep.

iL

p. 8, seq. ille

Ibid.
ex

10, 20.

"Ergo
rex

quum
tantum

Romuli

Senatus, qui constabat

eos

optimatibus, quihis patriciosque

eorum

ipse

tribuisset,ut post
tulit Romuli

patres
ut

vellet

nominari sine

liberos, tentaret

excessum,

ipse gereret postea regem

rege

rempublicam,
destitit."

populus
"Ibid,
"

id
c,

non

desiderioque Romuli

non flagitare

12.

B.

i. S. 536, seqq.

THE

JULIAN

FAMILY.

117
that

trait is not of the

without
race

significance.
with It the is
as

In

it is reflected marks the its other

familiarity
and that

Julian

gods,
Eoman did Can

which

prominent
hand,

hereditary character.
Julius the the have value and may Proculus appears

striking,on
a

this
to

citizen, while, according

not
come

ruling tradition, the reign

of Tullus

Julii

to

Eome

till

later,in story
some

Hostilius. the Julii

to the

the

former who

version may of the

of the have
set

proceeded
on

from

themselves,

having belonged
been settled have

originalstock
from the that

Eoman

people,
? And for

having
it

at

Eome

very

beginning
out

consequently
mentions

happened
Eome calls

Livy,
Hostilius

of

respect
the

Augustus,
families What

the

Tullii,instead

of the

Julii,among
1
"

Alban

transplanted to Schwegler
Eome here assertion after

by
"

Tullus the

ruling
that of who Alba
names

tradition the ; Julii

an

"

is
were

only

the

unsupported i)lantedto
is not occasion

of the

Dionysius,i
reduction

trans-

assertion Tullii
not
on

which
that

only

contradicted of the

by Livy,
Julii
^

the is he
to

instead

but passage the

also, what
where person that
was
a

unusual, by
the he

Dionysius himself, who,

of
was

in the

relates whom

tion apparimistake
1^

Eomulus,

mentions in

that

appeared

named the is the

Julius, and,

order he

there

may

be

no

about

identity, adds
worth be of this drawn from

that Greek from

descendant Nor
can

of Ascanius any he inference mentions

Such
on

authority.
Tacitus,^ who,
does the
not

the

subject
as

though
at

the

Julii

coming
by

Alba,

say

what may

time.
not

But have

Schwegler's question,
been like
to

whether

former

version

invented

the Julii

themselves,
mentions N"ow

is answered Proculus

who, by Cicero,''
as

Livy
story
old
same

and Eomulus
to

Dionysius,
flatter Julius

Julius Cicero

the
not

person invent it from And

whom

appeared.
innocent

assuredly
must

did taken

the
some

Csesar ; but
of that from
some

have
as

annalist, as
fact will

intention
an

himself.

the

exculpate Livy
to

insinuated

forgery.
the

We late
are

will
Sir C

now

proceed
wall
more

examine

objectionsbrought by
Eomulus.^
are

Come
with

Lewis force

against the history of

than

They
not

urged

by

the

German to

writers, and

disfigured and
1

weakened

by

attempts

explain
Li^. i. 30,
dm

away

facts

by

Lib.

iii. 29. eh

'^

Ilape\6(iiv tis
Ann.

t'^v dyopciv 'IouAjos

Hvo^ia, twv

^AaKaviov.

"

Lib.

iL

c.

63.
4

xi. 24.

j^ep.n.

10, 24.

See

"c., vol. i. Credibility,

chap.

xi. " 9.

118

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

finding
The

for

them
wo

supposed
think

resemblances
are

in

the

Greek

mythology. profess to
or

Nevertheless

they
who

equally

inconclusive.
"

narrative, observes
from
near

Sir G. C. Lewis,
were

does

not

be

derived lived

historians
time
; nor

either
of

contemporary,
facts

who

the

are or

any

its main It is

supported by
of all of
or

contemporary
credible

documents

inscriptions.
On
few

totallydevoid
the texture

external
find

attestation.
that it

examining

the

history,we
of

is,with

exceptions, a mosaic,
thrown

work, patchinto
a

explanatory legends, pieced together, and

form.

narrative

These
and of

legends
local ;

are

and partly political and religious

we

institutional

partly
The the

monumental

partly
have

ritual"
have
to

question
there

contemporary
where
no we

historians

discussed
show

in

Introduction,
were

endeavoured
at

that,
modern Annales

though
sense

literaryhistorians
two

Eome, yet

in that

the
the their the

of the and

term, till about

the of

centuries Pontificum

B.C.,

Maximi
that TuUus account may the

Commentarii
the latter

supplied
as

place; reign
of
an

books Hostilius of the

began
were

at

least

early as
the not

; that

they

and retrospective, Thus for

contained
Eomulus

city from
have

its foundation.
on

reign of
more

possibly
a

rested

tradition

than

about

half

century.
not follow

It does

that

the
or

history was
from the

not,

at

one

time, supported
we

by contemporary
to

documents This arises

because inscriptions, ancient most

cannot

point writing
cite truth

them

now.

method

of

history.
their

The

ancients
at

did

not, like

modern
as

historians,
of the whence in the

authorities

the
or

bottom
at
now

of the page,
all events then
we

vouchers
source

of their derived of the the

see

information,
it j

of

the

they body
We

though they
On
the
same

and

allude

to

them

work.

grounds
histories
of

might
with

question,for
or

instance,

authenticity of
from the

the

of

Thucydides
the what

Tacitus. younger took of

to

correspondence eruption
; of if

Tacitus

Pliny
collect

respecting the
authentic which
contained find It
art

Vesuvius,
we

pains

he

information
an

yet,

possessed that part

the

his

history
bably pro-

account
name

of

eruption, we Pliny.
the

should

not

in it the
or

of the

younger

is

affirmed,
was

assumed,
known

universally by
from modern best

ancients, that
foundation We
;

the and

of
same

writing
this

at Eome

its very

the

fact is allowed

by
in
an

the the

authorities. But

have that ta

examined

question
used

Introduction.

to suppose ; and

the Eomans

never

art which

they

knew

is absurd

SIR

G.

c.

lewis's
it for
were
or

objections.

119

suppose It cannot in of record.

that be the

they
doubted time

never

used that there

public public they

purposes documents survived

we

is incredible. and

tions inscriptimes
ferred, re-

of

Eomulus,
in
a

that
to

till the have

on

Dionysius,
of the and

passage with Yeii

v^hich

already
a

speaks
Other walls material and

treaty

being engraved
of and the of the the

column. be the

tangible evidences
on

history would
Quirinal,
the and the

buildings
the

the

Palatine
on

Vetus
of

Capitolium,

Sabine "c.
;

Temples
not to

Quirinal,

Temple
domestic

Jupiter Feretrius,
customs,
libations be
as

speak
the

religious

the

festival and that

to

Consus,
matters

marriage
like
"

rites,the
nature.

funeral

to

Tatius,

other the

of the
was

It cannot all credible

said, therefore,
attestation." assertion
"

history

devoid

of

external The

that

the

history is
a

"a

patchwork
of the advert will

of whole

explanatory question.
a

legends
But
to

is

and quite gratuitous, this from

begging

before the
"

entering upon
drawn his

subject,we

for

moment

objection

Eomulus's
was

youth. only eighteen passed

from in
more

In

spite of

youth (forhe
and his

years

old

when and

he

founds

Rome),

early

life

among very

herdsmen
commencement

in rustic of his

pursuits,Romulus
as

appears

the

reign
the does

wise

versed legislator, intimates

all the than

arcana

of that

political
he
acts

science. upon

Dionysius, indeed,
advice
not of his

once

grandfather, Numitor
the
account.

; this

ever, expedient, howand

substantiallydiminish
received
The that

improbability

sistency incon-

of the upon in the it to formed the

history is evidently constructed

is characteristic of and and excellent

all principleof collecting

primitive institutions
the in

and

condition

Rome,

attributing
narrative is and

invention the
Life the
same

of

the

founder
as as

Romulus.

The of

manner

the
in

Cyropaedia
those works

Xenophon
the is

Plutarch's
are

of

Lycurgus,
of their
reasons

institutions

real,but
the

account and

originalestablishment
attributed the to the of formation the

fictitious,
are jectural. con-

and

motives Thus

founder
Roman

Cicero wisdom

considers of Romulus

state this of the in

to

as

due he

to

the

alone.
and
to

Consistently with foresightof Romulus,

one so

view,
site

enumerates

all the he

natural

political advantages
well of

of

Rome,
so

which

attributes
a

the

selecting
become of the

highly

favoured
a

position, and
different
it is

fitted the

the

capitalcity of
indeed,
to

great empire.
a

The
cause

story
for

birth

twins,

implies
this

the the

site of

Rome,

-for, according

fable,

founded

on

spot

120
whei'e

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

they
is

were

exposed, damaging
the author

suckled

by

the

wolf, and
from in the

discovered

by
of

Fttustulus."
It rather that
to

to

this in

argument
a

the
same

youth
page, the time

Romulus
adverted his

should,

note That

have

the

parallelof Augustus. precisely of

in in
more

emperor,

at

of he

uncle's

death, was
Rome; yet,
succeeded
a

the the

age

gf

Romulus which

when he

founded

spite

of

opposition
sceptre
feat of than

rienced, expeThis of

he

seizing the city.

of

the the

world.

surely
what We is iEneas

is

much

extraordinary
a

founding
the descent

was

at

first
seen

only
that

small

have

the

story

Romulus's
for may

life among

men herdsfrom

part
; and

of

the

invention
same

necessary
we

tracing his dispense

with his of

for the
account

reason

Dionysius's grandfather,
are

pragmatical
Numitor.
no are

of not

his

acting on

the

advice

We

are

concerned

about

Cicero's
under There his the

which praises,
name can

doubt

rhetorically exaggerated,and,
a

of be

Romulus,
doubt did in

only

panegyric
was

upon

Rome
to

itself. found

little he left

that

Romulus for

compelled
was

city

where

by
the

necessity;
But the

it

about

the

only

vacant

space

neighbourhood. comparison
Both of the Life

early history
of works is told the the
nor

of Rome is

to

Xenophon's
most
a

Cyropaedia, or
one.

Plutarch's

Lycurgus,
are

certainlya
of of Romulus of the of

fortunate un-

these all that

productions
age

highly
is rude

literary age
and could have in the

while

of

fragmentary.
been

Neither invented feels

the

Asylum,
way of

the

rape

Sabines,
;

by

models
to

worthy
offer
to
a

imitation
of

and,
for

fact,Cicero
latter.^ We

himself
not

obliged
here mouth upon
we

sort

apology

need into

advert of

the

silly speeches
as

which

Dionysius puts
upon

the founded

Romulus,
a

such

his of

course dis-

government,
constitution that
;

complete
it is

mistake

the of
the

Romulean
this

though

suppose

the

flourishes
with

rhetorician

have

partly suggested

the

comparison

Cyropaedia.
The assertion that that the

history
of

is and

written

on

the
in

principle of
the

collecting all
institutions

is characteristic

excellent
and in the

primitive
them to probable; im-

and is not

condition

Rome,
and

attributing
author
"
"

Romulus,

only unfounded,
contrary
et

highest degree
has

it is also
^
* *

to

what

the

just

before

ITovura

quoddam

subagreste

consilium.

De

Rep.

ii. 7.

122

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROMK.

completely
in this did the

new

one. as

Not Sir G.
have

is it

pretended
says

that
; on

he the

founded

all

the share

religious system,
appears

C. Lewis

contrary, his
In this deal
we

to
as

heen
as

extremely
and shall
not

small.
a

way,
more.

Tatius Into

almost

much
his the
or

he,
we

JS'uma

great
as

question
how

about

laws

enter,

do

not

perceive
"whether "Another
into the

it affects
were

credibilityof
unwritten.

early
C.

Eoman

history,
"woven the

they

written,

class of
the

legends," continues reign

of

Sir G.
are

Lewis,
local

story of

Eomulus,
the

those
and of

which other

explain
Stator
the

origin of public buildings

such
as

and

monuments,

nations, denomiand Porta

names

the
the

Asylum,
Curtius,
third
as

Temples
the

Jupiter Forum,
of
a

Jupiter Feretrius, Pandana,

of the Lacus A

Tarpeian Kock,
the class those the the

Caelian
the

Hill,

Comitium,
are

the

the

Curiae.

legends
the

religious or
the

sacred

character,such
Matronalia,
we

explaining
handed down

origin of

Con-

sualia, the
Before

and

Populifugia."
of the
we or are

call the

accounts to

origin
bound

of these
to

things legends
that in that

invented
not

explain them, they

have
to

show
way

they
which

could

possibly have
tells
an us

originated
did.
at

existed

in the for

tradition

If

we we

deny,
are

instance,
to
prove that

Eomulus he

opened
not is But

asylum

Eome,
so a

bound
all to

that
his

could
so

possibly
this, we

done
such has

; or,

at
as

events,
be

doing
that is

improbable

degree
been

wholly

incredible.
to

submit,

not

done. is
an

Therefore,

say

the' tradition

respecting

the

asylum
guess
;

aetiological
as we

legend
have
At

nothing shown,
same as

but not
we

a a

conjecture,or
very will admit

and, indeed,

before the

plausible one. that, in

some

time
the

of

the
and

instances the Lacus

to

mentioned,

Tarpeian Eock,
the
real

the
are

Porta, Pandana,

Curtius,
account

the
a

ancient
name are

explanations
not

probably
had very

mere

guesses into

for

origin of
various

which any

fallen

oblivion.

These, however,
Eoman

connected

Vith

material them

point
show

of

history ;
rested
with not the

while
on

the

explanations of
tradition.
tradition
as

that

they
not

any

constant

But

the

case

is very
are

diiFerent
two

Asylum.
of it.

Here

is constant
a

; there

explanations
Eoman

And,

it concerned
more

very have
was name

important
been
rectly cor-

point
that

of

history,it
down.
The

is all the
of

likely to
Feretrius
; also
names

handed of

Temple shown,

Jupiter
the

certainly,
of the The

Jupiter
Hill, as

Stator
we

probably,

Eomulean

the

Cselian

have

and

of the

Curia?.

ALLEGED

^ETIOLOGICAL

LEGENDS.

123

Comitium,
we

as

the

place
in

wliere

Eomulus

and

Tatius in of is

met, appears,

believe, only
is
more

Greek

writers, certainly not

when and
more

Livy.
Forum
a

The in
pro-

Forum the

doubtful the the

; for

Livy speaks
Sabines,
it

the

battle

between
to

Eomans
account

only by

and lepsis, is
a

make

to his intelligible have of been the and

readers. rudiments
even

It of

possible,however,
forum,
as a as mere
a

that

there in the

may time

market, place
as we

Eomulus,
for the

of the

Comitium,
The relate which
more

of

general assembly shown,^

historical The
are

Comitia

Curiata.^
and of
are

Consualia,
to
a

have

certainly Eomulean,
the and substance

very

important
The

event, about
Matronalia

tradition uncertain.

is unvaried.

Populifugia
not

latter,in
*

fact, is
who
;

decidedly
which

Eomulean

it is the

only, we
on

believe, Dionysius
the death of

attributes
on

it to the

flightof

people
was

Eomulus

occasion,however,
Sir

there "The
"

no

flight.
institutions
as religious,

ancient civil and and

of

Eome,"
as

continues
names

G.

C. Lewis,

both

well

the
were

of many
to
a

remarkable

buildings
been

public monuments,
or, if

anterior

regular
of them

temporary con-

registration ;
ever

any the

authentic
most

records

had Gallic

made, they

had

for

part perished

in the the

conflagration,and
Punic

through

other

casualties, before

Second

War."
as registration, we

Contemporary began
at

have Tullus

shown

in the

Introduction,
in that Eoman
some markable re-

all events
;

in the

reign of long

Hostilius, perhaps
the
names

of ^Numa

therefore, not
and

after the

origin of
"

earliest
"

institutions

buildings. And,
may
must

though
have
have have been

the

of

public monuments registration, yet surelythese

valuable
Maximi did
to

anterior

to

contemporary
a

formed

of themselves that that other the what ways.

very

kind did

of
not

We registration.

also shown

Annales
records But

perish
extract. Eome citizens

in

the from

and conflagration, memory, and in

perish
continue

were our

restored

"Even
of curiosity of her

before her

had

become

great imperial
excited and about after

power, the

the

would

naturallybe
and

origins
had
tended ex-

institutions, usages,
her

buildings ;
a

she the

dominion,
a

and

acquired
which

vast
seen

renown, to

desire
so

to

learn
an

the

history of

system

was

exercise

great

influence, would
^
2

naturally increase.
toto

We

may

therefore

assume

"Et

effusos

egerat Eomanos,
v.

quantum

Forospatium
^

est." Lib.

"

Lib. i. 12.
c.

Varro, L. L.

155.

Above,

p. 68, seqq.

ii.

56.

124
it

HISTOllY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

as

certaiu,that such

explanatory legends began

that the

to

arise at

a as

com-

early period, and ])aratively

demand These

supply
enforced
M.

was

multiplied by

the

increased." remarks
Hue's upon
are

illustrated
in

and

quotation, in
came

note,
his
a

from

Travels
a

Tartary.
and

Hue,

it appears,

in

travels

ruined

abandoned

city, where
the

he called

found
"

Mongol
Town."
a

shepherd,
Sir

^who

knew

only

that

place was
note

The
:

(^Id
"

G.

C. Lewis

concludes

the

by observing
a

In

country

inhabited satisfied

by wandering
there

pastoral tribes,such having

is excited fixed

state

of may

incurious exist
;

and but

ignorance respecting ancient

are

monuments

where
a

persons relic of

habitation its
true

in

the

vicinity of
their of it has

striking

antiquity, and
; and

living as
if the up

neighbours, history
To Lewis As it

curiosityrespecting it perished, a
the fabulous

legend

soon

springs
Sir
of

to

the cravings of satisfy make

to

appetite for
it had been

information."
was

the show

parallelcomplete,
that Eome

incumbent to
a

on

G.

C.

reduced

state

solitude.
"

is,he

makes of

people constantly living in antiquity

of
"
"

the

vicinityof
of

some

relic "striking
even

say,
"

Tarquin's Temple forget altogether

the
to

Jupiter, or
founded for them
"

iN'uma's
or were

Temple
what had

Vesta

who

them,

for

purpose,
never we

although
ceased will say of

proper

service in

which
; till
we

they
at

destined after
a

be
two

performed
or

last,

lapse
of the
at

three
that the
to

centuries space rise of

(^annot the

go

beyond three, writing

invented
it not London say, of be

for

there

is less

than and

between

foundation

Capitoline Temple
Eome
"

literary
some

liistorical stories
^ow
are

curiositybegins
the

revive,

and

to

explain
have

origin
to

of

these

monuments the

would
in

just as

reasonable

suppose for
some

that

people
the

living
for

should

forgotten Abbey,
service
was

centuries it
was

foundation,
a

Westminster

and

that

designed
in

place of worship, though

last it
a originally

continually performed
were

curiosityat it,till;
that
was

reviving,stories
church
on

invented
in the sixth

to

gratify it,
sequently sub-

dedicated site of

century by
was

]ving
The

Sebert

to

St.

Peter,

the
the

which
1

the

abbey
and

erected
same
as

by

Edward
will

Confessor
to

illustration for

apply

institutions
must

usages, in

as

well
use,

buildings ;
familiar
are

these, like them,

to

have

been

daily
Eome
the

and

knowledge.
too

In
were

fact,we
as

apt

suppose
as

that

the
are

of antiquities,
to

antiqtieto

the

Eomans

they

ourselves, after

LEGENDS

ABOUT

BUILDINGS.

125
most

lapse
have As

of

further which

twenty
served

centuries, and
to

when

of the

things
the

perished
we

identify them.
than and And
to

have of the

said, there

are

less

three the
as

centuries
time it is of

between

building
the that first
"

Capitoline Temple
Eoman annalist.

Fabius

Pictor,

literary

certainlyassumed
century
of less in and this than that dence evi-

explanatory legends began

we can

arise
at

at

comparatively early
a

period,"
a

hardly place
time of would
a

this

period
The have it is that

less than and

half

before

the

Pictor.

origin
been allowed
are

founder

famous
a

temple
and oral of

therefore ! Whereas of may events be

forgotten by
the

century
mere

half

author the
a

the

tradition

unsupported by
for

monuments
a

accurately preserved
with

period higher
of the "c.

exceeding
The
same

century.^
reason

will the the

apply,
other

little allowance
and the

for

antiquity,

to

all
;
as

monuments

institutions the of

kingly period According kings, even

to to

Cloaca

Maxima,
all these of whom
were

Forum,
the works

Circus,

modern very
our

views,
names

imaginary
But

the with

are

not

certainlyknown.
and

proceed
"

quotations.
past
was

As

the of
area

remote

unrecorded
fettered
to

unremembered,
restrictions
was

the had

invention the whole the

the

was setiologist

by
and

no

; he

of

fiction

open His

him,
was

he

not to

even

bound condition

by
that

laws

of nature. afford in
an

story
that

only subject
the the

the

it must
name

apparent explanation of
; and

custom, object, or
manners,

proper

question

thoughts,

and the

cumstances cir-

introduced

must

agree

with the

the

of peculiarities licence and

to

Eoman in

people.
the

We

find of of

accordingly that
these
or

utmost

prevailed
the
merest

fabrication

antiquarian legends ;
usage, because
were

that

resemblances
a

sound,

sufficient
manners

suggest

the idea

of

real connexion.
severe

Thus,

the

of the

ancient
were

Sabines
said
to be

were

and of the
;

simple, and although

it
was

their habits who

was no

warlike, they
were

colonists

Lacedaemonians,
there

distinguishedby proof
of the
as

similar such

characteristics

historical
to

any

connexion,
Thus that
ever we

and have

quite
Komans face

unknown

early Greek
the
to

writers."

the
on

painted
of the

greatest simpletons
believe any idle their it for

existed

the

earth, ready them,

and

story that

might

be which

palmed
was

upon

accept
of these institution

genuine history,
there is not
a

entirely composed
monument
or

tales ; for the

single
1

old

Eoman

origin

Credibility, "c. vol. i. p.

101.

126
of
We from

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

which, according
know
not

to

modern other

is critics,
so

not

an as an

a3tiological myth.
the Romans
were

of

any

nation

civilized

their very

origin that possessed,like them,

And

entirelyimaginative

history.
for That

yet the

Romans

were

not

guished particularlydistin-

imagination.
were

they

superstitious, however,
in

and"

ready

to believe

many
must

wonderful be allowed.

things
But

connexion such
a

with

the is not of

supernatural world, incompatible

France the
was one

temper
Louis

with
of

the the

shrewdest
most of

practical sense.
that
once

XI.

sagacious monarchs
have prey

ever

sat upon him

throne.
on

The the

Duke
we

Burgundy, indeed,
a more

overreached
of

; but

whole
Yet

hardly
was

strikinginstance
most miraculous and have

worldly

wisdom. the

Louis

the

of the many

abject superstition.
incredible not been
so

So

Romans
on

might

have

believed with

things
life.

points connected
upon

and religion, which

yet

easilyimposed
reserved
agree
as

in matters

concerned

their

every-day
not
"

Sir G.
that the

C. Lewis, however,

needed

to have

the to

proviso
Roman of and
are

explanations
and The
were

of

the

setiologist must
with the of the
accordance for

thoughts,

manners,,

circumstances

of peculiarities

the

people."
Romulus
manners

Asylum,
that been later

the

rape in

Sabines, the
with

deification

certainly not
invented.
to

the

thoughts they
as we

of to

generation
And is
a

whose

edification

said

have

this

circumstance,

have

already endeavoured
at all. An

show,

proof
is not

that

they

were

not

invented

ethnographical hypothesis
misled that the that

legend
from touch

; and

if

some or

of the

Romans, thought
we some are

by

"

the

merest
were

resemblances descended will and

of the
now

sound

usage,"

Sabines
the
same

Lacedaemonians,
and then
even

afraid eminent

reproach

modern modern

ethnographers subjects,would
or

who, philologists,
an

in

vestigati in-

not

readily admit

tion interpolaaffirms
the

into
"

the

of England historj'-

Germany. Dionysius affinity,

Roman

On

similar

grounds
the

of

apparent
of the
of the

that

Romulus

copied
and the

relation

king
of the

to

Roman table

Senate,
of the

institution

Celeres,and
to

common

Curiae, from
as no we

Lacedoemon." have

Romulus,

endeavoured
to

show,

being

of from

Greek the

descent,
"

had

need

borrow

these

institutions

Spartans.
We must

suppose

tliat the

legends

which

were

worked

up

into

LEGENDS, the

HOW

MADE

HISTORICAL.

127
and

history
and illustrate.

of

Eomulus

were

originallyindependent
tlie

nected, uncon-

referred At
as

only

to

peculiar subject
were

which into not

a

they
the

served

to

what
is
we now

time

they
doubt
"

moulded
us,
we

continuous
means

narrative, such

presented
from

to

have

of

discovering;
from his of birth the
"

but

cannot

that his

the

account

of

Eomulus

to his

death his

Alban

origin and
his
wars,

his foundation

city to
was

politicalmeasures,
in which it has

and

lastlyhis
earliest This
of

apotheosis
narrative

substantially related
the form

by Fabius,
descended

and
to

the
us.

historians,in
was

not, like
for the
most

the

early
a

British

history
oral

of

Geoifrey
materials
were

Monmouth,
of it were,

part

purely originalfiction; the

from the
same

to

great extent,
the have

derived At

legends, which
the connexion thus

incorporated into
the details of
must

history.
been
was

time first

and the

supplied by
some

the

compilers ;
of the of the

story

the

Asylum
Sabine
we

local of the

legend

; that ;

rape

of the

Sabines

illustrated

the
women

origin
was

festival
a

that

tion intervenin the of the

cause

of the

probably
of the the

separate story
cause

; but

narrative, as
Sabine their
once

read and

it,the Asylum
the rape

is the Sabine

of

the

rape

women,

women

is the The three

of

interpositionbetween independent
same

hostile

armies. become

events,
links in

of

each

other, have

continuous

the

historical in this time the

chain."

Altliough
at

paragraph
"the context it
was

Sir.G.

C. Lewis
were

appears into

to be
a

tain uncer-

what

legends"
done "the first and

formed him Fabius

continuous
to

narrative, yet
been of

whole that

shows

plainly enough
and and
"

have torians. hismust

opinion
For he

by

the the

earliest

says' that
the

connexion

details
could If

have been not the for C.

been
no

supplied by
other than

compilers ;
the been of earliest

and

these

have be

Fabius
must

historians.

this

so,

then of

there

have

historians, or compilers, before

period
the

literaryhistory, or
which for is
our

history written
with the

and views

published
of Sir

public ;

quite at
part, we
thus

variance

G.

Lewis, though,
Tlie

tliink it
:

probable enough.
two

theory, then,
era

stands
was no some

about

centuries of the

before

the
and any

Christian
progress connexion

there

account

whatever oral the

origin
without

of

Eome;
whatever worked

only
them

scattered them
"

legends
in

between into

first links

compilers adopted
the
same

these,

and

continuous

torical his-

chain." It is

truly surprising that

people

which

appears

to

have

en-

128
deavoured there
must

nrsTORY

of

the

kings

of

rome.

at least to
at

preserve have down

some

memory been
a

of their
list of of been

affairs

"

since the

all the

events

consuls

from
a

expulsion
of
more

of
than of

kings

to
"

the

time have

Fabius,
in

period
utter

three their

centuries

should

such

ignorance
two most
were

history.
over,

But, passing this

let facts

us
:

observe

that
these

the

theory
of

involves

extraordinary
in

first,that
were

scattered

legends,
second,

which

wholly unconnected,
an

still
cause

capable
and the in

being placed compilers

same nexion. con-

together
what should is

relation intelligible
more

of

effect ; and first the

still,perhaps,
have The

astonishing, that
them writers known

agreed
two

in

weaving

together
of Roman

earliest

history,Fabius
were

and

Cincius

Alimentus,
other

were

contemporaries,
whose
;

and

speedily
such in

followed

by

writers, in
have

time

the

oral

legends, if
writers

they
with

were,

must

still survived

yet

all these the

agreed

representing Roman only

those
sources

history substantiallyin
show ! sort

same

manner,

and from
to

slightdivergences which Surely

of this is much
at

that

they
the

drew

independent
suppose that been
as we

more

incredible

than

some

history,or
this

all events

materials

for

it, had
But
we
*'

handed have here

down. touched dwell there upon is

a

upon it.

subject
of

in the

Introduction,

need But

not

although
"

continuity
the another
can

narrative," proceeds Sir

of Romulus
an

G.

C. Lewis,

running through
stand to
we one

story
in

though

the of

successive
cause

events

relation intelligible the each deliberate

and

effect; yet
of the the of

trace
can

throughout perceive
that The

invention treated
an

setiologist ; we
manner

subject is by
or a

after

of
:

Ovid's is
no a

Fasti.

story

is formed

aggregation

parts
of
a

there

uninterrupted
statue

poeticalflow
one
a

epic unity. foundry,

stones

Instead

resembling
Even founded of it
'

cast, in
formed

piece,in

it is like different Romulus

tesselated colours.
to

pavement,

into who

pattern by
the
to

of of

Mebuhr,
on
a

conceives is

story

be

heroic the

lay,

forced

acknowledge
of

that

parts

are

without

spirit or

features

poetry.'
It is
"

"

difficult

to

perceive
"

how

narrative

which
of and
so
"

is admitted which stand

to
to

have
one

continuity," and
in
a an

the

successive of If
see

events
cause

another

relation intelligible

effect,"should
for
"

resemble confess

tesselated
we

pavement.
not

it

does

we

must

that

do

exactly

the

resemblance

it may

be

130
and

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

institutions;no religious
part either
in

person

is named
or

as

taking
spiritof
as

any

dependen in-

the

Senate

in and

the
in

popular assembly.
the
but
a stitutional con-

He

is

represented king
in

as

governing mildly early part

he in and The meets

the

of his

reign ;
is

afterwards obedience
arouse

becoming despotic,although
at

with there

nothing

but
to

home
or

and awaken

successes

war,

nothing

his

fears which

his

jealousy.
to

joint government
in the utmost

with

Tatius,
for five

is described

have
on

lasted the and

harmony
the
with real

years, is
two

only
were

conceivable

supposition
with small
be

that

offices of the
power
"

kings

honorary,
the

unaccompanied
the
as

supposition altogether
narrative. lived
a

inconsistent

spirit of
were

the

old

Even

Spartan kings,
j and it may

their

powers,

in

perpetual
as

discord

safelyaffirmed
account to in authentic

that

such

relation

is described

in

the is

received

have

existed

between These which

it
or

Eomulus

and

Tatius,
a

unexampled
of of
an

history."
criticism

objections are
saddles
on

good example
faults not do

that

mode

of

the

history the
which who have here

and historian, to to but itself,

charges
to
one

with
two

inconsistencies of the Sir writers G.

belong
"the

undertaken calls
is

give
of

an

account

of

it. the

What

C. Lewis of

received
account

narrative"

of of

politicalhistory
a

Eomulus,

the

Dionysius
the of and

Halicarnassus,
tongue,
head that
a

Greek who could

imperfectly acquainted frequently

never

with
out

Latin
own

rhetorician that have

invented been who

was

his

speeches
could
never

have and

delivered
in

events

happened,

riously particularnoto-

ignorant
Lewis

of the Eoman

constitution. Eomulus

When

Sir G. Comewall
been
an

accepts the
of his powers the

description of having
been

having
of the

elective

king,
been have what
state

extremely limited, of
decrees have
the been

his

having
would

merely
he is

executor

of

the

Senate, one
awakened

thought
himself

that

his

suspicions might
afterwards, that
him

by
the
as

adds

all "no

organization of
person
or

derived

from

alone,
either

that
in the

is

named

taking lump,
this
make

any

independent part
But
no; he

Senate

in the

popular
in

assembly."

accepts
to

these

flat contradictions

the

without

stopping
an

inquire
its

how

they

arose

; he

considers
to
a

imbroglio
it
an

actual

part of the

history,and credibility.

then Now

proceeds
suppose

argument
in

against

foreigner
and written

settled

London,

imperfectly acquainted
our

with

our

guage, lan-

still more his

imperfectly with
a

should institutions,

have

for

countrymen

historyof England

full of the most

ABSOLUTENESS

OF

ROMULUS.

131

glaringblunders
between in is his work

; would

from posterity,
those of better

observing the
informed

contradictions

and

historians,be
fictitious in the of of the 1 Yet

tified justhis

pronouncing
account which

the

whole

history itself
Lewis does

preciselywhat
The

Sir G.

Cornewall
that writer

present

case.

accepts
the
errors

early

Eoman
been
seems

constitution

is that

of

Dionysius/
and of
were

which

have

pointed
to

out

by

Eubino^
his idea

other the

writers. of Eomulus

Dionysius, who
from
at

have

formed

reign
Romulus

those
least

of
were

the
so

subsequent kings,
and his but address them

who

certainlyelective, or
summon

there constitutionally, in
a

makes

the
says
was

people together suggested by

nowhere existed

long

speech, which
which In

he

but grandfather Il^I^umitor, in the head of the of writer.

a

could

have

this
or

speech
a

Eomulus
to

leaves
which This
as

to

the

people
G. C.

the
in

choice

monarchy
for

republic; being
"his

the
is
an

people reply
Sir ''elective"
throne
a seems

another

speech by electing him

Eomulus he is of

king.
described title chief of

Lewis's

authority
but that when he of

king;
to

adds the

that

to

the is

be

royal family
the will of

Alba,"

this

complete misconception by by
^

the
is

Eomulean

constitution.
the

Eomulus fested gods, maniSo

rules

divine augury,

right.
the

He

king by

agreeably to

the representation of

Livy.^
which may

also
the
:

Ennius

represents

people passivelyawaiting
Eomulus and

king give
them

issue of the
"

quarrel betAYeen
Sic

Eemus
tenebat

expectabat populus, atque

victoria

ora

Kebus, utri magni

that Becker, indeed, affirms,^ concerned

sit data

regni."
of

the of
:

portent
the
"

the

twelve
this is

vultures
a

only
of and

the

building
who
on nomen
:

city.

But avitum tutelae

direct

contradiction

Livy,

says "ut

Intervenit

malum,
ea

reg7ii
essent,

cupido;"

further

dii, quorum
urbi

loca

auguriislegerent, qui
regeretj
The
"

novse

daret, qui conditam

^

imperio
in

ad

...

inaugurandum
is further

templa capiunt." by
....

matter ad
ii.

illustrated

another

passage quae

Livy

Vocata
1 ^

concilium 3,
seqq.

multitudine

jura dedit;

ita sancta

Lib. Eom.

c.

Staatsv.

B.

i. S. 7, Anm.

1 ; and

the

Second

Section,
urhe

"

Von

dem

Konigthume."
3

Lib.

i.
est.
"

c.

6 ; cf.

c.

18,

"

sicut

Romulus

augurato

condeuda,

regmim

adeptus
4 5

Ap.
Rom.

Cic.

De

Div.

i. 48.
; Anm. 602.
"

Alterth.

ii. i. S. 294

Lib.

i. 6.

k2

132

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

generi hominum
lictoribus
it appears

agrestiratus
cetero

si fore, habitu fecit."

he

se se

ipse venerabilem
Eubino to the

insignibus
maxime

imperii fecisset, quum

duodecim

augustiorem, turn
as

sumptis,
consent

"Whence,
did not

observes,
his

clearly enough by
is

that of the

mean

establish
awe

ordinances

the

people, but
of all the

by
best divine

inspired
writers. tain foun-

by

his

dignity.
an

Such

is the

view

ancient

Romulus

absolute
and

monarch, ruling by
supreme tribunal to but

right,the
the chief

of all law

the justice,
no

commander,
that who of
has

priest
for

of The
that

his

people, amenable
are

public opinion.^
created the them executor

Senate
purpose,

only
and to

his

advisers

; it is he he
was

suppose

that

merely
of

of

their

decrees

is

one

of the

greatest possiblemistakes.
as

Cicero

clearly
hind than
passage

discriminates

their
Dio

functions who

those
was

only
much

council, and
informed
in
a

of

Senate.'^

Cassius,

better

Dionysius respecting the

which
tell the Sir

early
his

Roman

constitution,

G.

C. Lewis
that it

himself
was

has

already quoted,
command

makes

Romulus

Senate
control

office to

them,
as

and

not

theirs

to

him.^

Even

Dionysius himself,
tells
us

usual,

is not times the

cwisistent
there
was

; for in another

place he
will A decided passage

that

in of

the

regal

neither of

equality of right nor

own

freedom all upon

manner

speech, that
that Rubino

kings they
that

out

their
was

suits, and
which

whatever

determined it is
so

law.*

remarks^
must

unlike
some

Dionysius's
Roman
source

usual

that is
own

he

have
that he

copied
did Sir G.

it from
on

; which

only saying
head.
of these

not,

this

occasion,make
himself
"

it out forward

of

his
a

N^ay, even
dictions, contraaccount

C. Lewis
and

brings
:

sample
to

remarks
powers of
an

Dionysius
Roman

seems

forget his
he describes

of

the reges to7q

limited
as

the

king

; for

the

Tnter-

possessing
dsKU

absolute

authority :

eTreira

diaKXripuxTajjiEvo
rr)y
avro-

Xa^ovai
"Nobis

Trpwroig

dire^WKav

ap')("iy Tfjg TroXewg

Romulus,
solebant
a

ut

libitum, imperitaverat."
"

Tac.
2.

Ann.

iii. 26.

"Jus

privatipetere
2

regibus."
"

Cic.

De

Rep.
fultus

v.

"Itaque
s.

hoc

consilio, et qiuisi senatu

et

munitus,"

"c.

"

De

Rep.

ii. 9,
^

15.
Te\os

Koi

elirev Bti 'Iva eyci} vfuu

4yi)

vfias,

S
"

Trorepe?,

4^"\"^dixr]V ovx

Iva

^i^iiis ifiol

"pXVTf,
4 ohiroi)

a\\'

Fr. eTTiTc^TTotjut.

t. i. p.

7 (ed. Bekker).
iv

ycip t6t dlKaia

^v oir

oiib' o{Jt' icrrfyopla, laovofiiaTrapct 'Pw/taiots,

ypa(pa7s
erarTov

"iravTa
rots
C.

r^

dWoL T"Tayfi4va'

t6 fiev

dpxcuou
vv*

ot

jSatnAeTs i^^ avrcSv

Seojxevois r"s SiKas, Koi

t6 SiKaiwdev

iKeivwv,tovto

vSfxos rv.

"

Lib.

x.

1.
6

Rom.

Staatsv.

B.

i. S. 125:

Anm.

W^P

ABSURDITIES

OF

DIONYSIUS

AND

PLUTARCH.

133
he takes the

KpaTopa
"

dpxhvy^ Yet ! received history

"

such

is the author

from

whom

The

account

of

Eomulus have other

days rests only, as we Plutarch,and Dionysius,

these writers
are

having been despoticin his later of alreadyshown,^ on the authority

Greek authors. Plutarch thousand The absurdities of

intolerable.

Thus,

the battle with

more

the Veien

fourteen tines,

representsthat in of them and fell,

himself
women,

than

one-half of them whole

to

In all

the probability,
"

by the hand of population

more

of Eomulus Veil
"

!^ and

men,

children
*

did not amount has

a

than

fourteen

thousand. he of

nysius Dio-

stillmore Eomulus
! Such

absurd

when exaggeration had

on
an

states,that

at the

death

of

the Eomans
are

army

46,000

foot

and

1,000 horse
same

the authors

whom

Sir G. C. Lewis

founds The

the received historyof Eome. writer

to objects

and government of Eomulas joint Tatius, because there is no example in authentic historyof any in harmony for five years. Such is the hard joint reignlasting ! if it relates anything that has a lot of earlyEoman history said to be copied is it immediately parallel, ; if it relates something therefore it is said to be unexampled, and that has no parallel, from which it incredible. Nay, althoughit may have a parallel be copied as, for instance,the achievements could not possibly in of so youthful a king as Eomulus, the historyof which was it existence long before the time of Augustus that will not save the
"

"

from
censure.

Thus, beingrejected.
But
on we

relate whatever that the

it may,

it cannot
"

escape is

do not

think

present instance
We

only

kings were of opinion, real power." and are honorary, to show, that Eomulus, duringthe reign endeavoured have as we in reality of Tatius, was quitesubordinate ; that he was a king only dition yet reduced to a conconquered, and, if not actually by sufferance, the harmony, therefore, It was not that was very different.
conceivable
that supposition with unaccompanied the of the and the and superior
man

the officesof the two

the inferior ; of the

man

who

could

command,

who

knew

only to

obey.

We have

have
ever

now

been have

all that
1 2

all the objections that through,we believe, of Eomulus, certainly brought againstthe history and Sir G. C. Lewis. been urged by Schwegler gone
vol. i. p. 432, note
3

"c. Credibility,

109

Dionys.ii. 57.
"*

Above,

p. 115.

Rom.

25.

Lib. ii. c. 16.

134
It has been and

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

subjected to
acuteness

the most
; it has

searching ordeal by
been

men

of

great
been

learning
like
a

examined
all its weak
we are

and

cross-examined

witness
to the

in

court

of

justice;
and

points have
that

probed
has been With
affirmed
was

very

bottom,
the
a

yet
its of

of

opinion

nothing
be

established

to shake results
as

general probabilityand
the

truth.
it may

regard
that founder
was a

to

inquiry, we
invented

think

such

king
Rome.

Romulus If he
one was

actually existed, and

as

that

he

the

of

its

founder, the
not
trace to

invention
too

very

clumsy

for,unless
with have

facts

had to

been back
go at

strong

for to

them, the
the
or

Romans,
ages,

their desire done

their
once or

origin

heroical

would
the

better

to .^Eneas the very Venetians

Ulysses,just as
Antenor.
in in those But

Tusculans
was
a

claimed

Telegonus, city, probably

existence
was

Rome

late-founded
and in

-the

latest indeed
other cities

parts;. Alba
In the face in
were

Longa,
had been

several several

the
it.

neighbourhood,
the

centuries
to

before

of

these

facts,it
times.
to two and be

impossible
memorials
or

place
Romulus

its
as

foundation
its founder
were

Trojan
recent

The

of

too

rated oblite-

forgotten. There
years of the

less considerably the

death

than

centuries
the
;
pletion com-

of astronomical

between

of Romulus

Cai^itoline Temple
a

by Tarquinius Superbus
a

perhaps
the

not

more

than

century
of the

and

half, if,as kings

death which
of Numa

is very has been

probable,
have

length
For
recorded

of

the

reigns
the

first two
the

exaggerated.
been

though
in

it is

possible that
Annales
and hence

of Numa
were

may

Maximi,
the accession
was an

preserved, yet the

could to
not

death
so

of

Romulus
;

have

been

recorded
of

and

there these
successors.

opportunity
; which

exaggerate the
not be done

length
with

the
of

reign of
their

two

kings
And

could

those
the

in

the

Capitol Tarquinius reigned

before
him.

placed Livy,
he and
a

statues

of all the

kings

that

had

judicious and
no

not sensible,

to say

somewhat

writer, sceptical

intimates

doubt that

that

Rome

was

founded
as

by Romulus, though
a a

rejects all
indeed

precedes
he

its foundation

tissue

of

fables ;
as

well

might

reject so
that had

clumsy
of Alba

contrivance
;
a

the

connecting
the third of Romans

of Rome's appear and then

history with
to have
a no one.

city with
time

which
of their

connexion
But it
was

till the

king, they
could

hostile
from

their

only
their the

chance

tracing their
If had

descent
an

the

heroical to

ages. this

inducement had
none

invent

part

of

story,
of

they

have

to

invent

the

facts

of

reign

THE

INTEKREGNUM.

135
little to their

Eomulus, opening
which founded of his invent. have
been of

several
an

of whicli
for

redound

very

glory. The
rape

asylum

fugitivesand
of their

vagabonds,
those

the

of the
events

Sabines, the partial subjugation

are

city by Tatius, are days

been
name

very state

likelyto have
; but

taken
not

place in
as a

in
a

newlyhistory
to been to be

they
from of

are

such

man,

forming
have

countrymen
The

imagination,
Tatius
the who

would

likely to
appears

reign
very

especially,whose Eomans,
wished

unpopular
and

among

must

have

highly unpalatable; accepted would

The events the

nobody
on

his

story
in

have

ventured

imagining it.
believe
and In
to

just enumerated
of not

we

be wars,

true in

the

main

also

institutions

Eomulus,
in

his many

their

general
and but the On

outline,but
of his

perhaps
may, of it

detail.

of the

circumstances the
not age,

reign
viewed the

there

perhaps, be
are

some

exaggeration;
themselves,
manners

supernatural parts
false and
as

of to

course

false in
ideas and of

in

relation
were

the then

of

what
we

Eomans that of and the

capable

believing.
more

the

whole,
and

think

has liistory render

suffered

from

oblivion

obliteration
invention will
now

parts, which
the

it sometimes

obscure, than

from
We

interpolation.
course

proceed with

of the

history.

SECTION

IV.

THE

INTERREGNUM.

No

sooner

was

Eomulus
a

dead

than

disputes about
among

the

preme su-

power, These
a new

and
were

desire to seize
not

it,arose

the Fathers.

factions

excited
was

people,
;

there

by individuals, for, as among nobody who was particularlythe different

orders of

eminent state.

they

arose

rather

among the

the the

The
of

Sabine had

part
not

of

population, which
a

since

death
one

Tatius be of

been among

represented by
them,
lest of power
a

king, desired
be old

to

chosen their

from

they should
the

deprived
on

just share
divided

; while

Eomans,

the

other views

hand,
were

disdained
on

though

foreign sovereign. Yet, this point, the kingly form of

there
was no perience ex-

government
of

was

universally desired, since liberty enjoyed under

a

the

commonwealth.

In

136
this state of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

the tilings
many
some

Fathers
of

became

alarmed cities

lest, as
was

the

dispositionof
towards
upon army be

the

surrounding
from
without

hostile be made
and the

Eome, it, while

attack
was

without
a

should

it
a

thus
All

government,
that
some

without

general.
none

thought
of take into be

head

should

appointed,^ yet
post
to

could
As
a

prevail upon
method
to

himself

to concede

that

another.
Fathers
;

compromise, therefore,
the ten

the

hundred

agreed

government
decuriae, in
in whom

upon each of

themselves which
supreme

dividing themselves
individuals
was

certain
power among

should vested.

appointed
Ten

the

to

be

ruled
the

by turns, but
in turn.

only one
His
This

them
five

had

the lictors and

and
a

ensigns of royalty.
from its

reign lasted
mode
of

days,
two

was

enjoyed by all
and,
called the

government reign
of
was

lasted

year,

occurring
to

between
a

the
which

of

kings, was
But
now

the

Interregnum,

name

it still retains.

plebeians began

show their
masters

symptoms
servitude instead

discontent, and

loudly complained that hundred multiplied, that they had a

When
to

of

one.

the the

Fathers favour

became
of the

aware

of

this

they feeling,
and

resolved

gain they

people by
be power

spontaneously offering
to

what

would

otherwise

forced into
as

concede

the hands much

of the

they gave the supreme time people, they at the same

while

retained

privilegeas
the

they bestowed.
^

For
a

they decreed
be

that

whomsoever
in that

people

chose

for

king should
choice

confirmed

if they dignity, rule

ratified

the
in

by

their

authority.
and

The

same

is observed

now^
of

proposing laws
For

trates, magisFathers

though
give
their

the force

it is
the

destroyed.
an

the
votes.

authority before
"Choose
show who that

people give their

such

Then
as

the
"

Interrex, having called

a

assembly, addressed
is the

it

follows:
^

king, Quirites;
populus
murmnr,
a

decision
It

These

passages

the
to

might
"fremere

include deinde
to
was were no

some

plebeians.
and
"adeo

is the
are

plebeians

begin

plebs,"
populus,
army
"

they
id

pacifiedby the election of Li v. gratum plebi fuit," "c.

"

king being
The the these

referred

the the

i. 17.

populus
clients fonned

those

who

had there The

right to
were

vote

"

and

among

plebeians. Though
part of the populus.
a

also, perhaps, other

the passage shows

plebeians who
that the
2

sequel of people.

Senate fhat

reserved

veto

on

the

choice

of the

is, in

Livy's time.

138 it is
was

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

he possible made

may

here

be

by the Eoman
alternation
of

as right, Livy says Fathers only. This

that the choice would

"

account

for the Numa

Roman

and

Sabine

kings
Marcius.

Romulus,

Pompilius, Tullus

Hostilius,Ancus

Remarks.

"

Schwegler
comes

postpones
review
it
as

his

remarks
of the he

about
Roman

the

uiter-

regnum

till he With

to

part

tion.^ constitu-

respect to
and

its historical

worth,
is say

observes
personages

that

those cannot

who doubt

see

in Romulus

Numa between

only imaginary
them also about

that and from

the that

interval

devoid it
are mere

of

ticity, authen-

all that the

historians

tions abstracthe
of

the later

constitution.
of

This

is the

more

as certain,

elaborate which
the

(durchdachte)system
peculiarly Roman
not

ideas pohtico-reli^ous

out

institution
existed in

of
the

the

Interregna

ceeded, proof

could the

possibly have only

not

first

beginnings
their accounts
were

city,but
from the

could the
were

have

been

gradually developed.
that historians, authentic this

Lastly,it

appears of

contradictions taZren
And not agree

of the

details

from

tradition, but

constructed

by

them.
does

he

illustrates

by remarking,
nor

in with

note, that Livy

Plutarch
a

with who

Dionysius,
he

these

two

; and

that

Zonaras,
in Dio been said

copies Plutarch, must

says

have he

found
of

dififerent

account

Cassius,since
those
in

that

knows

other

things having
Numa but will
is not
a

respecting the interregnum.

who
do not

that Schwegler's position, and

not

believe will

in not

Romulus be puted, dis-

believe

the

interregnum,
who do

conclusive
mere

for those

believe, nor

convinces

them

that it is the

abstraction.
of

Nor the

will

they
; for

be

convinced rule the

by
most That

considering
senators

elaborateness
seems a

system

the
and
a

of ten

in turn
one

simple adopted
with
seen

contrivance
in the

enough,
of not

natural

to have should
we

been

abeyance
former
the

king.

Dionysius
after what
it

disagree

Livy
of

may

seem

extraordinary
does tory. hisof

have

already
is, that

the

nor historian,

afford But

any the

conclusive fact

argument
in

against
case

truth

the

this

they substantially agree,

and

as

Sir

George
of

Cornewall
in

Lewis
terms.

acknowledges, ^ They
makes differ

Cicero^
in the

also number

agrees,

though
the

general

only

senators, which
2 '^

Livy

100,

and

Dionysius
109.

Buch

xiv.

" 16.
De

"c. Credibility,

vol. i. p. 442, note

Rep.

ii, 12.

OF

THE

INTEKREGES.

139
Senate shall examine
tarch, Pluin Dio the is
a

200. in

The

subject of place. We
Zonaras,
who

the

number
need

of

the

we

another
or

hardly trouble
; and if the from

ourselves
latter
was

about

copies him
differed

found

Cassius
more

something
better

that

Plutarch, it
historians, for

probably
Cassius

correct

accounts
source

of the than

Latin
^

Dio

much

Plutarch.
suppose

Schwegler
suppose,

goes

on

to

that

the

annalists and the

"

meaning,
earliest

we

Fabius

Pietor, Cincius
the

Alimentus,
had

writers

of Eoman

history for

public"
as

related

the

first the

interregnum following
after the
the

only brieflyand
death of how
come

obscurely, just
related the power of

Livy
state

relates he

two

interregna. "They
Romulus the Patres

summarily,"
the the of

says,^ "how
returned
to
an

Patres,

and
was

conducted
the

interregnum, until
the
new

agreement
later in torians, hishis But

to about each

election

king.
of the

The

interpretingthe by
the
term

brief

account

annalists the
or

own as

fashion, have
in the of time the
an

patres understood
not

Senate.
the

of the

republic it was
the whole the

the

Senate,
of

patrician
whom chose

part
the later

senators, but

body
these

patricians to
and

.during

interregnum
so we

ruling
suspect

power that

devolved,

who

Interrex,
method found

may

writers,misled
term

by

the

of
in

speaking, misunderstood
their sources, and

the

patres, which
it to This
same

they

erroneously
of

referred citizens. the

the
sumption as-

Senate, instead
has

of the

the whole
less

body

patrician
has

since Livy difficulty,

made

take mis-

with,

regard

to the
um

patrum

and auctoritas,

Cicero

with

regard
have while

to the patres minor In

gentium." paragraph,
are

this very
the

modest first

all the set and

ancient for

writers

who

described
a

interregnum
these

down

ignoramuses,
are

few

German

like critics,

Becker

Schwegler himself,

alone
rates enume-

in the

right. Among
in
a

blundering writers, Schwegler

and

note

Livy, Dionysius, Plutarch, Appian, Yopiscus,

Suidas.
to

Eutrosome

pius, Sextus
of these another

Rufus, Servius,
we

The

reputation
j but
we

of will

writers to the Cicero

will

not

undertake

defend
not

add
tion. menducted con-

whom list, also is of

Schwegler opinion
For he that

has the
us :

thought

fit to
was

first
^
"

interregnum
quum

by the Senate.
senatus
.
.

tells

Ergo
ut
"

ille Eomuli rege

tentaret
.

post Eomuli
And
states
a

excessum

ipse gereret sine

:

rempublicam,"
^

"c.

few
each
2

lines
interrex

further
ruled

Quum

prudenter

Pkitarch and
six

absurdly
hours

that

only

for six lioui's of the

3

day,

of the

night.

B. i. S. 657.

De

Rep.

ii. 13,

140

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

illi principes novam rationem sine rego

From

et inauditam

ceteris

gentibus interregniineundi
rex

excogitaverunt,ut, quoad
ci vitas, nee this person diuturno view rege of consentient

certus
esset

declaratus

asset,nee

uno," "c.
best

the
to

authorities, an
that there the it is not
are a

judiced unpre-

might

be

inclined
are

suspect
And

they, but
few derations consi-

the

German

who critics,
which

in

error.

suggest that
authorities

this
were

may

reallybe
misled

case.

First, if
usage

these

by

the

following
referred

later
it to to

in their

of interpretation
of the

the

term

patres, and
it is

the

Senate

instead

whole
also

patricianbody,
been misled ; and would

only

natural in

suppose

that

they
well

would
as

have

by

later

usage with

the the

as thing itself, more

the

term

that, in
have
to But
own

accordance the

modern

custom,
death

they
of

referred whole

interreges
is at

created

after the

Eomulus Senate.
of their

the

patrician body,
account

and

not

exclusively to
with
the
a

the

here

their

variance

custom usage It

times. the

They
themselves

do

not, 6y
to the
are

construction, refer
times
of

that
is the

prevailed under
German and critics uncritical ancient

republic
which who

Eomulus.
this very

who

guilty of
are so

unhistorical

method,
; and

they infer,

ready

to

charge against
a

the

writers

that by construction, also existed

at the

practice which beginning

must time

existed

under

the

republic
between
of time the

very

of the
been

monarchy.
a

But, secondly, there

the

'have
of

vast and

difference in the in time the

patricianbody
even

in the of the

Eomulus,
Besides

republic,or
Eomulus
the

subsequent kings.
created. their

It had the

of

only just been

the

senators

themselves,
men

remaining patricianswere
severe

own

children,young paternity,were
not

who,

according to
their power

Eoman in
a a

laws

of

entirelyin
this
near

; whilst

few

generations
measure

only

would

relationshiphave body
numerous

in in

great
the

ceased,but
would here
an
we

also

the
much

patrician
more

not

included
and

Senate And

have have

become
a reason

powerful.
may

why they
the

the could

Eomulean
not It maintain will

Senate

have

asserted

authority which
the

in later be
seen

days.
we

that

here

adopt
that

view
the
was

of

ancient

writers, that the patricianbody

Eomulus.
and that

sprung

from

senators their of

created real

by
be

Our

reasons

for consist
we we

thinking
of
come

this

origin,

they

did on,

not

the

whole
of

body
the that

will citizens,

given

further

when also

to treat to

early Eoman
it is not

stitution; con-

where

hope

show

Livy

and

METHOD

OF

ELECTING

KING.

141
mistakes"
about

Cicero, but
the

the

German

who critics,
and the who those
one

have

"made

patrum

auctoritas

patres minorum
succeeded of later Eomulus

gentium.
were

Lastly, the Interreges

in become
same a

ferent entirelydifthe office at had the

character

from

times,

when

merely
a

formal
of

(though containing,perhaps,
latent

time,

sort

protest, or
purpose the of

claim,
a

in

favour
or

of

patrician
supreme death of

for privilege),

the
was

naming
of the
at

king,
be
were

other the

magistrate.
Eomulus,
to

It rule

design
any

Senate,
all ; to

after

without

king

themselves
not

kings

by
and

turns.

Properly speaking, therefore, they

term
can

Interreges;
attempt,
how critics and
neous erro-

that the

have

been

applied
them
to

to

them

only retrospectively,
that it appears

after
to

people
another

had

compelled
to

abandon
Hence
as

permit
the

king
be
to

be

chosen.

it would from

argue

backwards,
the

the

German

do,

subsequent
these

practiceto

primitive fact.
without

From of ancient in

considerations, and
we are

insistingon
is
now

the

weight
mere

testimony, which,
the

aware,

considered that
iis even

dust

scales,we

are,

nevertheless, of opinion
in its

the the

balance first
"

of

mere

is probability in the

favour, when
and created

it tells

that

Interreges were
The method
"

Senate,

by
of
a

the

Senate.

of

proceeding
to

in the the

election

king," continues
^

Schwegler,
as sius,2

was,
:

according
The

descriptionof Livy
an

and

])ionypeople,
Senate,
and the

follows after

Interrex

summons

assembly

of the the

to he

which,

previous consultation
for election the

and
:

agreement

with

proposes then

somebody
confirm

the

people decide,
Cicero

Patres

person
^

elected. the Interrex

apparently
the elected
means

relates

the

: proceeding differently

proposes

{rogat),the
person
a

Populus,
then

assembled from

in Curiate the

Comitia, elects; and

the

obtains But of

Curiae
the

imperlum, by
of

of

lex

curiata.
from that the

though Livy
both and

account

Cicero

differs

in

expression
substance.
lex curiata
so

Dionysius,

it agrees

entirely in
calls the

What
de

latter
:

call auctoritas

patrum,

Cicero
same

imperio

expressions signifythe
of the Patres consisted account the him
same

thing, in
the

far of

as

the

confirmation

in
more

conferring
had while

the

imperium.
because it also

Though
conferred when

Cicero's
that upon
we

is

correctlyconceived,
elected the
the other

clearlyshows

curiae which

king,
account
1

the

imperium;
the

(even
Lib.

correctlytake
iv. 3. De

expressionpatres
ii. 60;

of the

1. 17, 22, 32, 47;

3

Lib.

iii. 1, 36, "c.

Kep.

ii. 13, 17, 18.

142
"whole

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

if the elective as body) presents a false appearance, patrician assembly (the popuhis\ and the confirming assembly (the patres different assemblies time there audores),were ; although at that
was

still only The

"

one

kind

of
"

popular assembly
here
in

"

the
the

Comitia
accounts

Curiata. of For

false appearance

imputed
brain

to of

Livy
those

and

Dionysius, 6xist;sonly reallymeant

were

the

thfe critic. and

was

authors

that

the

assembly electing
; that

the

confirming
Comitia

assembly
the

dif event
the second Curiata
both

bodies

the

first
to

the

Curiata, and
Comitia it is
be

the Senate. elected

to

According
and
; a

Schwegler's view,
A
more

confirmed.
more

absurd

blunder
cannot
were

impossible
than It is that
on

commit

preposterous assertion
and the lex curiata the

made

the

auctoritas

patrum

identical. of

this

ground
be

that

Schwegler
that in of
a

reconciles Eut

accounts accounts

Livy

and authors
in

Dionysius
may

with

Cicero.
very

the

of these
a

reconciled which
at
"

difierent way;
critics take
care

namely, by
to

passage

Cicero
or

the

German
never

keep

in It

the
is

background,
the fama

all

events quum

quote
esse

at

full

length.
Numam

following :
auctoribics hominem

"

Quibus

praestantem
regem

Pompilium
Sabinum

praetermississuis ferret,
sibi

civibus

alienigenam patribus
ad hue

ipse populus
Curibus
eum

ascivit; eumque
accivit.
regem
^

regnandum
venit,

Eomam

Qui

ut

quamquam

populus
de
suo

curiatis

comitiis

esse

jusserat, tamen
Here
as we

ipse

imperio

curiatam
and

legem
lex

tuUt."

have

the patrum
distinct

auctoritas

curiata thinks
tmce

mentioned
it
sary necessame

separate and
to

things.

And

while have his

Cicero

explain why
Comitia would
to

!N'uma

should for

resorted

to the

body,
have
were

the he

Curiata, first certainlyhave

if thrice,

election,then
further whom
But
we we

for
he

the

im-

perium,

explained
Comitia.

why
he
will

should

gone

them

the paires
same

auctores

mentions not
enter

nothing again

else but

these

further
them

into these
in the

questions at present, as sequel.

Lewis observes
^ on

shall have

to consider

Sir G. Cornewall of

the have
is

interregnum
succeeded

"

The

form

government
and

which
to have

is recorded

to
a

the

death

of

Homulus,

lasted

for

year,
so

equally inconsistent
a

with ceivable. inconare

experience, and
The related
ten to

its duration

for

long
into

period
or

is in

quite

senators, whether
divided of themselves of

100, 150,
each
"

200

number,

have order

Decuriae
was

or

companies
determined

of

; the
1

precedence
ii. 13.

decuria

then

De

Eep.

"c. Credibility,

ch. xi. " 10.

REMARKS

OF

SIR

G.

C.

LEWIS.

143

by lot;
entire

and

each
of this the of

of

the
for

ten

senators

successively exercised
with the title senators 365
at
a

the

powers
to

king

five

days,

of Interrex.
would

According
filled in many

arrangement,

seventy-three
a

have
so

turn

regal office during

the supreme power
were

year

of

days.
time

That when

transfers

should,
in
a

all

constitutional

and

legal checks quietly made,

civilized

very

rude

and Even

inefficient
a munity com-

state,have
much

been

is than

wholly
Eome
a

incredible. could hundred

success

more

have years

been

in

the the
an

eighth century
ordeal. the A

before

Christ,

above pass

before such

of Solon, legislation

could

hardly
Tullus

with

through
occurred
between each
case

similar

interregnum
and

is related

to have

between those to of of

reigns
of
was

of !N'uma and

Hostilius, and
; but says of that in

Tullus been

Hostilius
short found

Ancus

Marcius

have

duration.
to

Dionysius
account

the

form

ment govern-

on fail,,

the

difference in

of

character
the

and

policy,in
the hands referred of
a

the

successive the
a

Interreges;
the
of annual to the

that
power

consequence

Senate
in

consulted' of

people, whether
or

should
and

be

placed
the in

king,
matter He does that

magistrates;
Senate,
state who

that

people
favour

the

back

decided would
to

king.

not, however,
this form
of

(what

ably inevit-

have
and senator the mode

happened)
to
a

government
five

led and

civil discord, ambitious

would be

successful
his

attempt
more

of.

some

powerful days. attempted

cause
:

to retain result

office for
a

than

This
as a

certain of

if such

polity were
finds another of

permanent
ance discontinuthe

government.
that that
no

Livy they

for the describes

of the
as

form inter-regal

government
a

he

people
of one,

complaining
as

had

hundred
not

masters endure any

instead

and

declaring they
us

they
of

would

king

in

whose

election Let of 365 twelve and did

had

voice."

observe, first

all,that
notorious

the

Eomulean
the

year

is said

to be of

days, though
months
not
even was

it is not

that
at Eome

astronomical

year of

introduced

till the
the year

reign

N"uma,
months

then, probably, supersede

we

of ten

in civil

afiairs, as
there had

have
can

endeavoured
no

to show about

in the

Introduction.
year, is
never

But, though
least, having
made

be
ten

doubt

the

Eomulean
allowance

at

only
critics.

months,
to

yet that

by

modern C. Lewis
as

Sir G.

proceeds
the

observe
"some

that, under powerful

in

such and

form

of

government
senator" would

interregnum,

ambitious office for

inevitablyhave

succeeded

retaining his

144
than
ancient

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

more

five

days.

Upon

which
more

we

will

observe
and there

that

here

also the

the

tradition

is much
so

consistent
a

probable than
was

modern

criticism. and

Among
could than
same

recent

people

not,
one

as

Livy

expressly says,
much
more

not

possiblyhave
rest ; and

been,
this
none was

any the

senator
as

powerful
tells be
us

the

reason,

Livy

also

in the In
"

passage,
we

why
deduct

of the Eome from

senators

had

aspired to

king.^
ascribed

fact,if
for
we

consider
a

that

had

existed

only thirty-oneyears
seven

must
"

sixth

the

thirtySabine

years whole

to
as

Eomidus it were, there vast

and to had

if

we anew

further

reflect that the

for

the

polityhad,
shall to
see

begin
not

after
time
a

invasion, we
man or

that

been

any

one

family

acquire
much
chance fortunate

possessions and
civilized than
she of aided

preponderating
would such

influence.
"A

community
a

more

Eome"

have
an or

had

much It is whose
a

worse

than

passing through by
mercenary and in

ordeal.

by

generals
that

armies,

by

men

families series

have

accumulated the

great wealth
supreme check" The after power at

influence
a

through
best

long
could

of years,

state
was

is

commonly
that Sir G.

seized.

The

"constitutional

Eome
were

the
army.
not

possibly be
himself any

devised.

people

the
were

C. Lewis

has but

shown,
a

Livy,
own

that

they

disposed to they
did
not

endure

king
as

of

their

thougli creating,
If, under
the such seized

actuallydeclare
an

so,

he

makes
could

them.^
have

circumstances,
And supreme
"

ambitioas have been

senator
a

throne,

that,indeed, would
when
we

wonder.
consuls and

reflect how
not

many

dictators
and
or

held

the

power, of

for five consuls two

or one

days, but
were

for months three

years times
was

together
over
"

for several

the

elected

four

and

yet

that, with

three of

exceptions,^no
them true to

attempt
absolute

made
or

during king, is
have

centuries not

by
that it 1
we

any

become

master
more

that,though
not

not
one

only
of

but

much indisputable,

surprising than attempted

which
a

these
is

five-day Interreges should

in the old

Truly
moderns

there
do
nemo
"

something

Eoman

character
^
"

not

quite understand.
eminebat
in
novo

Necdum

singulis, quia ;" although,

magnopere

populo, proanimos
ver-

venerant

factiones
"

certamen

regni ac cupido patrum

mdebardur aimed been

sabat."
' *

Liv.

i. 17.

"Nee

ultra nisi regem,

etabipsis creatum,
Manlius the
are

pasmri." "lAhA.
at the

17.

Sp. Cassius, Msehus, and

with

said to have
seems

But
not

respect

to Maelius

charge
the

to two.

have

regal power. unfounded, and is

entirelycertain

with

regard to

other

146

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

times

to

the
its

decision

of

the

popular assembly
to be to

even

before

it

was

made,
The

had

origin on
this

this

occasion."
seems

object of

paragraph
that the

throw

discredit

on

the the but

history by showing interregatl system. only

in of motives disliked
;

historians

diflfered in
no

opinion
of from
agrees

about

Here, however,
the

there is

question people

facU^
ever whatwith

fact is

plain, that
lovers to of

the

motive

the

government.
as

Livy, however,
jealousy
of the

Cicero
ascribe is
an

representingthe people
resistance of the
the the critic's.

royalty.^Nor
Senate. of

does

he

the

people

This
was

of interpolation of

What
"

they complained they

with

the

tyrannical nature
instead of the that the after
In of

government
very of

had

hundred

masters

which one;''^

agrees

much the

Dionysius's complaint
Cicero
also And says so,

changeable people
the note three

character not bear

government.

could

the
not

interregal government.^
very

aU,
a

authors G.

do

widely
says
"

differ.
A

Sir

Cornewall
of

Lewis in

:
"

fabulous
Aristotle this fear

account

of
A

the
us.

government
be

(Enarea,
with

Etruria, in

(Mirdb.
interregal
of

94),may

compared

the

description of

The city in question is reported, from government. under placed the government a singledespot, to have

falling
hands

in the

of

emancipated slaves, and

Contrasted
would wanted in Eomans
"

to have

changed
a
"

them word
so

every than far

year."
compared.
from for

surely have
a

been

better and

The
their

single despot ;
hands of

placing
a

government
not trust election
as

the

emancipated
senators

slaves for five

year,

would
"The

it in the of the

hands
new

of their

days. Lewis, ^
"is say

king," continues
Senate.

Sir G.
and the the

C.

described that
new

made result

by
of
:

the
a

Dionysius
between to make

Plutarch
old Eoman

it

was

the

compromise
former
were

and
the

Sabine
chosen

senators
was

the be
a

choice,but
was

person

to

Sabine.
a

The of
was

regal office
the born Sabine
on

accordingly
of

offered to Numa
the
son

Pompilius,
therefore
; and

native
He

town the

Cures, day
were

of and and

Pompilius Pompo.
was

natal
manners

of

Eome,

thirty-eightyears
he At
was

old

his

simple
his
1 2

austere to the
tamen

renowned

for his

wisdom,

and

for
to

piety
**

gods.
omnes

first with
"

philosophic
i. 17.
centum

indifference

"Regnari
Fremere
"

volebant."

Lib.

deinde

plebs,nmltiplicatam servitutem,
Senatus
. . .

pro

uno

dominos

factos."
3
"

Ibid. iUe Romiili

tentaret
non

Quum

post Romuli
tulit,"" De

excessum

ut

ipse

goreret sine rege rempublicam, populus id

*

Kep.

ii. 12.

Cbap.

xi. e. 11.
_

ELECTION

OF

NUMA

POMPILIUS.

147
at last he the

greatness he
to

declined
was

the

proffered honour
elected the

; but

yielded
and

entreaties,and

unanimously by
is which taken in the

king by auspices
Eome

Senate

the

people.
If !N'uma

The
were

ceremony

in confirmation

of this election
w^as

minutely
year he
was

described that

by Livy."
was

born

same

built, he

was

not

thirty-eight years
the Eomulean died after

old when
was

elected,but
of

only thirty-two.
ten

For

year

incontestablyone
The

months,
years,
no

and and other

Eomulus the

having reigned thirty-seven of

one

such offers

interregnum
remark.
now

lasted

year.

paragraph

subject of
We will

return

to

the

history,commencing
installation.^

with

the

mony cere-

just mentioned

of Duma's

SECTION

V.

REIGN

OF

NUMA

POMPILIUS.

When should Romulus the be

Numa

arrived

at

Rome,

he

directed

that

consulted in

by
the

augury

building
He
was

concerning his cityacquired the kingdom

conducted of
to the

gods reign,just as by taking by

an

the

auspices.
"

therefore way

citadel the he The

augur

who
a

thereafter,by
and with his face

honour,
^

obtained
"

augursat
on a

ship
stone with

as

public
head

perpetual priesthood
turned his curved
a

where south. left

seat

towards
seat
on or

the Numa's

augur, ing holdany

to

Ms in

veiled, took
hand
a

hand,

his in

right

rod

sceptre,
after

without
a

knot

it,which

is called

tituics. Then,
(No. 118),
the

prayer

Sir G. C. Lewis's does

an

note

at vol. i. p. 445

treats

of

constitutional
to which
we

point which
shall have
2

not

affect the
of

opportunity
of could
an

of credibility returning. been been

history, and
before
one

There
or

must he

course

have have We

augurs consecrated

at

Rome

the

arrival

of

Numa,
himself

not

by

besides, Romulus
passage
in
one
:

was

augur. sometimes

make
been

this

remark
as

because

another

Livy (iv.4)
"

has

quoted
means

contradictory of the
erant
:

present

Pontifices But
or

augures,
of
course

Romulo

regnante,
in the time
us

nulli

ab

Numa
was

sunt."

Livy only
augurs, in which

here

that

there

Pompiho creati no public hood, priestis consistent with

of college, passage, to Cicero

of Romulus

; which
a

the

present

he

tells

that

such

priesthoodwas
two augurs

established.
to the

According number,

(Rep. ii. 14), Numa

l2

also added

former

making

five.

148

HISTOllY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

the he and
the
some

gods, taking
marked he
out

view

over

the

city and surrounding territory,

the

and the

determined

regions from
and right, in
as

east

to

west to

called

parts
He
also
to

to

the south, determined

as

the
as

parts
a

north

left.

his

mind,

sign,
reach.

object opposite
the transferring Numa's

him

far off

the eye

could

Then,

litmcs he

to

his

left hand, and

placinghis
:
"
"

right on
Father

head,

uttered
lawful be

the that

following
this Numa

prayer

Jupiter,
head
sure

if it be should

Pompilius,
it unto

whose
us

I and

hold,

king

of

Eome,

declare

by

certain out."

signs within
Then he

those the

boundaries

which
which

I he
was

have
desired

marked
to

recited

auspices
which

be

sent

on

the

appearance from the

of

Numa

declared

king,
thus

and

descended the

temple. prepared, through

anew

Having
laws had and been

obtained
to

throne,
as

Numa

customs,

found,

it were,

the of

city which
arms.

only
that

so

recently established
be
one

by
best

force
means

He end

considered
to

it would

of the the

to

this

mitigate the fierce dispositionof

to

people by accustoming
than
war

them mind the

war was

peace,

for

nothing
this the it

tends

more

to

render Janus peace the

the
at

ferocious.
lowest
;
so

With of

view,

he
as

established
an

the of

part
that and

Argiletum,
was

index

and

when when

opened
the

it

signified that
was

city
only
after

at

war,

shut, that there

After
in the
war

peace

with it has

all the

surrounding
been the the twice end

nations.

reign
; and

of

Numa,
of T.

shut

once

consulship by

Manlius,
a

of the

first Punic reserved

again, by
the both

grace

which Csesar
sea

gods have
peace the all and of had all been after and

for

our

age,

Emperor
on

Augustus,
land

having

been

established

and

battle the

of Actium.

The

Janus, therefore, being

conciliated

shut,

surrounding peoples being

had the
to

by
this

alliances absence which

treaties, Numa
external

provide lest, in
minds of

danger,
restrained

the

citizens,
and

hitherto

by

fear in

of the

enemy

militarj^discipline,should
he

luxuriate
to

idleness.
was

Therefore

thought
fear
a

that of the and

as

the

first
"

thing

be

done

to

inspire them
all that methods age

with with
were.

gods

^the most

efficacious
as

of in

rude

uneducated
not be

multitude,

they

But

this could

impressed

upon

them

without

INSTITUTIONS

OF

NITMA.

149
tliat he it
was

tlie contrivance nocturnal her the And lunar

of

some

miracle,
the the for
was moon are

he

pretended
rites
most

had
at to

interviews he

with

goddess Egeria
sacred each
to

; that

bidding gods,
the and

instituted

acceptable
proper into

appointed thing
But and he
as as

divinity the
divide does
some
course

priests.
twelve

first

did

the
not

year

months. in
a

the

complete
of the

thirty
to

days
up

month,
year

there
to

days wanting
sun,

fill
so

the

whole

according days
the the should
sun

the

he

contrived, by interspersing intercalary months,

twentieth the
true
same
same

that and

in agree

every with

year

the of all

come

back

to

place
of he

from

which thus

they

had

started, the
At the

period
time

years the

being days

completed. fasti
that and

appointed
be with the

called

nefasti,
should

because be

it would

sometimes

convenient

nothing

transacted Then he

people.^
to the

applied
to

his mind many

creating of priests, although

rites,and
But

he

himself

performed
the warlike

sacred of

especially those
as

which that than in

belonged
a

fiamen
that

Jupiter.
be
more

he

thought
selves, them-

city there
and such be left

would

kings
take rites
a a

like Eomulus field

like
"

himself,
lest
on

they
the

would sacred he

the

occasions

discharged by regularj^"xmm splendid

curule the
ment, vest-

the of

king
and

should

unperformed,
that he the

created
wear

Jupiter, and
also

appointed
have
two

should

should

privilege of Jlamines,
Vestal
one a

the
one

royal
to

chair. other

He
to

appointed
He
at

otheY chose and

Mars,

Quirinus.

also

virgins, a priesthood that

not

had the
so

originated
state. that
;

Alba,
he

alien from

to

the

founder
money, of

of

To

these

gave

stipend holy

the the

public worship

they might
and he

assiduously
them other small the

conduct and

the

temple
vow

rendered

venerable Numa
to

by the
also built of

of

chastity, and
a

by
or

ceremonies.

himself

dwelling, lay midway

new

palace,
northern the Porta

close side

the of

Temple
and

Yesta, which
Hill, about
^

under

the

Palatine
Porta

between

Mugionis
because

That
know

this the

calendar

was

kept

secret

is
we

evident
may year

the in

people popular
went

did
use on.

not

dies

fasti
and

and

nefasti.
the

Hence
old

infer
of ten

that

the
We

old
have

calendar,
adverted

consequently
subject
in

civD

months,

to this

the

Introduction.

150 Romanula. chief

on

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

This

appears
as

to

liave been

his

official abode

as

as priest,

well

king
He

; for he had

also another

residence Mars of and

an

the

Quirinal.^

also

chose

twelve the

priests of
distinction

Gradivus, called
embroidered

Salii, giving them

over

tunic,and
should make

that carry

brazen those

breastplate ;
the
a

he

appointed that they

ancilia, and
certain verses, He then

should

celestial shields

called

processionthrough
with

singing city,
dance.
son

accompanied
as

trijmdiaand
Numa

solemn

appointed
one

Pontifex

Marcius, the
to

of

Marcus,
sacred

of

the

Fathers, and
out

delivered These

him

all the what

written rites,
on

and

sealed. which

directed

with

victims,
should
to

be

days, and in performed, and whence

expense of them.

w*hat

temples, the
money

sacrifices be taken other

the

should

defray the

And. he

subjected all

public and private,to the decrees of the Pontiff; so that the people might have somebody to consult, of the sacred law and the confusion be prevented, either through neglecting the hereditary rites or adopting foreign of the Pontiff to be confined Nor was the jurisdiction ones.
sacred

rites, both

to

celestial of

ceremonies, but funerals, and

the

was

to

extend

to

the

due

formance per-

also any

as

to

other

appeasing the Manes ; what manifested either by lightningor in prodigies, to be attended to and expiated. And were manner,
to

rites for

in order the

elicit them
an

from

the

divine

will, he

dedicated

on

Aventine

altar to

Jupiter Elicius, and

consulted

that

which to be attended to. were deity, by auguries, prodigies The minds of the people being thus turned and from arms to give their attention to these things, had war something wherewith
to

occupy
to

them be

while

the

constant

care

of the

gods, who
imbued the
of

seemed breasts

the

of

always present in human all with such a piety,that

to

affairs,
faith and fear

sanctityof
the laws and citizens

oaths

seemed

govern

them, backed
And
as

by
manners

retributive seemed
to

justice.

the

of the

form

themselves

after the

unique
had been

example of their king, so the neighbouring nations, who before thought that a camp, rather than a city, had
placed
in the

midst

of

them,
1

to

disturb

the peace

of all,now

Solinus,i. 21.

k
EGEEIA
AND

THE

CAMEN^E.

151 to

and began to respectit, towards a people that the gods. There

was
a

to think
was

it a wickedness

use

violence of

occupied in totally
Eome

the

worship
a

grove
a

near

through which

ra,n

stream

proceedingfrom
a

dark

cave.

Here

perennialfountain which burst forth Numa repairedalone, as if frequently

dedicated it to the his wife

in
to

meet

the

goddess,and

Camense, because

held there. And he Egeria were instituted a solemn worship to Faith alone; and bade the and perflaminesrepairto her temple in a carved chariot, form covered as far as the fingers, the service with the hand their councils with
to show

that faith
seat in the

was

to be

observed, and that it had

He also

secrated con-

righthand.

many

other

and sacrifices,

cated appointedand dediplacesfor performingthem,

which

the gTeatestof all his call Argei. But pontiffs of peace throughout his reign. the preservation works was two Thus kings in succession contributed, in different ways, : one to the augmentation of the city by war, the other by Numa reigned forty-three years, accordingto Livy peace. and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and thirty-nine accordingto Cicero and Polybius.^ the Cicero adds^
to

the

above

account, that

Numa

divided

had the people the lands which Eomulus among he instituted the sacred rites which that he made be

conquered
to

difficult to be

learnt, from
tend
to

the
account

number

of

observances,but

performedon
would

of their the

cheapness:
and

both

easy which

things
of the

enhance the

character

influence

by priesthood,
the inducement rites. The games,
same

mystery

in which

it involved

them, and by
kets, marmen

which

it offered to the

peopleto perform the

also instituted the

and

authority says that he other opportunities for

bringingof

together.
Eemarks.
of
"

The

and pacific, inert, which his

to

ITuma, the matters, religions

afforded the best
1

attention and

handle

shadowy character almost to exclusively with reputed commerce Egeria,have the sceptical critics for attacking the
he directs
2

somewhat

Cic. De

Rep. ii. 14.

i\^^^^

162

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

early Eoman
there the chief which

and history,

for

to it, as attributing

well of

as

to Numa

himself, a mythical character. reallywas

space
reason
a

"We

are

nevertheless and and the that his Tullus

opinion

that

king
that

of that of

name,

reign occupied
Our of

between

Romulus
"

HostUius.

for this

opinion

besides

constancy
to

tradition,
of

in the
"

i^ign of Numa,

or

began directlyafter,
the the the Romans in

be fortified the age

by

record

is the

improbability that
erected have

in

Tarquinius Superbus, who

should predecessors, the
two

forgotten

Capitol statues of all hia kings who reigned during

as

preceding centuries,including
if the

Romulus is not
a

their

founder. that fore there-

Further,
the Romans
a as

history were
have of

it fictitious,

to

be believed

would

invented

Numa,
Sabine

Sabine

king, and
not If

strong proof
the founder

enduring
would

influence,if
the
"

tion, dominahad
fessedly con-

of their

institutions. religious doubtless

"

the

libertyof choice, they

written from Roman the
;

as

they had historyis

selected

Roman

point
been

of
to

view the
as

have

for the

this purpose whole this

as

and, according
have

hypothesis that
easy

is

myth,

it would IN'uma.

just
Numa

for

them

to do

to invent

Schwegler
this has which he the

indeed

remarks
not
so

^ :

"If

appears of

as

Sabine, worship
of It

its motive

much this
no
"

in the
as, for

character

the

established,since
"c. Salii, done
a
"

example,
renowned for the
was as

the

worship
for its of
a

Vesta,
was

is

by

means race

peculiar to
was

the

Sabines.

rather

because Sabine

the Sabine seemed he

reason

piety,
as

and

therefore

best

suited

part
much

Numa."

But, if the worship which

established for the

a

Roman

Sabine,
Roman
race a was

that

was

further

myth
was

to have

preferred a
because that had

for its founder.

And

if

Sabine the the

selected had

conspicuously pious,
ruler in

then

Romans

already
have

Sabine

King

Tatius

; and

myth
of

might
a

fathered

the

institutions
in

upon

him,
was

without second

perpetuating King

Sabine

dynasty.
it
was

But,
the the

truth, Numa
of the His
no

the

Rome,

because

turn

Sabine

part of the populationto be represented on

accidental
a

throne.
;

piety is only a secondary and

doubt him. it Nor

ation considerwith the

though
to

might
do

have
we

been

motive the

Romans

elect

think

that Numa

objections
been him
to

brought against the historyconclusivelyprove all the institutions a mythical person, or even
have been false. These

to have

established

by

objectionswe
1

shall
1.

now

proceed

to examine.

S. 522, Anm.

154
and ceremonial

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

law.
.

In

this

are

included is

all his acts, his

whole

For personalexistence. of all individuality.The

was

the rest he

quitea shadowy being, void

this

myth
same

indicates This

by saying that
more

Numa

grey

from

his
as

childhood.
the the
'

trait is the

remarkable

and

instructive
as

who,
We

founder

of

Tages ; thing is said of the daemon Etruscan ig quite an analogous discipline,

critical

to Numa.". figure

judgment of an author who can assert that Tages -is quite an to Numa. Tages is a analogousfigure his precepts, boy ploughed up in the fields, who, after delivering
may well doubt the vanishes
as

suddenly
is
a

as

he

had
man,

appeared ; Numa,
who has gone

when

elected
a

King
course

of of

Eome,

mature

through
many the

long
over

education

and

and discipline, the

at
new

reigns

years

the Numa and of

Romans. founds

Tages founds nothing new

honour

discipline of only

Aruspices
ceremonies The

all,but

establishes

priesthoods in
Numa's

of

gods already existing.

story

early greyness is found only in Servius;^ mentioned historians,and is probably an absurd by the Roman exaggeration. but his religious acts,we Why nothing is attributed to Numa
shall consider
"

it is not

further of
a

on.
"

The

idea the

as

forms

founder," continues Schwegler, such religious in its groundwork of !N'uma's character,is,especially

the age almost oldest with which
we are

to application

concerned, nations,
Latins.
a

an

utterly
rites found the
can

unhistorical and usages

and
are

childish

representation.Religious
of and
are

the

hereditaments
no

in the first dawn

of

history:

single individual Sabines, or

of

has

founded

religion of
be in believed
an

the

Umbrians,

the

Still less

it

that, as

is related

Numa,

lawgiver should, single

and founded the whole

form And modern

alreadyexistingstate,have of religious worship."

yet
there
are

introduced

instances introduced

of

thisand

having

been

done the

even

in form
;

times.

Luther

established of the

whole

of the Lutheran and the founders Mahomet

worship ; Calvin, that

of the Church of founded
not to

Church Presbyterian
that
as

England,
as

of the

Anglican
of the

Church.
Mahometan All
an

the substance

well and

the forms

religion ;
of have

speak of
founded

Moses the

the Jewish

religion.
have had persons.

forms

religiousworship,
been
1

even

oldest,must
person
or

origin,and

by
vi. 809.

some

Ad

Mn.

I
NUMA
AS A

RELIGIOUS

FOUNDER.

155

character of its nation,and, from the mixed have population, must required some lawgiver of this kind. not a Eomulus, as Schwegler shows, was particularly religious
was
a new

Eome

person

nor

would

his

frequentwars

and

the

pressing necessity
of the state have is it true

of

the regulating him much is

civil and time

militaryconstitution
have founded

allowed

for the aiEFairsof

religion. JS'or
of Greek

that Numa

supposed to
must

the whole form

religious
other
ones

worship.
deities established

There

have

been

forms for those

; and

and Sabine

established by already

Romulus

for those

by

Tatius

on

the

Quirinal.

I^Tor were

the forms

duced introtell
us

as by Kuma altogether Schwegler himself will new, immediately. "The legend of ^N'uma," proceedsthat author, "is further

refuted the these found from of

by

the

consideration. following
and

Had

Xuma

established really ascribes to where

observances
must among

institutions which

tradition
;
or

him,
them

have

been

other

to the Romans peculiar these nations must nations,

they are
or

have among

borrowed
one

the Romans. the

two
races

Now

they

are

all found

the

other

composing
proof, and
derived them the

the

Roman is not the

incapable of
of the
to have
races

indeed from

nationality, although it is even probable,that either

Thus Numa
is said

Romans.

established

Vestal
common

virgins.
to

But

worship of Yesta, and appointed the the worship of the goddess of the hearth
and Sabines
most ; and

first
was

to the Latins

the

earliest and
race

beginning; it widely disseminated worship of

the

from

the very

longs bethe

whole the

Italo-Hellenic

oldest

whether service second

on

priesthoods of the Rome was a colony

should Sabine
must ;

priesthood of Vesta was one of Latins. It is, therefore, incredible,

of the been Alba

Longa
at

or

not, that the

Rome

of Vesta

have
on

introduced

by

the

king,

the had

the Palatine hearth

have

contrary,the originalsettlement this worship, and have possessed a

manner

common

of the

city.

In like of the

the institution and

of the
are

Salii,and
ascribed been

the establishment

Pontifices

Plamines,

to l!^uma ; but

all these

old Latin
at

institutions ; and Tusculum. of

Longa,
Romulus. whom of the

Tibur, and
the But

priesthoodscan found at Alba Salii especially are It is further said,that Numa

in

be shown

to have

established

worship Quirinus

Quirinus
was
was

honour

of

the

deified

appears

before

King Tatius erects Sabines, and his

altars ; he

this among the gods to ancient national deity an

worship

certainlyolder

than

the

156
foundation of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Rome. Numa

The is

same

may
to

be

said have

of

the

worship
an

of

Terminus,

which another

related

introduced;
of the times The

while,
Fetiales

according to
founded
a

Tatius tradition,

had

alreadybuilt
institution ancient 'stock.

altar and

chapel
to

to that

the god. Lastly,

it
was

is attributed
to all the

Numa,
be

though
of the

from

common

Italian

peoples King

Latin- Sabine all these

opinion, proceeded
all probability,

must therefore,

abandoned of

that Eome.
on

institutions

from

the

second the

Rather, according
the

to

original settlers Quirinal,

with
must

Palatine, and

the
one or

first immigrants the other into

on

the

have and been

brought
the
a

the

of the and

these Roman

worships

them,
have

amalgamation
work of

of them

must religion

gradual
Numa

mediation

reconciliation." agrees with what

we

This
so

have the make

already said, that

Roman him

was

not

entirely the
whose

founder

of is to
are

religion as
appear,
on

is asserted

by
a

those

object it
We while have
was

that

account,

mythical person.
a

of

opinion, however,
all these different in this way.

that it did not

take

very

long
may

to reconcile

Numa
no

done
not

great deal

worships,and that Paganism, having

dogmas,
all. first It

shocked

by

of rites, but easily admitted variety

them The

part
does

of the
not

paragraph just quoted

follow that the
to peculiar must

contains

palpable
JS'uma

fallacy.
found

institutions the

which and when

established must
are

have

been

Romans,
been

they
from
;

among

other be
true

nations if Numa The

was

have

borrowed

them. but
were

This

might
His

had

invented

these he

institutions established
a

nobody
not
new.

says that

he

did.

worships
the in

which

great work

establishment

of

hierarchy ment appointwhom he

to

superintend the religiousservices

of

general,and
of those

the

regular priests for

these, it is
not

the whom

service he

deities
at Rome. may

found

or already established,

introduced,
that Numa
was

Among
the
as we a

incredible If that
even more

have Latin
as

duced introwell

worship

of Yesta.

worship
Latin
was

Sabine

institution,and
to show

than of the

Sabine, yet, as
Greek

have

endeavoured
not

that

Romulus

descent,
of his would life of his instihe

this may

affect the

question.
was

Besides, in
a

early part
to

reign
not

at

least,when
been much

there

such
to

dearth any
in

of women, of them the

or

have

inclined
was

devote truth
reverence

chastity. Nor,

if there

any

scandal

about the

mother, might he have

felt much

likingfor

WORSHIP

OF

VESTA.

157
in
"

tution.
near

Moreover, Schwegler
connexion of the
Flamen
"

himself

shows

note^

that

the is the

Quirinalis
with
may

whose

institution

universallyattributed probabilitythat Thus,

sacred added offered Flamen the
as

to I^uma

the have

Yestals, strengthens
been Flamen his To and instituted

the

latter

also

by
that
may

him.

Schwegler
the

points out,
to

it is the

Quirinalis who
house which the be who of the from

accompanies
that the

Yestals of Vesta's
was

Ca^re,and
are

it is in buried.^

utensils it

temple
Flamen the

the
at

Quirinalis

the

Yestals

sacrifice

Consualia.^ Yestals
or

The have

connexion arisen
as

Quirinalis with city, was nothing

the

may

either

reputed origin of Eomulus, city.

to the purpose

because

Eomulus,
the

the founder hearth of

of the the

necessarily connected
to show

with

public
of

It is
and

that the of the

at

worship Eome,
the and

Quirinus
the but

Terminus,
may

and have
;

the

institutions elsewhere
is not

Salii, Pontifices,and
before invented

Flamines,
time

existed he

than
to

of I^uma
to

since

said

have

them,
tells
^

only
that much

have

established
were

them.
not for
a

And, making

indeed,
l!luma

circumstance
very sonage, persort

these

institutions
the

original,but

copied,
a

against
and

argument
him

mythical

shows

only

careful, plodding, commonplace

of

king.
*'

The

Koman

tradition,"continues
that the

Schwegler,
these but
is

"

shows
to

by
Xuma

its

inconsistencies
rests not
on

attributing of
historical introduction of

institutions
a

any

certain The

grounds,
the
to to

mere

inference

from

probability.
is not to

Fetial

ceremonies, for
but

instance,
writers motive the

universally
different ascribed the that
not

attributed others

l!^uma,
Ancus The founder

by

some

TuUus

Hostilius, by
accounts

Marcius. introduction of the

The of

for these
was

is clear.
as

institution

to I^uma

the

Eoman
on

sacred

law,
to

of which

Fetial
so

law

formed

part.

Others,
who

the
never

contrary, considered
went war,

peaceable a prince as Numa,

have forms introduced for the

would

institution
war,

of

the his

and Fetials,

regulated

the

declaring
From both

but

rather

warlike

successor,

Tullus the

Hostilius.
account to
was

these

considerations
to

together proceeded
Numa
1

which

attributed
a a

them between
to

Ancus that of

Marcius, who, according

and

Livy,* had
therefore
2

temper

Tullus, and
2.

likely person
40
.

institute

S. 554, Anm.

j^i^ Lib.

y^

YslI. Max.

i. 1, 10.

Above,

p.

71, seqq.

"*

i. 32.

158
warlike

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

liOME.

ceremonies. which and

to

There

is the

same

variance
to Numa

ahout and

the

worship
to

of Vesta,

is sometimes about those the

attributed of

sometimes which and of

Eomulus,
ascribed

institution

the

augurs, Numa

is also
times some-

both is

kings; whilst
with

sometimes

Tatius The
same

representedas introducingthe worship good

of

Quirinus.
The duction introto

also holds of the year

respect
months of the

to

Terminus.

twelve division proper the

is ascribed Roman

by others

Tarquinius Priscus
or

; the

into territory Servius

tricts dis-

pagi
the

with

their of

to magistrates,

Tullius,as
certain tions institu-

well these

as

founding
to

trade did
not

guilds. Tradition,in referring

do the
so on

institutions

Numa,

precise and
of these

historical

evidence, but only because

to suit the

character

seemed It may any N'uma

on

general idea formed

of Numa."
was

be

asked

why, if the author

founder him

reallythought that there

have Roman the
were

weight in these
as so

he should objections, of the with

before

represented
even

entirelythe
have

and religion,

that account If
some

compared

supernatural Tages ?
referred
to to !N"uma
on

of the institutions of his

mentioned is

account

general
was no

character,that
in
a

enough

show

what

his

generalcharacter
may suffice.
was

; and

matter

of such

It is

fatal

objection that the

Roman
not

this high antiquity of his originof some

institutions that On has the

an

disputed by
hand,
we

antiquaries. In what
such
matters

country
the chief

ancient

history have
do
not

been
was

disputed?
system, and

other

find it doubted

that he

founder the
most

of the Roman

and priesthood, Roman sacred in

may
was

of the sacerdotal law. These

are

only founder

of the

his chief and it is of

a

and important characteristics, whether and

was

comparison of them
not

little moment ceremonies law in there

he

may

or

have founder

introduced of the
must

few

worships.
indeed least down and attested

That

he

the

religious
been

documentary
to

evidence, which
Gallic

have

existence it out

at

the

conflagration ; for he had

it into the
must

written the

it,and
the

delivered
document

custody of
lasted
at

chief

pontiff. Yet, though

is

this

have

centuries, it
show
an

denied

that

early Roman
there

historywas
was

all
to

supported by documentary
that Numa ! about the than
was

evidence, that

anything
even

not

mythical

personage,

and

his

name

invention

But,
has
a

even

institutions

in

question, more

contradiction
appears to be

been

imputed

reallyexists.
Cicero and

Although

there

between discrepancy

Livy, respectingthe origin of the

p
FETIAL LAW.

J 59 it referring
to Tullus

declaration

of

war

the by Fetiales,

former
^

the latter to Ancus Marcius ; yet Livy does not contradict Hostilius, ^ that The Fetiales which as Schwegler intimates. himself, ^ historian introduces in the reign of Tullus Hostilius not emare ployed in declaring war, but in making a treaty. Livy,in the preceding the Eomans and Albans as going to war chapter, represents without any previousdeclaration : and the Fetiales are ployed only emthe the to draw conditions be to treatycontaining up imposed by the result of the combat between the Horatii and the Curatii. It is very likely, that ISTuma, as Dionysiusand therefore, Plutarch state,* have introduced Fetial laws,though they did may
not

extend

to the

case particular

of

war declaring

circumstance

which

for he made treaties, reign, agrees with his peaceable many wars.^ the in Fetial he made monies cereno though Livy, describing limits them to the Marcius,expressly declaration of war.^ But it is inconceivable, if the institution had been altogether its new, that Livy should not have also mentioned other and more functions. The declaration of war was peaceable the functions of to the only something superadded already existing of their previousexistence is evident Fetiales. That Livy knew from his mentioning them under the reignof Tullus ; and there is, him with contradicting himself in no therefore, ground for charging This gradual the course of a few pages. development of the Fetial contributed throw to some over obscurity law, moreover, may have the Fetials Cicero the its origin and for first employed finding ; in the war under Tullus, time for Numa made no wars between concluded Eome and Alba, may have inadvertently that they had If there is any truth in these remarks,then their originthen. Schwegler'singeniousinvention of a motive for these different introduced

by

Ancus

"

"

accounts falls to the The

an
1 2

ground.
the foundation

about controversy
one.

of the

Temple of

Vesta

was

idle

Cicero and

Livy,the two

best authorities for the

early

Cic. De

Rep.
24.

S. 555, Anm. Ibid.

c.

ii. 17 ; Liv. i. 32. 2.

3 *
5

Dionys.ii. 72
"Quum
"

; Plut.

Num.

12. finitimorum societate

ac

omnium Liv. i. 19.

circa

foederibus junxisset

animos."
^
"

in pace religiones bellicse a se tamen, quoniam Numa instituisset, cserimonise proderentur gererentur solum, sed etiam indicerentur bella ; nee fetiales habent, aliquo ritu ; jus ab antiqua gente ^Equicolis, quod nunc Ut

descripsit, quo

res

repetuntur." Lib. i. 32.

"

160

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

historyof Rome,
nameless

both

affirm that it

was

founded

by

Numa.^

Some

writers,indeed, without
from the from

consulting any
as

evidence, inferred
was was

merely
have

presumption Alba, and

examined
,

that,
the

Romulus of Vesta
; but

reputed

to

sprung

as

worship
it at Rome

established who

there,he
appears

must to

have

introduced this

Dionysius,
than he And

have

question
and them

with
^

more

usual adduces

calls diligence,
as a

their

writings empty
not

foolish.

conclusive
; which

argument against
stood within

the situation of Roma

of the

Temple
or

of Vesta the

the walls could

Quadrata,

original Romulean by
Romulus. credit of the
one

city,and
"No such

not, therefore, have

be
as

been

founded the real of

argument, then, can

a

adduced

against
is
no

history from
than

variation
an

this,which

; any

more

it would

be

argument
should

againstthe truth
the K'orman

if English history, Conquest. The diflference about

arose, of
as

some

writer silly

deny
by
in

the

augurs

being
doubt

instituted

Romulus
a

or

Numa

we

have There
was

already shown, merely

were no

from

hension misappretime
a

terms.

augurs

the

of

Romulus
or

; but

it

I^^uma
same

who

first formed may be

them
to
an

into the

college,
him

priesthood.
Quirinus.
old Sabine
more

The

answer

made

objection
to
as

about
an a

Tatius
^

may

have
was

consecrated JSTuma
a

altar

deity ;

yet it

who

first made
to

his

worship
to

regular service,dedicated appointed

with
to which
on
a

temple
How

him Romulus

{cedes Quirini),
came

and

Flamen is

Quirinalis. quite
no

be
a

identified

Quirinus
we

another But

question,and
there
are

involves

mystery

have

clue.

is

no

diflference of And
son

opinion
Mars.

this may

point ;
have also

all the from be

authorities Romulus

unanimous.

perhaps it
Quirinus.
Tatius that have

arisen

being reputed the

in the tells
same us

of
as

Terminus It
was

may
an

placed
Varro with

category
vowed
it
was

only
to
was

altar,as

that {loc. cit.),

more

dedicated it

this
on

deity ; and,
the order
to

several But

by
to

monarch,
been
we

Capitoline Hill.
make
more room

when

exaugurated, in
find that Now it
was

for the
an

Capitoline
was

Temple,
then the
1

something
tells

than

altar ; it

fanum*

fanes, Varro
in the

us,^ must
there

be consecrated
were no

by

and Pontifices,
Cic.
vvfp
"

reign of
i. 20.

Tatius

Pontifices.

De "v

Eep.
01

ii. 14 ; Liv. alrias

ovk

rets

kli\TaK6riSKa\ws,

eiKaiorepai

e^TjveyKavTO rds

ypa(pds.
3 ^
"

Lib.

ii 64.
v.

Varro, Ling. Lat.

Aves iu Termini

74.
non

fano

addixere.

"
"

Liv.

i. 55.

'^

Linoc. Lat.

vi. 64.

162
Floras is

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

describing
means

the
"

centuries
as

instituted

he only by collegiis

indeed

by Servius ; Schwegler himself seems

smiths

and
to

suspect in
to the

note

"

the
not

centuries trades
no use

of carpenters and
as

attached

army,

and have

such of

or dyers,or goldsmiths, potters, war.

who

would thus

been

in

And

Ihe

accounts

of

Numa's

civil institutions

are

not

more

than contradictory "If

we

those

of his

institutions. religious
"

subtract,"continues
which and religious which he
as

history of Numa,
of his institutions before ascribed his
to

Schwegler, from almost wholly consists

all regulations, have those

the of

traditional
an ration enume-

civil

cannot
as

founded,
and
a

since

worships and they existed

tradition has
mains re-

time,
him

well

those

regulations which
idea of is

merely
but of the the

from

combination

inference, there
of

nothing
even

abstract second

religiousfounder;

and

this

idea

king

undoubtedly
been

mythical

origin."
The main that from him would idea
to

gist of
there him.

this
are

paragraph
many
we

has

showing

not

institutions do
not see,

alreadyanswered, by that can be fairly judicated abeven

But

if

we

should that

prive de-

of the but

greater part
"

of

them,
idea."

how And

it follows
to ascribe

nothing
are

remain
a

an

abstract
to

this abstract it that

myth

seems

be

to

assigntwo

origins for
to

wholly incompatible.
"

In

its other of

traits

also,"Schwegler proceeds
proves which itself
no a

"

say, unbroken

the

dition tra-

of

King l^uma forty-three years,

out

fiction.

An

peace
to
a

break, king
"

of
a no

reverence

for the peace

neighbouring people godly reign of so pious

undisturbed

ventures

and
a

just

such but

period of

and

equity

is

beautiful age of

dream,

if violence,

history. It is the more Numa the successor was really

Komulus. Numa's trait which

incredible of the with

in

that

warlike

and

quest-loving con-

marriage
alone

the Egeria justifies that real this tory. his-

same

conclusion Koman

portionof
The
consort

historyis
of Numa

still half is
no more

sufficiently proves mythology, and not

liistorical than

person

that

of his

Egeria."
is
a

There authors

difierence it at

about

the

length
some

of Numa's
at

reign.

Some and if

place

forty-three years,
omnia tabulas
"

thirty-nine ;

ordinata rumque domus

ut respublica, discrimina in

patrimonii,dignitatis,setatis,artium,
refen-entur,
Lib.
ac s.

officio-

sic maxima 3.

civitas

roinimae

diligentiacontineretur."

c.

6,

PEACEFUL

REIGN

OF

NUMA.

163

these

sums

be

reduced

by one-sixth, they
we

will

be

respectively
even

and thirty-six

thirty-three. And
it may

are

of

opinion that
at peace

then

the

length
a

of

have

been

exaggerated.
have
remained
even

That

peaceablesovereign may
does
not
seem

for

some

thirtyyears
The

impossible,nor
the

highly improbable.
been careful
a

Eomans,
for his

mindful Sabine

of

reign
an

of
un

Tatius, had
warlike

to

choose

successor

monarch,
himself
in

sort

of

King
about without The

Log,
his

who

they
to war,

knew altars.

would James he had

employ
II. much
to

pottering
years to him

priestsand going
to

reigned twenty-two provoke

as

though
at

it.

situation

of Rome
peace.

l!^uma's warlike
on

accession
prowess

was,

Livy
Yeii

tells us, had been

or

favourable made reduced

a

The

of

the

Somans had

strong impression
to

their
was

neighbours.
to

beg
of at

peace,

which years.

last

one^hundred
most

years,

eighty-threeastronomical neighbours
established inclined
to

The
a

Sabines, the portion

This

dangerous
own race

the

Romans,
under
war a

seeing
Sabine

of their
not

Rome,
a

king, would
motive Tullus
had

have continued

been
to

initiate

against her.
late
go
as

operate with them

whom

even

as

the
war

reign of
till

with Hostilius, secured Rome.^

they
Tatius

chose had
even

not

to

to

they

foreign
The

aid, as
Latins
a

planted
have

part of their
them of the and

own

force at

might
the

regarded the risingcitywith

the Etruscans

as satisfaction,

bulwark

interposed between
Latins

Etruscans. is shown

The

fear the

which

entertained

by
of

speech
combat
two

of the Alban

to Dictator,Fuffetius,

the Roman

king, TuUus
issue
the

Hostilius, previouslyto
between cities should
that

the and

treaty respecting the

Curiatii ; and rather than the

the Horatii be
^

proposal that
to
an

the

amalgamated
And JN^uma

exposed
treaties

attack

from

quarter.
at

strengthened

all these with

favourable the
rounding sur-

conditions

his

accession

by concluding
not

cities.^
The Such fable of

Egeria
of his

does

invalidate

the

of personality with the belief would this partem lend

Numa. of the rity authowe are

beings were supernatural

commerce

in accordance with it
suarum

age ; the notion

to
^
"

the
was

gods
with

his

and holy institutions;

parum
rem

view,
Romse

Sabini, baud
et Romanam et

luemores

et

virium

ab

Tatio cir-

locatam,
2

nuper

etiam
"

adjectionepopuli
i. 30.

Albani

auctam,

cumspicere
Liv.
"

ipsiexterna
omnium

auxilia."

Liv.

1. 23. circa finitimorum societate

ac

Quum

foederibus

junxisset

animos.""

Liv. i. 19.

m2

164

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

told, that the

US

fable

was

invented. received his

So,

as

Schwegler
from Zeus

himself
in
a

tells
cave,

further

on,

Minos from the

laws

Lycurgus
from
on

his

Delphic god, and

the

Pythagoras
If
we

his

precepts history greater

the

Delphic priestessThemistocleia.
we

rejectthe reject
all Eoman
were

this account, of

might
the

on

same

grounds
Romans

the

part
Down

all ancient
to
a

history,and
the

of especially

history.
directed,or
the

late

period

affairs of the visible

means.

supposed
manifested It must
more

to be

directed,by
augury and

of interposition

gods, as
Numa Eoman
to

by
be

other

acknowledged, however,
and
seems

that those

the

reign of

is

shadowy
It fact that the
no

unsubstantial

than

of the

other may Rome. the

sovereigns.
the have their

probable
the

that the

this characteristic

be due

priestswere
have

historiographersof
and
to
an

They
of
a

doubt

exaggerated by heaven,
do
not

virtues

concealed

defects rather
as

founder, and
sent

endeavoured than
as

represent

him

lawgiver
dictates around

ordinary prince ruling by

a

the

of

worldly policy. But, though

we

halo

may

be

thus

flung

him,

think

that it conceals

his real

or personality,

invalidates
to him
"

the fact that

the greater

part

of the institutions

ascribed

were

reallyhis.
the

That
a

reigns
certain

of the of

first two

kings," continues
from the makes Xuma.
was

Schwegler,
later

"

form

peculiarorder
in
a

things quite distinct

with the death

history,
first first

is shown "aeculum secular

manner

by tradition, which
of of the

the The

of

the

city
minutes
we

end

festival after the

to

expulsion
of the back second

kings

cording celebrated,aca.u.c.

the

Quindecemviri,
the saecula is sseculum and

in

298.
^

If

from then year

this the
was,

point

reckon of the
to

at

110

years 78
; and

each,
this after Numa
was

beginning
death
=

a.u.c.

according
77 of the
to

Polybius
37

Cicero, the Interregnum

year

first year
1

iNTuma's 39 the
was

; viz. Romulus years.

years.

year,

years

Consequently,the
first sseculum. of Rome's doctrine with The

of Duma's

death

last year born

on

the

old

that tradition, the

same

Numa

day
the

foundation, has
of the the Etruscan of him had death

meaning.
first of all that the

For, according
saeculum
were

Rituals, the who,

of
on

city
the

ended

born Thus

day

of its

foundation,
this
two

attained
seems

greatest
to

age.

Kuma's

death between

forms, as

tradition

point
his

out, the
^

boundary
are

epochs.
De Die Nat.

And,
c.

in

truth, with

As

they
Sec.

given by Censorinus,

17 ; and

also by Horace,

Carm.

I
death the world We have

ARGUMENT

FROM

THE

LUDI

SiECULARES.

165

and the halfpurely mythical period of Eome expired, the dawn of history, historical period, begins; while on the other hand the first two kings the one the son of a god, the other the husband of a goddess evidently belong to a different order of the
"
"

than the

common

one."

this paragraph in the alreadyhad occasion to examine and need it therefore dwell upon not IntroductoryDissertation, here. The calculation is !N"iebuhr's,^ and is founded, as have we well as a very palpablemistranslation, as shown, on a misinterpretation, of Censorinus. the The

story of Numa's
asserted

having
Plutarch fable ;
^

been
and and

born

on

day

Eome

was

founded, as

by

accepted
all this

is doubtless and Schwegler, a by Niebuhr ingeniouscalculation falls to the ground when

it is considered

that

the Romulean
if born
as

year

consisted

of ten

months, that I^uma

stated,was thirty-two years old when if we take the years reign,and consequently, even astronomical only seventy-one at the time years, was
And
if it should
on

therefore, he began ta of his rfeign as

of his death. is to
be

be

said that

the

year

of ten and
we

months

carried

beyond

the

reign

of Eomulus,

of the then
on we

in a.u.c. games that no further remark

298,

which

bration beyond the celewillinglyaccept,,

can

calculation at all

be

founded

were which, in spite of their name, Sseculares, intervals. celebrated at very irregular And thus, too, the ingenious surmise that tradition pointed to death as forming the boundary between Duma's two epochs,also falls to the ground. Though so far we Schwegler,that agree with after this periodtradition became more steady, as being supported by contemporary record. which We need not enter into Schwegler'sseventh section, cerns con-

the

Ludi

IS'uma's intercourse

with

Egeria ;

here thrown, so new no alreadysaid enough, and on which is concerned. of the history far as the credibility or incredibility The In the following section Schwegler says : old tradition made of Pythagoras. That, for chronological ]!S[uma the disciple reasons,
"

subjecton lightis

which

we

have

1 2

E(5m.

Gesch.

i. 254, fi". says that he

a

58) Dionysius (ii.

throw his birth received

was

not

far from

fortywhen

elected,which

would the

calculation.

year or The

two
same

before the foundation author would

of Rome, on even that he lived (ii. 76) eighty saj'-s him

at thirty-seven

years and

which -three, reignedforty

make

his

sion, acces-

short of the age of Rome. a year 21)also giveshis reign at fortyLivy (i. have died in the year of Rome three years ; and he would, therefoi*e, 81.

16G
this could
can

HISTOKY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

KOME.

not

have

been

so,

was

no

secret

to the

later Romans

wo

therefore
"

only ask, how

then devotes
we

the

existence

of this tradition

is to be

explained1 Schwegler
into
mere

four

or

five pages follow

to
as

this it

explanation;
to

which, however,
waste

shall not seek

him,
reasons

seems

be

of tiijie to what is

conjectural

for ancients

the
as

possible
well
as

origin
The with the

of

universally admitted, by
a

moderns,
the

to have

been

mistake. in this paragraph is that Schwegler, noticing attributes of damaging the early histoiy, tradition" ("die alte Sage"). In support misconstrues toXq Plutarch.
avro

only pointworth
view of
course

mistake

to the

"old
even

of this

he assertion,

That

author

says

"3oT" (Tvyyrwfxriv Tifiov/jievotg

txtiviroXX^v
ctti

tig to

Ylvdayopff. No/iav0t\o-

avydyeiv
One should

renders into
zu

"

personalrelation

ofwioTrjaiK^ Which Schwegler tradition if has it pardon brought Numa der Sage with Pythagoras miisse es (" man
roeravrait
"

gut halten, wenn

and he

sie den

Numa
; when

Pythagoras gebrachthabe")
or

personliche Verbindung mit Plutarch only says, those persons

section

in

writers

concludes of time

the

by saying
to
or

that have

we

may arisen

assume

the

tradition the

Numa's of the

Pythagorismus
Samnite Numa's

in

Rome the

about

War,

at

all events
a.u.c.

before

pretended discovery of

writings in
insert
to

573

181). (B.O.
Before Lewis

examining
upon him of

this
as

subject, we
follows
as a

will

what the

Sir

G.

C.
ception conwas

says

it,

i^
"

"Owing
and

popular
man,
was

(I^uma)
the scholar

philosopher
than Asia
an

wise fame

he

representedas
more

of
in

Pythagoras,whose
Italy
and that Minor. of

less doubtother
seems

widely spread

Thales This

and belief
was

ancient
to have

philosophersof
been

Greece Rome and

prevalent at
Fabius

from other

earlytime, and
ancient

less doubtIt
was were

recognised by
embodied in the forward
B.C.

historians.

forged
as

books

of ]S"uma's

religiouslaws, which
in his tomb end
on

brought
culum Punic
came

having

been

found

the

Jani-

in 181 War.
to

about

twenty years
time

after the

of the

Second

When,

however, Polybius and assigned

that the
to

other

careful with have

historians date of

compare

the

Numa

the lived

Pythagoras,they perceived
a

must disciple

above

century and
false.
1

half before anachronism

22.

the master, and is

2

therefore
were

that that

the

story
I.

was

The
Num.

as

if it

said

James

Plut.

"c. Credibility,

vol. i. p. 449, seqq.

I
NUMA AND PYTHAGORAS.

167

derived from

his maxims

of government

from Adam

Smith, or Henry

IV.

Montesquieu, As this legend could not have arisen tillthe and the fact of his being contemporary with the age of Pythagoras, last king, or with the first years of the Republic, had been forgotten, can we hardlysuppose it to have been much earlier than the capture of Rome by the Gauls."
Now
assumes,

let

us

remark

the

inconsistencies that tradition, of

of this statement.

It

that the true first, with the been

last

Pythagoras was
was

porary contem-

King

Rome,

must

have

before the forgotten

B.C.

which been

happened in

390 j or, in

expelledin B.C. 510, capture of Rome by the Gauls, other words, that it must have

who

It assumes, in less than 120 years. that forgotten secondly, which before B.C. 390, must have survived arose the/aZsetradition, books of Numa the pretended till B.C. 181, when were found, that
"

is,for
course,

periodof
is not

more

than Sir G.

two

centuries ! Lewis's his

The

tradition was, and

oral
we a

of

according to
last much
more

C.

view, oral;
that theory, But

the

first

assumption
cannot

inconsistent than
a

with

tradition reconcile false tradition,

the

second

assumption with
an

that

how century. theory which

one

shall makes
no

therefore

invention, and
Numa's
:

after all of
more

tance great imporcenturies ? invention

some

to the facts of Roman

last history,

than
is

two
an

That admitted fancied

the
on

story of
all hands

Pythagorismus
it
was

is
or

that

invented
and

from

real

between similarity

Schweglerand
with

Sir G. C. Lewis

the first of these

and

War,

still less with We think

Pythagoras we agree with thinking ; ^ but we do not agree in placing its origin in the Samnite writers, the second,in placing it before the capture
in
was

!N"uma

date,when had and the Romans acquired a literary discussion, it almost certainly that it was was adopted, probablyinvented,as historical and the rest. writers, Fabius,Cincius, by the firstRoman
of Rome.
a

it

of

much

more

recent

taste

for

It is
"

no

Dii

error

Manilius exclaim, to this view that Cicero makes objection iste hominum est inveteratus et quam immortales, quantus interlocutors !" For these feigned are mere puppets ; Cicero his the year
own

is

in really si)eaking Republicdis laid in M. AquiUius, in the

"

person,

and

as

the

scene

of the Be and

Consulship
B.C.

of

Sempronius Tuditanus
stilleven the

129, it
at

an

inveteratus

error," if it had
That it
was

might at originated

then be called

beginningof

that century.
'

least adopted by the first Roman

vol. i. p. 452, note

Schwegler, B.

i. S. 561

"c. Credibility,

137.

168
historians
matter not

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

is,as

we

have

seen,

recognisedby
date of the it could Eomans

Sir

G.

C.

Lewis the

as

beyond
much

doubt.

The

true

of

importance,
among

but the

origin of hardly have

which Cicero

story

is

found tells

that
us

univeraal

acceptance
had it.

it

did,^ unless
It
was

appeared in
to

their written

and

published histories.
passage, that
^

is,however,, objected
not

the

story, in the
the

same

it

confirmed be
meant

by
had

the the

authority of
Annales been Maximi

State and the

Annals,

by

which

must

Commentarii of Fabius Annales.

Pontificum. and The of his

For,

Cicero

speaking of
have show that

the works

contemporaries, he puhlici
than and

would

called them he

simply
meant

words
more

auctoritate

something
is not here
means

weight
even

these

histories. literary be contended of

in

And
to be

if it should
in

that
or

puhlicus
of

taken

its usual that

sense

public
and

state, but

merely

published, and

Cicero,
of shows
not to

the

person his

Manilius,

is

only
still

referringto
even

the method

annals

Fabius that be the

contemporaries ;

that

Pythagorismus
"

is

old

tradition."

For

those have

concerning iNTuma's fathered, with Schwegler, on the of writers, according to this mode
mentioned
it must
no

mistake

construing Cicero, would

in this view invention the
; and

such been Sir

story.
a

fore, Whererecent
on

of the the

matter,
of

have and

very

attacks
account

Schwegler

G.

C. Lewis

early history on

of it fall therefore

harmless. utterly is

Schwegler'sninth
with !N'uma these burnt throw

and

concluding section

of this book of the

on as

occupied
books of As

relatingand
in the books

discussing the discovery

of the scribe Petillius and forgeries, it is undoubted of the the

reputed

grounds
were

the

Janiculum.
were

they
that

publicly
should may shall
we

by
any

order

Senate, history

impossible
; and

they
We

light on
from that

of !N"uma into

therefore

be excused

following Schwegler
his assertion that of the

this

subject.
Eoman

only
since

observe any

none

of the the

historians
;

expresses

doubt
a

authenticityof
the
not

books, is hardly true

quotes, by
tioning men-

Livy,
that

in

passage

which had does

Schwegler
appearance

himself of

the

books he

being quite new, they

were

virtuallyimplies,if
^

actually state, that

"

"Et

ita

vulgo existimari." intelligimus

veto

De

Rep.

ii. 15,

'

"Neque
""

satis id annalium have examined

publicorum
the

auctoritate

declaratum
in the

videduction. Intro-

miis.

Ibid.

"We

question chronological
""Lib. specie, xl, 29,

**

Non

modo iutegros

sed recentissima

170
both the
to

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

sides,at about

the

same

time,

to

demand those

restoration whom he

of
sent

booty
lose
no

made. time

Tullus in

had

instructed

Alban thus The

making their demands, judging that the sovereignwould surely refuse them, and that he might
war

declare Albans in

without

offending against the

affair
more

divine

laws.
ceeded suc-

managed

the

leisurely. Tullus
them
; and

and entertaining that

to
an

amusing
his
own

it

was

not

till

he
war

had

ascertained

ambassadors in

had he

declared

againstAlba,
envoys

commence

thirtydays, that
No Tullus with

granted
had of of the

the Alban

audience

for business.

sooner
manner

they explained their mission, than the first Bonaparte) upbraided them
Eoman that
on

(in the
the

dismissal

ambassadors the heads

from of those

Alba, and
who had

called the first taken

gods
this

to witness

step would

be all the

slaughterand calamities of the war. Such the origin of what almost be called a civil was may parents and children,since both peoples war, waged between Each traced their origin to Lavinium. side entered it on with the greatest ardour and most elaborate preparations. It
turned

out, however,

less

deplorable

than

concluded without since it was anticipated, of the cities was and ultimately razed, yet though one compensated by the amalgamation of the calamity was

might have been any pitched battle

two

this

peoples. The Albans with Eoman territory

five miles from

first took
a

the

field.

large army,
surrounded

the They invaded pitched their camp only it with

a

Rome,

and

fosse, or ditch,

which, during many

the Alban

centuries,was
in

called Fossa ditch and

Cluilia,after
name

leader; but,

time, both

have
was

disappeared,and are forgotten. Whilst the encamped here, Cluilius'suddenly died ; upon
created the Mettius and Fuffetius their dictator. Tullus. This He of the courage

Alban which
event

army

the Albans

augmented
that the take

ferocityof
with whole
race

gave

out

gods,having begun
vengeance
on

the leader

Albans, would
the

the

for this

iniquitous war; enemy's

waste
as

and,
camp, he

marching out he proceeded

advanced. He led his

in the into

night,and

passing by
Mettius
as

the Alban

territory, laying it
enemy he

This army

proceeding induced
as near

to leave

his camp. then

to the

could, and

WAE

WITH

ALBA.

171

sent

an

envoy
was

to Tullus

to demand

conference, in which, he
matters

said, he
less

certain

that he

could

communicate He

of
to

no

importance
that both the

to Eome

than and
Albans authors

to Alba.

appears had
were same

have
to

learnt attack
one

Veientines and
some

Fidenates whilst
^

combined

Eomans
; and

they

destroying piece
The of this may

another

say

that

the

had intelligence the proposal was armies both

were

also
not

reached

Tullus. the

However
Eoman

be,
two

rejectedby
up
in

king.

drawn

line
a

leaders,accompanied by
into the space

confronting each other, and few of their principalofficers,

Here

proceeded

between.

the
to

Alban
restore

leader

candidly confessed that though the goods, as they ought to have

to

refusal been

dered plunof

restored, according
in

treaty made Eomulus, served

a

between
as a

the

two
war

cities

the
two
no

reign

pretext for this

there
cause
was

between be
on

cognate
that He

and the then

"

neighbouring peoples,yet the real lust of empire was pointed out

great power
; and
"

could of it

doubt sides.

both

what of the

indeed

well known
on

to the Eomans

the
at
sea

Etruscans, both

land

and

still more result

affirmed

that both he

they
seems

were

only awaiting the

and

of this
"

battle to attack which

the conquerors
to to

an

assertion He

have

letters. method

then which

proceeded
the

advise

conquered proved by producing the adoption of some

Alba
or

the

by
the

enjoy

supremacy
To
some

dispute whether might be settled proposal Tullus

as

Eome much

should loss
or

without

bloodshed. with been

this

reluctance,
inflamed

assented, though rently appathe ferocity of his temper had

the

still further several

After

hope of victory. in which proposals regarding the manner

be decided had been the discussed issue
on

with

the

question should it was at length

combat It between

and

rejected,
a

resolved three in and

to Stake

the result of from each

champions
armies

selected
were

side.

happened
in

that ages

both

three

brothers, fairly
a

matched

the offspring of strength,each triplet

names

single birth.
but

Their

were

the Horatii the Alban

and

which

were

the Eoman,

which

Cijriatii ; champions, has

the

Diouyf?.iii. 7.

172
been
a

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

subject of some clashingpretensionsof

at
a

doubt, arising probably from

those who bore the
same

the

long subsequent
who mentions of

family names period. Livy, however, is the only

doubt, and
state

author

this

he

admits Eoman

that

the

greater number
were

authorities The each

that, the
men

pions cham-

caUed^ Horatii.
the leaders
on

young

were

easilypersuaded
or

by
to

side to enter valour whether

in order the lists,

decide be
a

by

their

skill and

Eome

Alba for the and

should

mistress.

But, before the signalwas

entered into between the effect that, whichever

given
Komans

combat,
the

treaty
to

was

Albans,
the

the

gained
supreme treaties
manner

victory,that
of vary,
as

city
both.

should

city'schampions the peaceably assume

the conditions
in

government
may
; and

However

of

yet they
the

are

all concluded

the

same
on

this is the take

earliest

treaty which
describe
was

remains

record, we
of it. The who his had head

shall

opportunity to
on

the method M.

Fetialis who constituted and hair

acted

this occasion Pater The

"

Valerius, put the

me,

Sp. Eusius
with verbena. TuUus

Patratus, by touching
Fetialis thou first command of

followingquestion to King
0

Dost

King,
?
"

to

make And

treaty with
"

the

Pater orders

Patratus
to that

the

Albans Fetialis herbs."

Tullus
:

having given
I demand

the effect, sacred

continued To which

Then

of you,
"

King,

king replied: Take them fresh {puThen the Fetialis, having brought some fresh grass ram)r the Capitol, from Dost proceeded to interrogatethe king : thou constitute me thy ambassador, as well as of the Eoman
"

the

people
may be

and
?

Quirites, sanctioning also

"

my

utensils
"

and
as

my it

companions
done and

To

which

the

king replied:
to

do, so far
to the

without

detriment

myself

and

Eoman is
an stituted con-

people
did
so

Quirites." Then
purpose formula of

the Pater

Patratus, who

for the

sanctioningthe treaty by
in verse, recited 0 which the
we

oath,
here the

by

long

need

not

repeat; after which^ treaty, he

Pater words from and those exclaimed Patratus

having
"

conditions hear

of

Hear,

Jupiter !
ye,

thou, also.

of the Albans

! and

Alban have

people !
been

the

conditions,first and tablets,or

wax,

last,which

recited
as

with

perfect good faith,and

r
THE HOEATII

AND

CURTATII.

173

are tliey

this

day

most

violated them

by the

Eoman and

be first shall never understood, clearly people. And if it shall first violate

by solemn

public counsel, and

so

with

fraudulent
I shall

strike the Eoman intent,then, 0 Jupiter, strike this swine ; and strike it and more thou art greater much as
he
manner

people as

the more, by as Wherepowerfulthan I." upon much

flint stone. In

struck the swine the Albans

with

huge

like

throughtheir
When each space

performed their dictator and priests.

been

formularies

and

oaths,

the treaty had

between

concluded, the combatants

on

side armed

themselves, and proceededinto the middle armies ; who, filled with anxiety, the two
from
to

though exempt

respective camps

had sat down fear, personal in which view a struggle

before their the

prizeof

empire depended on the valour or the fortune of so small a of champions. number These, whose native courage and had been stillfurther excited by the exhortations of ferocity their countrymen, remindingthem that their country and its
their gods, all

fellow-citizens

as

well

as

their fellow-soldiers, were

looking anxiouslyfor the result of the combat, joined of their own battle at a given signal dangerwhile ; forgetful tude by the thoughtthat public empire or publicserviengrossed and that they were to now depended on their efforts,
decide the future fortunes flashed in the
sun,

and
ran

of their country. resounded the on

As

their swords of their the paralyse hardly their doubt

seen

armour

a shudder adversaries,

throughand
not

seemed

to

that they uttered a word, so spectators, The increased draw their breath. agitation of the combatants, the movements

and
as

could

the motions
or a

of their swords cast

are

of blood and wounds, and then the sight shields,

upon

the

issue. the

fall amidst the three the

lengthtwo shouts exulting

are

At

of the

Eomans

to

of the Alban

Albans
Eoman
now

wounded, and

but all army; breathless anxietypervades

host for the menaced

fate of their

only remaining

He chanced by to be unhurt, and thus, though no match for the three Albans formidable adversary for any one of them a alone. together, In this state of thingsthe Eoman flies, thinkingthat each

champion,

the three Curiatii.

174

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

opponent

would For
one

follow when of the he

as

his wounds turned

was

permitted; running
upon
a

and

so

it

happened.
found other that
two

after close

while, he
the first
meet

Albans

him, while

were

pursuer the

is soo^

The followingat considerable intervals. despatched, and Horatius proceeds to

now

second,

encouraged
were

by
The
come

the and

shouts
more

of

his

fellowas

which soldiers, had succeeded before

not

all the louder

animating
Curiatius

hope
spatched dewas

to

despair.

second
to

is also

the third

could

his aid, though he

once more

far off.

The

combatants,
but

therefore,are

in

point

of
:

number,
the

quite unmatched
unharmed,

in

equal strength and

in
a

confidence

Eoman

exulting

double

victory; the Alban badly wounded, exhausted by the pursuit, Then and dejectedby the slaughterof his brothers. Horatius, exultinglyexclaiming, Two have I despatched to satisfy my
"

brothers'
war,

manes:

the Roman

third may

sacrifice to the Alban

!

the
"

cause

of

this

that the

rule

thrust had

his sword
no

downwards

into

his

opponent's throat,
arms

who
"

longer

strength to
this
to

lift his

in after

self-defence.

victory,Horatius, joy;
and both
to

despoilinghis
whom

Having achieved adversary,hastens

with
vagant extramost

join his fellow-soldiers, by bury

he is received

sides, agitated by the

their dead of the
at two

opposite
the close

feelings, proceed
combatants
in together,
are

the

spots where
are

fell. the

The

tombs

Romans those

direction

of Alba, while with

two

of the Albans them.

in the direction Before the armies Tullus any the

of Rome, and their

intervals leaders
to

between

Mettius separated,
the tenor

asked

King
to

whether, according
commands
to

of

the

he had treaty, him

give ; when
arms,

Tullus
as

instructed
want

keep

Alban in
case

youth
of
a war

under with

he

should

their assistance both armies

the

Veientines. in front

Then of the he had been

marched

homewards,
the

Horatius

Romans, bearing before, him

won.

the threefold

spoilswhich
forth
to meet

As

they
to
one

drew

near

who city,his sister,

had

betrothed and robe when

of the
on

Curiatii,came
her brother's

him;
with

she

beheld

shoulders she with had sobs

the

militaiy
lamenta-

of her
own

affianced

husband, which
her

worked and

her

hands, she

tore

hair, and

TRIAL

OF

HORATIUS.
.

175 This

tions

invoked
in

the
a

name

of her

slain lover.

distress, so

glorious great public rejoicingand his own enraged the youth to such a degree that, drawing his victory,
inopportune
sword, he
stabbed his sister to with of the

heart,

at the

same

time

exclaiming, "Begone
alike
one.

thy preposterous
brothers shall who

love, forgetful
and

of

thy country,
be the

thy dead
of her

thy living
an

Such

fate

lament

enemy

of Eome!" The deed and

recent

appeared though

horrible
was

both
a

to

patricians and
sheltered

beians; plethe the

it

in

manner
was

by

deserts
to be
a

of Horatius,

yet he
order

brought
avoid

before

king
to must

tried.

TuUus,
which

in

judgment,

would

choly giving so melannecessarilybe unpalatable

to

the

populace, and
it, called
had
a a

pronouncing
council

the

follow

of the

punishment which people, and addressing according to law,

state.

them
to

said that he
as

appointed
duumvirs should
if the

duumvirs

try Horatius
If the

criminal "Let

against the

The crime the

law of

was

of dreadful
treason.

tenor:

judge
verdict
a

the

high
is

accused be

appeal from
from

duumvirs,

let the

appeal

heard;
be

of the
a

duumvirs

confirmed, let him

his head

hanged
let him The

with be

rope

gibbet, with
within under could and
or

veiled, and
the

scourged
its tenor condemned
I

either

without

pomoerium."
an
"

duumvirs
to

created

this
not
one

law, thinking that

according

they
him;

acquit
of them
treason.

even

innocent Publius

person,

said

Horatius,
him."

find you lictor

at

guiltyof high
was

Lictor, handcuff
this who And

The

about

to

perform
TuUus,

office, when

Horatius,
law
was

the

suggestion
"

of I

interpretedthe
so

mercifully,exclaimed
referred minds
to the

appeal."
In that

the

appeal

people.
were

solemn

judgment

the

of

men

swayed by the father of Horatius proclaiming that he his daughter had been lawfully killed ; that if such had not have punished his son been his opinion,he would by his own then he implored the people not to paternalauthority. And render completely childless one whom they had seen only a little before at the head of so fine a family. And while he
uttered these words

chiefly thought

he

embraced

his

son;

and

pointingto

176
the Pila
see,

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

spoils of

the

Curiatii

displayed

at

the
"

place
Will

now

called bear
to

proceeded to exclaim scourged and Quirites, this man

Horatia, he

you

tormented

under

the

with adorned beheld only just now gallows, whom you The in his victory? and rejoicing triumphal spoils, eyes of sad a spectacle. the Albans themselves could hardly endure so

Go,

lictor, bind
for of him the

the Eoman

hands

which

but

just

now

achieved

empire
deliverer scourge the

people. Go, veil the head of the the gallows-tree this city; suspend him on ; go, within the pomoerium, only let it be among
arms

spoilsand
the whither
not
can

of

the among

enemies the

whom

he

has

slain; or

without For will

pomoerium,
you hira

lead

this from

sepulchresof the Curiatii. youth where his gloriousdeeds

the foul

vindicate
"

disgrace

of

such

punishment ? The people

the in courage that

could

not

resist either

the tears

of the father

or

of the

youth, whose
of

extremity

danger
that

unchanged bearing remained and they acquitted him more

than manifest directed from the

from
cause. some

admiration

of his

valour
a was

justiceof
should

his

Yet, in order
atonement,

murder
to

have

expiate his son at the public expense. Horatius, therefore, after making some became .hereditaryin that family, piacular sacrifices,which
erected
a

the father

beam his

across

the street, and This

made

his called

son

pass

under

it, with

head

veiled.

beam,

the

Sororium

Tigillum,exists to the present day, being constantlyrepaired The at the public expense. tomb of Horatia, constructed of
solid masonry, kiUed. may also be
seen, at

the

spot where

she

was

Eemarks.
-

"

On

this

epoch, Schwegler remarks

to

:i "The

day
The
a

of

Roman

history begins
are

dawn

with

Tullus

Hostihus. is
to
a a

two
son

kings before him

of is
a

purely fictitious ; Romulus

in the
us

god and

god

!N'uma,a mortal, indeed, but married

this

goddess.
of Tullus
a

There tihus, Hosof

nothing of
and
name

mythical character
no reason

person
to

there may

is
at

that
or

compels
have
"
9.

deny that
Rome.

king

this

some

time
*

other
xii.

reigned at

Buch.

178
and
are

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

much
must

good groun'dfor doubting whether they Konian to the fourth to be ascribed king ; and how entirely be historical of the details with wliich they are related may torical left undetermined. The at least be separationof the hisFidense
:

but

there

is

and

unhistorical
most

in this

epoch
a

is very for

often difficult, individual

sible, impos-

and, for the

determination
j but

part,

matter

subjective

that
course,

this is so, that

no

conjecturesand

hypotheses

is,of widely differ,

nature

and this
a

On
to

ground for assuming the historical tradition." of the common complete credibility like Schwegler,inclined shall observe,that we are also, we
the
one

draw

line between
so

reigns of
as

Numa

and

Tullus

Hostilius

notj however, grounds.

"We

strong a
do not that

he

draws, and
two

upon

quite different
are

think

that

nor purely fictitious,

the them

kings before Tullus supernaturalevents connected

the be
so.

with
not

their reigns at all prove

to

If

such

events

are

found,

or

at least

not

so

often grown

found, in the later history,it is

less

simply because

the age

had

superstitious. They
Dioscuri

recur,

however, again,as

in the

reign of
the and

Servius

Tullius, and, after the

at

expulsion

of the

kings,in

apparition of the
their

the

battle of Lake be said to form

we

Eegillus ;
any very

therefore

disappearance

cannot

marked upon

division of the
this

historyhere.
than
once,

But and

have
not

alreadytouched
enter

subjectmore
Numa

need The

upon

true

reason

again. why the history after

the of of

it

comes

out

more

clearlyand
Numa the brief and
an

is, that distinctly

instituted annals record the

contemporary
became Pontifex

record the

had

begun.
of
a

had

Pontifices,who facts, were

historians

city. The
and

Maximus,
of

though only
authentic The Com-

dry

an necessarily

record,

invaluable of the

guide for the

Pontifices
to
were

succession

events.

mentarii
some

evidently more

and made discursive,

have this already shown regularhistory. We from the fact of their tracing the historybeyond the foundation of And Rome. though the Commentarii, or the greater part of them Maximi but not the Annales gration probably perished in the confla-

approach

"

"

of should

Rome,

have

yet it is impossible to suppose that the Pontifices forgottentheir contents, and highly improbable that

And, indeed, we they should not hav^ attempted to restore them. have already shown, from the fact of Dionysius citingthem for that the Pontifices must have done so. prse-Roman history,
The

treaty with

the

Albans

before

the

combat

of the

Horatii

COMMENCEMENT

OF

RECORD.

179
says whose that it is the
were

and

Curiatii

is

evidently from
has himself
of

record.
must

Livy^
mean

oldest recorded

treaty remembered,
; for he

which

forms

alluded the
names

to many

treaties made Valerius

as

before the Fe-

this time. and tialis,

The

addition
as

of M.

Sp. Fusius
record.

the

Pater

Patratus,are
the poet
or

strong additional
the

proofs of
invents
as

It is not

thus that

forger literary
them,
of trial forms

; the former prove

disregardssuch
an

the latter avoids details, of detection. record. oldest records him

; but

they might
are

easy

means

The

of Horatius When
were

also

evidently from
observes

Schwegler

that the

made when

in E-ome

we annalistic,

perfectly agree
assume

with

he

says

that the

history does not

cannot any. state

this form
any

till the

period
annals

of the first

we secession,

perceive
The of the

grounds

for that of

nor assertion,

does

he

history has

the form

from

the

first establishment
were
a

simply consulship, king being

of each which

because the

the

consuls

annual
year. to

and magistrates, But the the

their election marks for

beginning of
was no

new

ofiice of

there life, The

event

mark

termination
on more

year.
it

early writers,
found
to

who when the

set not

that value

chronology
of
a

was

have

became history

science,neglectedto
contented
at

discriminate with the their

separate years
whole Maximi
; and

of the
sum

kings, and
reign
been

themselves of it. That

statingthe
Annales
very
name

of each

the

end

were

according to digested they

had
not
so

years is shown the

by

if

during

regal period,
ing respecthave

Cicero the The

would

have

been

unable

to demonstrate

the mistake them.^

we

to chronologyof Pythagoras by referring

allegedcontradictions
in the Introduction
not rest

in fact and if
our

chronology
be And that

mined exa-

; and

view

admitted, then
it does not

the
so

historydoes
rest is shown

on

oral tradition.

own by Schwegler's

estimate

of oral

tradition.

For it

he says which

that is very and

the

older

oral tradition then he

is, the

less authentic that the

is,

true j and

proceeds to say
and
a

history of
he admits the
at

the sixth that the and

seventh

while legendary, kings is altogether Hostilius Ancus

reignsof
!

TuUus

Marcius, reigns of

third least

fourth

kings, who
But
we

reigned half
shall show

are century earlier,

semi-historical

that the

the last two

kings
That

are

not

legendary.
early Eoman
ulHus See

all the details of

historyare

authentic literally

Lib. i. 24, "Nee

2

vetustior

foederis memoria

est."

above, p. 168.

n2

180
have

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

we

never

undertaken henceforth
;
an

to establish.

Schwegler
how his this

admits

that its
are

events
mere

have

historical
we

foundation, that
fears
_

they
their

not

inventions of the
are
"

though

hardly see
that would records

agrees

with

his

character sequence fact that

last two

reigns. But

about

proper

as gi^oundless,

have made

been in

secured Rome
were

by

the

the qldest historical

anna-

listic."

Schwegler
examine
cannot

then

proceeds to
he

remark

in his tenth Hostilius

section
more

"

If

we

the but

figureand Marcius,
tradition

position of TuUus
answers

we closely, as

perceivethat

to

Komulus,
The

just

his

cessor, suc-

Ancus
two

answers

to N^uma.

contrast

of the

first

kings is repeated in the relation of the third king

the
as

to the fourth.

Even Tullus
as

old

adverts

to

this

parallel by characterising
and Ancus cius Marin

the very

image {Ehenhild)of Eomulus,

of

the imitator

]N"uma, and
and
war

following

his

track.

Tullus,

like Eomulus,
upon

is the warlike

prince, wholly and promoting the

; he

enlarging his dominions

intent exclusively glory of his reign ;

a

his

god

is also

Mars, the god of

also forms
a

contrast, like
as

Romulus,
ridicules

to the

l!^uma, .pontifical

nay,

still

sharper one,
I^uma

he

the

pious institutions of his predecessor,and finds his death

same

through the
made
"

invocation

of

Jupiter Elicius which

that
is the

had

with But

impunity." only in
:

it is not the first

character Marcius

the

second

pair of kings
while deified Romulus, Hostilius

xesemble Tullus who who

and

Ancus

grandson of Numa,
of that Hostius

Hostilius left
no

is not, heirs the

indeed, the grandson of the body, but

the
in

of his
van

appears

in

great battle
also

against the
as
on

Sabines,
wife of actual
presses ex-

also

grandson

of

Hersilia, who
that this it is not
:

appears
rests not

the any

Romulus. historical
an

It is clear

genealogy
an

tradition, that
ideal relation is

actual view

fact, but
it is very

merely
of

and

in

this

remarkable

that nay,

Ancus that

Marcius it is

constantly called
down since and that the But

"grandson
contrast

Numa;"
first two

expressly handed
his father. warlike Romulus

only his grandfather is

of the

known,

and of

not

kings,
in which
on
"

the
a

priestly!N"uma, is decidedly
in like
rests not

mythical,

well-grounded suspicion arises that the analogous parts

the two

followingkings
on

appear,

manner

historical The

but tradition, the third

construction.

historyof

king, moreover,
first four

shows

itself in another
we

point

to be

constructive.

The

kings, for instance,as

I
RESEMBLING PAIRS
OF

KINGS.

181

have Roman such

of

abeady remarked, representthe four component parts of the tribes and the plebs nation,the three original ; and this in
a

manner

that the creation

of the third tribe and

the addition

with the rule of the third placedin causal connexion and fourth kings. Tullus Hostilius is the founder of the Luceres, Ancus Marcius of the plehs. By virtue of this construction, the sequent rasingof Alba Longa and the settlements of the Albans (thesubascribed to the third king : this fact at Eome are Luceres) is the central point and tenor of his reign. But if it bears the without to this connexion, it follows of itself, assigned relationship will be whicli further developed regardto the objections on, that
are B.plehs

the

manner

in whicli
of Alba

Tullus

Hostilius

is connected

with

the

struction de-

historical." Longa cannot pass for completely in the To this we that if there is any general resemblance reply, Roman themselves, and in the Sabine kings among kings among

themselves,
that the

this

arises from who had

to

national

character.

It

was

natural

their way in the world, and to fight affairs their paraestablish a new should have made state, military mount had been who consideration. The Sabines, the contrary, on established in had this devote t o not Italy, pressingnecessity long to war. their attention almost exclusively They appear, besides, of a religious to have been naturally temper ; and thus we find that as or Tatius, during his short reign,founded even more, many, was wholly devoted worships than Romulus ; the mind of Numa attention to them than and Ancus to religious affairs, paid more This general instead of being an Tullus. resemblance, therefore, the truth of the history, is an argument in its argument against if these resembling And favour, because it is true to nature. in alternate pairs, that arises from the agreement by kings come and Sabines in the Romans to represent the sovereign which was

Romans,

turn.

But

though there
as

is

national general Sabine

resemblance is

in the characters
no can means so

of the Roman close called

kings and

kings,it
been. when

by

it to have Schwegler pretends the "very image" of Romulus,

was

How

Tullus be

the tradition tells us had

that he

stillmore

ferocious 1
some

Romulus
to

paid a greatdeal
we

of

and attention to civil affairs, in Tullus been the Hostilius.

mere
^

which religion, Marcius

do not find

And

how

can

Ancus

be said to have

imitator

of Numa,

when, accordingto tradition,

Liv. i. 22.

"Ferocior

etiaiu quam

Eomulusfuit.""

182
confirmed
one,

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

by the

annals

of his

reign, his
and
answer

character of Numa

was

mixed

Eomulus partaking of that^of

that the

1^ is

It is the

hardly worth
of Numa. should
.

while

to

objection that Ancus

grandson
of Numa been

Where have been

is the elected

son improbabilitythat a grandking 1 But the critic must

for
an

have

puslied to great extremities

Tullus Hostius
!

argument, when
he
was

he the the Pitt

tries to connect

Hostilius

with

Romulus, because might

his
connect

grandson
Sabine with War

of

Hostilius,who
same

distinguishedhimself
we

in

By the

method

William

King

George the Second, because

in that of

father.Lord
varies
as

Chatham,
to whether
^

himself distinguished Hersilia

cannot
were

reign.
Romulus

Tradition
or

the

spouse both

of Hostilius

but does
once

we

confound of

these his

traditions, as Schwegler theory, and

make of Tullus

here
at

for the

the wife had

sake

bolsteringup
and of the wife

Hersilia

of Romulus been the

grandmother
if she had

Hostilius. have of

If she been the

Hostius
; but

Hostilius,she
been of

might
the
at

grandmother
she would had
on no

of Tullus been

wife

Romulus,
varies

have

the

grandmother
it does
not

nobody

for Romulus all, tradition ideal

children.

And

follow, because
a

this the

point, that

it therefore doubts
:

expresses the

merely

relation. show the been

On

contrary, the

about the

genealogy rather
of

good faith of the story had

for him. of
as as

tradition

father

Tullus, not
of memory; easy the
to

having

had eminently distinguished, been The Ancus

a

slipped
have

out

but, if the
a

myth,
same

it would
answer

been
to

invent

father the been

applies
A of

objection about objection had

"

father raised Laelius

being unknown.
the time it ; to whom
names

similar in his

earlyas
making
times

Cicero, who

Republicintroduces Exactly
the
so

Scipio replies :

; but
ones

in those

the

of the famous."
^

kings

were

almost

only

that became And thus

known

and

the whole the

argument falls

to the

ground.
or

For the

it is not second

proved that

first two

kings

are

mythical,

that

"Medium

erat

in

Anco

ingenium,
the wife of

et

Numse

et

Romuli

memor.""

Liy.

i. 32.
'

She 830

is

represented as

Romulus

by Livj^ i. 11
as

Ovid, Met.by

xir.

; Sil. Ital. Pun.

xiv. Sat.
est

812, and
i.

others;

the

wife

of

Hostilius

Dionys.
3
"

iii. 1 ; Macrob.
:

6, "c.
Romana Ita
;

Lsel.

Sed

obscura

historia Sc.
:

siquidem quit : Rep,

sed

istius

regis matrem
illorum

habemus, ignoramus
tantum fere regum

patrem.

est, in
"

temponim

illustrata stmt

nbmina."

De

ii. 18.

REPRESENTATIVE

KINGS.

183
contrast to each

two

are as

counterparts of them,
the first two.
next

and

presentthe
the

same

other The the

argument parts
In

drawn of the

from

first four founded which

on seem

kings representing
one

constituent and

nation, is

of those

fetched farthe
rest

mysterious
TuUus

constructions

peculiar to
it does
not

Teutonic
on

mind.

answer,

it suffices to is not It
was

say that

facts.

Hostilius of the
we is,

the

founder
^

of the who

Luceres, nor
first invented

Ancus this The

Marcius

plehs.
from

ISTiebuhr almost the

which theory,

now believe,

abandoned. universally
were

attempt
on

to prove

Livy

that

Luceres

the had

Albans before

planted
described nation

the the

Coelian
as

Hill,^ is quite forming by

the

abortive.

Livy
he

Luceres time

third

stem-tribe

of the Eoman says,

in the

of Eomulus.*

Therefore, when
Ancus
:

ing respectCselium datum"

the location sedem

montem veteres

of the Latins

"Et

quum

circa Palatiuni
arcem,

Eomanorum,

Sabini

Capitolium atque
novae as

Albani
cannot

implessent: Sabines,
Eoman

Aventinum

multitudini would three make

33), he (i.
that the

possibly mean,
and

Schwegler
were

him,^
ponent comno

Romans,

Albans
; and

the

oldest it is

parts
conclude he of
a

of the

people

that

hence

fetched far-

conjecture("es ist hiedurch

that

die
stem-

Vermuthung
tribes. A

nahe

to gelegt")

they

were

the three

conclusion
on

which

has few

rightly characterised; for

German scholars
; while

it rests that the

only
three

the

conjecture
existed in

tribes

the time

of Eomtilus but

is confirmed also

by
the

the best

Eoman

authors

; not

only by Livy,
For
among

by Cicero,^and

by implicationby
Eomanus
as

Varro.

when the

that

author

mentions

Ager
at

at

divided first

three
means

tribes of the that

Tatienses,Eamnes,
the have
same

and

Luceres,^ he
since if the share

evidently
Albans addition As
were

they

arose

time ;

the
not

Luceres, they would

obtained

their

by

and

by

division.
was

Tullus

Hostilius

not

the

founder

of

the

Luceres,
ff.

so

1 3 **

Rom. Lib. Lib.

Gesch.

i. 312.

Scliwegler,B. i. S. 512, only

the been the three

i. 30, 33. i. 13.

; but
as

indeed, Livj'-,
these centuries

there
were

mentions taken from have

centuries bore

of

knights
name,

tribes,and ignorant
to

the

same

it is

impossiblethat
at that

Livy
"We

should

of the

existence

of the tribes
5 6

time.

have

already adverted

this.

Ibid.

S. 514.

"Romulus
"

populum
Romanus

in

tribus

tres

descripserat."De
"

Rep. ii*8.
quo tiibus

'

Ager

primum

divisus
"

in

parteis tres,
Lat.
v.

appellata

Tatiensium,

Ramnium,

Luceram."

Ling.

55.

184
neither
was

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Ancua C. Lewis
as

Marcius very

the

founder

of the
"

pleha.

On

tliis subject sents repreof

Sir G. Ancus

Livy justly remarks : ^ to granting the right of citizenship

in the

likewise
a

largebody

Latins,
This that the

and

settling tliem

statement

Latin that

the Aventine. cityon and near is considered historical by Niebuhr, who supposes settlers in questionwere the origin of the Koman
was

plehs^and
such
an

Ancus

the

founder
not

of the
to be

plebeianorder.
any foundation settlements

For
;
no
:

hypothesisthere does
attached

appear

peculiarimportance is they are not mentioned

at
some

to these

Latin

by Livy
War in the

by Dionysius,who
the ancients
to

describes

the Latin of Ancus The existence

as

length ;
which is treated
state
:

and

know him with

nothing by
Niebuhr.
very

character order Eoman

is attributed

plebeian
of ihe

by
thus

them

as

coeval

the

Dionysius

describes

Eomulus Cicero

dividing the
speaks
of his
^

people

into

patricians and
as

plebeians, while
clients among the these
"

distributingthe plebeians
Sir G. citations
'

several

nobles."

C. from

Lewis,

in
"

note, confirms
'

authorities Romulus
c.

by

two

multitudini neque
se

speaks of Livy," he says, Livy. patribus (i. gratior 15) ; and in quam
nee

being

18, of ^Numa,
these
two

quisquam,
quemquam

factionis

sua?

alium, nee
viro the ausi.'
same

denique patrum
To under

aiit

civium

prseferreilli
two
more

quotations we
the

will add

from

author, both

the existence of the pMs is not reign of Romulus, in which expressed : Quasdam (Sabinas)forma merely implied, but actually
'

excellentes, primoribus patrum

datum illi viro derium lenitum

ex destinatas,
'

plebe homines, quibus

'

negotium
Romuli sit'

erat, domes

deferebant

(i. 9) :

Mirum,

quantum
que

nuntianti (ProculoJulio),

haec,fidei
sufiice
at

fuerit ; quam

desi-

aptcd plehem exercitumque,

facta fide

immortalitatis,
as

16)."^ (i.

This

will

present,

the

whole

question
or

of the

early Roman

whether population, will be discussed

wholly patrician,
more

patrician and
on.

plebeian mixed,
assertion

at

length

further

As, therefore, the

the four

that

the

first four

kings represent
is

component

parts

of the be

Roman derived

people
from

unproved
show

and

no groundless,

argument

can

it to

that the

1
^

"c. vol. Credibility, Cic. On De the

i. p. 46P.

Eep.
same

ii. 9 ;

Dionys. ii. 8. subject, the reader by

may

consult Newman

in of

the Dr.

Classical

Museum
on

(vol. vi. p. 15 seqq.)a review

the Roman

Professor

Ihne's Treatise

Constitution.

186 and

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

foolish invention, and

more

we

like him, prefer,

to
we
:

the

statement

of do his that

Cincius,^as
not
own

conformable because

the

real state with

do

so,

however,
be very of

think,
on

things. We Schwegler, that

think be

of

questions are
death

unanswerable

the For

we contrary,,

they might
after the

answered. easily

it

might
of

replied that,
Alba the

Kumitor,
Alba

the his

appointment
royal blood
; and not

at magistrates

fell to Romulus
event not

by rightof
made Silvian

; that

his death TuUus

was

which

independent
race,

that any

Hostilius,
that

being
But,
as

of the

could

claim

rightsover
Plutarch's

city.
we

have

said, we
any whole

not

only

abandon

story,
have with this and

which

is

unsupported by
the of its all which
state

but good authority, of Rome's

a

also,as

we

alreadydone,
Alba,2
absence and of

account

having
we

been is

colony

of

earlyconnexion that city. And

the in
"

connexion find

confirmed

by
not

darkness

oblivion"

respecting Alba
which could

the

early

Roman if

history; a
Rome
to have

of
were

things
under
not
a

have
as

supervened they
are

and

Alba

connected so really closely these have circumstances been

very

related

been. Romans

And

it is not well informed

surprising
ing respectthat
was

that

the the

should of

government
Macer the
was

foreign city.
war

We

think, however,
that chief Alba

Licinius

or probably right,

at all events

governed, at
somewhat times

time

of the

with

Tullus, by
or

magistrate early

analogous to the
was

Roman of the

dictator chief been

praetor ; for in

prcBtor

the

name

for this the the

opinion are,
army of Cluilius

that

if Alba
not

had

magistrate. Our reasons under royalgovernment,

to

Alban death from

would

have

proceeded
he
seven

elect

dictator been

on

; that
was

at all events

would

have

nated nomithe

Alba,

which

only
tends

six
to

or

miles

off ; that
was

preponderance of
dictator the
; and

evidence

show

that somewhat

Cluilius in

that he

Livy
uses

himself

varies

only a speaking of
denote the dux
;

office.

Thus

imperitdbat,not
; in

regnahat, to
add

rule of Cluilius

at Alba

the rex,^

next

chapter he
may the about

calls him that neither

though
nor

he

also

styleshim
in their
to

We of

Livy
the any

Dionysius,
families

accounts

of transplantation there

Alban

Rome,
; while

drop

word

having
suppose would

been

royal family
there
1

there
an

had

been

Alban

hardly possibleto those writers royalfamily,

2

it is

that,if
not

have

Apud

Fest. p. 241, Praetor.

3

g^e

above,

p. 31.

Lib. ri.

c.

22. 23.

THE

FOSSA

CLUILIA.

18?

them distinguished that

not the very exact

from

the rest.^ of the chief

On

the

whole,

we

may

conclude

nature

clear to the does the

not

Eomans

and
"

affect the
out

office at Alba was magistrate's ance, import; but this is a point of minor of their early history.^ credibility

After

breaking
camp

of the

war," proceeds Schwegler,

called Fossa Cluilia. after presume also halts
we

"

the is

Albans the
same

pitch their
trench

at the

place

This

at which

Coriolanus Hence

taking
that

from this

the Eomans trench

It
was once

all their formed

conquests. boundary
Rome,
and border.^ the old

may

the from

of the

primitive Roman gives

the
same

territory.
distance is

five miles

Strabo If

for

the

original Roman
once

this

conjecture
camp of the

right

it

explains at
the Curiatii the
an sewer

why
of the

tradition and the

placed the
combat ascribes

of

lanus, Corioand of

camp this

Albans,
But Alban Fossa

Horatii

at

spot.

when

tradition

the is

origin drain,
an

Fossa

Cluilia to the

this prince Cluilius, Cluilia

undoubtedly
a or

etymologicalmyth.
; it is therefore to

simply
to have

means

quite superfluous
name.

invented appears death

Alban for dies the in

prince
sake the

explain
trench
over was

the

That from
room

Cluilius his sudden

only
:

of the
camp

is evident
to

he

night
alone

make

for

Mettius

Fuffetius,who
as

doubtless of Tullus The

mentioned

in the

old tradition

the

opponent piece
of

Hostilius."

real

etymology
very

of the

name

of Fossa
to the

Cluilia As

is

antiquarianismnot
Schwegler
which "We
out

important
that of of
a

history.
and

to

its uses,
a

assigns two,
unites. read But

boundary them,
we

that

of

drain,
marked in that

he do

neither

think, is
been

very
was

probable.

not
a

anywhere
that

that

the should Rome

Roman have and

even

boundary
a

by

fosse j and

there

sewer

rural

midway district,
Maxima had

between been is the

Alba,
at

and
as

that

before

the Cloaca after

constructed
a

Rome,
and

Schwegler,
sition. suppoof
we a

Hartung,* supposes,
We think whether that
; but

highly singular
was

Teutonic

fosse
was

most

likely the remains

to

camp

Cluilius

invented

explain the

name

Liv. It

i. 30 ;

Dionys.

iii. 29. the Romans the may have

"

seems

probable

that these

derived
See

their

name

of

rex

from

the

Sabines, and

from

Celtic.

Newman's

Regal Rome,

p. 60, seqq. 3 Liv. i. 23, ii. 39

4

4 Dionys. iii, ii. 250.

Strabo,

v.

3, 2.
the
name

Religion

der

Romer,

Hartung
But

derives it
means

cluilia

from

ducre, which

anciently meant

^wrprare.

other

thingsbesides.

188
will not

niSTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

attempt
seems

to

fathom,

but

will content while. continues Duels

ourselves

with

ing observ-

that it "The

hardly
of the sides be both
to

worth

decision
on

war,"
to
a

Schwegler,
of this of

"is

left

by
are

agreement
in
some

duel. with

kind,
God,

which
not

degree
in and have camps been

ranked and
may

judgments point
of view unhistorical. children that their

are

frequent in-

antiquity;
Cu'riatii been
at the

in this
not

the

combat that
one

of the there

Horatii should both have

more

be three

But
at

or triplets, same seems

born

birth,in
also

time, and
very the

mothers the

should

twins,

improbable.
more

And

story appears
character is of

certainly an
accounts

invention,
bare.

the the

mythical
sisters

the

is laid the

For

in the

twin sister

certainly
in the of three
seem

symbolized
stem-tribes.^ have
a

relationshipof
the circumstance
names

two

nations, and
brothers

brothers triplet

of their
two

being composed pairs of

the call especially

The

also of the
; and

to

symbolicalmeaning
Codes,
boundaries. this combat who Under is
an

the

Horatii
as

to mind

Horatius Roman whether

a

likewise

appears

champion
it is
a

of

the

these

circumstances
or fact,

question
rather Eome

historical the

whether

it is not

mythical representation of and Alba Longa."

The between of the main the Horatii

decisive

strugglebetween
is whether such combat the
as

point
two

to

be
was

considered
decided

here

strife that

cities

by

some are

and

Cariatii ; the

details

of minor
manners,

importance.
such
a

Schwegler
may be of

allows

that,accordingto ancient
he the

combat

historical ; but

adopts
whole

in

preference the

fanciful

tion explanaThis the of

Mebuhr,
and

that

story is merely symbolical.

a on

explanation, however,
Horatii

which

assumes

relationship between
the
a

Curiatii,rests
for

only

the of

suspicioustestimony
mothers of the

Dionysius;

Livy
been the

knows

nothing
thus
nature

batants com-

having objection,from
that
were

twins

; and

also

great part of Schwegler's tale,vanishes.

an same

miraculous
were

of the

Even

the
more

brothers

tripletsis probably
about gens. the

exaggeration ; they
age, there
or even were

only

have

likelyonly brothers of belonged to the same

appears
at the

may
more

That

Curiatii

at Alba to Rome

from

the

fact of their of Alba.^ kind

having
more are

been

planted trans-

destruction narratives

It is

consistent and
a

with

experience
than

that that

of this

exaggerated

embellished
1

they

are

invented. entirely
; Anm.

!Nay,we
^

have
i. 30.

See Niebuhr, Rom.

Gesch.

i. 365

871.

Liv.

THE

HORATII

AND

CURIATIT.

189

very

probaTDlc clue
to have been

to
a

the

origin of
of Festus

tlie the

: Trigeminus exaggeration

appears consul be

cognomen

Curiatii. in
B.C.

Thus 453.^ the

we

find

named

P. Curiatius that the

Trigeminus,
may have
of
seems

It may
name

objected indeed
in

Curiatii

affected

of if

Trigeminus, they
were

memory

of the

combat this

their

ancestors.

But

the

conquered party,
the the Curiatii tradition before deal the from
so.

hardly
then
we

credible. have the and

And, combat,

grantingthat
testimony
and all
to

affected the about the

two

name,

collateral

centuries

after

sixty-three years
in 453

Gallic

conflagration ;
For it is not who he bore is the that

indeed

in the of is

probabilitya great
B.C. was

earlier.
first

likelythat
the
name

consul

Curiatius

Trigeminus
known handed the
to

though
done

his It

magistracy
is
more

first who it had

even

have

probable period
not

been if their for

down

from hereditarily themselves

may

the did have

of the it. them

combat,
And
to be

three
name

champions
of

bear

thus taken

family
The less

Trigeminus
of the modern other

caused

trigeminifratres, or triplets.
battles than

ancients,from
ones more

the
same

absence
reason

of the

firearms,were
hostile forces
was more manner

noisy

; for the

approached
opportunity
described. heroism of

each for The the

nearly;
for rendered
more

and

thus

there

parley,and
same

arranging the importance

decision

in the

cause

personal

prowess,
a

and

the

leaders

of

; hence

position greater dis-

to refer the

result to

single combat.
intimate
a

It may the Horatii

seem or

strange that Livy should

the Curiatii
were

doubt
;
a

whether

the
or

Roman Sir G. which

champions
C. Lewis.

point

not

adverted be

to either
an

by Schwegler
of that into Eoman

But

this may

only

instance

confusion

Livy
to

himself

complains
and funeral

of, as introduced
orations which
; the

historyby family seeking reign

to them.

memoirs

greathouses
in his

sometimes

honours appropriate

did not

properlybelong
critique of
five slain Sororium of the

Schwegler
to the

the

of Tullus
to

does of

not

advert

tombs

combatants, Tigillum
and formed As

that

Horatia, the
tells of the I^ie-

Pila
us,

Horatia, and
were

the in his

; all of
so

which, Livy
records had

extant to

time,
the

many

history
buhr's
not

which

they
that

related. whole

Schwegler

adopted
his

hypothesis

he history is symbolical,

could

resort, without

damaging

that

hypothesis, to

favourite

See

the Fasti,a.tj.c.

300

; and

Rubino,

Rom.

Staatsv.

S. 492, Aiim.

190

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

that explanation, is thus Sir G. C. left

it is

setiologicaLBut
the

the existence

of the

ments monu-

unexplained.

Lewis, however, adopts

this he narrative,"

aetiological theory.
"

"A

large part of

observes,^

comes

before of

us

in the and

suspiciousforn\ of explanations of certain and monumental buildings ; of topographical

the Cluilia, of tombs the of the Pila Horatii the and

names

places
The

legends.

Fossa tomb

Curiatii,and
the
to

also the

Horatia,

Horatia,
the The

Sororium

Tigillum,the
which
a

altars of of the

Juno

Sororia, and family,

for

Janus
are

Curiatius, and
several pegs

piacularrites
likewise

Horatian the

largeportion of
serves as an

story is

attached.

trial of Horatius

occasion

introducing the primitiveright of appeal to

the

people

trials for homicide. in capital of Alba

Again,
of

the
on

story of
the
to trace

the

demolition site of the

explains the
enables of Alba.

existence Eoman

temples
families memorials

ancient their

town, and
families

certain Some

origin to
as

of these

have

been
are

regarded supposed
and

conclusive record and the

of the realities of the events the existence of the tombs

which of the

they
is not

to

; but

Horatii

Curiatii,
of of

of the

Sororium

Tigillum,for
to
are

celebrated
at

combat

which

a better proof example, they referred,than the tools or

Epeus
at

Metapontum
of the

of the

Trojan Horse,

of the Some the with

pickled

sow

Lavinium

prodigy

seen

by

^neas.

trustworthy
occurrence

contemporary testimonyis necessary

of
can an

in order to prove of the

monument

event

before

the

connexion the

that event

be

established. existence confirmation remains

Where of
a

contemporary testimony impliesthe

its existence of that the in later times Thus is
a

continued

monument,
truth

powerful
clear
serve

of the of the
a

testimony.
promontory
of the

the

extant

canal

across

of Athos

to corroborate

account

in Herodotus ancient
at accounts
are

of its excavation

by
vast

Xerxes.
of the

In

like

manner

the

construction the

Flavian

amphitheatre
On

Eome

supported by
the statements

ruins of the Coliseum. ancient writers

the other

hand,

of several

the giganticsize of the walls of Babylon, respecting rendered of all traceable are improbable by the entire absence of these supposed bulwarks remains ; if their extent, height,and what thickness were they are reported to have been, it seems incredible But where that the every
event

vestige of
which
serves

them
to

should

have the
mere

disappeared.
monument

explain

is of

unrecorded

by independent
^

credible

evidence, the
vol. i. p. 462.

existence

"c. Credibility,

p
HORATIAN MONUMENTS.

191

The true origin of the proofof the event. monument and its unexplainedexistence may have been forgotten, have served as an inducement to invent a legendin order to may account for it. Such aetiological legendsmay, as is proved by many in Greek the be imaginamythology,and in Ovid's Easti, examples tive and poetical; insulated and they are, however, necessarily unconnected,until, by the skill of the subsequentcompiler, they the monument
a are woven

is not

into the texture

of

consecutive historical narrative." for the of the history credibility

The

conditions here laid down

attached to any monument that it should have been contemporaneously are, first, recorded ; second,the existence of the monument We in later times. can hardlysuppose that by " later times" Sir G. C. Lewis
own

meant

our

own

eyes; though the credible monument, perfectly Coliseum would

at

so that we times, might see it with our only two examples which he gives of a

those lead

of
us

Xerxes'
to think

canal
so.

and But

the this

Rome,
the those
not

would ancient

almost

reduce and
were

monuments

indeed;
Curiatii those

connected
a

with

to a very small number the story of the Horatii and

of

kind

to likely

survive to Such
ones. a

our

own

like times,
would
even

ones gigantic

just mentioned.
some

method

playgreat havoc
are

with of the

modern

there Thus, for instance, have this

never seen

many

even

who presentgeneration would It be

was on justified on a

old believing dis-

London

Bridge,and
C. Lewis
as
a

in principle

its existence.
as

the

same

that principle

Juvenal,
of this

Sir G.

shows

in

note, ridiculed the existence

Xerxes'
case, he

canal

figment of
convinced

Greek himself

mendacity;though,in
of its had reality,

might

have

he taken

the trouble to go to Athos and make the necessary researches,^ By that Sir G. C. Lewis only "later days," we therefore, presume
meant
"

as

any

fair critic would

mean

"

the historical and

times; and
its history the well record
as

then the condition would should have been

be,

that the monument

recorded; that contemporaneously

a

should have

survived

certain number

of

as centuries, seen come

the

monument, and

that the latter should have been whose witness, in

and down

attested
to
us.

by
Now

some

credible

testimonyhas

the monuments

question may

be said to fulfilboth these evidence isin favour

conditions.
1

Eor the balance of

and probability

"Crediturolim
Graecia mendax Velificatus Athos, et qiiicquid Audet ia historia." Sat. x. 173, seq"i.
"

192
of record existence attested

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

having begun in the reign of Tullus

of both the
monuments

Hostilius

; while

the is

in

the

reign of Augustus Caesar

by Livy and
Lewis
on

Dionysius.^
the above

Sir

G.

C.

in
same

paragraph places
they relate
of
to
sow are

all the

ancient

monuments

the

level,whether
as

wholly highly
natural

supernaturaland improbable,as
ones,
as

incredible,
tools of

the
or

^neas,
wood.

or

to the

the

Epeus,
a

quite ordinary
of But is it very been

and

tombs, and
show much

altars,and

beam
;
nor

surely this invented,

no

does argue
are

not

discrimination
some

good logicto
we

that, because
to
can

miraculous those but

relics have

therefore

rejecteven
be

monuments

against which
all

probability imof

urged,

rather

have

the

appearance

"truth in their
"

favour.

This

is to

reverse

the

celebrated
"

maxim,
credo

Credo

quia impossibile est,"

est."
we

into

its

opposite,

Non

quia possibHe
But what of the
account

shall

say 1 to

of Sir Is it
us

G.
more

C. Lewis's natural
are

setiological explanation
credible than
a

monuments

and

the

handed

down

We The

of

opinion that
and

it is

great

deal

more

difficult to believe.

monuments
are

usages

relating
tomb altars of
to

to the

story of the Horatii

the

and of

Curiatii the five

exceedinglynumerous.
Horatia, the
the
gens

"We

have

sepulchres
Sororium

combatants, the
Pila of

Horatia, the
Janus To
as we

Tigillum, the
could in with have

Curiatius, the

piacular sacrifices
been the the

Horatia, "c.
one

suppose
to stand
are

that all these

to
was one

woven

into
cause

story, so
as effect,

another also done

connexion

of

and

told

fewer certainly
surpasses

incidents all belief.

of the The had

a

Asylum,
Romans,
one

the

rape

of the
to these

Sabines, "c.,

according
most

theories, appear aetiological

which

to have

of the

singular histories in the world.

and
monuments

They possessed
is believed

great many
^
"

usages

nobody
:

to

Sepulcra extant,
tria i. 25.
"

quo

quisque
Romam

loco

cecidit sed fixa

eo

duo

Rom

ana

uno

loco

pro-

pius Albam,
est."
"

Albana

versus;

distantia

locis,
nwnc

ut

pugnatum
Horatia refectum rols M

Liv.

"Spolia
26. 8'
"

Curiatiorum

loco, qui

Pila

appeUatur."
tnanet."
"

lb.
tcrrt

Id
iv

^ocZz'e quoque (tigilluin)

publice

semper

lb.

r^

arifootrcp

t^

(pepoyri dirh

K"rw Kaplj/7]s

aT^vwirhv, evOa TbvK^irpiov ipxofJLivois

Koi 8

o'lre

(vKoy virep

avruy

Terarai

Sucri rots

jxivovaiv ot t6t" ISpvdevres, fiwfxol avriKph d-W-ZiKuv roixois ivfipixocr^iivov,

UvKov
iro\"i

yiverairoit

l^iovffiv virep
dvcriais

Kf"pa\rjs,KaXoifievoi^ r-p 'PafxaiKy StaAe/cry dvSpos

fivtjixiiov
ey

rovro d8"\"pris. exi

fikv Si)t^ x^P^^'^''"^^avfi(popas tov

Ka6' eKacxTov yepaipSfievov (Pila Horatia), k. r} ywyiala cttvAU

rp 8e

ipyXdrret,

ii/iaxrr6v.
t.

erepoi/

rijs

dperris /lapTvpioy

\."

Dionys.

iii. 22.

194
attained had be
one.

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

at

the

period of
its

its accidental of
no

destruction,since
new one.

no

project
could uttered

hitherto
no

been about it been

entertained

erecting a
ancient dedicated

There
ever

doubt Had

origin;
and
we

writer

has

erected

by

any

eminent heard

trate magisof it ; for of which attested the those it is

not

during the Eepublic,

that
no was
an

should

have certainly

honour

greedily sought after,and willingly let die. public buildings

founders
or

the memory
is better

family would
the of

have the

Nothing
at

than
names

originof

Eome.

We

know of
as

nearly all their

dedicators, even imperial times,

have also been in the

buildings that had

natural
we on

perished before
names

the
must

should, since these

the and The
structures

recorded,

only

themselves, but
a

Annales

Maximi,
attested which this into

this of

itself is

strong proof of contemporary

Curia
no

tration. regisbeen

antiquity of
Sir It G. C.
no

the

Hostilia

must

have

well, as by its architecture,

Lewis

doubt,

as

by the inscription
are

it bore.

and

Schwegler
been been
too to

silent

about it

building.
the that

would,

doubt, have might have

was
an

difficult to bold
an

torture

^etiological theory King Tullus

we are

; it

tion affirma-

Hostilius

invented
age

ence. explain its exista

Yet structure of the

!

to believe

that

capable of erecting such

it neglected all memory benefit

could

hardly read

and
own

write

; that

past, all record

the

of its

actions, for the

inclined
to

of posterity

On

whole, therefore, we
structures

are

regard, with
from the

M.

Duruy,^
of Tullus

the

and
"

observances irrecusables

transmitted
monuments

reign

Hostilius, as
fourteenth

de la vieille his-

toire Eomaine."
In

the

section

of his twelfth
"

book, Schweglerproceeds only

a

to examine

the trial of Horatius.

"

We

shall say
a

few

words,"
of The

he

proceeds,

about
to

the trial of the

Horatius,
the

closer examination
criminal law.

which
most

belongs
of the

history

of

Koman

accurate, and

to all appearance

the most

authentic,representation it, like

sacred

trial is

given by Livy. peculiar

a

He, doubtless, took legal and

the
we

other

accounts

in his first book

are

concerning Eoman
to

which antiquities,
of

his

work, from
of the

taries Commen-

the the

Priests

legal collection, in which

the traditions

may
were

ture conjecbited, exhi-

that

principles and
have
^
.

law
were

in the and in which

shape of examples from

may been
des

legalcases

that

related,

thus

exhibited, for example, the

t. i. p.

Hist,

Romains,

98.

TRIAL

OF

HORATIUS

EXAMINED.

195
In
we

oldest process

of trial and
account
we

appeal in
an

the

case

of Horatius. value
; but

this
must

respect, Livy's
not

has
in

incontestable
a

think

that

possess

it

true

and

documentary narrative,
lies far when

trustworthy
of

in all its details.

The
; it

trial of Horatius to
or

beyond
the
art

the historical times

of Eome

belongs
known

an

epoch

writing was
to

far from

being yet
is
no
a

used,

and

concerning
It is has

which,

therefore, there
assume

genuine
down
be

historical

tradition.

impossible
been

that

single legal trial

; and

of this

period

truly and example

case,

credibly handed
can

therefore
as

the

narrative

of the trial of Horatius oldest

only

received It

the

immemorially
the

of trial and

appeal.
how handed back

must,
this and

therefore,in
memory whether the On

present
what is not

be left undetermined of the forms

high down,
the

reaches,
case

is the age

dated anachronistically the trial is too also too

to the

in

regal period.
in its
and

the

whole,
and
answer

too isolated,

little authenticated
to

details,
Eoman

is

variously related

afford

sure

convincing

numerous

questions respectingthe history of

law

which The
;

it calls forth."

author

then these with

proceedsto give
relate
the

several

examples

of such

tions ques-

but,

as

only

to

points
the

of Eoman

law,

and

have
not

nothing
here
It is account

to do into

of credibility

we story itself,

need

enter

them. supposes,
; and

as Schwegler highly probable,

that

Livy

took
were,

his
as

from

the

Commentarii
a

Pontificum

if these

he further and
in not
see

supposes,

collection Eoman
an

illustrating by examples
law, he
comes

the

ciples princlusion con-

traditions

of the

to

right
But
we

saying
this

that

it has with have

incontestable he the
goes
on

value.
to say,

do

how from

agrees
must

what been
;

that, though
it has
so no

taken
true

what

highest legal source,

how,
if

and

documentary
seems

character

nor

Livy
had the

had

taken
and

it,

but, what

to be

Schwegler'smeaning,
it show

altered

lated muti"

it,and

transferred which would called

an

to anachronistically

regal times,
value ever. what-

proceeding unworthy
We
were
a

Livy
"

common

forger, and
have any

quite

to be

historian,
that

^itcould

do
mere

not

think, however,
We How

the

Commentarii
that

Pontificum
contained

legalcollection.
Eome.

believe

they

the

history of
in the
'part

else should
"

Livy

mention

their destruction of the greater

Gallic
"

conflagration
as a

or

the rather, of the 02

destruction of Eoman

of them

loss of

one

sources

history,of

196
the this upon which "memoria

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

rerum

gestarum ?^
Introduction upon holds and the

But and

we

have

abeady treated
need
not

on

subject
it here

in
;

the
nor

elsewhere, and
the
are

enter

antiquity of
that

art

of

writing,
as we

upon have

Schwegler
to

opinions

contrary,
from the

shown,
The and
from

evidence al^l

probability.
were

Libri

which Pontificii, appear

to

different contained

Conimentarii
as :
-"^

the

Annales,
in
a

have

law-cases,
in
a

we
"

see

the passage
etiam

Cicero,quoted by Schwegler
declarant been
must

note

Pro-

vocationem shows

regibusfuisse
have

Pontificii Libri in the

which of the

that law-cases But it is

can

recorded
as

time

kings.
that

quite impossible,
been is not

Schwegler
but
to

there

supposes, The

Cicero

have
case

alluding to
from the rather Tullus wish
to

this trial of Horatius. from show the that

appeal
The
no

in that

king,
tend

duumvirs. there
was

narrative

of

Livy

would

appeal
because

from he and

the does of

king.
not

"Hostilius
be

appoints
of follow

these
an

virs duum-

the

author would been

unpopular
it ; whence from
to

judgment,
we

the that
no

punishment
not
a

which

may

presume
:

appeal would
means

have

allowed the
matter

his the

sentence

he

could he had

constitutionallyrefer
of escape from the constitution "We may power
a case

people.
from whom

But

this

disagreeable
that Tullus and the that later

position by appointing, as
there inherited have
was an

allowed

him, duumvirs,

appeal.
the

infer,then,
of under

Hostilius Cicero
may

all

absolute

Eomulus,
one

been

alluding to
may
case

of

kings, when
In be

this power that

to

have is

been

somewhat

modified.
must

saying
tenor to not

the the

"variously related,"Schwegler
of

alluding

account

Dionysius,^ which
but differs in the the

agrees details.

in

its cording Ac;

general

with

that

of

Livy,

Dionysius

it is also

people
the This

that

acquit
but

Horatius from the

on

though through an appeal from to them. king referringthe matter

the

duumvirs,

variation,however,
no

part of such
the narrative

writer of

as

Dionysius
; the

affords and

ground
actual treason to

for doubting which of the

Livy

accuracy

of credibility

are

moreover

strengthened by making
of the
or

his

citing the

words

law. instead view.

The

crime

of Horatius
seems

high

(perduelUo)
out of

of murder The
a

manslaughter
of the

also
was,

bear
case

this

institution method
case

duumvirs the

in

the

high
own

treason,
cause.

of

preventing
was

The
1

of Horatius
2

king being judge probably made high

3

in

his

treason

by

Liv. vi 1.

De

Rep.

ii. 31.

Lib.

iii.c. 22.

WARS

OF

TULLUS

HOSTILIUS.

197
sister he the had

somewliat the

arbitraryconstruction
law into his
own

that

in

his killing thus

taken

hands,
^ :
"

and

usurped
of

royal

prerogative.
Sir and
romance

G.

C. Lewis

observes the
a

The

entire of the does

not

story

the the

Horatii
air

Curiatii,including
"

murder
:

has sister,
appear

of is

and

adds

in

note

"It
a

that in

there authentic

any

instance It

of the is

murder

of that

sister
cases

by

brother have

history.
oriental has of

possible
but the limited

some

may

occurred

in

palaces;
been

sanguinary
to

ostracism

of Asiatic

despotisms
the
mother

usually
Alexander

brothers. the
arms

Olympias, daughter
; this

the

Great,

murdered her mother's

had

of
was

Cleopatra,
an

Alexander's feminine murder

of

in step-sister, vengeance
:

act

of the

Alexander

contented her other

himself child.

with See

his

step-brother Caranus,
The

Justin
to

ix. 7 ; xi. 2.

murder

of

sister
in the

by

brother of the

seems

be

extremely
If
such

rare, crimes

if not
are

unknown,

records
are

criminal less

courts." be

fortunately rare, they rarity does

case

likelyto

invented
we

; and

this this

not

make

them
For

impossible.
we

iN'or,
to

will

add,

in
a

highly improbable. youth, by

whose
nerves

must wound

picture
up

to

ourselves

ferocious the

had combat of

been

the

highest pitch by
an

excitement

of the

; who
a

had

just

escaped
who the
tears

imminent

death

the achievement and exultation and

gloriousvictory ;

in this state

of excitement of

of

sister,instead
such

joy
not

suddenly encounters congratulation. Upon some

effect

tempers,
dreadful "We

under and

circumstances,
may with the

the

described, however
have been

abominable, proceed

will

now

improbably history.

produced.

THE

WARS

OF

TULLUS
ALBA

HOSTILIUS
LONGA.

"

DESTRUCTION

OF

The had

Alban

peace the

was

not of

of

long duration.

The
because

dictator
he

incurred the

hatred

the commonalty

had

public fortunes into the hands of three soldiers. quite addled the little understanding that This circumstance sels he had ; and as he had lost his popularity because good councommitted had been

unsuccessful, he
Wherefore,
^

determined he had

on

adopting bad.

as

before

regaining it by sought peace in

"c. vol. Credibility,

i. p. 464.

198 he

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

war,
own

so

now

sought
more

war

in peace. than
war

But,

as

he

saw

that his other

city had
to

courage

strength,he
;

incited

nations under The

open form

and of

proclaimed
alliance, the
were a

the

Fidenates, who

Eoman

reserving for his own, opportunity for treachery. taking the Veiencolojiy,
incited
to them. to
war

tines into their counsels

and

alliance, are
should desert

by
sooner

an

agreement that the Albans

was

N"o

the

revolt

of

Fidenae with the

ascertained from

than

Tullus, having

summoned the enemy, where had in

Mettius crossed

his army

Alba, marched
his camp

against
at

Anio, and
the Tiber. between

pitched
The this

the

point
tines hence the

it falls into

army

of the VeienFidenae
near

passed
the line

the

Tiber

spot and

of battle

they

formed

the

rightwing,
left towards

river, while

the

Fidenates

occupied the

the

mountains.

Tullus the

tines, and
Alban

leader
to

venturing
enemy,
not

troops to the Veienopposed the Eoman Albans The against the legion of the Fidenates. as and, neither was cowardly as he was faithless, hold his ground, nor openly to go over to the
away
to

he

drew able

gradually towards
up his of side

the

mountains

and,

being
his

make

mind, he
the should

his with

troops, by way
forces who
were

wasting
which

kept manoeuvring time, intending to join

prove

the

superior.

The

at first surprised posted in that quarter were on perceiving their flank left exposed by the departure of their allies; till,at length, a knight galloped off to the In were king, and told him that the Albans marching away. this sudden and of of twelve Salii, danger, Tullus made a vow

Eomans

fanes
a

to Pallor

and
so

Pavor. that
"

Then, upbraiding the knight with

enemy
was
no

loud

voice,
to his

the

might hear,
cause

he

bade
; it was

him

return

post

There the

for alarm

by
to

his

command the

that Fidenates

Alban

army

was

being
same

led

round

attack
to

in rear."

At

the

time

he told him

order

the

cavalry to
Alban

raise their spears. foot army

were

great part of the Eoman

By this inethod a prevented from seeing the

those who
were

departure
and the had
more

of the

; while

nearer,

beheld

it, having heard

The heard
terror

the
was

king's words, fought

now on

all

enemy

vigorously. for they had

the had

side

of the
a

what

the

king

said, and

TKEACHEEY

OF

METTIUS.

199

great part of the Fidenates, being Eoman

Latin. their town

understood colonists,
be
cut

Wherefore, fearing lest they should by

to
a

off from the

sudden,
retreat.

descent TuUus

of the Albans

from

hills,
persed dis-

they began

pursued, and
to

completely
the

them,

and

then

returned
of

charge

Veientines,
also could
a

already shaken
not

by the panic
attack,
but

their allies.

They only

resist the

the

river behind

them

prevented
chance
away
were

disorderlyflight. Thither, however,

escape. their killed should terrible After When and

lay the
river,
the
some

of

they arrived
rushed while Never

at

the into

threw others

arms,
on

blindly they

water;

the bank

stood

whether deliberating had the Eomans

fightor fly.
a

before

they fought so merely

Mettius his side, ordered
and pared pre-

battle.

it was

ended, the Alban

led
on

army,

which

had

been when
on

spectators of it,were

down his

into the

plain;

congratulatedTuUus
conversed the Albans
a

with
to

him

in

while victory, friendlymanner.

Tullus,
Then

he

encamp

by the side of the Romans,

lustral sacrifice for the and all had been

to
a

followingday.

When

morning
both
manner.

dawned,
armies The

prepared, he
concio, in the
the

commanded

to be

summoned

customary

heralds, beginning from

extremities, first summoned

the Albans,

who, excited

by the novelty of hearing the Roman

him.

king speak, gathered close round arranged, the Roman

centurions

Then,
surrounds
to

as

had

been the the

legion,all armed, delay.

was ever

them;
execute
as war

having first received

without
! if there to

instructions then

king's orders
"

Tullus
an

spoke
immortal
was

follows: that
we

Romans

occasion, in any
to

have their

waged,

return

thanks, first
to your
own

the

gods for
the battle

goodness, and
enemies, but opinion,
to it

then For what

valour, it
contend

fought yesterday.
your
"
"

you

had

to
more

not

only
you

with

is much allies.

terrible and
to undeceive

dangerous
of
a

^with the

perfidyof
was

your not

For,

false

by my
The
a

command orders

that which
I

the

Albans
cerning con-

retreated

the

mountains.

gave

it

were

nothing
you
were

but

pretence, in order
you

that, being
lose with courage

ignorant that
for the

deserted,
enemy

and fight,

that the

might not might be struck

terror.

200 and
rear.

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

incited to
Nor

fly, by
crime

the

is the

opinion that they were I am which denouncing

follow
I

taken that you

in the

of all the

Albans. would Mettius

"

They
have who

did but

their

general,as
lead you

yourselves
It
was war

done, had
led them

wished
"

to

away.

off

Mettius, the contriver

of this and

Mettius, the violator

must

of the

treaty between
of him
to do to

Eome all the like."

Alba.
or

make

signal example again

the
venture

world,

somebody
At and have and and these the in of
to

else may words

the

armed

centurions his pray

surrounded

Mettius,
"

king proceeded to conclude mind a design which I my good

you,
to omen,

speech
may

as
a

follows

be

both
!

to the It

Eoman

people
convey
to

and

happy one, to myself,

Alban

Albans
to

is to

the the

whole

people
thus
to

elect the

plebeians,to and patricians, leading Alban classes into the Eoman make one state, reuniting the peoples city and one
Eome;

give

the

franchise

which, being formerly

words the Alban
;

one,
were

were

divided

into
a

two."

At

these
flicting con-

youth
but,
as

agitated with
were

variety of
and

emotions

they

unarmed,

surrounded them
to

by armed
silent. if it
were

men,

their then

common

danger compelled
as

be

TuUus

proceeded
you have way.
men,

follows learn
to

"

Mettius

Fuffetius,
to

possible for
I would treaties, in that teach

to

be

faithful, and
to

observe your

suffered

you

live, and
of

been

instructor

But, since

your
an

dispositionis
you, have violated. between be
now

I will incorrigible,
to

by making
which
was
so

example

hold

sacred

those
as

engagements
mind

you

Wherefore, just
the
torn
were

your the

latelywavering
shall your

Fidenates asunder."

and
In

Eomans,

body
two

pursuance
was

of this bound

sentence,
upon

quadrigm

brought, Mettius
the horses chariots had from been
so were

the

chariots, and
and

then
m

urged
of

in different the lacerated

directions, carrying off

both

parts
retained
a

body
was

the

limbs their last

which eyes

in the

chains, while

all averted the first and

dreadful the the

no

spectacle. This
of
a

example regarded
may

among
not

Eomans of

species of execution
In other itself with

which

laws

humanity.
has

respects, we
milder

boast

that

nation

contented

punishments.

202
of Alba
as

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Longa.
It is and

That

this

destruction,like
an

Alba's

former be

existence

the

capitalof Latium, worships

Alban

is

historical

fact,cannot
the continued

reasonably
existence of

doubted. the

testified by irrefutably of the

temples

destroyed city; and

of

the especially existed in

a

continuance last

of the

priesthood
fact that and
29 ;

Vesta,
then"

which cites
were

in the

days
;

of

heathenism."
for the

Schwegler
the

note
:

the

following authors
i. 29 their continued

temples

spared
to

Livy,
for the Mil.

Dionysius,iii. 27

Strabo, v. 3, worships
at

4 ; p. 231.

And

existence, and
which tumuli
we

the

attached
:
"

them,

following passages, Albani 31, 85), "Yos

testor,
sociae et
vosque

give

length

Cicero

(pro

atque luci,vos, inquam, imploro atque

obrutse
arse,
sacrorum

Albanorum ille

populi
"

Eomani

sequales, quas
nobis
"

lucis,substructionum
**

caesis prostratisque sanctissimis (Clodius), insanis molibus Livy (v.32), oppresserat ;

Majores

sacra

quaedam

in monte

Albano

Lavinioque
Julius Caesar

facienda says
"

tradiderunt

;
**Di

Lucan cinerum,

ix. 990), where (Pliars.

colitis quicumque Phrj'-gias

ruinas,

^neaeque
Servat
et

Lavinia sedes mei, qiios nunc Alba lucet in aris Lares, et quomm

Ignis
Statins
Ben

adhuc

Phrygius

"

v. 2) (Silv.

"

Qua prisca Teucros

Alba

colit Lares

;"

MommAlbanus

Hegni JVeapolitaniyl^io. 1435), "pontifex (Inscriptiones iv. minor Juvenal, (Sat. 60) ;
"
"

"

Utque
Ignem

lacus suberant, ubi, quamquam

diruta, servat
minorem."

Trojanum

et Vestam

coht

Alba

Yesta

Albana

is also

mentioned
"

in

an

in Orelli, inscription

Albana," (ibid. (Corpus Inscr.,No. 1393) ; Yii'goYestalis maxima "c. p. 654); in the inscription in Marini, (Atti, No. 2240); and and Yirgines Albanae (Ad Cic. Mil. p. 41). That the by Asconius
Alban

priesthood

of

Yesta from the

continued

to

exist

in
:

the

time ix.

of

we see Symmachus "Primigenia, dudum

"

following
Yestalis Albana

passages

(Ep.

apud

Albam

antistes,"and
"

128), (ib. 129),

question records,
We in the

Primigenia virgo, quae sacra Schwegler then proceeds

the destruction whether of it

curabat."
:

to

observe took

It is another
as

whether and have

Alba
was

place

tradition

especially
the If

accomplished answering
on

by

Eome.

weightiest grounds
we

for

this

question

negative.
in the

take of

our

stand

the

common

tradition, Eome,
three

first years

its third

king,

not

yet

generations

FALL

OF

ALBA

EXAMINED.

203

old, and
of
very

remaining without
must

external
a

increase of
very

during the long reign

moderate

^uma,
humble

have

heen
power.

state

extent, and conquest

the
spectable re-

military
fourth

It

was

only through the

it attained

of the

surrounding
of the

Latin and

territory, which, however,

fifth

falls in
a

reigns quite an
in the
exert

kings, that
which

more

position. paltry idea.

time

Before

the

Tarquinian
we
can

foundations,

it

was

place, of insignificant
It is not of the
to

only form
often

the

most
even

be
and

thought that
Yolscian
and
wars

this
was
a

Eome, which
hostile

^quiaii
years
to

compelled

to

itself many
later

conquer

hold

city,which Preeneste, king,

aid And
to at

centuries

contends have
time

for been

years

with

Veii, Antium,
under any

Velitrae,should
that level what obtain

strong

enough

its third external

is, in
to
a

the

of

its

infancy, without
it

the
small

ground the price, how

success

ancient

metropolis of Latium.
as

and easily,
! presses

were

in
a

sport, does
chosen

it
ot

this immense
is sent

M.

Horatius, with

body

cavalry,

before,
undefended

through
The

the

open

gates into
the

the
mand. com-

unguarded
takes is
a

and

town,"^ and
town

announces

king's
ashes.

Il^obody thinks
its

of resistance. the

procession of emigrants
in

departure, and
in this ; the
was

vanishes
rest

dust
is

and
so

It

further

improbability that the

conflict.
rest

of

Latium does
out

completely
go

unconcerned Eome if Alba and

The

contest

not of

beyond

Alba

of Latium
the

vanishes the

sight. But, League, its

and

Longa

really
the the
rest

capital of
constitution the

Latin

destruction is not looked whoever in and

a

affected that

whole
of

of the
towns in

League,
would it. In

it

credible
upon

confederate
any

have

this

event

without

taking
narrative of

part

short,
sober

regards the traditional

of half

of Alba

not Longa's fall,

sort

dream,

or

state

somnambulism,
for
moment

but

with

practicalestimate history before

"ll^o human and
can

of the

circumstances, their connexion, their

a

and possibility
no

probability,cannot
him, but
acuteness

doubt with

that

he

has

only tradition
can

mixed
now

invention.
from

of

course

discover
of Alba

what

causes

under

what

circumstances
that
a

the downfall
of must

occurred.

We

only conjecture
was

the

destruction

the

former

capital deep
stroyed dein

of Latium
into the

the result of
of the

conflict which

have

struck
was

relations also

Latin

League.
Niebuhr Latins
;

By

whom

Alba

remains

uncertain.

assumes

by Eome,
it to be

common

with

the

surrounding
1

yet holds

possible

Dionys. ill.31.

204
that Eome
and
as

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

had that

no

part

at all in

it; that

the
at

Latins

alone and

destroyed
were

Alba,
the

the

Albans

sought refuge
latter the of

Eome,
settled

there

received
more

fugitives.^The
probable
one

assumption
Albans the Eoman

appears at

to

us

by

far

seeing that
of the

Rome

were

incorporated as
at least

tribes

people, and
been

that,
to

to tradition, they accordiiig

appear of

to have

represented
the have
not

from law been of

the

begintiing

in

the

order

knights.

According

conquest
treated.

of those

times, a conquered people would

so

"Moreover,
tradition of the
says,

if Eome the

was

really a colony
it was,
a

of

Alba mode

Longa,

as

razing of people
; and
a

according
sort

to the

ing of thinkwe

whole

ancient
a

world,
as

of

parricidewhich
Eomans
to

cannot

suspect capable
Mettius

so

pious

the the

ancient

have

been that
in

of

committing
was

more

revolting,as, allowing
itself
was

Fuffetius

Alba traitor,

not

implicated
does the
to

his crime." We the do

reasons

not

attach which

so

much

weight
forward

as

Schwegler
for

himself

to

he

brings
able
we

disputing question
Alba of
as

tradition whether
on

respecting
Eome relative
so

the

fall of Alba have been

Longa.
to
no some

The

would

reduce
means

depends
it. Caelian The

their

strength, which
as

have

ascertaining, except
But
as

far

tradition

may

throw could

lights upon
on

the

whole could

Alban
not

population
been
a

be

settled

the

Hill, Alba
same

have

very very

large and important place.

small We may
number

fact

is another
in

proof

of the

of

inhabitants Eome

contained Tullus
to

these

primitive towns.
was

admit

that

under

Hostilius which

probably
seems

not to

remarkable allude in

for architectural

beauty,

Schwegler
some

talking of
shows that
; but

the it
was

Tarquinian beginning
would

foundations,though
to

the

Curia
even

Hostilia

make
not

progress
on

in this direction circumstance.

; that

military strengtji
union have

does have
seen,
so

depend
a source

this

The
it
was

Sabine
so,
we

been from

of great power
in which

already
And
vented pre-

the

respect
the

Eome
none

was

held

by

her

neighbours,
her. have

that

during
that her from

reign
peace,

of
as

Numa

cared

to attack must

though

long

Schwegler
addition
the
but it
was

observes,

making

any

to her

strengthfrom
that,
who

without,
the in struction desession pos-

Niebuhr

draws

this conclusion
it is not the

from

circumstance
the Prisci
at

after
are

of Alba, of the that Alban

Romans and

Latini

territory;
held their

here,

the

fountain

of Ferentina,

they thenceforth

assemblies.

r
FALL OF ALBA EXAMINED.

205

within. The wonderfully developed her resources have and also of wealth,must been large increase of population, and rapid. If,as Schwegler admits, Ancus Marcius, the successor of Tullus, could reduce the greater part of Latium only thirty there be for to seems no or good reason forty years afterwards, a doubting that Tullus might have been able to conquer single of the Albans Latin city. This conquest, and the transplantation of Ancus, not merely to Eome, would have facilitated the success obstacle out of the way, but also by actually creasing inby removing one the Roman strength in the same proportion. It was so added and so much to Eome. much taken from the Latins, It is, in the history, and renders the a highly natural incident therefore, probable. subsequentconquests of Ancus all the more doubt upon the fall of Alba, to throw a Schwegler endeavours by placingit in a diiferent light from that in which tradition presents He it to us. in his critical remarks ignoresaltogether, just had become ject subquoted,the fact that Alba, before its destruction, the event of the combat between to Eome, through the Horatii He views, indeed, the tradition of that combat and Curiatii. as for have he has sufficient no shown, merely symbolical, which, as we that is no while he admits there For 'priori improa grounds. bability time ignoresthe monuments in it,he at the same which attested it ; and he grounds his symbolicalinterpretation cumstance on a cirit must have which relations between the connexion has
Eome
no

true and

historical foundation.
we fairly, presentedto

To view view them

the in

Latium

must

us by tradition ; first, they are of Alba by Eome the subjugation ; then its destruction by Tullus, caused by the treachery of Mettius, and the transference of its in the next inhabitants to Eome of the reign,the wars ; finally,

in which

Eomans

with

the Latins. of this

makes Horatius misrepresentation, Schwegler the king's merely ride into Alba with his cavalryand communicate But it would orders ; adding, nobody thinks of resistance." been a have had extraordinaryif the Albans great deal more thought of resistance; for Schwegler suppresses two somewhat
In pursuance
"

important
army,

facts

"

that Tullus

had

surrounded

and

disarmed

their

and

put their dictator and

general,Mettius
between the Eomans

to Fufietius,

death.
The

story of the first encounter

some

and

Albans
is

also throws

light upon

the relations of Alba

to the what

206
called tlie Latin
to

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

League,
here

and

therefore

we

cannot

tion sufferits considerathe before from He whole the the does

be

omitted

in

its connexion with

with

story.

Mettius

Fuffetius,in
does
not

his interview
on

TuUus

combat,
in
once

evidently
case

reckon

the

least support the the and like that Etruscans. whole Alba. the

Latins
not
an

of Alba

being
but
to be

attacked

by
that Eome

mention would

them,
have that

considers borne

brunt

of such would

attack lead
us

by

This Greek

to suppose
was were

the

Latin
a

League,
and

Amphictyonies, composing
it for confederation the

rather of the

merely
same

recognition recognition religious

well her

the

cities
a

race

religion, than
consisted
in

political purposes.
of certain
;

This

in

performance
of Alba that
polis metro-

established
was

rites
as

the the

temples
the

Longa
many

which

thus,
cities

as

from

circumstance
as

of the of

Latin

were

colonies,regarded
from
but

Latium. view
not

This who
was

derives
a

some

confirmation

the

fact

that

TuUus,
the stroke Latin the

very

religious prince, spared

the Alban

rather This of the

decidedly
was a

reverse,

should He

have

temples.
the
anger

of

policy. by
as
a

avoided

provoking
'Not Instead the

other occupy

cities
town

their Eoman

destruction.

did

he of

attempt
this he

to

colony. leaving
are

conveys
access

the

habitant inso

to

Kome,
usual.

temples

and

free

to

them,

that

the

Prisci
as

Latini

subsequently found
the

there,holding

their

assemblies

Not,
does in
a

even

allowing
that

that
one

Latin

League
the

was

decidedly political,
have Eome been
was

it follow

of its cities may

not

engaged engaged
cities

private war
years

without
wars

involving
Veii
to avenge

rest. the

many

in

with
even

without
her

other There do

Etruscan
is not

interfering ;
in

nay,

not

fall. that
we

something sufficiently against

the

the

nature

of
to be

these

ancient
an

leagues

understand truth of the

able to draw

argument
Alba
had

from

them

history. by
the

Moreover,
of the of had

treaty between
Alba Curiatii,

and

Eome

after the
at the

bat com-

Horatii had

and

placed
the for

herself Latin

posal dis-

Eome,

alienated Latins of

herself all

from

League,

and had

deprived
been
so

the

pretence

even interfering,

they

inclined. added
rescue

It may
come

be

that of

one

of the Albans
as

reasons

why
from

the

Latins

did

not

to the
a

the

may

have

been
a

that passage

Tullus in

had

made

treaty

with

them,

appears

Livy's

FALL

OF

ALBA

EXAMINED.

207
This

account

of

the

reign

of Ancus

Marcius.^

treaty
of Alba.

was

most

probably the sequel and

There
is
no

result of the whatever

was

submission

ground
Alba

but

conjecture
the
of

for

Niebuhr's The old

assumption

that

destroyed by testimony
their

Latins.

tradition, supported by the

more

historians,is infinitely adopts

not

probable.
the Latins

Yet

Schwegler, though
own

he

this

hypothesis,
it
an as

that

destroyed
the
it !

metropolis,
are

makes

argument

against
defended Eome

history Truly,

that
some

they
of

represented

having
the Not

if
not

these
so

critics had consistent Albans of

as

written it is.
so

history of
can we

it would his

have

been that

reconcile
even

surprise
Alba

the

were

treated, and leniently

his

admitted that that

to the
was

honours
not

Eome,
in

with the

following
of its

observation and dictator,

of

implicated clearlyaware
He had battle. His
town

treason
was
a

therefore Tullus his

the
was

proceeding

of Tullus
of stated

revolting act
between
on

parricide.
leader

the it

distinction
in

the the

and

people.
the
to

his

speech
was

morning
did

following
not

whole
so

conduct
on

political. He
whose conduct

choose be

leave
:

close
cause

his flank
anger

might

dubious therefore

but

he

had

no

for

against the

inhabitants the

; he

transferred of

them

to

Eome,
which of

and, following
Eome citizens. the

precepts and
so

example
gave

Eomulus,
the

by

ultimately became
The

great, he
is

them

privileges
Tullus of the

Eoman

history
and

highly
Alba

consistent.

acquires
combat Eome
not of

right

of

sovereignty
Horatii

over

by

the

result

between and

the

and Curiatii,
on

the

treaty between
he

Alba,

which

depended

it. it

But

finding that
mercy and

could

rely upon
any

this

sovereignty,that commander,
he

lay
in

at the

caprice
stances, circumhis

treacherous he
was

did

what,

under
;

the

perfectly justified
Albans
a

doing

he

insured

sovereignty by transferringthe
The

to Eome. of Alba
we

story of Eome

having
in

been the

colony
Instead truth

have
the

disposed of, and

the Eoman from drawn that

therefore

of

argument

about of any

already impiety of
being
of

people

destroying it.
the the In

argument

story against
of the

of these
are

transactions
another it wa"

Tullus, these

transactions, on story.

contrary,
the time
on was

only
head

proof
not,

of the falsehood

of Tullus
can

perhaps,
from the

even

invented,
in

l^o inference

this

be drawn the best

speeches

Livy

; since

it

customary

with

ancient
1
"

even historians,

Thucydides

for

example,
foedus

to insert erat."
Lib.

speeches
i. 32.

Latini,

cum

quibus, regnante TuUo,

ictum

"

208
which form

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

-were

assuredly never
we

delivered,or
in the

at

all events

not

in the

in which

read

them. existence and destruction G. C. of

While

Schwegler
not

believes
way

Alba,
doubts
"

but

in

the

recorded
we

by history, Sir
think
not
more

Lewis,

perhaps

more

but consistently,

reasonably,
fact of the

its

existence altogether.
considers," writes
that

Niebuhr of

author,^

"

the

struction de-

Alba,

in the

reign
that

of Tullus

Hostilius,to
of the

be historical.
account ;

He

nevertheless

the rejects

circumstances

received with

for he

conjectureseither Alba,
was

Rome,
the the

in

conjunction
not

the

Latin
;

towns, took
or

and

divided

and conquered territory

people

that

Alba

destroyed by
That the
in the extant

Latins,
from existence

by
dawn
a

Rome.

(Hist,
on

vol. i. p. 350

seq.)
believed

Romans,
former of be

the of and

of their

toriograph his-

city of Alba,
that
as

site marked
as

by
the have

an

temple
may

Vesta,

they regarded
certain. It is its that

it

the

metropolis

of

Rome,

considered been

possible that
memory may

connexion been

may

have

real, and

preservedby
state.

annual the of
a

rites
same

performed
the Alban
rests
on on
a

under

the

direction that

of the the been

Roman

At

time

it is difficult

to affirm

historical demolished We
memory

existence in the

city near
665
B.C.

lake,
sure

said to have

year

basis of evidence. suppose and With

a

must, in order
survived from

to be

satisfied about

this

point,

that

the

its downfall oral tradition

wars

four centuries

half,before respect to

it the

passed
internal

into written of Tullus

history.
Hostilius the of
"

evidence, the
laws and

present nothing
entire the has sister,

which

ofi'ends the

of

probability;but
the murder
account
as an

story of the
the

Horatii air of

Curiatii, including
; and

romance

the

of the

death of the

of Tullus direct On certain

by lightning is avowedly
will observe the that
it

related

example
be

of Jupiter." interposition this that

we

may

at

least
must
were

regarded
have been
erected

as
a

where

temples

stood

there

once

because city : first,

temples
ancient

dedicated
;

to Vesta

not

in

isolated places but solitary of the Alba

prove

in towns

secondly, because
seen

the

remains

walls

of
is

an

city may

still be That will

at

the

spot where

Longa

reputed
been

to have

stood.^
we

this does not

absolutely
have

it to have

Alba

Longa

admit;

but

it must

1 *

"c. Credibility, See Mr.

vol. i. p. 463.

"Alba Bunbury's article,

Longa,"

in Smith's

Diet,

of Anc.

Geogr.

vol. i. p. 88.

210
to

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

appears

have

lived previously

upon

the

Velia

;^ and

this
as a

circumstance contradiction built

some
a

is sometimes
to the
on

absurdly brought
of
:

forward

account

Livy
as

and

Dionysius, that
must not

he had

palace

the

Caelian

if he

have

dwelling -before

the

destruction

oi Alba.^

And

in order

with patricianclass Should be increased proportionally elected into it the chief of the people, Tullus the increase families : the Tullii, Alban Quinctii,Geganii, Curiatii, Servilii, that the and Cloelii.^ Senate

The their Curia that the

being
down
in the

thus

increased, Tullus
continued time of
our

built
bear

temple
name

for of

accommodation,
Hostilia all ranks

which
to the state

to

the

fathers.'* And
some

in order from among

manner,

might
ten

receive

addition

new

he population, He
new

chose

troops of knights from

the Albans. and

filled up
ones.

the old

legionsin

the

same

enrolled
on

Relying against the

this

augmentation
a

of force, Tullus

declared

war

Sabines,
in

nation, in those
demanded

times, second
been vain. been

only

to

the Etruscans
on

military power. reparation

Eoman fane of the
not

Injurieshad
in had
a

inflicted Tullus arrested

in

both

sides, and
that

complained
in open

certain
at

merchants

market

Feronia,

sanctuary
a

the

territoryof Capena,
of the

far from

Soracte, where
to have
some

kind held.

of fair The

neighbouring peoples
on

appears that
ii. 31

been

Sabines,
^

their side,asserted
Non.
;
some

of their
i. 22.

people,who

Varro

ap.

p. 531

; Cic.

Eep.
here

; Solin.

Liv. i. 30 There is

Dionys.

iii. 1 ; cf.

Schwegler,
between substitutes

B. i. S. 574, Anm. the the

accounts

3. of

little difference

Livy (i.30)
Tullii ; calls

and the to

29). Dionysius (iii.

the Eoman Fasti. appear among

Dionysius
adds the the
were

Julii

for the

Quinctii, Quintilii,and
Of

another Julii
we

family, the Metilii, who are unkno\^^l have already spoken (above, p, 117),
of Romulus. Alba It but
seems

where

they

however,
"

that

they

originalfollowers originallyfrom
discovered
an

bable, proits

Longa,

through
the
"

colony, Bovillae ; where Vediovei inscription: Corp. Insc. No. 1287).

"

was

ancient

altar, with

following (Orelli,
41,

patrei genteilesJuliei, leege Albaua

See
on

dicata

this somewhat
;

curious

Tac. subject,
;

Ann.ii.

XL

24,

XV.

23

; Suet. ;

Oct.

100

Klausen,

^neas,

ii. 1086 p. 29 ; 119 and

Gell, Topog. of
Diutornidi

Rome, Roma,
B.
*

p. 124

Ritschl, Monum. 302, seq.

2. of his
;

t. i. p.

Epigr. Tria, 1852, Orelli, Corp. Insc. Nos.

own

Nibby,
2252
;

Schwegler,

i. S. 575, Anm.

Livy

is

speaking

time.

WARS

OF

TULLUS

HOSTILIUS.

211
at

had

previouslytaken
there. Such

refuge in
were

the

Asylum

Eome, had been

out

detained The force Eoman

the well
at

causes

given

for the

war.

Sabines, who
had been had

too

remembered Eome

that

part of their
that the the addition for and
ternal ex-

established likewise

by Tatius, and

state

of the

Alban

lately increased by population, began to look around

Etruria
nearest
;
was

been

assistance. Veientines drew

a
wars were

nearest

to

them,

the

the

of the many the

of the

Etruscans.
of

Hence Veientines of the class

were

they
had former
even

some

volunteers
Eome

for from

the

grudge against
; and
some

recollection destitute

vagabonds

enlisted

But for pay. not they were publiclyaided by the state ; and Yeii preserved inviolate the truce she had entered

into with Active

Eome.

preparationfor
the
issue seemed

war

was

now on

made

on

both should

sides,
first

and,
appear

as

to

depend
the
a

which

in the

TuUus field,

took
was

initiative

by invading the
at

Sabine called

territory. There
Silva their

hard-foughtbattle
the
more

the

place
the

Malitiosa,where
in their

Eomans

were

superior,not
broken

only by by
an

infantry,but also

particularly through
Sabine that ranks
were

late increase

cavalry. The
effect

unexpected charge of horse, so

the
to

they

could

neither

maintain themselves

battle terrible
to

nor

retreat

without

exposing
rather That

slaughter.
narrative of

According
historian
seems

the

Livy,

which

seems

abrupt, the Sabines

were

subdued

by this engagement.

given only the last decisive battle ; the war had lasted two or three for,accordingto Dionysius,^ The victory over the Sabines varying success. years, with not only threw a gi-eatlustre on the reign of TuUus, and on
the whole afterwards Eoman
we

to have

state, but
find
so

also increased

their power.
one

Soon
of

mentioned, for the first time,

appear in been
were

those

portents which
of

often

Eoman

which

could The had

hardly have
Senate Mons

the notice history, preserved except through informed The that

matter
a

record.
of stones

king and
fallen
some
on

shower

Albanus.
were

and incredible,

persons
*

therefore

appeared despatchedthither

Lib.

iii. 32, seq.

p2

212

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

to ascertain the
seen

truth, who
voice from

brought
a

back

word

that

they

had also

the stones hear

a

fall, just like

hailstorm. grove
on

They
the should

seemed

to

loud

the

summit

of the their

mountain,
sacred had

qommanding
and

that the Albans of seemed had their

perform
This

rites after the

manner

forefathers.
to

they
gotten forsame

neglected to do,
them
; for
as as

indeed left their either

have
at

quite
the

if

they

gods

time

their of

country, they had

it
were

adopted
also

Roman

rites,
doned aban-

or, out

spite as

againstfortune, had
The Romans

wholly
made
a same

divine

worship.
nine been

public
digy pro-

festival for religious ; either having

days, on
admonished

account to

of the do
so

same by at the suggestionof celestial voice from the Alban or mount, the Haruspices. It is certain,at least,that whenever a prodigy kind was of the same announced, a festival of nine days was

the

observed.

Shortly after,Rome
an

was

attacked

with

But for militaryservice. indisposition Tullus would as permit no respite, especially

more youth was healthy in the seized length the king himself was

pestilence. Hence a warlike king like

he believed
at home
:

that till at

the

field than with

a

lingeringdistemper.
grew
to be
so

Together with
that
a

his had

body,

his ferocious

mind

debilitated, worthy of
once so

he

who than

previously held nothing

to sacred

less

king

to attend to to
now

matters, became
slave also

all at
of

altered, as
and
It

become occupy

the the

very

of all kinds with

stition, super-

method and
state

of escape

pardon from of things which

the

vances. people religiousobserbecame the general opinion that the only from the sickness was by obtaining peace the gods, thus seeking to restore the same had existed
over

under the

Numa.

It is related

that

king,
an

on

turning
made
to

Commentaries and solemn

of Numa,

discovered that
were

account

of certain

secret

sacrifices,
into either

to

be

Jupiter Elicius, and

withdrew

But these rites were privacy in order to perform them. not properly adopted,or not accuratelyperformed. Not
was

he unfavoured anger of

with

any

celestial appearances, had been

but

only through
a

the

who Jupiter,
was

worship, he

struck

with

supplicated with consumed and lightning,

false

along

DEATH

OF

TULLUS.

213

with

his
a

house.

TuUus

had

reigned two-and-thirty years,

with

great warlike
I^either
on
we

reputation.
Sir G. C.

Eemarks. observations

"

Lewis,

nor

Schwegler, makes
after

any

the
may

wars

of Tullus

HostQins that
this

the

fall of Alba
can

Longa,
Sir G.

and

therefore

conclude
; indeed

nothing
is
But

be

said

against their
C.
account

internal
in

probabiHty
a

acknowledged though
as

by
the
to

Lewis,
is

passage
as

already quoted.^
seems,
as

of these

wars,

given by Livy,
down had
in

far

it goes,
as

be

genuine, it
them

evidently very
had that
come

fragmentary.
a

It appears
and

if the

history of
which
own

very

mutilated

able questionfrom
or, at

shape,
he

and

Livy
to

selected

only
it is
more

those

occurrences

considered that

be

certain,though
must

evident
wars,

his
all

testimony
he the

Tullus have

have
of

had

events, that
which

they

must

been
for

longer duration, than

remarks that

those Tullus

records.

Thus,

instance, he
the
in the

during

pestilencewould
he

give
none

Eoman
which

youth
which the

no

respiteIrom
have been
the
as

war,2 though engaged

after

mentions overthrow

they might

the

of

Sabines,

preceded
Sabine War

pestilence.
the

But

Dionysius,
several
of it followed

besides
as

describing
we

lastingthrough
conclusion it is

campaigns, by
a

have
with

already said, makes

the

war

liatins.^

Fifteen of

years,

said,after
that in

the

overthrow

of

Alba,
But

Tullus

demanded

the Eome

Latins
as

right
in

of that

conquest they should

of Alba.
in
a

acknowledge
council

their held
at

head,
the

place
Eome.

of the
not

League
to

Lacus
to

the Ferentinee,^

Latin
a

cities resolved

subject themselves
lasts five years any

Upon
a

this

desultory war
sort

ensues,

which without

; but

it is
or

merely predatory
that
a

of

warfare,

pitched
to

battle

siege,except
had been to back

of

Medullia, which

place,according Eomulus,
event

Dionysius,
revolted
at all

made

Eoman
This

colony by
is the

but

had
war

the

Latins.
as

only

of the instead

memorable,
it may

and,
that think

Livy places
the

it under of events the

we

Ancus

of

Tullus,
war, he

be
not

from

paucity

of the rest of the

he

did

it worth

recording, in
as

slight sketch
have

which
seems

gives

of the
a

though, early history,^

war.

said,he
Above,
"Nulla p.

to hint

at such

1 *
8 ^

208. ab armis
"

"

quies dabatur a bellicoso rege." Lib. 1. 31. ^ Lib. iii. 24. Dionysius places it at Ferentinum, ib. festinantibus ad hsec nova. Proef. Legentium plerisque
tamen
"
"

214

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Varro, Pliny, and

with these in
some

Festus
; but not
we

also mention have

no

war

of TuUus notice of

Hostilius

the

Etruscans
were

other
account

it, and

as

writers

historians,the
the

probably originated
of the critics

mistake.^

The that with which

reign'of Tullus, besides

his
wars

acknowledgment
of

have the

the

internal

stamp
the

is important probability, the is first

sistent con-

regard to
bears with

of credibility marks of

early history,as being

record.
were

evident the

contemporary
the Pontifices that

This

account

that and have the

the

annalists

and

of Rome, historiographers the

they

were

instituted
as

by Numa,
instances the
names

preceding king.
of the
:

"We

already pointed out,

Eomans and

of

record, the treaty appended Sp.

of Pusius Alban

between

Albans, with
of the of Pater

M. Fetialis, may be

Valerius, and
added
to

Patratus,
list

to which

the

law the
on are

the perduellio, the

families

transferred
sacrum

Rome,
last

prodigy of
account

shower the of

of stones, the

novendiale

instituted three

of

and it, kind

subsequent
events

pestilence.
would have

The

preciselythe
the Annales

which which

been

recorded
:

in the

Maximi,
were

from

they

were

evidently taken
in the

preceding ones
Pontificum
or

probably recorded
Pontificii. The

either

Commentarii

Libri

only

other

event, besides
C. Lewis his be

the

combat

of

the

Horatii

and

Curiatii,which
of Tullus

Sir G.

finds at That
;

all doubtful the

manner

in the

history
what some-

Hostilius,is
must

death. allowed it so, and

of it is
may

mysterious
reasons

but this

there
was

have

been when death

of state
was no

for

keeping

easilyeffected
of the of his

there

public
be

literature.
; but
as

The the

precise manner
accounts

of Richard

II. is unknown

reign are
down,

not,

to therefore,

regarded
been Marcius

unhistorical. and the that

One

account

represents by
"

Tullus

as

having
Ancus
on

murdered,
^

his house

burnt

his is
lated re-

successor,

but

objection of
his death

Sir G. C. Lewis

gi'ounded
as an

the

circumstance of the

by lightningis
times such
an

example

direct
manners

of Jupiter." interposition of those which

There

is

nothing,however,
and belief,
;
on

in the

renders

the

consequently
the is it

the

of assertion,
a

interposition
with have
may
136

incredible them.
1

contrary,such

belief

is

quite

consistent

I^or

altogether improbable
;

that

Tullus

Var.

in Fert. cf.

p.

348, Septimontio
B, i. S.

Pliii. H.
2.

N.

ix. 63,

s.

Macrob.

Sat.
2

i. 6 ;

Schwegler,

577, Anm.

Dionys. iii. 35.

ACCESSION

OF

ANCUS

MARCIUS.

215
down

perished
heaven.
very

as

related

in

some

attempt
at Rome
we

to draw
are

The

thunderstorms those that which

lightningfrom frequent and heavy, and

in this climate and rod
his ; and

diflferent from

experience
with

it is not
to

impossible
have of

Numa,

his science

devotion which
to

religion, may

contrived
as

some

conducting by
this
his

by
The

elicit the will

Jove,
to

manifested in

bolts.

epithet of
to

"Elicius," applied
that
way. to

Jupiter
the

connexion,

seems

point

But

proceed

with

history.

SECTION
ACCESSION AND WARS
OF

VII.
ANCUS MAECIUS.

On the

the

death

of TuUus,
to

the

government

again

devolved

to

Patres, according

the

originalinstitution
Comitia Marcius
was was

; who

upon there-

In the appointed an Interrex. magistratethe people appointed Ancus Patres of Numa ratified their choice. Ancus

held

by this
the

king, and
the

Marcius
It

grandson

Pompilius by
should bear

his

daughter.
what

fore, natural, therethe

that he

in mind

had

formed

peculiar

reign; and as he observed that the glory of his grandfather's preceding reign,though glorious in other respects, had been in a religiouspoint of view, either through the unprosperous neglect of sacred rites or the improper performance of them, of his reign that he commencement at the very he determined
could
as

do

nothing
been the

better

than

restore

the

public sacrifices just

With the this view he of it Commentaries and in
to
some

they had

instituted
to

by Numa.
from

directed that down

Pontifex method

extract

king
on

the
an

of which

performing them,
was

write

album,

to

be

fixed

public
were

place,so
These desirous

that

everybody might

read

its contents.

proceedingsinspired not only the Romans, who with also the surrounding cities, of peace, but
Ancus would follow
in

the

hope
made
was

that

the

footsteps of his grandfather.

to

The
a

Latins, therefore, began

the Roman restitution

take

courage,
a

and

foray into
for the

territories ; and of the

when

demand
a

made

booty, they returned

^16

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

haughty
his Ancus
was

answer,

thinking
his

that

the

Koman altars.

king
But and
a

would

pass

reign
he

among
a

chapels
of that that
a

and

the

temper of
And,

mixture

of Numa had and

not

Komulus.

though
was

thought

peace
new

grandfather's' reign over

of

opinion that
which

he

should had

necessityfor his ferocious people, yet he be easilyable to maintain

been with then

the peace

Numa be worked

enjoyed
upon, and

impunity

; that

his that

patience would
the

despised;

and

present time requireda king like TuUus

But,
as

rather than

Numa.

his

grandfather had
observed
ones.

instituted he

ceremonies religious
to establish
war

that

were

to be

in peace,

determined
that

certain warlike be of declared the with

"With

this view, in order

should nation
in
on

fixed rites, he law

copied from

the ancient

^Equicoli the
restitution. the frontier

still observed

by the Fetiales
ambassador

demanding arrivingat
demanded,

According to this, the of the people from whom

his 0 head with
a

reparationis
woollen

having
follows

first veiled
"

fillet,
daries boun"

speaks
"
"

as

"

Hear nation

me,

me,

naming Equity ! I am
mission is Then
a

the the

whose

Jupiter ! Hear me, limits they form

"

Hear

my

of the Eoman publicmessenger just and pious one, therefore let my he

"

people ;
words be

trusted."
to

recites If and

his

demands,

and

calling Jupiter
that I
to the return
on

witness, says
these
men

demand Eoman
to

my

people and to country." Such

boundaries passes
;

impiously and unjustly these things to be given up to not myself, then suffer me
is the
to

it is

demand,
first
man

which he

he

makes

crossing the
it when the words whose and
as

the

meets,
when

repeating
he
enters
a

he

the

gate of the city,and

to

Forum

only altering, according

and he of the
are

circumstances,
oath. up within

few

of its tenor restoration

form
not

of the

If those three
war

demands

given
term
"

thirtydays
follows
"

"

for such
! 0

is the usual

he declares and

Hear

Jupiter,and thou, Juno,

and terrestrial,
to

Quirinus,
infernal

and

all the

celestial,all the
me

all the

gods, hear (which he requires.

home
our

I caU
"

you is

witness

that

this

people" right
at

then But

names)

unjust,performing not
these
matters
we we

what

concerning

will
our

consult

elders,by what

means

may

obtain

rights."

218 Aventine
were

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

was

assigned to
afterwards

the

new

comers.

More
same

new

citizens

not

long

located

at the

spot through the

But Politorium had to be capture of Tellenae and Ficana. twice reduced, as the ancient Latins had again occupied it after its desertion it should brunt
was

; and

for this

reason

it

was

now

razed, lest
The whole

be

continual War

receptaclefor
centred
at

enemies.

of the

Latin

last about

Medullia, and
For the

waged
was

there well

with

doubtful

and

varying
by
a

success.

town

and fortified,

defended camp

insomuch Latin army

that, pitching their

sometimes At

strong garrison; in the open the field,

with the Eomans his in whole
a

contended

regular battle.
forces,Ancus
a

length,making
them
to

an

effort with

defeated

in the

field,and, having captured

On this occasion the
to city,
so

vast

booty, returned
Latins
were were

Eome.

also many tions habitato connect

was

thousand

received the

into

whom
as

assigned in
with the
not city,

valley

of Murcia, The

the

Aventine
to the

Palatine.

Janiculum

also

added be

for want

of space, but

for fear it should

citadel. It was then connected a as by enemies not only by a wall, but also, with the city, for the convenience with a wooden of passing thither, over bridge,the first thrown of King The Fossa the Tiber. Quiritium is also the work defence for those parts of the city which, Ancus, no trifling of the ground, are easy of access. The from the level nature citywas thus immensely increased, and as in such a multitude clandestine of detection, of men, crimes, from the difficulty seized
were

in order to constantlyperpetrated, built increasingaudacity, a prison was

repress in the

by

terror

this

middle

of the which

cityoverhanging
increased For the built round the under Silva

the forum.

Nor

was

it the

city alone

this Msesia

king,but having
was

also its

and boundaries. territory from the the Veientines,

sea :

been

wrested
to

Eoman
at

dominion the mouth it.

accoimt
war.

extended

Ostia

was

of the The

Tiber, and

salt-works Feretrius which

established
was

about

on enlarged,

Temple of Jupiter of the splendid successes just related,which

Marcius

also been

had

obtained Besides narrative

in

the of

wars

are

taken
to

from

the

Livy, Ancus

is also said

have

fought

I
WARS OF ANGUS MARCIUS.

219

Fidenee,which against
who
wars

all
means

the Sabines, against made with King TuUus. had twice broken the treaty These ^ related by Dionysius are ; but they contain nothingat remarkable except the reportedcapture of Fidense by of
a

and had revolted,

mine; while the

wars

with

the

Sabines

consist

without a single battle of which the pitched onlyof incursions, placeis named ; though they suffered so much at the hands that theywere of the Eomans obligedto sue for peace. It was this dearth of incidents that induced Livy to omit all probably notice of them, as they would have made no figure the among his subsequent warlike annals of the Eomans, with which pages the
were

to be filled. As
a war

dropsa Empire
the
must
sea.

hint of

however, he just that with the Veientines,by mentioning

we

have

seen,

Msesian

Forest
on

was

wrested

from

them, and the Eoman

of the Tiber and War

extended The

this side to the mouth

of this Veientine
a

account

therefore be

as regarded

supplementto
begun the
takes
war

the Yeientines to this,

into the Eoman

had

by Bionysius^ ing Livy. Accordsion by an incurnear

territories. Marcius

attacks them

Fidenae, overthrows
he victory Veientines defeats them celebrates

them, and
a

triumph.
the

their camp ; for which Two the years afterwards Ancus

a

again break
in
a

treaty,and
which is not

once

more

stillmore

decisive action at

placewhich
by any
afterwards
as mander com-

Dionysius calls Allse,but

other writer. became In this

mentioned

who campaign Tarquinius, achieved

King
of the

of Eome,

great distinction

of the cavalry. He had also served in some wars. previous Dionysiusalso mentions a war with the Volsci, and the capture of Yelitrse, which do not their capital, we hear of anywhere else, and which seems hardlyprobable. whom Tarquinius, ambitious himself
which at

active an just mentioned, was and powerful from his wealth, who settled man, Eome, in the hope and desire of obtaining honour,
we

have

there

was

no

means
was

of

town, Tarquinii ; for there

he

acquiringin born, though

his of
a

native

foreign
;

family. being driven

1

He

was

the

son

of the Corinthian

Demaratus

who,
to

from

home

had faction, by political

2

chanced
c.

Lib. iii.cc. 39"42.

ibi^.

41.

220 fix his him

two

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

abode
sons,

at

Tarquinii.
and

Here Aruns.

lie took Aruns Lucumo

wife, who
died before

bore his

Lucumo

father, leaving his wife

became very
soon

pregnant

; but

survived, and

the

heir after'

of

all his

his,son

died had property. Demaratus Aruns, and, being ignorant that his

daughter-in-lawWas
poverty, the
enormous

in the

family-way, he
was

left

nothing
account

to his

posthumous grandson
name

; to whom

given, on
was

of his

of

Egerius.
he had

Lucumo thus

wealth

of which

become

further stimulated by his wife pride was belonged to the first family in the state, and was to suffer that her position by marriage should be inferior to that which she claimed But there was no prospect by birth. of rising at Tarquinii, as the Etruscans as despised Lucumo

his

by the and possessed, Tanaquil, who not disposed

elated

foreign exile. Tanaquil indignity,and, forgettingall love for

the
son a

of

could her she

not

brook

this

country provided
formed seemed
new

she

could
of

see

her

husband

honoured,

the

lution reso-

migrating from
suited
to

Tarquinii.

Eome

to be

the

place
where

best all

such

nobilitymust be valour, some place would

man.

a designs. Among recentlyacquired,and

people,
and active

the fruit of

be

found

for

brave

She
; that ; that

considered Xuma Ancus his had

that been

the

Sabine
to

Tatius

had

reigned
from

there Cures could

not

called sprang

the Eoman
a

throne

himself

from back

Sabine than

mother, and
It
was

trace

difficult to because
was

pedigree no further persuade her husband

was

Numa.

to fall into these

views,
quinii Tarfore there-

both

he his

desirous
on

of distinction,and his mother's

because He

country only
Eome in
an

side.
was

repairedto
with his wife

with
open

all his

property. He

travelling

carriage,and had arrived at the an Janiculum, when eagle,swooping gently down, carried off his cap. much The bird then, with clamour, accompanying the course of the caniage, as if it had been dispatched from heaven this mission, at length replacedthe cap on Lucumo's on head, and took its flightinto the air. Tanaquil, who, like of the Etruscans, was skilled in the interpretation of most celestial prodigies, was Embracing overjoyed at this augury.
her husband, she
bade him raise his

hopes high,seeing from

TAEQTJimUS

MIGRATES

TO

EOME.

221

what
a

region of

the

heavens, and
the
omen

from

what

god, the
on

bird

was

messenger

; that

was

manifested bird had

the

highest
a

part of him,
human

his

head;
in order

that
to

the
restore

removed

mere

ornament,
with and such

it by divine

It

was

city;
the notice

name

thoughts and hopes that having procured a house there, Here of L. Tarquinius Prisons.
Eomans,
of his
as

interposition. they entered the

assumed the the he attracted
as

Lucumo

of the

well
a

from

his

wealth
was

from

circumstance
in

being

stranger.

Nor

he

backward

pushing his fortunes by conciliatingall the friends he he could, by his affable address, by the banquets which he conferred. At length his gave, and by the benefits which the palace; and, having obtained the notice of fame reached the king, by a skilful use of this opportunity, and charging by disthe offices with which he dexterously and liberally chained entrusted, he soon so was large a share of the royal that he was and friendship, all busiconfidence consulted ness, on both foreignand domestic both public and private, ; and at last,having thus been proved in all sorts of ways, the king appointed him by will the guardian of his children. Ancus conduct reigned four and twenty years with as much
and

glory,both

in peace

and

war,

as

any

of the former

kings.

Eemarks. Ancus this is the

"

"We
reverse

have

alreadyobserved," says Schwegler,^''that

and the very

of Tullus he

image

of Numa. the

In

peculiar
of the
to

character

cultivates

restores religion,

neglected
into force
averse

worship
and to

gods, brings the precepts

and
as

of

Numa

again

public knowledge,
On the other the

is

by temper

peaceable king,
upon

and

war.

hand,
Hence

the fourth makes

war

he is the the

founder

of (Stifter) Latin
to

plebs.

he

surrounding
inhabitants

territory, conquers
and thus

their the

towns,

transplants the
of
as

Eome,

lays
towns

foundation
appears

the

Eoman

plehs.

As
as,

creator

of the

plebs, Ancus
and

also

their

patron, just

later on, their the

*

conquered
for

provinces were
This 'citizen

accustomed

to choose

conqueror

their

patron.
of
a

patronship procured king.'

p. Thus he

him

distinctive

character
'

is called and

the

good

Ancus

by

Ennius
1

(Ap.

Test.

301, Sos.);

by

Bucli

xiii. " 4,

222

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

'Nimium as gaudens popularibus auris' Virgil he is described Marcius {^n. vi. 817). By virtue of this double part which Ancus has to play, there is something contradictory in his natui-e ; he unites
nature

disparate qualities ;
that he

and

it is characteristic

of this

double

founds,
the old

or

more

the accuratelyregulates, of

institution It of this is probable Ancus

of the

Fetiales, or
that the

ceremonies

conducting
in

war. name on

tradition of this the the

discovered two-fold Roman

the

Marcius made

an

indication Marcius expresses

part, and

ground
name

Ancus

fourth

king.
of Ancus the

For

as

the

of Marcius

and spiritual in the

name

pontificalcharacter
some

of the ship relation-

king, so
his the
name

also

might

be found of the

to the

father

working class,or
is

plebs.
their Martins
were

For

properly
because from

is

Martins,
name

and

commonly
who the But whose The

written traced
name

Marcius,

Gentile
was

of the

Marcii,

descent

Ancus,
from Tiora

usually so by

written.

is derived

the

prophetic god Mars,

a

oracles
name

delivered

at

Matiene

woodpecker.

Ancus

(comp.
p.

the

diminutive Ancilloe
to the et

andlla) signifies *help,*'servant' ibi,Miiller; Non.

of p.

(Paul.Diac.
thus

19,
the

and 71, Ancillantur), other

name

answers

name

Servius,that
most

of the his the

plebeian king.
ayfcwv,
a

But

ancients
or

for the he
was

part derive
in

hracchio in

adunco,
way,

because

deformed Marcius

elbow. itself to It is not

Viewed be
an

this

the

figureof Ancus
of historical
name once

shows

invention, the
a

product
of this

construction.
at Rome

impossible that
he
was

king
him

ruled

; but

that

just the

fourth
to

king, and played just

as

the be

part which

tradition

attributed

the The

fourth

king,
The have

must

decidedlyquestioned."
of
"

therefore improbability
causes. we

the

history of
he The second

Ancus very
cause

arises from

two

first

of

these

that

is the

image
of

of

Numa

"

alreadyexamined.^
not to

bability impro-

attaches

Ancus

absolutely, but
as

only relatively;
and

namely,
the
acts nature

that which

he he

is

represented
as

the

fourth king,
If
we

performs
the them
some some

does

the
not

fourth king.
find much Like

inquire into
institutes of

of these those of

acts, we
his

do

difi'erence between

and

predecessors.
some

them,
the

he

ceremonies, wages

wars,

transfers This

inhabitants ancient

conquered
us

towns

to

Rome. it does

is all that
seem

authors

tell of

of

his

acts; and

not

to

affect the

credibiUty

Above, p. 180,

seq.

HISTOEY

OF

ANGUS

EXAMINED.

223

them,
the
The

whether

they
the of the

should

have

been

done

by
is but

the

first

king, or
not
on

fourth, or charge
that
"

seventh.

improbability, however,
ancient writers
was

founded,
on
a

anything
On
seems

tell us, the

theory plehs.

of

I^iebuhr's,
which
a

that Ancus
we

Marcius

founder

of the

shall

that observe, first,

to call him

their

founder
in
terms.

very

odd

a conception, and, in fact,

contradiction

We
even

can

conceive

of Eomulus

founding
were

the

Senate, the Equites, and

with
a

the

Populus,
bat
no

for all these

to

endowed
to found

certain

rights
The

and

privileges ;
cannot

found

the

plebs is

negation.

plebeians having
and be And Ancus
not

civil
as

privileges were
an

founded

only by nature,

regarded
falls to

order. the idea of any For neither

as

hence
may

the

ground
on

popularitythat
the

have him

enjoyed
for their for any his

this

account.
so

plebs could they

his have Ancus
own

thank

foundation,

could

felt
seems

gratefulto
to have

him

bestowed privileges

upon

them.

gained
for any of

popularity rather
he conferred. Neither
on

for

remitting
these
we nor

than privileges mention appears the the

to

that

Among
such
to

might
TuUus But

right
have

war. declaring

Eomulus

consulted Ancus

the

Senate the

occasions.

by
was

Fetial

law

referred

matter

the
us

Senate,
that he

and

governed by
among the the woods
"

the

majority.
the sea-shore

Cicero

also

tells he had had

divided made the

people
on

territorywhich
"

taken, captured
down
to

and from

the

which It
was

he

Veientines

public property.^
the like kind that his
to have

by
not

these
come

acts, and

others that he

perhaps
Ancus

of

have

us,

seems

gained
him

popularity ;
of the with

for

anything
a

that

might
Hence
on

have

done have

in particularly rendered the

favour

as plehs,

would class, orders.

probably
the be

unpopular
the the
in
was

the

other

also fall to
name

ground
That

ingenious speculations founded

name

of Anciis. with

of

Martins,

or

Marcius,
of that

may

connected

Mars,
There

his
a

prophetic character,seems
famous

sufficiently probable.
name

soothsayer
Eomans
"

who the

predicted
name

the

overthow borne

of

the Ancus
"

at

Cannae.^

But has

of
to

Marcius with in
a

by

which,
we

however,
bably pro-

nothing
that

do

his
more

popularity simple

may,
manner.

think, be
It is

accounted

for
was
a

universally
; and

agreed though

he

the

grandson
before

of ]N^uma

by
says

his

daughter
name

Cicero, in
1

passage

quoted,

that the
Liv.
xxv.

of

De

Eep. ii. 18.

12.

224
his father
was seem

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

unknown,
to

yet

as

there in

was

family of
with the

the

Marcii

at

Eome,
made he may

who
one

have

been

favour
no one

king, since

he

of them have

Pontifex,
his
to

it is
to

extravagant supposition that

of them. bore his in

given
related

daughter Numa,
was as

They
name.^ this

may The

even same

have

been

they
not

passage

shows but from

comes

that' Marcius

derived

instance

from

Mars,
so

Marcus,
from
was

the

Pontifex

Julius

lulus, and
it under
to

Nor, secondly, population

contrary
to
a

being the son of Marcus; and TuUius perhaps from TuUus. Ancus Marcius that a plebeian
Such the like
a

first the

began
whole that
a

exist. of

supposition
should

is not

only

to

tenor
a

history;
Rome

it is also

contrary
existed
we

all

probability
examine
to

state
or

have But

century without
to
come

plebeian

proletarian class.
of the

shall

have
we

this whole of the with

question
here that have this be
a

plehs presently,when
shall the therefore

speak
been
He

Servian

constitution, and
that the been creation drawn it is whole
on

content

ourselves

observing
to
as can

ground
the

of

Ancus

having
rests.

their creator is said

; but

charge against the

as

history king,
of the ancient
as

invented,
is itself from it
nor

fourth

their

creator

an

invention

no critics,

argument ignore
the

as

against

the

writers, who
with

such

creation;
Latin

consequently
continues

againstthe
"

probabilityof the
tradition We

The

wars

history. neighbouring
ascribes
must

states,"
Marcius
are

Schwegler,^"which
in

to Ancus not

certainly
stances circum-

the

main that

historical.

indeed

regard
and

the

it is the fourth few years, and

Roman
are

king who
so

wages

them, that they

last
as

only

ended

quickly
many

victoriously territory
successor

tradition

relates ;

they probably
Tullus fifth the

lasted

with generations, Roman

varying
still founds falls

fortune. extends
; the

Under
to

Hostilius, the
and whole
an

only

mile-stone;

yet
of

his

Ostia

conquest
in the

of the
;

left bank

of the

Tiber
siderable cona

consequently
that

interval

addition been

so territory

it cannot

be believed But the

to have

the

fruit of

few be

summer

campaigns.
as were

kernel that

of these the

traditions whose

may

received bounds
a

historical; namely,
of small that the Roman

Romans,
have

original
in

circumference, may
inhabitants

conquered

time

and subjectdistrict, of the

of this

formed territory that

at
a

the foundation
1

plehs.
Marcium,

The

circumstance

"Pontificem

deinde

Numam

Marci
2

filium,ex
xiii. " 5.

Patribus

legit."
"

Liv. i. 20.

Buch

226 Murcia
at

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

were

later gave
was

period plebeian quarters.

occasion
to

And that fourth

to

it

was

this

circumstance which dwelt

that there the

the
so

tradition

the

plebs

compelled
of with the

to do

by

the

king.
concordant which
as

"Besides

wars

conquest which, according

Ancus tradition, the main may

waged
pass the for

surrounding Latins, and

him

in also the
are

historical, Dionysius represents Sabines,

cannot

fighting with
Veientines.
a

Fide nates, the

wars

the be

Volsci, and

Of

these

the

same

said; they
of this

literaryinvention. by
a

The

capture of Fidense
the

which especially, Komulus historical

is
so

effected

mine,

resembles It is

capture by
from the

town. frequently-taken

copied
of
a

time,

and

the
A.U.O.

capture
319." this On

of Fidenae

by

means

mine

by

the Dictator

Servilius,

we

will

observe
we

that

if it took
must
mean

the

Eomans

"many centuries,
conquest
?
to

which, generations,"
to conquer

suppose, many

at least two

Latium,
and divide how the

how
many

must

be

allowed

for the

of

all

Italy 1
we

for the

conquest of all the world

Eome from its foundation of

If

history of
empire each,
"

the

establishment than
two

of the centuries

into

three from

periods
its
two

rather
to
a

more

namely,

foundation and

the

expulsion according kings

two

of the
to

kings,
common B.C. a we

period of nearly
chronology;
another and find

centuries the

half,
than still

the year and

"

from of

expulsion
to

of the

to the

264, half;
shall

period
B.C.

something
B.C.

less
a

centuries

from that

264

44,

shorter Eome
extent

period,
had of

in

the

first of

these

periods
an

subdued,
second she

but

not

the finally,
to
a

greater part of Latium,

about territory she had had

equal

middling-sized English county;

the whole of

that in

in the

subdued

Italy ;
the the
waver

and

that

the

third Now

conquered
one were

the

greater part of
which
was

known
ordinary extra-

world.

if any

asked he

most

of these

achievements second
or

might nobody,

perhaps
are

between
on

deciding
the for be best the

for

the

third, which
; but

facts

established

historical

evidence
even

we

think, would
to

decide

first, though
a an

that,

in

regard
We

other

nations, may
But
not
measure

considered
were

somewhat

extraordinary
other have

achievement.
must

the

Eomans their and done.

extraordinary people.
that of

history by
say what The

nations, and

sit down

in

our

closets have

they might
them the

done,
Grecian

or

what blood

they might
and

not

impulse given by
made

intellect to Sabine

sturdiness

first

people

in the world.

They

extended

PROGRESS

OF

ROMAN

CONQUEST. than

227

their

empire not
they
the had

less

by

their of
as

institutions

by

their

arms,

and

especiallyby
whom with

their

policy
other

receiving into
we are

their
was

city the by
had
not

peoples kings
a

conquered,
and in

told And

done

the

Latins

nations. the would

if

they
been

made

tolerably rapid
may what We

progress that

early period
never

of their able

history, we
to

safelyaffirm they
may

they

have

achieve

afterwards further

accomplished.
of the

remark, that Schwegler supports his view conquests by placing them

a

of difficulty

the Latin last

may

in

false

light.
did

They
not

did

not
we

only
say

few

years, but

through

three

successive Romans

reigns:

nay,

five successive
over

reigns;
Latium did not

for the

acquire a complete ascendency

If Tullus weakened the the Latium

till the time extend Latins

his

of Tar-

quinius Superbus.
he at all events of their Rome.
to have the sea,

Hostilius
power

boundaries,
the

of the of its

by

capture
that of

metropolis,and
The been
a

addition subdued be

population to
Marcius the from between and

portion of
that which

by
Alba
or

Ancus

appears

might
the about
sea

comprised
to

Tiber,
Alba
on

line drawn

from
a

Longa,
the
in
a

Longa
every

to

Rome,
Yet

or

space

twelve

fifteen miles
extent

in extent

side.

it is deemed

impossible that
been

of country

just
While

described
at the must

should
same

have

acquired
allows

few

campaigns
in that that it

time

Schwegler
at
a

that the towns

trict diswas

have
on

disappeared
the confirm
the

very

early period,and
to

good policy
which
To

part of the Romans

the truth whole
to

destroy them
of the of them press
are

stances ; circum-

of the traditional inhabitants

some

history. conquered
may
not
on

ask whether
were

of the

district have those

transferred left to

Rome,
their

whether

been

cultivate

lands,
which
content

is to

questions
of
course
a

primitive and
to
answer.

scanty annals
We
must

they

not

competent
outline

ourselves

with

general
It is

of the main

and facts,

this there is
may

nothing
been been

to shake.

probable
the
or

that the rural but

population people
must

have have

left to cultivate carried

to Rome ;

ground,

the towns
own we

must

otherwise, their
no

cities

having
conceive

been

razed,they

would

have
as

had
very

shelter.

But
"

of these

primitive towns
still fewer. the

small
or

places,
that the

in

fact,little more
and inhabitants,
was

than
some

with villages, of them

to

perhaps
a

three To

four thousand

say

Aventine the
Icilian
was

first in
B.C.

assigned

plebs for
till then with

dwelling-placeby
been
common

law

456, that it had

part

land, and

still for the most Q 2

covered

228

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

wood,
From
we was

of the complete misrepresentation not at words, all of it was Dionysius's

a
"

is

account

of

Dionysius.

that time

inhabited,"^
with

may

infer

just the
The

contrary
remainder

"

that of it

by
was

far the

greater part of it
the

inhabited. and
as some

public land, covered

to

wood,
well who

it -v^as tjiis that of the

not
so

Icilius

proposed
title. And

give

to

plehs,as
of those is
was

houses
a

already upon good

the inference found

it,by
as

eviction this

could

produce
also
must

statement it

unfounded,
from of the
course,

be

from
on

it, that
that hill
" "

plebeians being
after
arose

afterwards

that that

is,
the

the

asserted Latins

first location

of

Icilius there
to

tradition The twelve about have

of the is
a

having

been

planted

by

Ancus.

Aventine

of mile

considerable and
a

size, according
its the

Dionysius
may

stadia,or right; and

accommodated

in circumference, which half,

be

it would
some

therefore, with
thousands in

adjuncts
humble

and
manner

valleys,
then

customary.
Whether
some

Dionysius
the
wars

may

have
we

drawn will
not

upon

his

imagination for
to say.
are

of

of that

Ancus he
may

undertake
some sources war

It

is

not

improbable
shown

have from

invented dubious had the

a

that

not
we

tioned men-

by Livy, or already
the say but this such

taken

them
must

; but

have

that Ancus then

have

with

Veii. which ascribes

Schwegler
Career

proceeds^
to

to attack

tradition
:
"

Mamertinus

Ancus,
career

as was

follows ascribed

It

is difficult to Marcius shown

that
;

why
state
a

the

building
not

of the
at

to Ancus

it would

be bore

all

doubtful of

if it could Martins in

be

prison
from

the

name

antiquity.
call it

But

name

is not

found

in the

ancient

writers,who
But the
name

only

Career, or
to

its lower it bore

part Tullianum.
in

of Career
too

Mamertinus,
have
come

which

the Middle the time of

Ages, is
the the

much

learned
must

been down

invented from

in

Mirabilia, and
name

have

antiquity. Moreover,
has been

of Marforio of the riverto

an

(Forum Martis),which
god
which stood
over

given
Career this
name

to

the

statue

against the
Mars bore
in

Mamertinus, points
Hence in

ancient

sanctuary
the thus
was

of

neighbourhood.
of Mamertinus how the

it is

that possible and it

prison
be

the

antiquity;
of the is

might
Martins

easilyexplained
attributed in this
to

foundation

Career
even

Ancus

Marcius. connexion that

!N'ay,one
of the
^

tempted
the
^

to

see

traditional
a

the

Career in

with

name

of

Ancus
airas

Marcius
^ktjto.

proof
x.

by-name

is

{\6"pos) ovx

tot'

"

Lib.

31.

Buch

xiii. " 6.

THE

CARCER

MAMERTINJJS.

229
connexion from
to
was
an

question

is

antique.
the 'lower
name,

There

is

the This

same

with

the

Tullianum,

dungeon.'
is of this

dungeon,
attributed

analogous
Tullius.
a

explanation
But

of the

commonly
the

Servius
not

the
a

originaldestination

Tullianum

for

prison,
tullius

but

fountain-house, and

is testified

by

the name, house

since
of the

a spring ;"^ signifies Tullianum, consequently,the

spring.
upper
over more-

The

common

tradition, according dungeon,

could have and Servius
actual

to

which

Ancus the

built

the

part of the
an

Tullius
it is

lower, contains
to
see

impossibility, as
been that lower.
once

impossible
the Career
room

how

the

Tullianum
it
:

built under the

without should

ing destroyhave been

was

it is inconceivable then the

at

upper

built

and first,

Moreover,
from that
one

the

whole and
not

structure at

evidently
times. Career with

executed it may the

it two

plan,
rests

different
of

Thus

be

shown
in

the

reputed

connexion
a

the

kings

question
to the

solely on

false

mology ety-

; but
a

certainly belongs
;

regal period.

It is

probably
with

work

of

Tarquin
here

since,as
that
a

fountain-house,it
runs.'*

is connected

the

into which cloacce, We

may

the water

admire
so

nicety
monument

of

criticism
as

which Career of
was

can

tinguish disbuilt
;

whether
in the

ancient
or,

the

reign of Ancus,
as

twenty
been
w"

years

in later,

that

Tarquinius
before the
any

though,
Cloaca necessary

there

must
was

have

fountains
be

at

Eome
to

Maxima

built,
between has

may

unable
and

perceive spring
may
in

connexion "Whoever from have

for its

that

drain this

the

the

Tullianum.
a

visited

place,which
and that the
a

still

cause

shudder that

subterranean
in

gloom,
see

recollection it could
use never

of the have ancient

of

scenes

passed

it, will
but
a

been
authors

intended

anything
hollowed

dungeon,
it. of the

which
the

unanimously

ascribe

to out

Lying
rock, it

at
was

foot

the

CapitolineHill,and
that
a

natural

enough
to

spring of
From what Kor

water

should

gush forth, which

its follow of
name,
we

still flows
not

this
to

day.

it derived

will
in

attempt

determine.

shall the of
name

we

Schwegler
probably

his

super-subtle
from

speculationsabout
that
and

Mamertinus,^ having already shown

is

Ancus's
not from

name

Marcius
But

derived

Marcus,

Mars.

the

impossibilityof constructingthe
de Flum. ap. Fest.

Festiis,p. 352, TuUios

N.
name

; Suet.

Fragm.

(ed.Mull. Temple

p.

382) ;

cf. Plin.
2

H.

xvii. 26, TuUii of Marforio

was

Tiburtes.

The

probably derived

from

the

of Mars

Ultor, in the Forum

Augusti.

230

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Tullianum

without but C. Ancus

a

destroying the
scooped
makes
out
no

Career the

we

must

deny,

as

it is

nothing
Sir

cellar Lewis

of

rock. of any

G.

remarks

importance

on

the

reign of

Marcius.

SECTION

VIII.

ACCESSION

OF

TARQUINIUS

PEISCUS.

"

HIS

FIRST

ACTS.

The their

sous

of Ancus

were

nearly

grown

up

at

the

death

of

father ; wherefore

hastily the Comitia been appointed, he

time the when

they

were

all the more Tarquinius pressed on these had for electing a king. When the boys on sent a hunting-party at the to meet. Tarquinius is said to have been for the
crown,

first who

canvassed for the

and

to have

made

the

followingspeech plebeians. thing ; that aspired to

wonder had
not

purpose
"

of

gaining
he

the

favour
was
no

of the
new

He he the

observed,
was

That first

what

sought

not
"

the

throne

^which
"

had who foreigner at Eome might be a just subject of

and

indignation
been
a a

^but

the

third; that
an

King
enemy

Tatius
;

Numa,

only though
had
soon

but even foreigner, stranger to the city,and

that

without
; that

seeking the regard to

and all his
; that

honour, had himself, he

fortune he had
as

been

spontaneously migrated
as ever

elected with

with

to

Eome

his wife his

own

he
in

had

become than in

master

lived that

longer portion
and

Eome

his
men

former
are

country,

during
Eoman ashamed

of his
both

life in

which
and
war

capable of
learnt he need the be

official duties ; that laws

in peace from
no

he whom

had

customs

master
; that

of, from
in

King
and

Ancus

himself towards in

he had

yielded to
that he others."

nobody
had vied
These

duty
no

attention himself
or

the

king,
the

and

with
were

the

king
false

good
him

offices towards Eoman

idle boasts, and upon

people
But
panied accom-

by
same

great majority conferred

ambition him in which he had

the

crown.

the

it displayed in soliciting is
a

wearing it, and

blot

upon

his

otherwise

ACCESSION

OF

TARQUINIUS

PRISCUS.

231

well-merited establish he the had chose

"

reputation.
own

It

was

as

mucli
the

with

design
name as

to

his
a

power
new
"

as

to

improve
he

constitution the
on,

that of

hundred families the

senators, who
a

obtained

minor

faction

might
his

rely
with

they

entered

Senate-house which

through
the
town

favour.
was

The in which obtained

first war he
a

Tarquinius waged
of
was

the

Latins,
he with

took much

by assault

Appiolae.
commensurate

Here

larger booty expedition; by

more

than the

the fame the games the other

of the much

aid of which

he

exhibited any of

splendidly and
done. It
was

expensively than
that
a

kings had
out for

then is
now

site

was

first Circus

marked Maximus. and

seats
were

the

Circus, which
were

called
to

the

Spaces, called /oW,

allotted

the

patricians

man knights, where every for viewing or scaffolding

might
feet

construct

for himself

the games.

These

scaffoldings
show
most
sisted con-

supported
Etruria.

on

poles twelve
and

of horse-races from

high. The brought for the pugilists,

these games
were

part

Henceforth
were

celebrated Games
round
or

annually, and
the forum Roman
to

called

the indifferently also for allotted

Great spaces

Games.

Tarquin

the

private individuals

building on
erected.
a

; in consequence

of which to

shops

and

surround the

porticoeswere the city with breaking

the out

He

was

also preparing he
was

stone

wall, when
war.

interruptedby
Eemarks.
a

of

Sabine

"

^With

accession in
no

of Roman

Tarquin,

as

Schwegler
The

serves,^ ob-

new

epoch

begins

history.
took that
on

assertion,
after the
nor

however,
death Cicero

of that

writer,that
is unfounded. mentions
that it
was
an

interregnum
It is true

place
the

of Ancus,

neither

Livy
who that

expressly
do
not say

interregnum;
laid aside ; while

other

hand,
is
no as

they

Dionysius,

usually a
alteration usual.2 had
no

favourite
was

author and

with that
as

Schwegler, positivelystates
the Senate
a

made,
to

appointed Interreges
the
a

In

fact,Tarquin,
make

yet

private individual,could
in constitution
in

have this

power

any

change
he

respect.
1

But
xiv.

after his accession " 1.

effected

great innovation, and

Buch

Aets."

Lib.

iii. 46.

232
almost members

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

swamped
of
a

the lower

Senate class

by
than

the the

addition old
ones. or

of

hundred is the

new

This

grand

characteristic

of the

Tarquinian dynasty,
of the

at

least of its first two

kings

"

the his

secured Servius and

more

first Tarquin popular party. The election by flattering and the plebeians; and soliciting his
successor,

courting

TuUius,
well

put the
reforms

constitution

on

broader But of

popular
as

basis

by

the

which in

he

effected.

this,as
under In

of the

regal constitution
Tullius.
on
"

we general,

will

speak

the his

reign

of Servius

observations remarks
^ :

the first the

history question
decision

of

Tarquinius Priscus,
occurs

Schwegler
the this and
a

The

which of much

respecting depends,
is

Tarquinii,and
:

on

which

else

What

is to be from

thought
Corinth
?

of their At
the

reputed origin from

first

Tarquinii,
has cidedly deit is

remotely

glance, this tradition

because
as so

seductive

historical with

appearance authentic

; not

only

connected

historical

events,

the

rise of

Cypselus and
so

fall of the

Bacchiadse, but also because

it

corresponds
power

accuratelywith
the 30th

chronology.
B.C.

Cypselus 660,
and
B.C.

seized

the supreme

about
or

Olympiad,
Roman

about

forty-four years later,

son

according to

chronology king
of and Rome.

in

616, the

of the

exiled

Demaratus is the
more

became

This the

chronological agreement
more

remarkable,
value older of the Roman
to make

appears
in
were

to
more

vouch

for

the it is
^

historical that in the

a

tradition annalists
out any

question,the
not,
as

certain has

the

Kiebuhr
between How from and

shown,

condition
Pontiffs of

synchronism
Corinth. appears later

the Tables little

of

and

the such

history of
a

they

were

capable

making

reckoning by
even as

the
more

gross

logical chrono-

errors

committed for

the

instructed
the Thus of chronism synthe the

historians,such
of writer elder
"

instance and

Licinius

Macer, where
is concerned.
a

Roman

foreign history
Coriolanus

just mentioned Dionysius

!^

makes

contemporary
in

Kevertheless, the chronological agreement

A
in

question
of

is but and

deceptive appearance.
Roman

synchronism present kings

is

of the

events

Greek

history is,
of the

the

case,

only possiblewhen
; that

the

chronology
that

Roman

ascertained accurately

is,

Servius TarquiniusPriscus actuallyreignedthirty-eight years; and Tullius, forty-four Tarquinius Superbus, twenty-five. But ;
1

Buch

XV.

" 8.
"'

Rom.

Gesch.

B.

i. S. 389.

Dionys. vii. 1.

234
At the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

same

time,
and

we

do

not

mean

to contest to

the tradition

ing respectnarrative of

Demaratus,
which
may

his

immigration
that Etruscan

Tarquinii, nor
Corinth. But the

the connexion This

it indicates
rest
on

between

place and
tradition.

national

connecting

the

Koman

Tarquin

with without

this Corinthian historical with

Demaratus

is,according
as

to all
as

presumption, connecting
this

foundation, and
accounts

groundless
which

the
"

of Numa also from

as

Pythagoras.
and of the Priscus the pomp traditions Etruscan introduced of

With

vanish

all those
the

evidentlyonly proceed
of the

assumption Tarquinius
and the the
names

origin
the
;

Tarquins

such

that

insignia of royalty,the evidently because

been these

golden bulla,and
ornaments

triumph
for
was

this pomp wife of

passed Tarquin
Thana

having
called

originally Etruscan.
is to
one

That in

Tanaquil
Etruscan found like the
;

be

viewed

same

light.

(whence
with
in

is TanchujSl)

of the

female

most

frequently met
also title of older

is sepulchral inscriptions. Tanchufil that this name is merely a and it is possible

frequently
honour,
Gaia of

donna. wife of

According Tarquin,
Tradition also called

to

another
was

and
not

evidently
called
names

tradition,

moreover,

Tanaquil, but
to

Caecilia.

lends Lucumo

Etruscan

the
"

sons names

Tarquin
which is
are

they
also
as

are

(Lucius)and
Aruns
as name

Aruns

two

evidently invented, since

little
a

(in Etruscan, Arnth)

Moreover,
is

probably
of

real proper
Lucius

Lucumo. the

the
so

contrast

the

overbearing
the there doubt

and of

sufferingAruns
about

strikinglyrepeated in
we can

narrative
is
some

Livy

Clusium,^

that for

hardly
accession
are

mythico-symbolicalreason
and the

the

choice

of these

names." of the

The

Tarquins
most most

consistency
in the

of

their

chronology
of has

no

doubt

important points
careful the worst

early history Schwegler

credit of the done

Kome,
of
course

and

deserve

the

examination.

put everything in
we

light for
he

the has

history,and
this When

must
on

therefore

inquire whether
"the that old and

always

fairlyand
that and

sufficient
states

grounds.
that

writer

genuine
Priscus assertion
means

tradition
was

uniformly
father he has

consistentlyrelates

Tarquinius
makes has
was. an no

the

of the younger
no

Tarquinius," he
reason.

for which of

adequate
"old
no

he For, first, tradition"

knowing
in of writer

what

the

and

genuine
comes

The

statement

question

doubt

from
I

Fabius,
V. c.

the

most

ancient

Lib.

33.

CHRONOLOGY

OF

THE

TARQUINS. it the
most

235
ancient for
on

history ;
the most that
the

but

this neither tradition.

proves He
"

that has

was

nor

genuine

still less and

grounds
"

asserting
the alone
reverse. trary, conwe

old tradition from

was

uniform historical

consistent

it appears
can

the about it
was

writers,from
it
was

whom

know

anything
says,

it, that
very

precisely the
whether the
son or

Thus, Livy
"

that

uncertain
"

L.

Tarquinius grandson
of It son.^ the
same

^afterwards

Tarquinius Superbus
most
a

^was

Tarquinius Priscus, though

appears,

authors
passage

called in

him

the that

by implication, from
existed in his time. it in

Cicero,

doubt passage
"

Schwegler, indeed, by quoting

his
parvos
own

this
:

falsely,claims
"

favour.
tum

Thus,
makes Had he

he

writes But

Tarquinius, qui
are,

admodum
tum

haberet This

filios."
been

the ence, differ-

real words and he may would

mean

haberet Cicero used

or

liberos."
was

all the

shows either

that have

in

doubt.

certain,
liheri
in not

the

word

Jiliosor
The

nepotes.
is indeed

But

either children
sense

grandchildren, and
the

used

the latter

by

Cicero
or

himself.^

doubt, therefore,was
latter is the
and
comes

first raised author the who

by Livy
discusses that whom

Dionysius, though
it

only
to in

formally Frugi,

and
an

at

length,
left

conclusion

Piso

old Priscus

historian, was
behind

right
him

calling the
method have there

boys

Tarquinius
as

his

grandsons.*
made is
no

There

is, however,
from his the
sons

Dionysius intimates,
for

another
may

of escape the

difficulty ;

Tarquinius
And thus

Priscus
we see

boys

by adoption. objection.
it in the the have
"

that

force at aU

in the

Schwegler, however, repeats

case

of

Collatinus,who
of than

is

represented as
Priscus;^ Superbus
"tradition which could is

the
he

son

of

Egerius,
no
more

nephew
been this it

Tarquinius Tarquinius
he

could been

have consistent

his

son.

In

point,"
the

says,*^
of it

with

itself. of

As

makes

sons so

Tarquinius Superbus
makes the Lucius

the

grandsons
the

Tarquinius Priscus,
of the the of

the contemporary Tarquinius Collatinus, and

not

latter,
elder

grandson,
of arise

great-grandson,
;

Aruns,
historical have the

brother bihties that

Tarquinius
hence."
was

Priscus A candid

though
critic

many

impossisaid, not
error was

would

here that

tradition

consistent

with

but itself,

"

Prisci

Tarquinii regis filius

filium crediderim.
"
"

neposne Lib.

fuerit, parum Rep.

ii. 21.

liquet ; plurimis tamen

"
"

auctoribus
*

i. 46. De In B. Verr. i. 15.

Band Lib.

i. S. 48, Anm. iv.

c.

2 ; cf. Cic.
"

6, seq,

Liv. i. 67.

i. S. 49.

236
consistent with

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

itself. made

Both the

mistakes
one,

may

be

traced

to

Fahius other. been

a

Pictor, who,
"We know

having
Fabius of

naturally
; he

fell into
not

the

that

wrote

in

Greek
or,

may

have

perfect master
transcribers Collatinus
to

that may

language,
have of

what his

is

more

probable, his
and be made
fessed con-

at Rome

corrupted
it may

manuscript,
But it must arisen.
or

v16q, instead
be
a

vluvog,of Egerius.
have

mistake,
1
an

however the

And

what Far
care

does from that

this prove it ; it is
no

That honest

history was
A should such
matters

invented

forged ?
taken

blunder.

forger would
be

have

such Or

chronologicalslip
that there
was no

allegedagainst his
as

work. handithere

thing
may

record

That The

was

no

public

record

of such
not

be allowed. in the

private

historyof Egerius would

nor

have of

appeared
recorded

public annals,
of the These

even,

perhaps,
would

the
no

genealogy
doubt have

Tarquinius Superbus, though

the deaths

these and could and

annals of the have

kings,
annals

principal members recorded, and

of such that
events

of the

royal family.
that

the great public only briefly, alone

we are

events

it is the truth

here

concerned

to establish.

If there

we

reduce

the

civil

chronology

of Rome

to astronomical

years,

is

nothing
which
was

extraordinary in
is said to have

the
come

chronology
to Rome

of the the

Tarquins.
year B.C.; in 632

Tarquinius Priscus
of and
B.C.

in

eighth

Ancus,
if he 662. but

would

be, in
in

the

common

chronology,
would then
years, In

then he reduce

thirty years
died
B.C.

of age,

he
was

have

been

born

As
to

578,

he

eighty-four years,
we

old;
his he

these

to

astronomical him
at
was

must

deduct if

one-sixth,which
would

would

leave

seventy.
a

like manner,
at

grandson, Tarquinius Superbus,

have been

boy

of ten
to

his
an

death,
age at

forty-sevenwhen
been would
; he

he

began

reign ;

which the

he

might

well have

strong enough
have been he

to hurl

Servius

down

steps of the curia

sixty-seven at
died
at Cumse.

the time

of his

expulsion, and

seventy-nine when
been
ten

Tanaquil might
to

have

years

younger

than she

her
came

husband,
with him should Servius would

Tarquinius Priscus, and, therefore, twenty

Rome,
lived
^

when death.

and
to

sixty at bury
her

the
son

time

of his in the

That
year

she of she

have

Aruns,

fortieth

Tullius have for

(that is,thirty-threeastronomical
ninety-three,is barely possible;
fact is Fabius

when years), but author the

been this

only authority
to

again ;
1

no

other
iv. 30.

appears

have

Dionys.

CHRONOLOGY

OF

THE

TAKQTJINS.

237
The when

mentioned
made
down
to to

it,nor
the
his be

is it indeed

of mucli
we

importance.
shall examine

objections
we come

chronology of Brutus period.

It will to be

perceived, however, that if the Eoman by one-sixth,in

Priscus order must For to

civil years
into

are

reduced

bring
have

them

astronomical

years, then
not

Tarquinius
is

been

the

grandson, and
ten

the

son,

of Demaratus.

the
in

expulsion of the Bacchiadse

B.C.

from years have have

Corinth for
his

commonly
645 of

placed
and
his

655, and, allowing

wanderings
in
B.C.

settling at Tarquinii, he
his father
made
as

might
It

married been

; and

it is not

possible that Tarquin could might.

a

the

issue

this

marriage, though
the old

is very of
a

that therefore, possible,

annalists

mistake

generation respecting the father of Tarquin, just

sons.

they did

respecting his
It
is

Schwegler's argument quite evident

as a

from
he

the

name

of
not

Tarquin is of little value.

have borne that he the
was name
"

that

could
or

of
tinguished disthat he

Lucumo

title of

honour,
his

to

denote
for

man,"
he could obtain

because
no

reason

leaving Tarquinii
As
a

was

distinction
one

there. which
was

Greek

by descent, by
his the Romans

probably only
into

bore

name,

Latinized

Lucius

; but
name

it is very of

possible that, after settlingat Eome,

the
could

he

adopted the
full him should of the should
on

Tarquinius from
Priscus

place
not at

of

birth.

The
to

name

of L.

Tarquinius
of
a

have

been

given
the

till the have

time been

Tarquinius Superbus
gens

least.

That

there time

Roman that

Tarquinia
both

at Rome

before
name

Tarquins, and
have been

the resemblance

of the

to

Tarquinii
;

accidental, are
that the

highly improbable
a

while,
at

the

other
is

hand,

Tarquins founded
name

gens

Tarquinia

Rome

evident of

from

the

of L. the

Tarquinius Collatinus,the
of such
a

descendant

Egerius, and

from

mention

gens

by

Livy and

Cicero.^
a

Tarquin, though
1

stranger, had
iii. 25, 31.
et

as

good
in

chance

of the

Roman

Liv.

ii. 2 ;
"

Cic. Nostri

Rep.

When

the

last

of

these

passages cogna-

Cicero tionis the

says

majores

Collatinum

innocentem

suspicione

;" if he meant expnlerunt, et reliquosTarquinios ofFensione nominis by who blood not were relations, as Schwegler "reliqui Tarquinii," persons

supposes

(S. 677,
who from
"

Anm. their

4), then
name.

he For

must

have there

meant
was

clients

or

liberti of the

Tarquins,
appears
esse

bore the

that

only

one

gcTis

Tarquinia Livy
also

preceding
had

passage,

"civitas, exulem
would have

gentem

Tarquiniorum

jussit.
of

If there
one.

been

two, Cicero

said gentes.

speaks only

238
crown as

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

any

Roman

; nay,

better he

one,

from the

liis

intimacy with
circumstance The Roman father
to

Ancus,
he had

the

high position which

his
sons

held, and
bar
never

popularitywhich

acquired by
had
not

and affability. The liberality

was no

that Ancus
crown son. was

left

to

his

claim.

and hereditary,

had

yet passed from

not appear

On any

the

it whole, therefore,

does for

that the

Schwegler
pretended

has

incontrovertible of the

grounds
from that

asserting that
is

origin

Tarquins
and

Tarquinii

etymological myth,
Demaratus is Sir G.
as

groundlessas
"

than an nothing more the connecting of Tarquin with the connecting of Numa with Pythagoras.
answer

It is charge : not," says that writer, like the story of JSTuma and Pythagoras,a which chronological absurdity."^ The remarks Schwegler makes of Tanaquil are concerning the name confirmatoryof the truth of
"

C. Lewis

supplies an

to this

the When older

history, since Schwegler

Gaia It is

they
says wife

show

the

name

to to

have another

been
and
was

Etruscan.

that, "according
of

evidently
not

tradition, the

Tarquin,
a

moreover,

called

Tanaquil, but
the
matter.

this is Csecilia,"

grossly-uncandid way
to tell whether
one
case

of

stating

impossiblefor
; but

him

tradition there
were

is older
not two

than

another

the

fact is that her

in this
name
a

traditions. her

Tanaquil changed
husband
are
an

when Latin
; and

she

came

to

Rome, just as
and
not

did,and adopted
and the
same

one.^

Tanaquil
has that Gaia
not
sidered con-

Gaia the

Csecilia shadow is of

one

person

Schwegler
here and

authorityfor stating in
from And
on

his note

Csecilia

entirelydifferent originally
Etruscan
woman. even

Tanaquil,
was
an

an

if there

any

foundation
to

for

Schwegler's

remarks
no

this

subject,such against
is

appeal
about

trifling
of the

circumstances

affords Of
a
mere

argument
same

the

general truth
above

early history.
"c. insignia,
value.
"

the

nature

the

remark

the

regal
no

antiquarian matter, only

at add

in the
no

respect of

We the and been

need

that

there

is

resemblance
and

whatever that
seem

between Lucumo
to have
^

story of Lucius
Aruns
common

and

Aruns
in

Tarquinius
the
names,

of

Clusium,
in Etruria

except
;

which

because and, therefore,

in these

"c. vol. i. p. 477. Credibility, Gaia Csecilia appellataest, lit

"

Komam

venit, quse
"

antea

Tanaquil
p. 95
est.
"
"

vocitata

erat,uxor
Oaia

Ccecilia.

Tarquinii Prisci regis Romanorum." Gaia Tanaquil, quae eadem

"

Paul

Diac.

(ed. Miill.).
Plin. H. N. cited Max.

Csecilia vocata
to

viii. 74, " 194.

There

is

nothing contrary
7
:

this in the

other

passages

by Schwegler, S. 678,
De Nom.

Anm.

viz.

Festus, p. 238, Praedia,and

Val.

TANAQUIL Arrnis
to

OR

GAIA

CECILIA.

239
draw the

two

cases

appears
any

have
reason,

heen
a

the

injured party, to
that
very
to

thence, without
names
were

other

general conclusion
not
seem

does mythico-synibolical,
even

be

sound

critical method,

though

Buttmann

may

have
:

adopted it.^
"Modern

Schwegler then proceeds (Section 9) as follows also,

"

inquirers
the

as

Levesque, Miiller, Michelet, Arnold, origin of the

as

"

reasoning from
the

Etruscan

Tarquins, have epoch of Eome,

which To

considered and have

Tarquinian
to

dynasty
Roman because because

the

Tuscan

referred

the
in

Tarquins everything Etruscan

customs

they thought they found

this I cannot not

and

institutions.

accede

partly partly

the

Etruscan

origin of the
influence but
on

Tarquins is
was

true;
so

the Etruscan
to

Eome

not

by far
the

great as
shows

it is assumed

be ;
as

particularly because
traces

epoch of the

Tarquins,
We have

so

far

it exhibits

of

foreign influence,
of these

this influence

to have

been

Greek." the
if first
reasons came

might have
been

thought that
not have
we

would
not

sufficient;because,

the

Tarquins
any

from

Etruria, they could

On this
we

introduced
differ with

Etruscan

influence.
on

point, however,
are
came

Schwegler, though
him. "We think

the the

others

inclined from them

to

agree ; but

with from

that

Tarquins

Etruria Greek

their Greek than

Etruscan. in

descent,they
part of his

brought with

habits this

rather

Schwegler has
which work,2 fj,Qj)^ that the Etruscan
any

examined
we

question

another

give the following results. He is of opinion not sufficiently settlers at Eome numerous were
influence
: on

to have

decided

the this

population, which
is

always

mained re-

Sabino-Latin which has but few

Tuscan

and

that

shown

by the
Eoman

language, always
Even the

traces
as

of Tuscan. of
a

Further, the
and

regarded the
natural between the

distinct them
are

foreign race.
the

boundaries Latins
"

between

sharply marked, whilst those Volscians,

was
"

and Trans
and

the

Sabines, or

are

ceptible. imper"

Thus,
sell to
: foreigners

Tiberim
even are

vendere,"
said

equivalent to
borrowed
The
can

to

"

Cicero

calls the Tuscans

to have

barbarians."^ from atrium

no

Many
the that

things which
common

the^Eomans
to them is said to be

the of

Etruscans, were
Eoman this house
was

with

the Italians.
but there

Etruscan,
The Atrium the
^

be
was

doubt

old

Italian.^

Tuscanicum
term

only
that

particular species of atrium, and

1

very
iv.

shows

there

Mythol.
Nat.

ii. 302. ii.

Buch

" 32.
186.

Deor.

4, 11.

-"

Abeken, Mittel-ItaHen,S.

240
other the atHa

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

were

which

were

not

Tuscan.

So

also the

Eoman

toga,
said

and

Roman

doctrine and

of

the

Lares, Penates, "c., are

been
^

by
a

Miiller, Becker,
Latin shown of the Larunda be shown
to

others,to by by
the and
^

have Varro

Etruscan.

But

toga is

word, rightlyderived
be Latin Lares and
to

from

tegere; and

is further

Gabine

cincture. for Tatius

a

So, also,the worship

consecrates

is Italian the be Lares.

Sabine,
In from

altars

to
can

fact,not
Etruria

single Roman
;

worship
the

derived

for had
a

even

Capitoline
and
doubtedly un-

Triad, established
old Sabine characteristic

by Tarquinius Superbus,
the

its prototype in the very the essential

capitol on
introduced

Quirinal.^
of the
time

But

feature, that
in the

statues

of

gods,

was

the

of

the the

Tarquins.
shrines that
were

Before

the

accession

of It

Tarquinian
at least

dynasty,

without the earliest

was

images.*
period
at

cannot, however, be
were

doubted,

from

the

gods

represented by symbols.
of
a

Jupiter
oath
"

first

worshipped
"

in the Mars
was

form

stone, whence
a

the
; and

Per

Jovem
the

Lapidem

; burnt

represented by
her
want

spear

Vesta
were

by
bably proas as

fire which

upon

hearth.^ of

These
make not

symbols
a

adopted rather from Schwegler thinks, because

anthropomorphous, by
a or

skill to
were

statue, than,
of

the

gods

yet conceived
is

personal beings f
of

and

this view

supported Schwegler
not

passage
In
a

in

Clemens

Alexandria, quoted by
a

himself.'^

fact,Schwegler'ssupposition involves symbol

what
was

contradiction
was a

in terms, for

refers
it %

to The

something
same

; and

if this is of

personal god,
their

writer the than allows Romans from

opinion
but

that

image-worship was
intercourse
reason

introduced with

among

rather

througli
he may

Magna
artists

Grsecia

Etruria;

gives no
have

for this Tuscan the

114. Vetus in

opinion, and
and whose

that the It
was

Tarquins

employed
that

workmen. ancestral

not, however,
was

necessary
1

Tarquins,
quod

home
2

Corinth,

Ling. Lat. v. "Capitolium

quam Varro
"

j^i^j, " 74^

ibi sacellum
"

Jovis, Junonis, Minervae, et id antiIbid.

quius
4

sedis quae dicit

Capitoliofacta." plus
Dei.
;

"

158. et

antiquos Romanos
"

annos

septem
^n.

septuaginta deos
; Paul.

sine

simulacro
s

coluisse." Fam.

St,

Aug.

Civ. iii. 25

iv. 31. viii. 641 Diac. p. 92,

Cic.

vii. 12 ;

Polyb.

Serv.

Feretrius, "c. p. 115, Lapidem; Plut. Camill. 20 ; and the authorities 17, S. 6, Anm. Studien, i. S. 5, Anm. 26, S. 9, Anm. by Ambrosch,
e

collected

36, "c.

B. i. S. 680, Anm. irb iraXaidv kv 'Pcofxri

3.

'

S6pu (prftrlv yeyovevai

TCXviTbiv
itrl

avyypa"peis, ovdeiru

roSv

rd ^6avov Ovdppwp 6 ''Apecos Ti\v evirpocwiroi' Tavrrjv KaKorexviav

rod
"

Sk ifvOriaey iireiSij ijir\6,pT], Protrept. 4, ?Jt"X"'"7, rjij^rjfffp (opfir)K6Twv.

46.

242

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

attested dynasty, is sufficiently suppose that whatever him the had

by

ancient

authors

; for

we

may have

portion of Greek
now

culture

Komulus

may

brought with
mixture their with

been

Sabines.
at that

pretty nearly obliterated by long Corinth, to which the Tarquins traced

one

was origin,

time

of the

politestcities
his
an

in

Greece. in

Cicero
Grecian
stream

says

that

Demaratas
art ;

learningand
of it flowed Tullius

instructed carefully that through their means

; and

children abundant

into Kome

that

Tarquinius Priscus
of the introduced
arts

brought
Greeks.'^

up But

Servius that

after the most

exquisitemanner
Grecian
^

the writing was among Tarquins, as Schwegler supposes, in testimony, as we have shown therefore doubt

by
the need had

the best
not
no

is the

quite contrary to Introduction, and

The

again

enter

into

the

subject here.

Tarquins

improved by their intercourse with Magna Graecia the Greek learningwhich was hereditaryin their family. This intercourse is attested by the last Tarquin having taken refugeat Cuma3, as well as by the Sibylline books having been brought thence to Eome. But with to suppose, Schwegler, that the Eomans got the art of writingfrom Cumse, is to suppose that the Tarquins also must have done which is highly absurd, since it cannot be doubted that so;
letters The and Numa had order
were

known

at Corinth

when

Demaratus the pomp

was

expelled. gods.

increased Tarquins especially

more

of

religious worship,

made had

magnificent
the
as

the

temples

of the

Although
possible,in
The sacred
to avoid

introduced them
to

frequent
and them of wood he

practice of
little the

he religiousrites,

rendered the
more

simple

as

costly as people.
and

utensils the

were

spread made chiefly

for

among and

earthenware, and
cakes say

expense

of animal substituted

victims

allowed We

fruits to

be for

sometimes

them.^

"sometimes;"

Schwegler'sassertion^ that the oldest religiousworship at Eome, instituted is evidently as only bloodless sacrifices, by ^N'uma, admitted incorrect. Plutarch, the only direct authority that he
adduces for this that does assertion, the greater part
not

bear the
"

him

out

; for that

author

only
J

says

of

sacrifices
B. i.
s.

established

by

De

Kep.

ii. 19, 21.

"

680. iii. 17.

"

'

Hence

the

capedunculse Numse."
et mola

"

Cic. Nat.

Door.

Numa

iusti-

tuit Deos

fruge colore

Simpuvium
Et Vaticano
erat

supplicare.""Plin. H. N, Aut quis, ridere Niimse, nigrumque catinum, de monte fragiles patellas,
"

salsa

xviii. 2.

Ausus
"

?"

Juv.

Sat. vi. 342.

Cf.

Dionys.

ii. 23, 74.

"

g. 681.

INFLUENCE

OP

THE

TARQUINS. describes

243 I^uma

Numa
with

were

bloodless victims

; while

Livy
be

as

teaching
be made.^ of the

what

the different (hostiis)

sacrifices should
as

The

Tarquins, therefore,cannot
sacrifices at model In
are

regarded weights
been

the

introducers
on

animal Greek TuUius.^

Kome.

Eoman
to

and

measures

supposed
manner we

have
find

adopted

by

Servius

like

Tarquinius Superbus sending

in

magnificent giftsto the

with

Delphic Apollo,
those from that of the whom

conformity, says Cicero,

he
was

the

institutes his
son

of

descended,^
a

and

sending
after founded

to

consult

oracle, also giving

Greek

name,

Circe,
on

the the

daughter
coast

Sun,

to

the

colony
thinks Latium

which
it

he
was

of Latium.* of the

Schwegler Tarquins
a

that that

also owing Latin

to towns

to the may
some

influence have
of of

over

many

begun
the these

to claim

Greek

and origin, We
are

especially opinion,
claimed. Greek
to

refer it to

Homeric
towns

heroes.
were

of

However, that many

though not,
But it
seems

reallyGreek
heroes whom from

foundations, they
the first

of course,
very

by

the eponymous
that the

probable
this from

Eomans,
have of that
now

impulse
trace

derived

from

source,

may

begun
man

their descent
on

^neas,
All

instead
a

obscurer
or

who the
or

landed

the coast of their

of Latium

only
must

generation

two
are

before

foundation extrinsic
a

city.
moral
to
so

these, however, undoubtedly polish their

in those
on

material
also

things.
to

The the much

are

Tarquins
and refine

have

given
and

vast

impulse
contributed

ideas of the Eomans, political and

manners.

have

These

however, things,

not

traced easily

earlytimes, except
tion constitu-

perhaps
before

in

the

effect which

they produced
writers
are

the Eoman

; and
we

therefore

the ancient the

silent about

them.

But

consider

reforms political of his

of

Tarquinius Priscus, we

will conclude

the remainder

reign.

SABINE

WARS.

"

BIRTH

OF

SERVIUS

TULLIUS.

"

MURDER

OF

TARQUIN.

The

attack

of

the

Sabines before
in
Si*

was

so

sudden,
Eomans

that could

they
march

had
to

alreadypassed the
oppose
1

Anio
was

the

them.

Eome

as consternation, especially

the

dvaifxaKTOi^aav al iroWai,
"

d\(pirovkoI (Tvovdrjs Kal

^ ^

rwy

evTeXeffTaTwu

"Keiroi-qfiivas.
3 5

Num. Metrol.

8.

Lib. De
was

i. 20.

Bockh,

Unters, S. 207.
rock
on

Rep.
built

ii. 24. appears,

Liv. i. 56. been

The

which abode

Circeii

however,

to

have

previously the
,

reputed

of Circe.

r2

244 result of the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

first
as

battle, though
the enemy
to

veiy his

bloody
afresh
was

one,

was

indecisive. the Eomans

But

recalled

troops into camp,

for the
war.

got breathing time

was

prepare his he
army

Tarquinius
deficient centuries
in to

opinion that cavalry,and therefore

the and
a

of

principally
to

resolved

add

other

Eamnenses,
to

Titienses, and

Luceres
own

enrolled But

by Romulus,
Attus that

designate them
augur
or

by

his

name.

Navius,

celebrated be altered

of those innovated

times, proclaimed
unless the birds

nothing
of
"

could The

consented. way said

king's
art

anger of

was

roused he is

thereat, and, by

bantering the
Come,
be done."

augury, whether

reported
I
am now

to

have

prophet, augur
'Then him
"

what

ing think-

can

Attus, having tried the

it you do could. could what
"I cut
was

matter

by
with
you to

:augury,

assured

that

considering',"
portend

repliedTarquin,
a razor.

whether

this whetsone birds

Take Then

them, and Attus,

without A

your

can." have

cut

the whetstone.

hesitatinga moment, of Attus, having statue

on

is said

the head left of is also

as
a

veiled, long stood in the Comitium,

the

the

steps

to the

Curia, the
have

scene

of the

occurrence

; the
same

whetstone
serve

said to
monument

been of the

deposited in
miracle
to

the

place,to
All that

posterity.
this time

is certain

about
.

auguries, and the forward College of Augurs, grew into such repute that nothing henceor done, either at home abroad, without was taking the auspices; so that assemblies of the people, armies that had been enrolled,in short, all the most important affairs of dissolved and suspended if the augural omens State,were were adverse. no Tarquinius,therefore, made turies change in the cenof the knights ; but he doubled their number, that so there should be eighteen hundred knights in the three centuries.
These bore the the
same names as

the

story is, that

from

the former

ones,

they

were
are

called
now

later,or

second

knights;

which

only being

doubled

called six centuries. this

Tarquin, having thus increased

took
with

part of his forces, again

he he of
was

the field

againstthe having only increased

He directed

Sabines. his
a

But

not

satisfied
to

strength; quantity

also wood

resorted that
was

stratagem.

vast

TARQUIN'S

SABINE

WAR.

245 fire and

to he

lying on
tlirown

the into

banks the
it

of the The

Anio wind

to

he

set

on

river.
was

great part of
of the

in
on

ignite it,and a boats, which, driving againstthe piles

helped
to

bridge,set

it

fire. the their

The

sight of the
with

burning bridge
not

during the battle struck

this, but
drowned
stream

Sabines
so flight, arms so

terror, and

only
were

also hindered
in the

that many
were

of them down

river.

Their

carried where

the
were

into

tlie Tiber, and

to

Eome,

they

recognised,and thus be could brought.

the

knights.
had hot
in

These broken

proclaimed the victory before the news The chief glory of the day belonged to had stationed each wing; the been on
the main

Sabines
were

body

of the

Eoman

foot

and

each the cavalry, charging from pursuit,when in side, not only arrested the Sabines, but compelled them in complete rout, for the mountains turn to fly. They made but
as we

only

few

succeeded
were

in

gaining them by
the

; the

greater part,
the river. He therefore the

have

said,

driven
to the

cavalry
Sabines. The

into

Tarquinius determined
sent enemy into army
a

pursue

the

the

prisonersand
had devoted

booty
it

to Eome.
; and

spoilsof

he

to Vulcan set
on

great heap, and

into the who

having collected them fire,he proceeded with his

he
as was

Sabine
had

territory. Here
rallied their forces of

the but

Sabines,
without
was

well

again met by as they could,

stand. almost
to

much another

hope

making
sent
to

successful them

The the

result brink As its

with

defeat, which
;
so

reduced

of destruction

they

the

price of this they

were

beg a peace. obliged to cede

surrendered

CoUatia

and

territory ; Egerius,son
a

of the

king's brother,
established
"

was

left there the

garrison. The followingform, which

inquired of. the
and

CoUatines
became from

according to
one.

the

The the

king

envoys
sent ?
"

CoUatia the

Are

you

sadors ambas-

orators

by
"

CoUatine are."
" "

people
Are
"

to surrender

yourselves and people their own

waters,

them

We
?
"

the
Do

CoUatine
you
render sur-

masters

They

are."

yourselves and

the

CoUatine

people, their city, lands,

and

boundaries, temples, utensils,

all their Eoman

property,

religiousand
"

secular,
And

to

me

and

to

the

people ?

"

We

do."

"

I receive

the

surrender."

246

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Having
in

thus
to

terminated Eome.

the Sabine He then whole

War, Tarquinius returned

war

triumph

made Latin
once

upon

the

Prisci

Latini, and
every

subdued

the

nation

and city separately, pitched battle. The cities the Prisci

without thus

attacking fighting a regular

by
or

reduced,
Old

recovered

from

Latini,

were

Corniculum,

Ficulea, Cameria,
A peace
was

Crustumerium,
then

Ameriola, MeduUia,
to

Nomentum.

granted to the Latins. Tarquin now applied himself

greater ardour
thus than he had
in

the

works

of peace those
vast

with
wars,

even

conducted
constant
a

and

kept
the

the

people
been

employment.
stone

He

resumed the

preparations for building

had the Forum the water Tiber. of
a

wall

around

which city,

interrupted. He
and

drained

the lower

parts of the

city about the hills ; drawing off with a slope into the Capitol the foundations
vowed
in

other

by
He

means

valleysbetween of drains running

the had phetic pro-

began also to lay on Temple of Jupiter,which he already anticipatingwith

a

the the
was

Sabine future thus

War;

mind While he

greatness of the spot.

employed
out
no

prodigy happened
in the named that Servius the

in

the It

palace,which
is related seemed witnessed
on

turned the

less wonderful of

event.

that

head he

fire while

boy slept,and
a

TuUius
was

prodigy
made of the

by
such
one

many
a

persons.

The

clamour the had

run

they

at the

sight of
Meanwhile

spectacle attracted
of the
was

attention

king.

servants

for water

guish to extin-

the them of his

fire,but

prevented by the
to

and be still,
own

not

touch when

the he

boy
did took
see

She bade queen. awake till he should

so,

accord

; and

the

flame

diately imme-

departed.
and thus addressed up
be
a

Then
him
:

Tanaquil
"

her

husband

aside,
we

Do
a

you

this

boy whom
that the

are

bringing
hereafter of
our

in

so

humble
our

manner?

Know

he

will

lightin

dubious Let
us,

fortunes,and
will

safeguard
him with honour

afflicted house.
care

therefore,educate
cause
us

every both

and

indulgence,as
the
in

he

much

publicly and privately."

this time instructed

From and
was

boy
all

was

regarded in the lightof a child, befit those accomplishments which

ADOPTION

OF

SERVIUS

TULLIUS.

247

SO

high a fortune. throughout.

insomuch for his
in any

The The that

of interposition

the of

gods
a

was

fest mani-

youth
when

turned

out
was
no

temper

truly

royal;
husband could
was

Tarquin
was

daughter, there
be

way
to

compared
A

to

him of the

;
so

looking about for a that youth at Eome the royal maiden so

much

betrothed
cause
a

him.

mark

honour,
that he
I
am

from the

whatever
son

bestowed, forbids
when those
man

thought

was

of the

slave, and

young who

slave himself that the father

; that

rather

of

opinion of
was

think

of Servius
was

Tullius when

the

chief
was

in Corniculum

he

killed
was

the town

taken, leaving his wife pregnant

the other

; who

recognisedamong

captivewomen,

and

rescued

from

of her rank. account on .She slavery by the Eoman queen was brought to bed at Eome, in the palace of Tarquin ; hence and the boy, the women, a great friendship up between sprung having been brought up in the palace from his infancy,was It was, probably,the fate of his mother, loved and honoured. fell into the hands of who, on the capture of her native city, the belief of his being the son that occasioned of the enemy,
a

slave.
In

about

the

thirty-eighth year
was

of the

reign

of
not

Tarquin, only by

Servius the

Tullius

held

in

the

highest esteem,

king, but
been

also

by the patricians and

had

of Ancus have
the

Marcius

long

been

plebs. The two sons indignant that they should

by their father,through
a

kept
of

out

of the

crown

worn

fraud

their less
was

guardian, and
Eoman,
race

that should

not foreigner,

even

of

Italian, much
their
anger
not ; that

reign
when
even
on

at

Eome.
saw

But that of that

wonderfully
a

increased
crown,

they
the

they had

chance

of be

the

death

Tarquin
about
a a

it would

dragged through
the
son

the
a

mud, and

century after Eomulus,

which he
of

of

god, and
he
was

himself
on

god, the sceptre

to disgraceful

had
a

held

while

earth

would be
to

fall into the hands the whole

slave.

They

held

that it would

Eoman
race

nation, and
of Ancus be
was

so particularly

their house, if,while the

Eoman

the

still in open,
not

ence, exist-

kingdom
slaves. But the

should Such
a

thrown

only

but to foreigners, avert

by violence.

contumely they resolved to injury which they had received

248
at the

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

hands Servius.

of

Tarquin
It also

stimulated occurred
to

them them

rather

against him king severely

choose formed

than should than

a

that, if the
more

be left

he would alive,
; also

avenge

the murder
were

private person
make
crown.

that, if Servius
son-in-law
reasons
a

quin slain,Tar-

would heir to the

any

other

whom

he

might

For

these

conspiracywas
most

against the king

were

himself.
to

Two

of the

ferocious Armed
a

herds shepthe the in

selected

perpetrate the deed. class, they feigned

with

rustic very strife Then

weapons vestibule attracted both

of that of the the

to

quarrel

palace, and
attention of
to the

by
all

the the

loudness

of their attendants.

royal

king, and the noise having called penetrated into the interior of the palace,they were into his presence. both began to vociferate Here as together, if tryingwhich could make the most noise ; till being stopped by a lictor,and told to speak in turn, they at last desisted ; began appeal
and While struck the
one

of them the

began
with rushed
a

to
was

narrate

the

cause

of

quarrel.
man

king's attention

thus

absorbed, the other

at his head

hatchet, and, leaving the weapon

the

in

palace. The bystanderssupported the dying king in their arms, while the lictors pursued and apprehended the fugitives. A noisy crowd the matter. soon gathered round, wondering what was Amidst the tumult, Tanaquil orders the palace to be cleared, and the gates to be shut. Then she busily prepares some
medicaments,
contrives
some
as

wound, both

forth from

if there
means

were

still hope, and that him

at the

same

time She the

of

safetyif

hope
her

should husband

fail.
on

hastily summons point

him
nor

SeiTius, shows
death

of

dissolution,and, seizing his right hand, beseeches

to let the

not

of his father-in-law
to

pass

unpunished,
and

suffer
*'

his

mother-in-law

be

the
"

prey

sport of
is yours,

enemies. if you
are

Servius," she
a

exclaimed,
theirs who,

the

kingdom

man;

not

by

hired

have assassins,

Bestir yourself, follow the perpetrated this horrible deed. gods who lead you, and who formerlyportended your fortunes, Let that by the divine fire that played around your head. celestial flame not arouse we you : up and be doing. Have also reigned,though foreigners ? Consider who you are, not

250

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Rome,
had

we

find settled

some

Tarquinii

settled

at

Laurentum,^ just
would
not

as

Collatinus

at Lavinium

; which

they

have

done
was a

been Tarquinii
nama

their home.

But

the

opinion

that Priscus

national

is,we
home

believe,now
of the

Tarquinii

the in

universally exploded,^and to call the whole Tarquins,when family had

a

quitted it
"We say

the away could

disgust a century before,seems whole family; for Tarquinius

with
not

very

idea. singular had her these been

Priscus and Under have

evidently child,
the
or

brought Egerius

him have

his been

brother's

widow

in his service. would

stances, circumlast

Tarquinii, we place they Tarquinius

the would then have

might imagine,

thought
to

of

returning to.
that in the tradition ascribes
to
:

Schwegler

proceeds
three three

remark

Priscus the

innovations ancient of the

existingconstitution
as

doubling of
the
a

stem-tribes,or,
centuries of

he

calls them, and the

patricians ;
addition
"

doubling
new

knights ;

of

hundred

senators.

Concerning
as

the motives

for these

"we reforms,"he observes,

may

conjecture
Latin

follows. Eoman

Through
state

the

subjugation
so no

of the

adjoining
increase suitable of
to

the district,

had

obtained
was

great an longer
the

populationthat
the

the of

former

constitution

present
divided

state

things. Together
tribes and all and political

with

citizens, original
in the
clusive exnow

who,
existed and
a

into

three of

were thirty curiae,

possession
a

rights,there religious
these circumstances this
in

far

more

numerous

plebs,but unorganized, undistributed,

Under it became

without

any

privileges.

necessity organically to incorporate political give it

the
a

plebs

in

the

state ; to

recognised position and

to

function

life ; political

and the who which

in

some

degree
new

reconcile

the

between dangerous inequality motive

was

old and had

citizens. natural

Another

that the

kings,
race

in the

plebs a
the it with

of ally against that aristocracy could

not

cramped
to

kingly power,
the

but be

disposed to

elevate

it and

endow of We

political rights. Tarquin comprehended

for necessity
a new

this state citizens.

and things, do

of organization the
nature

the

not, indeed, accurately know

of the

Dionys.
It is

v.

64. observes in
a

rejectedby Schwegler,who
in

note,"

"

Priscus

means

cient, an-

premous, therefore ancient.

a
'

opposition to
mean

does He

not

Prisci Latini). Tarquinius Priscus, (cf. the elder,' but 'Tarquin the old, or 'Tarquin modern
as

is prisciosso

far

he

different phase of Tarquinian rule, from

ancient order of things, represents a more the Tarquinius despot.'

*
"

REFORMS

OF

TARQUINIUS

PRISCUS.

251

reform

whicli
as

he

contemplated

though, it certainlyconcerned
institution other of
new

not

only,

Livy

represents, the
we

centuries creation

of of of

knights, but
new

also,as
were

see

from

the historians,

tribes
a

it that

Tarquin contemplated constitutingout

number three
of
new

the plehs

corresponding
of the
or
a

and tribes,

placing
the

them

by
and

the

side

existing plan

stem-tribes

of

Eamnes,

Tities,
whole of the of

Luceres,

completely
the iN'avius

altered

organization of
the the that

population.
old citizens. three rested human
an

But Attus

failed

through

opposition existing
be of the

objected by
a

number

tribes,firmly established
on

previous taking
not

auspices,
altered
at

divine

sanction,
that

and

could

therefore their

pleasure :
of

is,the

old citizens carried

opinion, that
would and be of
an

innovation

like the

that

contemplated
state.

by Tarquin
of such
of

upsetting
old

whole

subsisting order
And
a

things,
it

the The The

secration con-

foundations religious citizens

were

of the the
same

actuallywas.
the exclusive and
the

at

time
and

sort

political clergy. gods

This
be
a

auspices
and
of

rested and

with

them,
of

consequently
between the offices.

right

mediation

state,

all spiritual and filling

temporal
of
a

consecration,
transmitted transmission law. from In the

resting on

hereditary capabilityto
not

receive the

it, could
will ; of the

only by birth, and

of it to those
not

by

an

act

human

qualifiedwas
which view curule much

violation

divine raised of the

short,

all the

objections
of the

were

afterwards admission
to

religiouspoint cojinuhium,to
been view the and then
it is

against

the

ijlebsto
have In this

and offices,
more

the

priesthood,would emphatically.
to the

pressed quite
themselves

strongly and
to

characteristic intervened divine

that,according
pro.tect the
of

old

tradition, religion,
a

gods
to

threatened

accredit did
not

the

right

the

old

citizens
to

by

miracle. the

Tarquin
of

feel himself
was

strong enough

break

through

opposition

offered ; and

compelled

to

content

himself, instead existing ones, by

To each of the

creating new
ancient which

tribes,with
them tribes the the the he

increasingthe
second the

three

receivinginto
three

leading plebeian
added
of
a

families. division

equally strong,
was

through
while three

number old

patrician races
secundi

doubled,
These

nominally
new

number
were

of three called

tribes remained.

halves
and

of tribes

and Eamnes, Tities, and Luceres. the

Luceres,

the former innovation

tribes the

primi Tities, Eamnes,

old citizens lost
at

Through
former

this

all events in

exclusiveness

of their

political position; but,

principle

252
at
as

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

the least, there is

existing priesthood
cause

was

not younger

overthrown,
tribes did thus

in

so

far

"

to

suppose

"

the

not

obtain of these The the

full

possession of
half created
:

the

jus

sacrorum

; and

the creation

younger

tribes

newly
others

character. predominantly a political also stood below patrician races politically called the from smaller the
races

bore

they

were

minorum (patres which from

gentium)
this time from the rest, learn
^

by
were

way

of distinction

old
:

races,
a

called
we

patres

majorum
conclude in this

gentium
a

distinguishing name
of

which much how

must

also dark

difference

rights.
We

For do

remains the with

Tarquinian
the
to

reform.
was

not

existingdistribution
the

into Curiae

brought
of

into accordance
measures

doubling
with

of

stem-tribes, nor
the remainder
an

what the
mass

Tarquin adopted
whether from army,
"

regard
to

plehs;
;

or

he

permitted it
of view

continue

unorganized
and

which,
the

the is The
"

point

of

militaryservice
of him

organizationof
undertaken

scarcely credible. doubling

of the centuries
to

knights
"

by
in

quin Tar-

or, at all events, ascribed

is

immediately
of the

connected the

with
same

the

doubling
recorded of the remained
same

of the
cases

stem-tribes.
; he

Tarquin proceeded
to

ipanner
as

in both
to

added

each

turies, existing cena

have

been

instituted that
same.

by Romulus,
whole number

second of the added

division centuries
were

strength, so nominally
from the those of

the The three

knights newly
ancient division Lucerenses into

distinguished
secundi

the

centuries

by

callingthem
and

or posteriores,

secundi.

Thus

the

primi
secundi had
an

equites Eamnenses, Titienses, and

with the division of the Both tribes into

entirely

corresponds Ramnes,
stem-tribes

primi

and

and Tities,

Luceres^
and the had
on new

institutions

evidently
into the

original connexion,
would then which

citizens received the secundas

three

have goes
we

to furnish to the

equitum partes.^*
of the number of

Schwegler
the which

difficult

question
in

knights,

have be

touched

upon

another

place, and
the

will, perhaps, never

of the Senate, he of the creation

settled. satisfactorily
"

Respecting
of the

doubling
or

says

From
must

the

doubling

Patres,
we

the

minor
a

races,
measure

be of

as distinguished,

have

already remarked,
of
a

third

Tarquinius Priscus, the

to him.

naming

hundred

new

senators, which

is ascribed had

quin Tar-

thus
^

brought up
indeed
to
a

the

Senate, which
singularif
error we

tillthen
did.

contained

only

It would

have

been

These he
was

difficulties would

have

suggested

sensible critic the

of the

view

taking.

DOUBLING

OF

THE

KNIGHTS.

253
of the normal

two

hundred
from

members,
that

hundred

from

the

tribe

Eamnes,
number

hundred of three

of the
If
we

Titles, to the

subsequent
motives leave
us

hundred.
of

inquire for
the

the

and

nexion original con-

these
since

measures,
we

historians

without
erroneous

any

planation,' ex-

must

decidedly reject their

hundred
and senators
same

opinion
creation of

that

the
minor

election
races

of
were
an

these
one

and

the

the

the

act.

Nevertheless, there
the the
two
measures

might

have

been

originalconnexion Tarquinius
in the may

between have

as, for instance, that

races
a

given
the

newly-created
the primi But this

hundred

seats

Senate held

; while two

old races, of them. that

the

Eamnes, Titles,and assumption existing thus, if

the
two

Luceres

hundred

is contradicted hundred
the

by

the

circumstance
we are

previously
historians,
; and races,

senators, */
Eamnes
new

to

believe the
not

represented only
the

and

Titles, and
were

the

Luceres minor

hundred
Luceres
were

senators
now

taken been

from

the

secundi Luceres

would

have
that

represented, while
This is not
accounts

the

primi
and

still without
more

right.
we

probable,
of the

hence

it appears

if credible, successive added

accept the

historians that the

respecting
hundred
new

the

augmentations

of the

Senate,
to the

senators

by Tarquin belonged
that three

Luceres, who equality with

we

thus, through this king, first attained

the other
two
races.

complete political by
this

It is true
if the

assumption
senators

fall into other

difficulties ; since time the

one,
were a

hundred the three

of the

Tarqulnlan
"

representation of
of

ancient
to

tribes,then
been the

since

number which
was

three

hundred
"

appears

have
no

standing
the Senate

never races

exceeded
;

there
as

remains
nature
a

place in
account

for the
us

minor

although,
as

the from

of

their relations

compels

to assume, 11.

and

appears
were

distinct

of Cicero's that thus

(De Eep.

20),these
were

races

represented in
number. No

it, and

their senators

Included

in that

method completely satisfactory

presents itself of reconciling this

with

contradiction.
of the

We

might
that
as

assume,

Niebuhr, that, at
of the
of
races

the had

time been tribes

two

Tarqulnlan reform, the originalnumber

and the
old

long incomplete,
could hundred another
no

citizens

the

three-stem but

longer supply,
senators;
hundred to

formerly,three hundred,
number
minor
races.

only

which the
gaps

Tarquinius
But
;
even

Prlscus

added

from

by

this in
so

thesis hypofar
as

there

still remain

in the

tradition

namely,
of the

tradition the

is

wholly

silent

about

the

summoning
be

Luceres in

to

Senate.

Hence, therefore,it

must

questioned

general

254
whether increase

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

the
of the

accounts

of and

the the

ancients

respectingthe
the
as

successive
races

Senate,
members

representationof
are

first two

by
"

hundred

each,

to

be

regarded
another

genuine

and

credible To

tradition.

TarquiniusPriscus
with the the number with the the
two

is also ascribed the

regulation closely
:

connected have

representation of
of the Vestals of

stem-races

he

is said to This
on was an

raised

from

four

to six.

evidently done equalitywith

Vestal

object
with

placing the
to

third

race

other

relation number
we

the of

priesthood
Vestals

of the sented repreof the

virgins, since only

the from Senate last

the

previous
races.

four

first two

If the

connect

this increase

Vestals of the that the

four to six with from

measure

analogous increase
to

of the members

two

hundred
to

three hundred, the

tribe of the Luceres

conjecture gains
in its

related

the

and probability, fall

that,consequently, the
the elder

third

tribe first obtained who

politicalrights through
to it. For

Tarquinius,
there

perhaps
some

belonged
'*

the
to

rest, if Tarquin reallybelonged, as

the tribe of the

is

pearance, apthrone

Luceres,
before

his him

elevation alternate this

a

to

the

was

an

innovation and
out

; for the

kings

only between
was

Kamnes carried

Tities.

It is not Tradition

impossible
has Eoman

that

innovation of

by

force.

preserved
and

trace

this,since
the

Tarquinius
throne

Priscus
a

is the

first of the

kings

who

ascends

mthout

previous interregnum,
consequently
remark that in
an

without

being created
to

by

an

Interrex, and
this the
we

manner." illegitimate of
one,
a

On double
any
some

will

the
a

notion

Tarquin's wishing
not to be

three ancient

tribes is

only

Teutonic

found

in of

of the

writers,though
been
a

built upon

misconstruction

passages
must
a

in them. have

is entirely againstit ; for,first, Probability

an

Tarquin apply
Hie had
to to

exceedingly
which could laboured

bad

politicaldoctor
have
we

to

disease under

remedy
which of

only
was,

aggravated
are

it. it

disorder
a cure

Eome

told,that

superabundance
this still from
state

patriciansin proportionto
creates
as

the
many

plehs; and, patricians

is effected

of

things, Tarquin
immense the

again !
evident Servius

leaving an
the We

plebeianmass

unenfranchised, as
reform the German

necessity of
do could have

subsequent

by

Tullius.

not, indeed, believe, with

converted the the

school,that Tarquin

plebeiansinto patricians
Curiae, because
Curiae
were we

them merely by distributing among that the majority of the members of

hold

plebeian;

but

DOUBLING

OF

THE

TEIBES.

255
the Germans

this

point

we

have

examined the the

in another

place,and,
incredible
measure

as

believe

the reverse, it is in

absurdity

of their view

remains.

Secondly,
had the ancient

highest degree
so

that,if Tarquin
as over a

reallycontemplated by Livy, Cicero,

mention the

important
have
even

doubling
in

of

populus, it should
and

been

passed

complete
tinctly disin and

silence

Dionysius, although they by Tarquin

been
now

increase

made

in the

Senate

the

equestrianorder.
well
as

Passages,indeed,
other

of the

last two
in

of these

authors, as
the And also first
an

of

writers,have
we

adduced

proof
who

of

hypothesis
we

in

question,which
take for the the

will

proceed
That

to examine.

will

authorities
of

adduced the

by Becker,

is serves ob-

advocate
:

doubling
which

tribes.

writer

"

The
was

alteration

the

high-minded
to

king (Tarquin)
creation
to be

had

in

view of

certainly not
; but

confined
new

the
were

of

new

centuries
in

knights
to the

probably
ancient

tribes
out

instituted,
and other
to

addition

three
or

ones,
some

of the

Alban

Latin the

population;
one
"

perhaps is, at
all
uses

regulation adopted
To

similar

subsequent
note

of Servius It

TuUius."

which

he

appends

the
in 6

following speaking
it: rdv

events, striking that Dionysius,

the word

of

Tarquin's view,
rw

"j"v\ai 71) (iii.

"^vXa9
crepas

Ovros

Nc73/os(BovXofxivio TTore
veas
vir

TnpKVVLo) Tpets
koI

aTroSa^at
notrjarai ras

avrov

irporepov
re

koX Imrkiov, KaTcCktyfikviav

twv

cTTt^erovs cjivXds iavrov

avTSLire.

tS/wv
oy

eraiptovaVwj'Vjuovs, fxoyos
IvavTKoOrjvai irore ecfyyjy
rw

(cap.72) :
c^
still more

N"/3t09 emvo?,
'

TrXetovas jSaa-iXei says

cXaaraoviov

ras Troifja-ai

Florus "f"vXd"s (3ovXojxiv"j).

5) : strikingly(i.
trihus where the

Hie

et senatus

majestatem
ISTavius
numerum

numero

ampliavit
well be

et centuriis

auxit, quatenus missing

tribuum.

Attus
to

numerum

augeri prohibebatj'

word

cannot

supplied except by cum (p. \Q%j Navia) 'Kam

'.

Lastly, Festus
Priscus
says

says

expressly
trihus
a

Tarquinius
Zonaras
av,
ei

institutas

Eomulo
Kol
avrov

mutare

"c. vellet,'

also

(vii. 8) :

Ilavrajs
ras

^e

(iXXa

TrXeib) eKaLPOTOfxrjtnv

/xt; rts

"Attos Naovtos
The

^vAas
of the

KEKioXvKev. fiovXriBkvTa fxeTaKoffiurja-aL

foundation he

passage

of that

Dionysius Tarquin by by
the state

seems

to be to

an

account, which
the

stood, misunder-

wished

place

population incorporated
and is Ancus Marcius
as

into
new

the

Eoman

by

Tullus

Hostilius

tribes

side

of the

old ; which

quite natural, and

his
successor.

is

confirmed

the

subsequent regulations of
wished
1

That

Tarquin,

moreover,

to

name

the

new

divisions

after himself

Rom.

Alterth,

ii. i. 241.

266
and
to
'

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

his friends have been

good meaning, if we consider these divisions Cicero only centuries of knights, since what says,
oflferano
et

nee

potuit Titiensium, Ramnensium,

is

Lucerum

mutare

quum

cuperet nomina,'
he wanted
to

certainlyerroneous.
Maximus

All

authors,Livy, Dionythat alone Aurelius Victor

"

Florus, Valerius sius,Festus,*

make
a

4, 1),Zonaras, agree (i.

non

thorough
*

alteration.
mutare

(iii. 6) says,
Now it is is let

like
us

Cicero,
the
very

nomina

potuit.'
First of

examine

these

passages
to

in their order. Attus

as

all,

manifest, from
of the

allusion
same more

Navius,
that
to the

that

Dionysius by

speaking

event

related

Livy ;^

namely, the adding

his
army
was

of

three in

centuries But

deficient
to create

cavalry.
three with
new

if

knights,because that Dionysius meant

cavalry, then
case we
we

Tarquin
account

wanted

not tribes,

his

is at direct variance
a

Livy's ;
we

and

in that follow. tells

us

cannot

hesitate believe

moment

which
meant
some

author any such

should He

But

do not

that

he

thing.

that them

Tarquin,
new

afterhaving
tribes,and
account

enrolled
name

knights,wanted
after himself

to declare

three !N'ow

to

them

and

his friends. The

this

agrees

with substantially is confined

new

Livy's.
under

by Tarquin
of

entirelyto
centuries
to

the

plated operation conteminstead knights ; but

enrollinghis
"c.

three he
to

the

existing names
"c.
as

of

Ramnenses,

wanted
some new

call them tribes.

must

Tarquinienses, They
who that be

if

they had
absurd

belonged enough
to

interpretationof equestrian order. 'Next, with

word
to be

this

passage that

suppose could

adopt any other Dionysius was

out

think

tribes

created

of the

regard
Becker

to the

passage is

in

Florus.

That

supplied is tribuum,
is accustomed divided

just one
into

of those when

missing tions dashing assera

the

which
case. were

to make

he has

desperate
the
"

The divided

equiteswere
into curioe;
is evident

while centurice, Florus says,

to be

tribes

as and, therefore,

centuriis

tribus that

auxit,"it
with

that
"

the

missing word
equites''
And

supplied is
Florus also

suggestedby Pighius,
Livy.
in

auxit

thus

agrees The made

passage
to

Festus

cannot

by

any

mode

of
new

interpretationbe
tribes.
"

imply

that

Tarquin

wanted

to create

Festus he is,

merely
wished The

says to

that he wanted

to alter the Romulean

tribes,
agrees

that

same

change their names ; remark applies to

1

and

in this Festus

with

Cicero.

Zonaras's

expression, jjieTaKoa-fxrja-ai

Lib.

i. c. 36.

258
to divine

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

especially seeing tliat

as

the the

napies

of the

tribes

scarcely
And ii. 20) Cicero words

survived
now we

except
will

the

names

of in

equestrian
in

centuries.

ask, Why
to

is Cicero

error names

saying (De Kep.

the centuries 1 Becker's
:

that does would

tatum

wanted Tarquin^
not

change
wanted He

the

0/
do

say
us

that
to

he

07il^to
had said

that, as
before adhuc of
one

lead ad

think.
morem

just
usque

"Deinde
est

equi-

hunc
seem

constituit, qui
to

retentus."

In of

fact,there

have

been

two

versions
to

Tarquin's method view,

abolish for he the

proceedingin this matter. besides increasingthe number

Ramnenses,
own name

According
of and

wanted,
names

Equites,
friends

to

Titienses,and
and the
names

Luceres,
of
some

substitute
:

them

his other

according
and
new

to the

view,
and former
mutare

he intended add
seems

to

retain three been

the other the

ancient

centuries with

their names,
names.

to

to to

them have

centuries view Victor of

The

Cicero,
also

Festus

(" tribus
cited ; the whose been Attius
novum

") Zonaras, and

however "Id

Aurelius

in the

passages of

latter,of language
: agitated

Dionysius andElorus;
appears
to

perhaps
that Romulus augur,

Livy,
had

indicate

hoik schemes

quia inaugurato
ea

fecerat, negare
neque

Navius,
These assertion

inclutus
aves

tempestate therefore, do

mutari

neque

nisi constituiy

addixissent,posse" (Lib.i. 36).

not

passages, of

afford other

any German of

ground
new

for

the

Schwogler, Becker,

and the

writers, that
tribes ;

Tarquinius Priscus contemplated refer only to the creation of new

content

creation of
new

they

centuries of these secundi

with

the asserting that

creation called

knights. But, not tribes,Schwegler

Titles, and
the and

also

says^
of

they

were

Eamnes,
thus of In

Luceres, and
increase

also P aires the

as

minorum with the

gentium;
increase tribes.
"

confounding
the

knights
an

Senate,

regarding
view he

both

increase

of the

support

of this

quotes
numerum"

the

patmm
.mean

following from (De Rep. ii. 20)

formed

Cicero
:

Duplicavitpristinum
course

taking

of

the j^a^res to his view denote from the

here the ancient

who patricians

the

Curia?, agreeably to
may in
one

of the the

j^ojmlus. Now, though pafres

there
so are cases

sometimes

whole

patricianbody, yet
cannot

which,
ut

context, it
passage

possibly do
as

; and
:

this is
"

of them, for the de

suo

in its

runs integrity

follows

Isque

imperio
;

principioduplicavitilium legem tulit,

ct

pristinum patrum

numerum

antiques patres majorum

1

gentium appellavit, quos

S. 687, f.

priores sen-

PATRES

MINOKUM

GENTIUM.

259
the
the

tentiani
tentiam

rogabat ;
to

se

ascites minoruni." that Cicero that

is

Here

words,
Senate

"senj for

rogabat/' show hardly

be

speaking of
in the It

it is

supposed
or

the
men

king asked, singly Curiae,ox,

"

and

in

the opinions of 3,000 order, had shown doubled from

4,000 8,000
"

after he

them, 6,000
the mention
:

or

is further

incontestably
that Cicero is
:

of

minorum

gentium
minorum

speaking
"

of the Senate in patres

for

Livy, in relatingthe
deinde

same

event, says
sunt

Centum
:

legit, qui
dubia
been not

gentium
the

ap-

factio haud l)ellati !N^ow these

a

regis, cujus beneficio in curiam

senators ;

venerant."'^

must
men

have could

because first, have

"

choosing
of

of

hundred

possibly
"in

been
not

doubling
curias''
"

the

because tribes;and secondly,

mean

curiam" therefore

"in
"

must

the

Senate-house
were

and

the

Patres

minorum

gentium"
We
see

senators.

then, from

these

passages,

that

it

was

not to

through
the

the

but through plehs,

the Senate
it
was

that that

Tarquin sought body

he also doubled
as

strengthen his

government,
power this of
was

that

in

considered the from

political
; but

of the

state to
a

lie.

Tarquin

knights
the

merely
His

militarymeasure^
was

appears

narrative

Livy.
In

army

deficient in

cavalry. Tarquin populus

doubled from
pro

support
sacerdotes

of

his

opinion
the

that

the
^ :

tribes,
"

Schwegler also
Vestse haberet buta And that order rale From novis

adduces

following passage
sunt,
ut

Festus
sua

Sex

constitutje
sacrorum,

quaque
sex

parte

ministram
:

quia

civitas Romana

in

est distri-

partes
to

in

primes secundosque Titienses, Ramnes,

he adds further number
to
on
"

Luceres." show

this

passage
also

the

following,to
to

Tarquin
that

increased

the

of the Vestals
new

six, in
:

they might correspond

Maximus auxit."
^ :
"

the hvo

number

of tribes

lepaiQ7rap6evoi" reTrapaiv
Valerius sacerdotiis
was

TrpoaKaTeXt^ev erepag.'^ cultum deorum (Tarquinius Priscus)

ovaatQ

Though
Servius

according to Plutarch,"the
that first, author whilst writes

tion addi-

first made
these passages

by

Tullius.
:

On
writes of
an

let

us

observe of
a

Schwegler
Titienses, as
existed
of

Tities in his

text, as
:

his tribe, the

equestrian century
their

showing

confusion the

which
names

between

in appellations

later times, when

as

the

tribes had

been

long disused, except

of designations

the

equestrian

Lib.

i. 35.

r. 344, Sex
^

Vest*. Lib. iii. 4, 2.

"
*

S.

693, Anm.
10.

3.

Dionys.

iii. G7 ; cf. ii. 67.

Num.

s2

260 centui'ies:
forms where

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

confusion

also for
most

observable

in

Varro, wlio
the
"

uses

both

as indifferently;

example, in
admirable
quo ut

following
:

passage,

they appear
divisus

in the in

disorder tribus

Ager

Romanus

primum Kamnium,

a parteis tris,

appellata Tatiensiurriy
Tatienses
"

Luoerum,
a

nominatne, Ramnenses,

ait Ennius,
a

Tatio,
we

Rarimeiises
see

Romulo,
forms

Luceres, ut Junius
Tatienses liamnes
as

Lucumone

where

that of

the tribe

(or Titienses) might be

or

used

just
have

as

well

as

Taiies;
Ennius. understand

and

that

this

must j)ractice

been

at least
oui'

old

as

But

we

must
on

confess this
:

inability to
At
p.
new

Schwegler's
as were we

reasoning
secundi

subject.
"

687, he
halves

writes,
of tribes tribes

have called

already translated Titles,and

Luceres
p.

These

three

Eamnes, Titles,Luceres, and the former

"

^/mi
in

Eamnes,
Eestus.

referringto
writes: "To

the

above

passage

Again,
ascribed tlie stem from

at

C93, he
he six.
race

Tarquinius Priscus
with the the number with

is also

another
races :

connected regulationclosely is said This

on

representation of of the Vestals

the

to
was
an

have

raised

foiu' to

evidently done equality with

object of
tion rela-

placLQgthe
to

third

the other

twOy with
the

the

priesthood of the "Vestal virgins, since

Vestals he
at

previous
To

number this

of four

represented only
a

the

firsttwo
he it

races.' ^

last passage in Festus three

appends
full the

note, in which
remarks

again quotes the

"

passage

length, and
are

upon

Where,
three

however,
younger
not
.

of

Vestals
case

wrongly referred
should

to

the

tribes ; for in this

there the

only have

been

tliree,
tribes."
are

four,Vestals
can

in office before

creation
:

of the younger Vestals

Nothing
be that

be

juster than

this remark

for if the
we

to

referred
two

to these

then (supposed)six tribes, and

to

have have the

were

ties the absurdibeen

the Eamnes tribes,

Titles,must

ally origin-

created Vestals
to the

primi
even

and

secundi,

correspond with
and
in the

originalfour preferred
at

; that

the secundi
were

Eamnes

Titles

Luceres, who

not

represented

Temple of Vesta
one

all,though
and

they
of

were

worthy enough

to be

called

of the

three curiae
stemto

stem-tribes,and
a

to

century
were

represented,like the other two, by ten knights ; and that these Luceres, or third
raised
to

be

tribe,

first untenable

their

proper

dignity, according
secundi.
Eor that

Niebuhr's
once

hypothesis, by Tarquinius Priscus,and

others into

also at the

divided
were

like the

primi and

Luceres

fii'st created

by Tarquin is contrary
there
are no

to all evidence.
lectiones.

Ling.

Lat.

v.

55, where

vaHce

INCREASE

OF

THE

VESTALS.

261
to what

What
he says

Scliwegler says
in his the text.

in his

note

is
is
no

flat contradiction

In

fact,there
in

ground
connected passage

whatever with the

for supposing number

no

that
of the

Yestals Even that

were

any

way

tribes. but

Dionysius,in
two their

the
were

cited,says
because
so

such
sions occa-

thing,
that

only

Yestals

added,
had

the

of four

performing
no

public
TrXeioiHov
Tag

functions in

much

increased
extract vTrep

longer
he

sufficed.
:

For,

continuation

of the

given above,
iroXewg eSoKovv colour

says

yap

r]Cr] avvTtkovfxevtov

rijs

alg Upovpyiior,
at

cdtL

rfjs 'Eor/as

ovk Trapcivai 6vr)7r6Xovg,

Tf.rrnpe";
a

The dpfCfTi'. is

only

author the

who

affords
in

the

least
;

for such

supposition
is

Festus, in
a

passage
or

question
other

but, though
founded
upon

this

evidently only
accuses

guess,

after-construction,
on a sions occa-

number, yet
the

this German
the

who critic, of such

often

wrongly
side.

best
arrays

authors
it

process,

here

eagerly seizes
on

passage, IS'or
can

and the

against the
note to

best

testimony
Cicero that and the the

the

other which of

following passages
in his next

from
prove

Livy,
number

Schwegler
places
in

adduces

the

priestly colleges,and
with the
"

consequently
of the
ex

number

of the

Yestals,corresponded
:

number

stemr

tribes, serve
tribubus

his purpose

Cic. De

Eep.
"

ii. 9,
Liv.
ut

Eomulus
x.

singulis
augures

singulos co-optavit
numerum

augures

; esse,

6,

"

Inter

constat, imparem Eamnes,

debere
suum

tres

antiquse tribus,
habeant." In
:

Titienses,Luceres, just the

to
as

quaique of what

augurem

fact, they show

for

reverse

they
to

are

brought
been

to prove

thus, according
three Yestals,

analogy, there ought

there
were

have
augurs,

originally
there
an

only
were

only
confusion

three

whereas from
a

four.
to

All
to

this

hopeless

arises best

merely

willingness un-

accept the testimony of

in

the any

authors, and

ness readiit
can

adopt

preference
matters.

that

of

obscure flounders the

writer, if

only
Cicero the

serve

to muddle

Schwegler
Priscus
senators

in inextricable
of

difficulties, merely
and

because that

he will not

adopt

plain statements
the have number shown minorum
may

Livy,
that in

Tarquinius
that of the addition

doubled
; for
new we

of in

knights, and place

was

also

another

the
a

of of the

100

members,

gentium,
dream of
300 to
was

fact

doubling
that

it,whatever subsequently expulsion

Dionysius
normal of the

the not

contrary, and
attained
is

number A

till after the

kings.

doubling belonged

of the tribes worth

only
This

dream. into is the

It is not

while Luceres.

to enter

question

whether
"

Tarquin
cobwebs
'

to the

one precisely

of those

262
often

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROMK

SO

found

in the brains alternated

of Grerman the

critics. Of
Eamnes and

course

the

kings
is

before

Tarquin

between

which Tities,

and Sabines, the Romans only saying that they alternated between tion innovaan and, of course, Tarquin's elevation to the throne was know and good authority, we but, if we follow right reason ;
" "

where

he

came

from,
then marked

and

how

he
to

obtained examine

the throne. the

Schwegler
character which
"

proceeds
the
cannot

peculiarpolitical
"

In

general we
bears
a

Tarquins

different that

Tarquinian dynasty, as follows : fail to recognisethat the reign of character from the epoch of political
with the rise of

the tlic this

preceding kings;

contemporaneously

order of things. This change, a new dynasty appears a political change is reflected in legend, or tradition,in the conflict of the

innovatingking with
no A

the

augur

Attus

Ifavius.

This in the

was

doubtless

as merely temporary altercation, deeper and more general conflict

it appears of
new

but narrative, this with

scene

principles. In
idea political of families bound

is

merely symbolized
state.

the
a

contest

of

the old

This

last

was

state

composed
an

togetherin
which

the not

straitest

chains

of

and religion

established

church,

only prevented all progress and which it bore priestly character

sprung from

development, but
and the exclusive

also, by the

spiritthat
It
was

political unity of the the object of the Tarquinian dynasty to convert state into a political the trammels one, to remove
different

it,hindered

the

nation. this which

theocratieal

separated

the

portions of the state fix)m one another, to make it a to render it stronger whole, and thus, with regard to foreignpolicy, and more capable of conquest. It is this policythat is represented as despotism in the yoimger Tarquin,perhaps only through patrician
hate.

this among

Perhaps the fall policy. According

the of the old families

of the

Tarquins
as

is in it was

part

to be

referred
a

to

to all appearance ;

caused

by

reaction

and,

the

and religious innovations political

Tarquins
was an

were

partly influenced
and of restoration

by

Greek

culture,so
old

this reaction

assertion
contest

of the

national
been

characteristics. founded
certain
on can

This
contrast

principles may,
and Sabine this and

perhaps,have
elements.

the be

of the Latin
on

Nothing
the

determined
of the

subject; but
the

it is remarkable

that the transfer

Latin find in the
; that

Albans

of incorporation the revolution iN'avius

bouring neighwe as
a

territories

is followed that

by
on

which

Tarquinian period;
the

Attus the

appears

Sabine

Sabine

sanctuaries

Capitolare

compelleil

POLICY

OF

THE

TAKQUIXS. and

263

to

yield
the

to

the

Capitoline Temple
the

\rorsliip;and
families,such
on as

that the

after

fall of

Tarquins,

the

Sahine

Yalerii,Fabii, Clandii,appear

more

prominently
are

the

political
agree, idea is those that

stage."
AVith
a as

good
is not into

deal

of

what with which

precedes we
German
are

disposed to
main
as

though,
frittered

unusual

writers, the
the The Sabine

subtleties

merely imaginary,

respectingthe
appear Greek
a

Sabine

sanctuaries,and

families

after descent

the and

fall of the

Tarquins.

education, may
for the with
narrow

secret

contempt
the
same

Sabines, and
many of the may occurred
a

scene

Attus
a

Tarquins, from their entertained very probably have of the bigotry and superstition Xavius is, perhaps, only one of
type
of them. Whether it
ever

sort,or

rather

be very of
course

doubtful, and
a

the miraculous This is

part

of

it^if

not

falsehood,is
are

trick.

only

one

of those

stories

which

found

in the

earlyannals
Rome
was

of all
to
a

nations,and
certain Calvin been
cast at

of especially Even it in
was

theocratic the

nations,which

extent.

sixteenth

century, during the reign of

that and
a

Geneva,
away

believed pretty generally

man

had and

carried into the faith the

bodily
and

by

the

devil
was

over

hedges
Avroth
scene

ditches those

Rhone,
in the in

Calvin

very the

with

who

had and

no

stoiy.^
a

Livy
which the had

relates

between

Tarquin
ever

augur of

way with it of All and the

was

betrayshis
miraculous

disbelief

of it ; and
was

if the erected

statue
on

Attus,

whetstone,

the

Comitium,
even

vanished certainly long before Cicero,* though earlier monuments is that there
was some

the
were

time

of

Livy, and

still in

existence.

that is certain the

conflict between in the decided

Tarquin victoryof
the augurs

College of Augurs, which

And it must

ended

latter.^
not

be remembered

that also
to

to attack

only to attack who were patricians, a even political,

see

religion,but
in
more

declare

war

against the
It
was we

possession of
than
a

the

auguries.

fore thereshall

religious movement,
the

and

it continued The
* *

under of the

Tarquin's successors. population through

seq.
et
"

increase

Latins

settled

at

See

Dyer's
says

Life of
"

Calvin, p. 205,
autem

Cicero

Cotem

illain

noracnlam Divin.
quoque

defossain
i. 17. eodem

in

comitio,
Attii ill

siipraque

impositum

puteal accepimus."
curiae

De

"Statua

gradibus ipsisad
memorant.""\AY,
'
"

Ijevam 1. 36.

fuit:

cotem

loco sitam

fuisse

Auguriis

urU

sacerdotioque anguram
"

tantus

honos

ut nihil l)elli accessit,

domiqne

postea, nisi

anspicato,gereretur." Ibid.

264

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

Rome,

and
a

creating
occasioned effected remark

after tlie conquests of Tarquin himself, by especially vast rights, no doubt political plebeian body without
a

necessityfor
Tullius. the

those And old

reforms here

which
ns

were
a

afterwards
moment to
a

by
how

Servius

let

pause

consistent

tradition

is with

what itself, After

genuine
and would

historical

character Roman of

it bears

in its main

outlines. the
wars

the

great addition

to the

population,through
a

of Ancus

Tarquin
have

the been

Elder,

class

that

had
or

no

it rights, political other

impossible for Home,

the under than
a

any

state,to have
A revolution of is Servius related without

maintained

unaltered

old

order
"

of for

things.
the Yet reforms all

necessarily followed
were

Servius

nothing
the ancient

less

revolution.
a

this way,

by
any

writers
to

in

simple,

unaffected
or

pretence

historical

deduction

political philosophy.
found that in those is

they They are merely transcribing what And yet it is thought primitive annals.
but It invention may of be
a

simple,

all this

nothing

doubted, however,
he
a new

whether

founder

usurping dynasty, had made,

than of the of

Tarquinius Priscus,the at heart, in the anything more

of his
own

alterations which The have creation been

consolidation
"

power.
seems

body
for

knights

that
;

of cavalry is,
"

to

necessary which he

military purposes
may

though Tarquin, in
been influenced

the

selections views his idea

own

made,

possibly

have

by
them any

of

He would personal interest. a natural vanity in any name,

willingly have
ruler ; but
as

given
he had

that and

of

creating
seems

three

new

tribes,

Niebuhr

Schwegler
other dently eviown

suppose,

to be

reform, the

increase
as

unfounded and unproved. His totally of the Senate (not of the patricians) was says, with the view of

made,
power. "We elements think
are

Livy

supporting his
Roman
two

that very

Schwegler's remarks
much
more

about The

and
races,

Sabine after
habitation co-

overstrained. than
a

during

century, must
shrines
on

have

been

pretty well compelled

it
was

amalgamated.
to

If the
to

Sabine

the

Caj^itol were
for

new give place also erected was certainly

the

temple,
Sabine.

the

worship
this

which
to

But

brings us
above

Schwegler's

next

section.

**The

tendency political
that

of the

Tarquins,
in of the the

described,"continues
and teristic charac-

writer,
in

"

is

expressed

most

evident

manner

the

worship

three

Capitoline deities

266
because unable

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

the Triad
to
see

to be

worshipped
of

in it

"were

Sabine

we deities,

are

the

connexion

all these

remarks this

with

his

opening
as

that the establishment of : proposition the political tendency of the Tarquins. be said
to

worship
it of
or

characterized well is

For

might just Numa,

of the

characterize have

the

politicaltendency
it at

who

thought to kings, who

*'

first established it. the which extension is known under

Rome,

following
"

maintained

To

the

policyof
elevation the

Tarquins,"continues
she of from the attained the
at

owes

the

Schwegler,^ that epoch. How

dominion

Rome
siderable con-

was

Roman and

under

the

younger records.

Tarquin
But

credible elder

partly contemporary
Rome
must

that

Tarquin

have

is shown by the buildings already reached a high degree of power could have been undertaken without of this king, which the not Tradition of a powerful state. data not with us resources supplies of the Roman for explaining this state of things. For the extent
even territory,

after the the

conquests of Ancus
wealth that
was

Marcius,
trade

was

still verj'-

moderate

; and

national

of

people

that lived and

only by
maritime

and agriculture
commerce, cannot

pasturage,
have From the

without

been

considerable.

Connecting

links

are

here

wanting.
which
are

ings, buildTarquinian works, those gigantic comparable to the Pyramids in magnificence, those of
a

dumb how

witnesses

time

that
on are

has the

disappeared, we
that We
too true.

may

measure

deep
the

night still rests

remarks
;

historyof

epoch."
know
were

The of

concluding

only
as

but

little
at

regaltimes
of

because, first,

Livy

says, letters times

rare

that

that is, as period, that little Gallic the

compared
no

with

after

; and

secondly,
effects of have

because time
we

some

doubt

perished through
the and

the
we

and

the

think,
with

for
some

conflagration.But most part genuine ;

writers,that
works and

little that

is,

we especially

cannot

agree of

modern those
even

the memory

of

kings capable
a

executing
that

magnificent
their
names

perishedso entirelyin
their very existence

few be

centuries doubted.

may

Schwegler is guiltyof two opposite It is certainly faults, exaggerating exaggerationand extenuation. the pyramids. During the the Tarquinian works with to compare
But in the

preceding passage

period
works

of about
were :

century through
Cloaca Maxima
1

which
; the

their

dynasty lasted,those
Veteres
on

the

Tabernse

the

Buck

XV.

" 15.

TAllQUINIAN northern of the side of the

; these

WORKS

CONSIDERED.

267
; the

Forum
in

; the

Temple
of

of Saturn

rudiments also

Circus

the

reign

Tarquinius Prisons, who

of the executed this and the wall

jDreparedthe ground
and formed the
finished

for the and

foundation

Temple, Capitoline
afterwards also other The of the

j)lan of
of Diana the

partly
the

by

Servius.

Besides
on

completing Aventine,
to

wall,
two

Servius three

built

Temple
work of

Or

temples, and
chief

added
the

Tullianum

the
was

prison
the

of

Ancus.

younger

Tarquin
that these

completion

Capitoline Temple. I^ow,

no

without

denying
Numa

were

magnificent works,
executed
in

we

see

improbability in their
we

having
had built

been

the time

given,
for the works the of
two

when that

find that

already founded
the

several which

temples, and
served

Tnlhis

Hostilius

had several

Curia,
The the

Senate-house that deserve How

; but

during
the

centuries.

only Tarquinian
the have hand Servian

epithet gigantic are

the first
was

Cloaca,
in

wall, and
no means

Capitol. knowing
not

long

in

executing we
wall
was

it is certain

that

the

during
walls

reigns,and city of Yeii.

With which

the

Capitol perhaps
exceed
in

three.

And those

the

did

after all much

compass

of the

neighbouring
these the

regard

to

the

means we

for the
may

execution

of

works,
elder the

Schwegler extenuates,
with him and the

that observe,first, wealth

to

Tarquin brought
taste

enormous

Eome,
them

besides
:

intelligencewhich
national
as

led not

him

to

project
from

secondly,
let the

that

wealth

was

only

derived
seems

agricultureand
to

pasturage,
Romans

Schwegler
too
a

states, who

unwilling
agree

get on
Rome that
was

fast.

Although
maritime have
some

we

cannot

with

Mommsen it is least
no

that

great
of

and

commercial maritime

city, yet
at

evident
as

she

began

to

commerce

early as
for

the time

Ancus,
; and

who that

would
her

otherwise trade had

have
very

had

reason

founding
before the with

Ostia
the

ably consider-

increased

expulsion

of the

kings booty
very

is shown of the
in

by

the

treaty made
Besides successful

in Carthaginians there
must
some was

the first year

Republic.

these

sources

also the have been

taken

long and
we are

wars,

which from that

considerable, and
Thus the

perhaps
at Suessa

tribute

of the

conquered
of the

cities.

expressly told

the
to the

younger

Tarquin

devoted

spoils taken
the elder Tar-

Pometia

completion
continues

Capitoline Temple.^
"that
iii. c.

^ **Dionysius relates,"

Schwegler,
2

Liv.

i. 53.

Lib.

62"65.

268

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

quinius reduced
at

all Etruria ruled

under
as was

liis dominion the

Ly

his

great victory
liead of the the

Eretum, king

nnd

thereafter If this

acknowledged
was

twelve of
a

Etruscan of

states.

so, if Rome

then he

capital
this

the J^truria,

Tarquinian Tniildingsmay
it cannot ho douhted in

explained
count, ac-

without

much,
which

Eut difficulty. is found

that

torical ; and
same

the of

more

Dionysius, is in this form unhiscertainlyso, because Dionysius relates the

only TuUius,
Etruscan without

thing
are

Servius

mentioning,
over

at

later and

period, the

dissolution

of this domination this

Etruria.
or are

Cicero

Livy
under

ignorant
it
:

of

connexion,
that the

purposely
Veil had
must

silent about the

^

excludes Livy, indeed, indirectly Servius Tullius

it,b^'mentioning
Marcius

reign of
with
^

treaties with Ancus Msesian Eoman

expired
have

[meaning,of
them
seems

course,

those ceded

which the the of

made

when

they

Forest]
Tarquin

The with

later tradition the Etruscan founder Niebuhr has

as

to have

connected hero

Tarchon,
of the

the

eponymous cities.

cal Tarquiniiand mythi-

twelve

Hence,

3 conjectured,

of that fabulous

perhaps, the origin, as legend which represents

built upon in the quinian Tar-

Tarquin
"

the

head

of Etruria.

Modern
account

have inquirers(Niebuhr, Levesque, Miiller)

of

the

Dionysius
became
a a

the

hypothesis
the

that

Rome

period
been adorned "But there
was

city of

Etruscan made

confederation,having
it his

conquered by
it with there
once

Tuscan

prince, who

residence,and
That
to

those is too
a

magnificent buildings.
little when

ground
Rome

for and
an

such

conjecture.
were

period
not
names we

Latium obscure

subject
of

Etruria connected
to

is,indeed,
with the all traces

improbable;
of Mezentius the possess,

memory

it is

and

Porsena.

But,

ing accordnot

that

Tarquinian period

was

"Jam

enim
; bnt

indutise exierant."
it
was

"

Lib.

i. 42.

Thsterm

of tliis truce solar

is not

mentioned it would
2

have

By the Dionysius.
must most

for fifty i-"rol"ably years Servius. of iji the early reign expired "later tradition," Scliwegler seems there ceased
an

-two (or forty

when years),

to

mean

the

account
;

in

But

can

have the

been

no

earlier

or

later tradition
account

all tradition
was

have

with

first annalists.

The

in

Dionysius

probably
in The arisen the Kom. that

invention, for, writing for the

way
;
or

Greeks, he sometimes
taken from
an

amused

himself
source.

it

was

at

all

events

unauthorized

story of the
from his

conquest
with

of Etruria them

have from
"

successes

against
the

by Tarquin may just as probably when as serving under Ancus

Tarchon.

confounding
Gesch.

of him

Etruscan

i. 401.

CO^^QUEST

OF

ETELTJA.

269
The the reforms political Etruscan
a

subject to

Etruscan

influence
are

and

dominion.
to

of the first

Tarquin
In

entirelyforeign
rule of the

spirit of
both the

aristocracy; while
Greek and

the

younger

Tarquin

resembles Tai

tyranny.

their

foreign policy,too,
one, their
are

quins,
with the of
a

particularlythe
and Etruria

younger

exclusively occupied
falls

Latium,
Eoman

during
Gaia

rule

completely myth
the

into

background. by
birth

Lastly,
is

the Csecilia,

mythical prototype
in

housewife,
: as

evidently regarded
be

the how

as

Eoman

it would

difficult to discover
a

legend
to
an

should grant immi-

have

ascribed Etruscan

the part of
woman.

pattern
is

of domestic

manners

She

evidently no
Priscus
must
or

historical
be

personage,
on

and

her

marriage
as

with of

Tarquinius
with

put

the

same

footing
Tullius."

that

Egeria

IS'uma,
to

Eortuna

with

Servius

Schwegler has, no
Priscus. The

doubt,
story

come

right conclusion
conquest
of

in

rejecting
by by
quinius Tarthe

altogether Dionysius's simple

ascribed limits the

of

the
of

Etruria
at
once

absurdity
of
a

it

is shown

fact that this conquest

to
a

large and
Sabine
as

powerful confederacy is
not

single victory,and
but
is at

that, too, achieved

a

within other

the

of Etruria !
It

Eretum,

town

on

the

side of has with and line

Tiber

by
on

such the

inventions

this

that
at

Dionysius
all events

brought
those

discredit

early Eoman
and

history ;
of

critics who

count

authorities

instead

weighing
on

them,
same

place Dionysius, Plutarch, Florus,

with

Zonaras has also

the

Cicero

and

Livy.
with
more

Sir G. C. Lewis
after

pointed

to another to

that Tarquin, absurdity,^

"

reducing
romantic

the

Etruscans

tion, subjecexacting
nominal

treats

them

the most than

an

magnanimity,
of to

from

them

nothing history ;
"

acknowledgment
does
not

his

suzerainty."- This
not to the

reproach appliesproperly only

but

Dionysius
this

and

Sir G.

C. Lewis the

draw

tion. distincwars

Niebuhr

also Of the

ridicules

narrative
"

of

Tarquin's
to L.

in

Dionysius.
intolerable Etruscan them
^

wars," he writes,
the

ascribed
recent

Tarquinius, rejects conjecture

throne
;

Dionysius, adopting
an

forgeriesof
account."
^

very

annalists,has given
Mebuhr
a

newspaper
wars
as

Yet

though
the

the upon

he wholly unhistorical,

founds

that

Tuscan

might

have

seized

Eoman

1 2

"c. Credibility, Rom. Gesch.

vol.

i. p. 472.

i. 374

(vol. i. p. 358, Eiigl.transl.). That

after

Aimals

is iufened

by

Niebulir

from

the
3

Fasti

Dionysius wrote Triuniphules (Ibid, S.

396).

ijjiti,oc,7^

270
thus
to be

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

reversing the account, totallyunworthy question

and about shown of

and

founding,
and Gaia

upon

what

he

considers

another belief,

and

different
we

hypothesis!
have
"

The

Tanaquil
them
not

Caicilia

already myth,"
; and
woman

examined,^
as

to be

identical

; .therefore the
as a

Schwegler
be

could styles-it,

have

regarded her why

an

Eoman

it would

just as
at Rome

"difficult

to discover"

Etruscan of
a

naturalized
as

why
to

she
answer

might not might. These

them,
Etruscan
or

become
are

the barren be

pattern
said that
to

good

wife, housewe
are

but subtleties,

compelled marriage

it Avould
see,
woman a

Nor
a

is it easy
an a

to

according
should fabulous

swerable. they are unanwhy ordinarylights, on a

with

be

par,
a

as

regards

with credibility, accident.

marriage with

deity,or
book,

personified
to

sixteenth Schwegler's the

section,and
In it he the German

last of this

is devoted

story of

Attus

l^avius. marks

explains at length, with

writers of his
at

that

confidence

which

school,the origin
the whole
as

of the story, as We have before need

if he
not

had

been him

actually present
into this
matter
was

cess. prowe

follow

because, profundity,
a

said, the

whole

bit

of

and priestcraft,
no

evidentlyso considered by Livy. But this forms of the historyof Tarquin. the generalcredibility
Sir G. C. Lewis's
one wars

objection
his

to

objectionsto
Priscus

this

history,besides
the
at considerable

ordinary
"

of want of

of historical

are attestation, are

following i^
with
a

"The

Tarquinius
and details,

described is them

length by
of their of official

Diohysius ; but, although

minutest
narrates

he

acquainted
as

some

if he

had

series of the

despatchesbefore him,
of them, The and appear stories

other

writers

omit

all mention heard of

majority
certain

scarcely to
connect

have the
name as

of their

occurrence.

again which
and
to

Tarquin

with

monuments
are

public works,
same

such

the
a

statue

of Attus

^N'avius,
wo

liable found

the

suspicion
similar

of

legendary origin which They, legend

moreover,

have

in other and of

accounts. in the

fluctuate
of

between the

him

other

kings, as

of the foundation

Temple

CapitolineJupiter.
from royal insignia, Even
if

His

introduction alleged in
an were

of the

fasces and

other

Etruria, appears
of his
a

equally
better

unsteady light.
attested,many
:

the
in

narrative it would

reign
doubt his

circumstances

raise

of its credibility
cap, and

the

story of the
the whetstone
p. 238, seq.

eagle flying away by

Attus
^

with

the
;

cutting of
1

are IS'avius,

purely

marvellous

Above,

"c., vol. Credibility,

i. p. 478.

SIR

G.

c.

lewis's
into

objections.

271
and of Ms election
wars

tlio the
tlie

manner

of his

introduction

Eome,
his

to

royal dignity,is improbable,

Latins, Sabines, and
lie

and

triumphant
a

against
verse, re-

Etruscans, without
of

single important
Priscus

beyond

the limits

credibility."
wars

Dionysius's narrative
have
not

of the

of
upon
same

Tarqninius

is,as
must

we

already seen,
upon out

reflection and

only
"

that historian
reason

himself, and
wars

the

history;
concludes

for the

these
wars"

be

struck

of the

catalogue of
his and
a

triumphant
There The

with then

which

Sir the
are

G. C. Lewis
wars

paragraph.
Latins.

remain

only
these

with

the
"

Sabines

statement

that

conducted the

without of the the

singleimportant reverse,"is
Sabine

incorrect.
a

At
so

beginning
that

War,

Tarquin
their

met

with of

reverse

important
Romans of
a

enemy

aj)proached the safety of

army,

walls

Rome,

and
was

the

trembled

for the recruit his

city.^ Tarquin
have

glad
his

respiteto
The reduction
effort of

and
as

to strengthen especially
we

cavalry.
the

conquest of Latium,
its cities
one

seen,

is effected made
we

by
no

after

the
fact

other which
was

; the

Latins
as

united

for

their
to

defence,^ a observe, that

; and

shows,
not

have

already had
cohesion been
must

occasion

there

much
may

j^olitical
once

in the Latin

League
of

what the

little there

have its

have

been the
even

diminished

by

capture of Alba

Longa,
Are

metropolis, in
or

reign
the

Tullus.

Where,
these
race

then,
wars

is the ?

bility, incrediwe

rather
to the

improbability,of
some

not

to allow

Romans
are
we

superiorityof
account

and

1 organization of

And world

if not, how
1

to

for

their

final conquest
not

the been read

We

may

confidentlyafiirm
Rome had made
some

that

this could

have
as

achieved of in her Wo
away

unless

such

beginnings
of the

we

early history.
the

abandon with

story of Attus
and abandoned

Navius, that
other

eagle flying
parts of his
thousand

Tarquin's cap,
were

all the

miraculous

as they history,

by

all sensible

Romans he does

two

}'ears ago.

Cicero

but rejectsthese stories,^

not, therefore,

"

Idemque
victoria

Sabijios, quum
"

mccuibus
"

belloque
dubia
2
"

devicit."

Cic.

magna

Eep. ii. 20. iitrimque csede pugnatum

Dg

rei"uUsset,equitatu fudit est ; et Itaque trepidatum Romse

est,"
"

iirbis

Liv.

i. 36.

Ubi Sed

nusquam
tameu

ad uuiversae nonuulli

rei dimicationem

veutum

est."

"

Liv.

i. 38.

lit

imperitc,qui periculonon exigant. Nee dubito quin iidem et cum poeta, sed ut a teste veritatem ab et Nuniam, aquila Tarquinio apicem impositum Egeria collocutum of Attus Navius Oniitte : igitur lituum putent." De Leg. i. 1. And combuii in maxinio incendio cotcm potuisse llomuh, quern negas ; contcmne
3
"

isti,Tite, faciunt

in isto

"

"

272

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

all reject uncritically that with have the the invention

manners

the

earlyhistoryin
the belief

lump

; because
were

he in

knew unison

and

of such times

stories may,
a

of those that have

to

early

; and
was

perhaps, even
of its genuineness

considered
;

the presence before have

of them

proof

for,a^
have

we

observed, a
down

rationalistic history wliolly from those times would

suredly as-

which

pretended
been

come

false and the

forged.
monuments
are

When with the

it is said that
name

and

public works suspicionof

may that
to
a

connected

of
not

Tarquin

liable to the because

legendary
because

origin,tliis is nothing though Navius;

stories
"

saying much,
to

evei^thing

be liable to

suspicion, especially from

is adduced

critics inclined with

way the

; and

it justify

regard
with

public works,
of Attus the the But say and

they

are

invidiously
it be
meant

connected
as
a

the

statue

unless fluctuate

between

him
of the

ground of suspicion that (Tarquin)and other kings,as in

of

legend
there that

of the foundation
no

Temple
The the

Capitoline Jupiter."

is

fluctuation Priscus

whatever. vowed

authorities in the

unanimously
Sabine
was

Tarquinius
the

temple
Whether

War,
done

prepared

foundations

of it.^

anything

by

Attii

Navii.

mhil

debet

esse

in

commentitiis philosopliia

fabellis loci."

"

De

Div. ii. 38.

1

"Jidemque

in

Capitolio Jovi
"

Optimo
ii. 20.
.

Maximo

bello

Sabino ad
"

in

ipsa

piigna

vovisse

faciendam."
voverat

Cic. bello

De

Rep.
. .

"Etareani

sedem Li
v.

in

Capitolio
iKelvos

Jovis, quam

Sabino

occupat fundanieixtis."
avTo7s KaraaK^vdcniv'

i, 38.

ydp,
Kal (EvOa
araro,

iu Ty

rfi'Adrjpa i"y

reXevTaicp7ro\e/iy faovs viK-narj rijfidxr),

^a^ivovs ci^aro rcf AitKoi fxax^fievos irpts

Tfj''Hpa i^eipydrex

itaXrhv jxkv(TKott^Xov

Kal deovs, dvaK'^fi/j.aai re e/ieAA" tols iSpvtjeadai iv, of. 59 iii. Voverat \. 69., Dionys. K. r. ;
"
"

xw)iia(rt /xeyaXois

Tarquinius
iii. 72. should have

Priscus

bello should the

Sabino,
assert

jeceratc^uefundamenta."
that it is not is that

"

Tac. elder It is

Hist.

Why

Becker

foundations
to

probable incomprehensible.
he represents the Unterbau

the

Tarquin
a

gross
as

prepared misinterj)retationof
author

Dionysius

say

elder

Tarquin
").
On

having conqjletedthe
ecpSaae 6e7yai
sense,

substruction
says
rod

(" selbst den

in the word

vollendet
:

the contrary, that

expressly
vfu.

latter

passage
not to

roi/s Si

Oe/xeXiovs ovk

The

is dvd\i)ti}jia

be taken

in its architectural is shown, the For

but

in its

general sense,
followed

meaning

by x^/io. been fii-sthave laid,and then the earth heaped up ! the actual building,the stones, Dionysius uses the word understood. Second, by the fact that the temple was of the temples at Pompeii. or form, podium, like some being
this

elevating, raising. This Becker's method to According

an

first, by its
would of

foundation the

foundatiojis

\i6os defie\ioi, built This had

on a

bein^^ huge plulwas

podium
here
a

what that
ecu-

Tarquin the Elder prepared. Third, because king finished the foundations,he would

if

Dionysius
been

meant

have

guilty of

gross

274
was

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

daily augmenting
rich

its

population by admitting
may

among

it the

conquered peoplesaround,
to
a

well
; and

have

opened
who

its read

gates readily Livy

the
to tively atten-

stranger like Tarquin

see

those

will him has way

our

that

it

was

his The
;
we

knowledge*of
way

this readiness he obtained further

to add

that
crown

duced in-

to go

thither.

in which

been
of
own

already related convincing parts

"

have hold

nothing
it to be

it,by
for

those Roman
may

who

improbable.
of

But

the

however king being elective,

to have

much
"

the
we

children
see no

of
more

king

seem

had

claim of

preference
than

improbability in
or predecessors

the

election

Tarquin

in that

of any We

of his will

successors.

now

proceed
birth

to

consider Tullius.

the

miraculous

circumstances

attending the
We of his have birth

of Servius
from

given above
and

Livy
There of the

the

commonly-received account
however,
remarkable such
was

education.

were, most
"

several of which
name

other
was

traditions the

respectingit,one
"

following :

As

one

day
was

Ocrisia

the Lar

of the

captive of
of the

Corniculum

"

offeringcakes
to her

to the

at the hearth

palace,he appeared
of
a

in

the

midst

of the took

fire in the

shape
Ocrisia other

phallus ;
of the

sort

of

extemporary marriage
Servius
we son

place,and
are

became

pregnant

with

Tullius.^ mention
a

There

several Thus

versions

story, but
been and the

need of

only
slave

two.

Servius

is said to have of his clients

the

female

of

Tarquin's
is that

by

one

;2

another in

account
a

of his
to

genealogy
the found
and
are

given by
of

Emperor
Claudius the

Claudius
on

speech

Senate, fragments
at

which, engraved place

in

bronze
a

were tablets,

Lyons,
he the
was

of which

was

native, in 1528,
Beaux Arts.' Servius

still preserved

there
"

Palais
our

des
own
:

In

this Tullius

speech
was

says
son

If the

we

follow

authors,
but

of

captive
friend

Ocrisia

according to
and the

the

Tuscans

he of

the his from Mount

faithful

of Csslius
at

Yivenna, length by
of the after
one

the

companion
he and he

all

adventures. Etruria with

Driven the

vicissitudes army,

of fortune

remainder he his named Tuscan

Caelian his
was

occupied having
called

Cselius,which
his
name,

general;
obtained

changed
to the

for

Mastarna,
the

himself, as
The
^

I have

said,Servius

Tullius,and

kingdom, hope
iv. 2. p. 502.

great advantage of the state." true history of the birth of Servius

H. De K xxxvi.
ii. 21.

Tullius

we

cannot

Plin. Cic.

70,

s.

204

; Ov.
"

Fast.
are

vi.

627,

seq. ;

Dionys.

Rep.

They

printed in Gruter, Thes"

GENEALOGY

OF

SERTIUS

TULLIUS.

275

to discover.

It

was

secret

of the

palace.
for the
one

The

testimony
the

of the

Emperor
believed Claudius
new

Claudius Servius
was a

may

be

accepted
been He

fact that
own

Tuscans

Tullius learned

to have
man.

of their
to

condottieri. three

is said

have

invented
a

letters of the

alphabet, and
books,
on

to have and
a

written

in Greek

nian Tyrrheeight.
fact the every and

in twenty history, How that old

he

Carthaginian
be in

history in
from

prided
founded these

himself

them
a

may
new

inferred

the
and

he
one,

at Alexandria

museum,

which,

histories

were

to

be

alternately recited
accounts in
a

year.^ This, no
his lieutenant

doubt, brought Mastarna,

into

the

history of Caales Yibenna,

for

fashion, and
^

Tacitus

ascribingthe
to the

colonization
of

of that Priscus about

though hill,
;

hesitatingway,
other hand he been Hill

time
to

Tarquinius
no

while Yicus

on

the Tuscus

appears

have

doubt It is

the

having
Caelian of

founded
should

at this time.

highly improbable
till the that it

that the time

was

have
we

been have

left uninhabited

Tarquinius
nized likelycolo-

Priscus, and
in

already shown
Eomulus. wife

most

the

time

of

That

Tarquin, however, through

with Etruria forwards
an
"

the who
"

connexion

of his

Tanaquil
in his may of
no

and

it

is she Tullius

plays the prominent part

have his
been

bringing
Avars

Servius

may

assisted

in

by

Etruscan
cantoned in

condoitiere
about the

with Vicus

band,

that

this band been

have

been

Tuscus,

and

have

slightservice

aiding Servius

to usurp

the crown,

is not
a

altogether improbable. Dionysius

mercenary to
set

Livy
states

says the

that
same

he

was

supported by
But this

strong guard, and

to

thing.^
dottiere ;

seems

point
he also
and

to the

band
the the

of

con-

relying upon

which,
he
numerous was

was

able

at patricians

defiance,especiallyas
the
now plebeians,
a

supported by
debts.*
an

affections he the the

of

powerful body,
their He election

whom
was

had first

gained by bribery king

1

and
to

by paying dispense

who

was

able

with

in

regular

Suet.
"

Claud. Cselium

42.

Mox

appellitatum (montem
quum auxifium
seu

Querquetulanum)
dedit
eas e

Csele

Yibenna,
earn

qui
eo

dux

gentis Etruscse,
a

sedem appellatum ductavisset, regum

:

acceperat
foro Ann.
3
"

Tarquinius Prisco,
; cetera
non

quis alius
Tuscum

nam

dissentiunt

amhigiia sunt, magnas

vicum

copias per

in scriptores plana etiam

ac
"

propinqua habitasse,unde
iv. 65. firmo

vocabulo

advenarum

dicta.'*

Prsesidio
c.

munitus."

"

Li

v.

i. 41

tcxvpciv x"*/'o ^^P^ aMy Rep.

21.

excoK

"

Lib. iv.
"*
"

5.
sua

pecunia Obseratosque

liberavisset."" Cic. De

t2

276
form "which
; that

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

is,through
part
of the

an

Interrex
to

who the

proposed
Comitia

him

to the

people;

term, being still confined

small his whole

Curiata,
afterwards
and

included took
in
care

only
to

population. He, however,

some

have

usurpation by proposing imperio.^

Claudius the

confirmed himself
to

time

the
a

regular way
lex curiata The this

the

people,

procuring
forwards Such
an

de

Emperor
account

was

not

the of

first who Servius

brought
Tullius. who in
a

of been of

Etruscan
to

origin
The has
:

origin
in

had

adverted

by Trogus Pompeius,
passage
occurs

flourished

the

reign
and

Augustus.
Justin
as

speech
stood

of in

Mithridates, Trogus,
omnibus

which
runs

inserted
"

as literally,

it

follows

Hanc
:

illos

(Eomanos) regibus
tales
reges aut

legem
aut

odiorum etiam

dixisse nominibus

scilicet

quia ipsi

habuerint, quorum ginum,

servos

erubescant,
aut

pastores Aboriaut

haruspices Sabinorum,
Thuscorum,
It is
"

exsules

Corinthiorum,
nomen

vemasque

aut, quod honoratissimum

fuit
nexion con-

inter

haec, Superbos."^
in which the

impossible
servos

to

doubt,
meant

from

the
"

words

vemasque

Thuscorum
; and

stand

to the

sentence, that Servius

must not

Tullius have
time

is here been when

therefore
even

the

tradition
some

only
at

known, Livy
notice
are

but and it.

to

have

gained

acceptance,
authors !N'ewman

the have
:

Dionysius
discard, as meaning
to
recover succes-

wrote, though these

Professor

neglected to
"

remarks that

Unless
sons

we

totally false, the

murder

tradition
we

the

of
to

Ancus

instigated the
it
as

of
a

Tarquin,
faction

ought apparently
of the this

regard

that their

violent lost

greater clans
atrocious

had

conspired

supremacy
to

by
be

means.

Hereditary
ii. 21,
to

Such
:

appears
"

Cicero's did
not

meaning,

De

Rep.
Senate

''Non

commisit
an

se

patribus
This

that with

is, he
the

agrees
are

account
a

of

permit Dionysius (iv.8,

invention. with the other

the

appoint
of

Interrex. of

seqq. ), the detaOs The

two
"

which,

however,
is somewhat that of him says the

evidently
different. seized InteiTex the

rhetorical agrees

account

Livy (i.41)
in

He
crown

authorities

stating proposal
; but

Servius

"injussu populi,"

that without
seems

is, without
their

by

an

to
"

that
case.

he

reigned
Yet

people, and therefore voluntate patrum," which

the is very far from

choice
to

hardly
may

have
mean

been

voluntas

auctoritas, and
not to

only
that

acquiescence, connivance. usurpation,

Servius but

They
not

ventured

take

any

steps against the

also says later And

they
a

did

give
the and

it their

sanction. but
at

Livy
a

obtained
some

vote

of
wars,

people (i. 46), reforming

the

period,after
this
seems

waging
most
^

successful

constitution.

probable.
Justin, xxxviii.
6 ; cf.

Schwegler,

B. i. S. 718.

GENEALOGY

OF

SERVIUS

TULLIUS.

277
it is not

sion had that have the

not
sons

once

been

acted
if

on

in

Rome

; and

probable
could

of to

Ancus,
be

prompted
crime." deal
^

by personal motives,
in

hoped
seems

profitby
to
a

the

There

good

of truth the
sons

these

observations
as an

and,

if

we

regard

the

conspiracy of
rid of the

of Ancus

attempt
serve

of the
to

patriciansto get
many not

Tarquinian dynasty,
of the
narrative.
or

it will shows
"

explain

circumstances

It

why
7ion

Servius commisit

could
se

commit
"

himself

to the Senate

Patricians
an

patribus king
;

and

allow

them

to

appoint

Interrex
a

for

electing a
courted

why

he

surrounded

himself

with she make

assert

guard,
sons,

and
or

the

plebeians; why
her
own were

Tanaquil, though
up,

had
him

grandsons, of
because

growing
not

wished

to to

king;

these and

youths

old the

enough

their pretensions,

Servius

might keep
that he had been

throne

for them. have been

a

It is true,

however,

all these
no

things might Etruscan, Tarquin

whence have
as

equally
an

done

by

Servius humble
we as

but

only guard

Latin,
;

obliged and
in

dependent
not
so

of
see

and

Tanaquil
"

though, prcesiis there warden

that

case,

do

well
it
a
"

his
come.

his

dium

firmum,
to

Livy
that
he

calls had

can

For

nothing
of the from about have and not his

show

guard

prcefectusurhi, or being
we an

city. Schwegler's objectionsto reforms,^are

Etruscan
a

his

Etruscan,
not

drawn much

of

no

weight,
must to
a

because

do

know

the

constitution of Eome

; and

because,
which
same

whatever Eoman he
be

it may

been,

king

have
the

dealt with

the

people
of the

constitution have
gone drawn

according
for from

materials The

found, and
said

to Etruria

model.

may

argument
what
any

his

conciliatingthe
have birth.

Latins and
can

; which

is

only
least be

politicprince
him
name
a

would

done,

is not
any may

of the

force in derived

proving
from
an

Latin
of

by

ISTor

argument
have

the

Servius

TuUius,

which

been

merely
But
see

adopted
whole

one,

just as Tanaquil
is involved
was
an

called

herself All

Gaia
that

Csecilia.
we

the

subject
that there it
was

in

obscurity.
to overthrow the

can

is plainly
;

attempt

the

Tarquinian
Servius

dynasty
Tullius
the But

that

favoured
a

by

patricians ; that
of in

frustrated
of the

it, partly by

display
succeeded

force, partly through

favour

plebeians,and
is

seizing the
that he the
"

throne.

Sir G.

C. Lewis
as

in saying hardly justified

acquires

the
^

royal office
Regal Eome,
a

son-in-law

of the

late

king,

and

by
lakes

assistance

p, 138.

Professor

Newman,

however,
2

Servius

to have

been

Latin.

b. 1. S. 718.

278
and favour would of of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

Tanaquil given

his him

queen."^
no

His the

to relationship crown,
nor

the late the

king
favour

have

title to

would in

Tanaquil,though

she

undoubtedly

aided

him

it seizing

by

her encouragement, and

stratagem.

SECTION
SERVIUS
TULLIUS"

IX.
HIS NEW CONSTITUTION.

FIRST

ACTS

OF

Servius less

proceeded to fortifyhis newly-acquired

power

no

private than by his public policy. And, lest he of Tarquin's fate at the hands should experience the same children as Tarquin had from those of Ancus, he betrothed and Aruns his daughters to the of two princes Lucius could counsels not the prevail over Tarquin. But human by
his laws of

fate,

nor

prevent

the

accompany

family with
A
war
"

high station and hatred. disloyalty

that undertaken for the truce
to

which jealousy and envy his own from fillingeven

against
with maintain of Tullius defeat and of under
a

the had

Veientines
now

and
"

other served The in he

Etruscans very valour that

war.

Yeii

opportunely
and fortune

expireed at home. tranquillity

.

shone
vast

forth army

conspicuously
of the enemy this

By
his
to

the

assured returned

throne,

the

prestige of
to test

victoiy
it

Eome,

no

longer
or

doubtful either that

of the issue, whether the

for him might be necessary the patricianstowards him, undertook

of disposition
now

of the
any

plebs. Eor he
work that
as
can

by
author

far
in

the
of

greatest of
peace
; in

be had
go

accomplished
been
dowm

time of

order
so

that,

Numa

the
to
as

religiouslaw,
the founder
out
now

he

himself

might

posterity as

of the

various

orders

of the
rank

state,
and
an

they

are

marked it
was
was

by the different degrees of

that prove he the instituted the

fortune. institution
an

Eor

census,

which

to

greatest benefit
and the

in

so

vast
were

empire.
to

not

be

By this the various offices of war and discharged indiscriminately, by

the
*

peace

head,
under-

but

accordingto

means

and

fortune

of those

who

"c. Credibility,

vol. i. p. 483.

riEST

ACTS

OF

SERVIUS

TULLIUS,

279
into classes from the

took and

them.

Hence

the distribution that order and of

of the

people

centuries, and

things arising
war.

census,

adapted

to both

peace

Kemarks. the

"

^We

are

now

arrived indeed
we

at the

most

important epoch
"

of

reign of Servius, and

Eeform. But whole
of

of the
enter

whole

regal period
will

the

vian Sera

before Eoman which

upon

this,which

will demand
say
a

review
on

the

we constitution,

few

words

the transactions At
p.

preceded
remarks the and throne
:

it.
"

723 Tullius of is

Schwegler
obtained the

The

common

tradition

that the

Servius

more

particularly by being
advised another married had their
the

son-in-law

king,
with Lucius

by being Aruns,
if

and

supported by
As the of
a

Tanaquil,
sons

clogged

difficulties in
and
are

respect.
to

of

Tarquin,
of

daughters
wedded
to

Servius

Tullius, they

would,
taken

Servius

been

daughter
of their incest.
gave

Tarquin,
in the

have

to wife
to

nieces,the daughters view,

this
was

sister ; Even
first

although, according
of

Roman the

imperial times,
such
a

when

Emperor

Claudius

the

example
the other of

marriage,
the

it excited

great

and

universal
one

disapprobation.
or

"We

must, therefore, relinquish either the

doubtless
:

account

; and

of first,

Servius of the

having
younger
more

been

the

son-in-law with the

Tarquin

since

the

marriage
has

Tarquins
historical We There been

daughters
that

of Servius

incomparably a
the
same

character." confess
not two
we

must
were

cannot

arrive

at

conclusion.

conflictingaccounts
of

respecting
two
sons

Servius

having
not

the

son-in-law that the

Tarquin, though
But there
were

Cicero, it is true, does

the

mention whether Priscus

circumstance. younger

were

accounts conflicting
or

Tarquins they
would
no

grandsons
been his

of

; and In

probabiUty would
case

show have

them

to have

sons. grandto

this

married

their

cousins;
a

which

there In

would

have

been

objection,and
may

in especially
as a

royal

family. proof
The that

fact, these
younger
war

marriages Tarquins
were

be

regarded Livy
to

further

the

the

grandsons
of

of Priscus.

Etruscan

of

Servius

Tullius, which

and

Cicero than three

mention
one

was only briefly,^

probably
Triumphales twenty

longer

duration

campaign.
But

The that

Pasti

appear
as

mention

triumphs.
1

it lasted

years,

Dionysius states,^
^ib. iv.
c.

Liv. i. 42 J Cic. De

Rep.

ii. 21.

27, se.jg.

280
and the that Roman Before
we

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

the

result

of it
over

was

nothing

less than is

the

confirmation believe.

of

empire

all the

Etruria, it
of the then

impossible to
introduced constitution consider

describe will take

a

reforms political Eoman.

by
as

Servius

Tullius,we,
before made

view

it existed

thosQ reforms, and

proceed to

t^e

alterations

by

Servius.

THE

ROMAN

CONSTITUTION

UNDER

THE

KINGS.

The

Roman

constitution Volumes
upon

as

it existed been
nature

under

the upon

kings
of the

is

most

intricate
are

subject.
institutions

have the

written of

it,yet scholars
most

not

yet agreed even

some

minent pro-

; as, for instance, the

earlypopulus
"c. the We It of

and

plehs,
haps, per-

the

Comitia be

Curiata,
not be

the

Auctoritas
an

Patrum,

would,

impossibleto
sketch

give only

account

early
have
to

constitution

that

should

liable to

some

objections.

attempted
us

in the

following

to

give
the

what

seemed

the most
to

of probable description fewest and objections, been about without best

it ; that

is, which
most must

appeared

liable Whether

the this

therefore

consistent.

object has
us

attained the reader

it

judge
result
or

; all that

it becomes

to

say

is, that
any

it is the

of

careful

inquiry,
ducted con-

instituted

previous judgment

theories and

prejudices, and

to the

of

our

knowledge. people.
of the

We The Palatine Ramnes

as some

will first consider

the composition of the Roman

the
own

population
; to whom

of

Romulus, only
afterwards

original
immediate
the

inhabitants

city,consisted
were

of his

followers,called Luceres, composed, refuge

Etruscans At
a

added

think,
him

of

the

fugitives who
afterwards the

had

taken
some

in

the who

Asylum,
had
a

augmented
in his

probably
wars

by

aided

against
have

Sabines. the addition

later the

period
Sabines

still greater increase

;

took
we

place by

of

themselves with Roman the

who,

as

already related,became ultimately

but formed with took the and

incorporated
them

earlier

settlers,and
Other
additions

the the

nation. of

subsequently
it
was

place by
three the

incorporation
before

conquered
the

peoples ;
the the

races

mentioned,
are

Ramnes,
as

Luceres,

Tities, or
stem-tribes

Sabines, that
of the From nation
term

regarded

originaland

genuine

Romans. these
into

three

races

naturally arose
their of the

division

of the
; whence

whole the

three

tribes, bearing
a

respectivenames people
for

"W6"^

to denote

division

political purposes,

282
halls. ^
on

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

That

the

curiae

were

suhdivided Of the

into

decuriee rests
of

only
the

the

authority of Dionysius.
of the these curia3
we

politicalfunctions
also the Curia

members Besides which of the

shall

speak presently.
was

or curia),

halls,there
a

Calabra,
or

seems

to .have been

sort

of House

of Convocation, what

assembly
month The third
we can

for the Nones

priests ;
would

where

the

they proclaimed on happen.^

of the
name

place day of

and

last subdivision
no
a

people was
than

into gentesyfor

which The

find of

better
gens
were

English
not

clans.
:

members
was

necessarilyblood-relations
we

the

institution

like political, what purpose,

the but

though curiae,
also
most

cannot
a

so

easily
to

point out
is the nomine id

for

probably with
sunt

view

military organization. The following one

sunt.

principal passage
^ :
"

respecting the gentes qui inter

oriundi
se

of Cicero

"

Gentiles

eodem Is^e

JSTon est satis.

Qui ab

ingenuis
nemo

sunt.

quidem

satis est.
nunc.

Quorum

majorum
sunt

servitutem Hoc

servivit fortasse

Abest

etiam

Qui capite non

deminuti.

satis est." This of definition, being a formal, logical We

name^ see,
course

pretends to
of

the

greatestaccuracy.
was

then,
that
so

that the

general mark
blood

tion recognibear the

the the

same

and

had blood-relationship far that the most the

gens^

nothing to
The the
same same

do
same name

with
name.

matter, except in
Cicero all

relations

begins

from
to

general term.
or

includes would
more

belonging
Hence blood
were

clan,
were
a

but
not

blood
any

not.

the members than

not

of

gens of to

necessarily
The born

related for
a

by
not

the

members but civil

curia. been

fications qualifree

gens

blood,
forfeited

have

and {ingenuus)j

to

have

rights {non capitedemimuch

to is

nutus).
Paul purpose nomine nomine This shows because the
"

Deacon Gentilis

gives
dicitur

another
ex

definition
genere

the

same

eodem
:

ortus, et

qui

simili
meo

ut appellatur, ^ appellantur."

ait Cincius

gentiles mihi
accurate

sunt, qui

definition still
more

is not

so

and logical

as

Cicero's ; but
not

it

clearlythat blood-relationship was

hoth blood-relations

necessary, thoso

it includes

and {eodemgenere art'.)

1 2

Diouys. loc. cit. Calabra curia diccLatur, ubi

"

tantuin

ratio

sacrorum

gerebatur."
"

Paid.

Diac.
*

cf. Van. p. 49 ; PauL Diac. p. U

L.

L.

v.

13, vi. 27.

"

Top.

6.

(Miill.)

NATURE

OF

THE

ROMAN

GENTES.

283
nomine

wlio

are

only called by
truth of these
to

the

same

name

{qui dmili

appel-

lantur).
The who

definitions,however, is contested

by Becker,^
^
"
"

opposes

it the
sunt

following
orti in

passage

from

Yarro

Ut
:

in
ut

hominibus enim nomine

"

qusedam
^milio

agnationes ac

sic gentilitates,
ac

in verbis

ab

homines
voces

^Emilii,

gentiles;
Mebuhr Varro

sic ab -(Emilii

declinata?

nominali." gentilitate
"

This

passage," says
stem-father been

Becker,
this much

which
:

gets rid

of

so

easily,^ shows, however,

an

that

figured

to

himself
not

^milius have

as

of the whole of

gens

Emilia

; and not

that

it could

constituted
a common

quite difierent
name. political

persons, That

related have

by blood, but bearing

been The into

might
be

possibleat Athens, meaning

would these who did "that Yarro
gens his

but

not

at Eome."

objection is quite
of the wJwle

futile.

The

passage

cannot
an

tortured
as

figured to
Of and

himself
course

^milius

stem-

father ^milius

Emilia."
name, all the

those

descended the

from

bear

be

gentiles;
Were
a

but

question
not other 1

is, would

include
not

^milii]

there named there the

^milii,
not;

trace it
was

their
not

origin to
material
to
a

man

^milius
were cases

!For Yarro's
or noun

purpose,

whether
compare

such
of
a

it sufficed

for of
a

his illustration
man.

to the

family
moment

Such
two

passage,

therefore,cannot
the
purpose of

weigh
which

for

against the
an

before

quoted,

is to

give

accurate to

definition
argue,

of the word

gentilis.
follows
up
:
"

Becker
not
names we

then

proceeds

after and

Gottling,as
gave

It is

to be

supposed they
the

that the Latins

were

Sabines Eoman

their

family

when find

admitted

into the

patriciate. Thus
as

Tullii, Servilii, Quinctii, "c., admitted

into

patricians,
names,

and

consequently

the into

without curiie, other

changing
should

their have

though, being
them
up.
we

admitted

gentes, they

given
be
a

Here admitted
gens, in

may

ask, Why
to

was

it necessary
was

that

they

should
to

into

other gentes ?

It
a

necessary, these

of course, Latins

have have

order
into

belong

to

cui-ia ; but

might
to

been their
1

made

Eoman

gentes,and

yet have

been

suffered

retain

originalnames.
Alterth. Lat.
so

Eom.

B.

ii. Abtli.

i. S. 37 ; cf.

Gottling,Staatsv.
redet, wiirde

S. 62.

Ling.
"Aber

viii. 4.

" es

gleichnisswcise wie
haben ihm eine

er

hier

wahrlich

er

selbst

sich verbeten

seiche

Erwahnung
Eom.

buchstabhch Geecli. i. S29.

als eine Ms-

torische

Behauptung auszulesen.""NiebuLr,

28-1!
The
must

'

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

argument
first have ten

seems

to

be, that
into
rests
a

to be
a

admitted
as

into

curia

they

been

admitted But this from divided

says

gens,

each

curia

consisted

of

only

gentes.

upon

inference

of

Niebuhr's,
were

passage

nothing at all, except an where it is in Dionysius,^

decads. is not
a

said that tbe curiae is the

into

or decurice,

Dionysius
very

only

author the
was

who Eoman

this ;

but, though
so curiae,

he

good
that have these in

authority on
as

still it constitution, into

ten

is not each

improbable
curia may that

each

tribe

divided
ten
same

been

divided
were

into the

decuriae.
as

Xiebuhr

conjectured
that there there
was

decuriae each of

the

gentes, and

thus
no

tribe ten

and curiae, decuria had

hundred
gens. any say

gentes. But

is

method the
two

connecting
1

with been

Dionysius
; and

must
was

have
none,

known

if difference,
names

there

if there
many

why
were

It is whether

impossible to
there
was

how
same

gentes there
in

in number

curia,or
may have

the
to

number

each.
of

The

varied it ; and for

according
we

the

numerosity
that And those
not
some

the

gentes which
were more

composed

must

assume

gentes

powerful
by
yet
tens
we

numerous

than
may

others. been
were

though

these

divisions

and
may

hundreds presume
a

have

that

they
the

established, originally unalterable, if political

for first
to

necessity demanded
It is not divided
a

change.
that

improbable
a
a

Eamnes,
It
seems

instance,were
been
at necessary

into that

hundred

gentes.

to have

gens

family patrician appointed

act, so
many

should

have of

been
a

its head

; and he

when

Romulus that the

his first Senate

hundred

members,

made, by
"

patricianfamilies.
"

That

gentes,'^ says Becker,^

to

were

not

mere

tution instipolitical Had

it

appears been
a

follow

from

their

having

sacra

privata.
like those

division political have that been

in

like the

the curiae,

sacra,

of the

would curiae, We believe

public."
its

origin

the

institution of

was

and political,
was
^ :
"

that, agreeablyto
a

the On

Greek this

descent

Eomulus,

it

taken This

from view

Greek

custom.

subject Schwegler
recommended In

says

(thatthe
of
was

institution

was

is political)

by

the

analogy phratriae
of

the

old Attic into

constitution.

this,each
and

of the

twelve

divided amounted that

we

thirty gentes (yivrj), so

hundred think here of natural down

that

the whole These

number numbers

them show and

to three cannot

sixty.
that

fixed

or kindred; relationship,

further,it
1

is
c.

expresslyhanded
7.
2

the
3

bond
g_

of union

of

Lib.

ii.

g^ 39^

^ g^ 513^

NATURE

OF

THE

ROMAN

GENTES.

285

these
a

gentes

was

not of

blood

or relationship,

common

descent,but
communities
are

communion the yit^ri,

holy

rites.
of

]^evertheless them

these

called
as

members been

ycvr^rai, and

even

6/ioya\a"cr"s,
the

if But

they

had

family
the

relations."^
was

though
it with of name, is

the

institution members

most of
a

probably political, yet

was

connexion
and
as

between
were

gens

much members

more

intimate,
of
a

sacred, than

that

between

the

curia. the
same

These,
members proper It
were

regard
a
as

to

one

another, were
not

merely
to

curiales ; while also bore

the

gens if

were

but only gentiles^

they

had

belonged
all the

one

family. belonging
Indeed to
a

hardly possible that

this

families

gens
are

patrician,though
which Fabia

has such
to

been
an

assumed.

there

passages the gens

contradict

assumption.
Yeientine unius
war,

Livy, describing
"

going

forth

the

saj^s

Sex

et

trecenti

milites, omnes sperneret

Fabii

omnes patricii,

gentis, quorum
minitantes." of
one

neminem

ducem unius
The

egregius quibuslibet temporibus

Yeienti

senatus, ibant,
^

familice viribus
are

populo pestem
as

here
were

described
all

not

only
of
one

gens

it is also unless

added
a

that

they

all patricians, different

as

family.

I^ow

gens

might
been
gens

have

contained
as

families,not

related

by blood,
would that
the

and have

plebeian

families

well
It to

patrician,these
have number sufficed
of

additions
to say

unnecessary.
went

would the

Fabian

forth
Eoman
one

three that

hundred

and all

sixty,and
So

every

would

have

understood

they

were

all patricians, also the

of

family.
known
Manlius

well of M.

decree

of

the
"

gens

Manlia,
There

after the

condemnation neminem

Capitolinus,
vocari
gens.

Decreto
^

gentis Manliae
were

patricium
in the

M.

Manlium of the
same

licet."

fore there-

plebeian families Now,

the

original constitution
made

of
?

Eomulus,

what
not

were

these been

plebeians
The

that

part
to
an

of

gens

Might they
name

have

clients ? client appears

he
was

have

borne

the
was

of

his

patron, and
his patron. but
ov

therefore, if
Becker
^

ingenuus,he
client

the
to

of gentilis

allows

that
tov

the
yevovs
outo)

belonged

the

gens,

adds,
irpoffi^-

Koi

ol fj-eTexoPTes
eK

Koi 6fjioydAaKT(s, yei/fiJTai y^vei/aev Poll. wpocrayopevSiJ.cvoi,

"

KOPTcs,
ov

Se

ttjs (TvvSSov
fierexovres
tov avrov

viii. 111.

revpifrai:

(yevovs) ot
ovSe

eKaXovvro

yevprJTai,

ov

Kara

KOUTcs,

aTrh

al/xaTos,dWci
"

Koivuvlav M. Phil.

d\Xi^\ois irpotrijyevos rivd ^xovres (rvyyeviKwv

opylwv, d(p^"v
2

opyewves

uvo/xdcrdrjcrav. Etym.
3

Lib.

ii. 49.

cic.

i. 13 ; cf. Liv. vi. 20.

286

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

Of

IIOMG.

prohahly
the does
not

without

"being a gentilis;but
to

how, bearing tbe

was

name

of

(/ens, and

belonging
^

the he

(/ens, he

not

Becker gentilis, in support

explain
the

nor

does
was were a

adduce

any

authorities
to make

of his

opinion. But
as

it

necessary

for him of

this assertion ;

because,

curiae have

composed
member of

gentes, the
and the

client,as
had

would gentilis,

been

them,

have

the

: whereas, jus suffragii

after

Niebuhr,
shall

he holds

theory

that the have there these

Curiate

Comitia

were

composed
and

entirely of patricians.
still further
in

We that if

already shown, however,

must
were

show,
and

have
not

been

plebeian
But

families
must

the been

gentes;
a

the the

clients,there
clients.

have

plebeian population
Romulus the had

besides the
seems

Cicero's

expression, that
chief men, the
or

plehs enrolled
to indicate

in the

clientshipof
meant
some

patricians,^
otherwise

that

he
out

tlie wliole of

plehs;
and

he

would But

have this

pointed
us

distinction. of the
most

brings

to

one

important
constitution. persons,

difficult

questions respecting the curia),comprising

whole Roman about

ancient three

regal

The formed

thirty
the

thousand
a

populus, entitled

to take

part in the government

by

Did this populus consist entirely of patricians, giving their vote. ? and plebeians mixed of patricians or

First,if
two
names

it consisted
1

what entirely of patricians,

terms

was

the
have

use

of

For

the

populus
to

and

patriciimust that,
in

been

identical.

Secondly, Romulus,
the whole
was patri(di

we

have

endeavoured
men

show

the

reign of
title of
common

three

thousand

must

have

comprised pretty nearly

arras.

population capable
bestowed

of

bearing
have have

But
if it

the
was

by

way

of distinction been been

; and
no

to the

whole one-tenth
very

population,
fair

it would

distinction

at all.

That

part of it should

thus

distinguished is distinguished
have been
ten j and not
seineu
"

surely a
was

proportion.
in not
so

But

if the

part

thus

three
as

thousand
many
men

number,

then

there

must

times the
1
"

whole
Wie
der

or thirty thousand distinguished, children, persons population,including women,

Client
an

den

Gentilnamen
Familie der
"

des

Patrons
an

fiihrt,so
die gens

war

er

mit

Nachkommen Alterth.
ohne
to

dessen
"

und Gens

mitliin

gebunden."
an,

Rom.

ii. 130. Gentile any

Denn
zu

gehorte
131. of their

der

Client says

wahrscheinlich the clients

"yiyei
were

selbst

sein."

Ibid.

Dionysius

that
ws

defray
"

extraordinary

expenses

patrons,

rods

Trpoaij-

Kovras. '^
"

ii. 10.

Habiiit

plebem

in clientelas

principum descriptam." De Rep.

"

ii. 9,

KATtTEE

OF

THE

POPULUS.

287
lowest

enfranchised,"c., must
to

have

amounted,
;
a

at the

very

estimate,
of the

100,000
These
are

in the

reign

of Eomulus

number

wholly

incredible.

arguments
show We

only
that
the

from

but probability, contained of these.

a

passages

ancient of

writers

curise
a

large proportion
described
:
"

plebeians.
After
the at

will adduce of

few the of

death the

Romulus,
duration

plebeians
the
centum

are

as

indignant
deinde factos
:

long
nisi the

interregnum
pro

Fremere

^^ZeS*, multiplicatam servitutem,

nee

uno

dominos videbantur

ultra Here in

regem,

et

ah

ipsis creatum,
appear
power
as a

passuri."^
(" creare phrase
sensissent

plebeians plainly
state, having
the
creare

large
a

and

powerful body
for such
ea

the their

to

elect

king Quum

regem") in
a

assembly;

for

is the proper then

technical
"

mode

of election.

Livy

proceeds rati,quod

moveri

Patres, offerendum
summa

ultro

amissuri
non

erant, ita gratiam ineunt,

potestate iwpulo permissa, ut

Decreverant

plus

darent

juris,quam

retinerent.
sic

enim, ut,

quum

populus
iierent." The

regem

id jussisset,

ratum

esset, si Patres
rather
sometimes to the to

auctores

word

Patres

is

now

and

then

ambiguous.
it denotes
we

Its the

primary meaning is, the Senate, though

whole
not

patricianbody
it is used. it
means

but, by attention
be be First seized

context,
in

if shall,
sense

in all cases,

certainlyin most,
It
cannot

able

distinguish the
that it
was

in which instance
senators

doubted because the

the the
;

present
hundred

the

Senate. who had

of Eomulus
a

interregnum

secondly,

they
the

made

decree

on

the

subject in dispute (" decreverant

of the
"

enim") ;
leave
it to

thirdly,at
Senate beneficio

the

termination
a

the affair, id gratuni

plebeians

to elect

king

Adeo

plehi fuit, ut, ne

ut

victi

viderentur, id modo
Eomae

sciscerent

juberentque,
of the
in
as a

senaius

decerneret,qui
The leave has is in but
in
a

regnaret."
the determination Senate
to

Interrex the election

communicates
in

the

hands
of

of the he that

people
the

cojicio which

he it

the called,
no

members

which

addresses

Quirites.
is

But

such

irregularassembly
Comitia
we

election
we

actuallymade,
from

in the
passage

regular
to

Curiata. have

This

learn
"

Cicero,
alieni-

which

already
curiatis

adverted

Eegem
....

genam,

patrihus auctoribus,sibi ipse popultisascivit venit, quamquam ipse de

Qui
regem

ut
esse

hue

populus
suo

eum

comitiis

tamen jusserat,
1

imperio

curiatam
*

legem
Rep.

tulit."^

Lir. i. 17.

De

ii. 13.

288
In
morte

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

like ad

manner

on

the
res

death

of Inde

Numa Tullum
^

Livy
It

says

"

Numee
.

interregnum
Patres
must

rediit.
auctores

Hostilium
. .

regem

populus jussit.
intellect be

facti"
the
"
"

seems

to

us

that

the this

constituted which peculiarly

Patres
as

could

imagine
Cicero

populus
the
same

and

these

to

be
:

same

persons. rege

relates Tullum curiatis

event

follows regem,
suo,

Mortuo

Pompilio,
comitiis

Hostilium creavit ; curiatim." Lex

seen

populus isque
^

interrege rogante,
the
to

de

imperio
he this

exemplo Pompilii,populum
Patres be Auctores
as

consuluit does
we

Here
; but

omits
seems

Livy
knew

the have

Curiata

for merely accidental, that Cicero

by
Before

preceding proceeding
passages

passage

just quoted
will

it to be

necessary.
any

further
to

we

make

one on

or

two

remarks death of

on

the

relating

the

interregnum

the

Romulus.

First,it
with the
to them
as a

is

impossible
instance.

to believe

that, if the populus

made
so

was
a

identical resistance identical

it to

it patricians, in this

would

have The

determined the

Patres

and and

are patricii

party, and
to

always keep
been

act
on

together;
the

if the
we

Patres be

deemed
sure

their interest would families from the

a

the

Interregnum,
The

may
"

that their

they
own

not

have

opposed by

patricii,

that

is, by
have

and

connexions. with different

opposition

must

proceeded
have been

body

and interests,

this could

only
the

plebeians. Second,
it is maintained

by

those

who the

hold

that

curiae

were

composed
and any Patres
measure,

only
and

of

that patricians,

phrases
of the
that

Patrum

auctoritas Curiata
to

auctores

fiunt mean
not

the

assent

Comitia the

that

of the

Senate, and
same

lex curiata But in

de

imperio
not

is

only

another
as
we

phrase
have

for the

thing.
Senate resolved

Livy's
and the

account, in which,
the
a

shown,
that

it is the

that
not to

acts

patricianbody,
greater share

it is said

they

give

people people

of

right than
that the if

they

retained

themselves

; and

therefore

they

decreed be valid

election

of

king
"

made

by ihe
auctores

should

only

they

authorized

it

si Patres

fierent. Livy's account

that been the the Patrum
saDie

of the

proceedings during
and the the Lex of
we

the

interregnum
could there
was

shows have
Lex

Auctoritas

Curiata

not
no

thing.

At

death
as

Eomulus have
1

Curiata

in
1

existence.
Lib. i. 22.

Eomulus,

shown, reigned jure

De

Rep.

ii. 17.

290
must have formed

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

assembly. formed Comitia, though thus in a great part plebeian, adds : Hsec populus ; for Livy immediately afterwards
"

the

majority

of

that

Yet the
eum

these Roman hand

falsa memorantem In like

manner

ingenti consensu
Cicero
"

populus
:
"

Romanus

regnare

jussit."
est

says
^

Cunctis
"

rex 2"opuli suffragiis suo

creatus

L.
"

Tarquinius ;
is,he
manner

adding
a

tulit ; In the

that

obtained

isque de confirmatoryLex
:

imperio legem
had seized

Curiata.

like

Livy
any

describes

Servius

Tullius,who
to

crown

without

election, returning
any the doubts Patres about and the
seu

Eome

after

defeating
in the

the Etruscans

without

his

being
"

confirmed

royal dignity both

hostium

by

plebs :
Patrum

Fusoque ingenti plebis animos

exercitu,hand

dubius
^

rex,

seu

Romam rediit." Here periclitaretur, again Livy is supplemented ferent by Cicero,whose account, however, is on this occasion rather diffrom
an

Livy's.

For he

while had

this

historian

makes

Servius

defer

election
as

till after
soon

him

elected

after usual

Cicero gained a victory, represents Tarquin had been buried; though as of

an

dispensingwith
the For elected Patres he

the

mediation thus
to

Interrex
over

as

well

as

with gether. altobeen the

fessed, con-

authority of

the

Senate:

passing
the
a

that

body

proposes

himself

people, and, having

Lex

by them, immediately

obtains And the

Curiata, without
be and

having

been

auctores.^ with

this account, it must democratic

is not inconsistent of Servius. It may the be observed

popular character
Cicero mentions

that Lex with

on

all these

occasions

king's obtaining a
the

Curiata,whilst

Livy

says

notliingabout
was

it, contenting himself

by
seems

people, and
to to
as

confirmed

recording that the king by the authorityof the

that has induced and the that
not

elected It

Senate. German curiata

be

this

circumstance Patrum

many lex

critics

regard
have

the

auctoritas

de

imperio
the

identical; arguing, we
mentioned But
were we

suppose, had it

Livy
the from

would
same

certainly
as

the

lex

been

auctoritas. that

have

abeady
that with
a

shown

Cicero him
as

himself distinct

they
on

different, being
seem

mentioned

by

things.
contented

It

would the

Cicero,
two

an

advocate
; while

by
the

looked profession, historian

matter

lawyer'seye

himself

with

recordingthe
"

essential

things,

1 '

De
"

Rep. ii. 20. sepulto, populum

suo

Lib.

i. 42.
;

Sed, Tarquiuio

de

se
"

regnare,

legem

de imperio

curiatam

tulit."

ipse consuluit De Leg. ii,21.

jussusque

MTRUM

AUCTOBITAS

AND

LEX

CUKIATA.

291

the

election

by

the

people

and

the the

confirmation lex ; which

.

by
their

the

Senate,
in
was

without the very little more whole Lex

troubling
than
of

himself
case

about of the of form

indeed, except minds,

And indeed

improbable
a

people changing
and routine. is not We
a a

matter

in the

course

Eoman

history there
been
was

singleexample
a

of the and

Curiata in
so

having
far
as

refused.^
not

say

matter

of form should

routine

it

that likely

publicbody
;

refuse

to confirm

the

magistratewhom
lex
was

they had
more

chosen
a

though, technically
without

speaking, the
it the
person

something
could To
not

than

as confirmation,

elected his office.

exercise this

the

imperium
was

or

potestas

belonging to
reason

obtain the

imperium
but

the ostensible

for the

of application

magistrate;
a

the grantvirtually ing

of the
If
a

lex

by

the

curiae in

was

confirmation

of their choice. there

was

there

is any

truth

the

preceding reasoning, then

of Eoman

plebs from
too.

the

earliest times
not up

and history,
was
a

a a

very

powerful
is,

one

We

will

dispute that
afterwards.
as

it All
to

pleh$ of
we

different kind
for here

from that not

what it the
was

sprung

that

contend that

plebeian
the

opposed
in the

patrician ;
of

is,that

it had

right of
the

and auspices,

other Comitia

jDatrician privileges.
the
to

But

it had

right of voting
part of the
to the

and curia?, the

fore thereAs

formed

and tribes,

belonged
sacra

gentes.
of the

belonging
and Those
time
as

curiae it

partook

of the

publica
their

curiae,
the

belonging
who

to the gentes it not

in participated
sacra

sacra

privata.
that the full
. . .

partook

of these

were we

not,

at least before

of

Servius,full
were
"

citizens.
to
cum

E^ow

learn

from

Cicero

Sabines citizens
quo
:

admitted

the

sacra, rege

and

therefore

became icit.

(Eomulus)
et

T. Tatio civitatem
rege

Sabinorum

foedus

foedere
suum

Sabinos
cum

in

ascivit sacris But

communicatis does
not

et say

reguum
so

illorum

sociavit."^ into
^

Cicero

much

of the
"

Latins
eos

admitted

the

cityby
in the

Ancus

Marcius,
script manu-

but

only
of

ascivit De

in civitatem."

Unfortunately the
reign

the

Eepublica
we

is mutilated have
not

of TuUus
to what from full

and Hostilius, that

therefore with
we

Cicero's

testimony as
to

king

did

the may

Albans infer

transplanted
that

Eome.

But
to

Livy's account
for citizenship,
is the

they

were

admitted dare And

among
^ "*

the

TuUus

promises
Alban

"civitatem

plebi,"*
after

which

technical

expression for
of several

that admission. families

ing mention-

the admission
1 "

the

Patres,he

See De

RuLiuo, Staatsy. S. 388.

d^

^^^

^^ 17^

Rep.

ii. 18.

Liv. i. 28.

u2

292

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

proceeds to
Here

say

"

Et,

ut

omnium

ordinum
turmas

viribus
ex

aliquidex
Albanis

novo

populo adjiceretur,equitum
"onj-nium
in

decern
mean

^ legit."

ordinum"

must
or

all the

three orders; curiae. the

namely,
there
ferred trans-

Senate, knights, and populm,

is

members

of the of
us

But

nothing

Livy's account by
Ancus full the

of the that

treatment

Latins that

to Eome

should

lead

to

think

they
of

obtained them
*'

at

once

rights
to

of citizens. is about

He

merely speaks
to

as

"in civitatem
seems a

which accepti,"^

equivalentto
were

Cicero's all the

and ascivit," of

only

mean

that
to

they
his
to

have

iuimunities We Romulus been Rome, added "We

may

Eoman,

but

not
assume

enjoy
that rather

privilegeof
the

the vote. of

then, perhaps,
enrolled in the
a

originalplehs
transferred have suppose

or curiae,

to their

descendants, had
to to

by

Tullus
a

part

at

least

of the he

Albans

say

part, because, as
into the

appears may

admitted that he into the

a

only

six Alban

families
a

we patriciate,

admitted curiae. without increased and the

only
The

proportionate number
would have would

of formed

plebeian families
the nucleus have of been

remainder

pldii

political rights,which by
the and Latins thus have

afterwards
to Rome

vastly
Ancus

transferred

in the

reigns of
the

Tarquin,
reform Professor

ultimately occasioned
Tullius. programme of which Romischen
to
a

necessityfor
of lectures is

made

by

Servius

Schomann,
in his
"

in the

his

course

delivered

at Greifswald

in

1831,
der of its

short

account

given
with

by
the

Becker view of
a

Handbuch

^ Alterthiimer,"

of

refutingsome
in the

leadingpoints,appears
the

also to have that there

at

been
was

opinion, in opposition to
Romulean that of but clients,
were

theory

of

Mebuhr,

plebs

curiae ; that afterwards

this plehs consisted

first and

only
that

all the
we

conquered
concur
we curiae,

Latins

Etruscans

admitted.
were

But, though only plebeians

second, that
them. that This in
to
a

in the first agree

view,
with

clients
in

the

in

the

Becker

rejecting the
admitted
into

the

entire

conquered
Becker's jection ob-

populations were
to

obviates later be

Schomann's the Curiate

hypothesis,
Comitia have would whole

times, during the

Republic,
because

appear formed

wholly patrician,
small

the

clients with

very

minority

in

comparison
attached have It
1

the

to the

interests of

plebeian body, and their patrons would,

this

being necessarily
on

most

occasions,
the clients
g^j

been

influenced be

by

them.
to

might
Liv.

objected
2

view, Why
^

then
g

did

i. 30.

lb. 33.

tj^

jj ^|_,^Jj j

^^q^ ^^^

CI1E3E18

AJSD

TLEB"

293 tibe urcjiioa of

Jbe

so

detenmned
-lunii

an

oppomtitm
Hie hk

to

tiiePatBH,
in

on

after liiedeatikaCBaBiiihHf dUente

w"e

TotintweK^^tiiat
a

enofcpaaUd.
JUioinliia and
Iter
^
.

toj

diComi

poaitibej

linl Ibor

anocaaan

to fliai wliidh
m

the

Sorian

s^xn,
time

wbotAf
liare
wen

it 0mi liawe above

em.

To

beloB^ to
ties

iiie Ornate woold the

Coontia

would

irt
e

and (^distinetion,

cageadeBed,orcrand
hamad
to

iKatnnl

hj

whaA.

daeatm

^trnpairiM^

-it dt eorpt, said mKt

to tibe fediag viflt nsad Bfidri^ ^asofplebdanawlio wennotintibeaaniepoBtioaL

aj aatitotnlie

later timea
aa

no

comtitntional

.portanee
^ a

vliellier tibere
eamt

o" anck qnfition coold ante iiionld be one king orabnndiedL

grievance whadt
.aage
t:

home
bsve

to

flieni

ftutiaUfy,
tcij
ovn

Tke

of

niarieiB

wa^at
even

beooBM

golfing and

and
^

tiMM^
-^

wifli mpeet

to flieir

Idmwiliii^inaiat
Ua^
or

duacia,
oClna fliB

jdt ihtj

die bave

bead been

:jate noj

aiikdelkaii:
,

jetflicgrdonot
in lient wodd
-

to

poiitieal
pabon,
Howe

z^

afiertbetii^ bn
ao.

^at

fnfaaUtf vole actnaD^ ohfiesd Imn

iMrt

to

he intetnxnmn

fid

fiomUiecl: is
a

bundle tbe
U
-

But

papmlm*,
ametoriba^ amiiie

*^-

pbnan
imiiibiij

i"i
to
cx-

PPort of Ida

opLoicL
BecV is notL
or

jpo^^^
sai-

the

justljr
appear made of

soTT

bj
llie

tl

cor

shooldatill
must

noi^

ir

294 confirmation.
cited from
a a

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Because,
the

if from

comparison

of the

passages

before of

Cicero, in
same

'which

it is

expresslysaid
bestowed and of

of every the

election

king
Lex
same

that

curiae afterwards the passages

imperium by
lex, it is

Curiata, with

Livy
of

Dionysius relatingto
the
as

the

in which, subject,
auctores

instead

mentioning
irarpiKLiov
a

expresslysaid, Fatres
"

facti, ratv
such

rd iTriKvpuadyrcjy
it becomes

do^avTu T")-rrXrideif if,I say, from

comparison
but
are

plain

that

this auctorem like

manner same on

jieriis nothing
in

else
we

the still

Lex
more

Curiata

in itself, directed Before

moment

other

places

clearly
for

to the

conclusion."
to these
"

passing
what passages
we

other
us.

we places,"

will examine

have from
a

before Cicero

The have
most note

here

alluded But

to, are
will

those

which

we

already quoted
material beneath
"

little before.^
"

it be

believed

1 the in the

of them is

namely,
Becker

the first of those in

a

mentioned

given by
are

garbled manner
to
a

(S.314,
follows fama

Anm.

628), the
it
"

words

which

necessary
!

truthful
runs

interpretationof
as :
"

being entirelyomitted
Quibus
quum
esse

The

whole

passage

praestantem E'umam
regem

Pompilium
Sabinum

ferret,
sibi

suis civibus prsetermissis

alienigenam
ad
ut

fatrihus auctorihus

ipse populus
Eomam curiatis curiatam

ascivit ;

eumque

regnandum
hue

hominem

Curibus
eum

ascivit. regem
"

Qui
esse

venit, quamquam ipse de which,

so suo

populus imperio
have

comitiis tulit.

tamen jusserat,

legem

!N'ow Becker

omits entirely in
an

the with the

first sentence, the

as

we

alreadyshown,
three acts, viz.

conjunction
election
a

second,
an

indicates clearly

by

Comitia,

authorization
; and

by

the

Senate, and quotation

and

again

confirmation

by
"

the

Comitia

begins his
"c.
so

in the

second

sentence,
attribute
so

quamquam

populus,"
omission mutilation.

It is
acute

impossible, we
elaborate
a

fear,to
instead

important
but wilful Becker

by

critic to

anything
of
a

Here,

then,
lex

proof, as
same

asserts, that
a

auctores
we

fieri and
before in such
we

curiata

are

the
are

things, is things.
need that
even

proof, as
About trouble here the the

have

shown,
an

that

they
as

difierent
we

passages

author

Dionysius
in
;

not

ourselves;
horse
were

only
breaks

will down

observe,
with the
same

passing,
for the

Becker's
TrarpiKioi

him

TrXfjdoQ and

assuredlynot
1

persons.

See

above,

p.

287,

seq. vi", De

Rep.

ii. 13, 17, 20, 21.

BECKER'S
Becker essential then purpose connected revoke
a

REASONING

EXAMINED.

295

proceeds
of the with

as

follows

"

Cicero

represents
as a

it

as

the

Lex

Curiata, or
the
or

at all events

vantage great adto

it,that

perhaps hasty choice,

occurs

people was thereby enabled had by it what is called

in the well-known passage,
vos

the De

potestas reprehendendi. This

Lege Agr.
tiam
cum

ii. 11

Majores
ITam

de
cum

bis singulisniagistratibus centuriata lex censoribus iterum

senten-

ferre voluerunt. curiata cseteris

esset

ferebatur,
de

patriciis magistratibus,turn reprehendendi potestas, quia prima

iUa comitia si

eisdeni beneficii
et

judicabatur,ut
sui

populum

poeniteret.

JN'unc
tantum

tenetis, centuriata
Hie
autem

tributa,curiata
tribunus
aut

auspiciorum
curiatis
vestra

causa

remanserunt.

plebis, quia videbat, potestatem

posse
:

neminem

injussu populi
vos non

plebis

habere,

ea

comitiis, quae

sinitis,

confirmavit binis homo

tributa, quae
voluerint
ne unam

erant, sustulit.

Ita, cum

majores potestatem

comitiis

vos

de

magistratibus judicare,hie singulis populo

comitiorum

popularis
The

quidem

reliquit.'
"

of separate propositions further

on

this

important
the

passage
to most

will advert

be

amined ex-

; at

present

it is

only

necessary
as

to the

most

material of the Lex de

part :

that Cicero

represents

essential purpose
his judicare

Curiata

i}iQ potestas

the reprehendendicomitia^ this potestas is the curiae

singidismagistratibus. But
confirmation

nothing more
:

than

the

right of

possessed by
the
of

because, whether
reprehensio
hensio repre-

iliQ patres auctores takes

Jiunt ov not,
in the

second the

decision,iliQ bis judicare

lies the
a

place,
is not

and

hands

Patres

comitiorum.^

If
to

that
be

is of

itself

and quite clear,

further

thought of,yet
in
a

this also most

decidedlyappears
kind of
mentary com'

to be

Cicero's
on

meaning
the above

forming a parallel passage, words Nnm (Pro Plane' 3) :

nostros tenere
non

si ita ut

esset,
repremulto

quod patres apud majores

hensores
etiam essent minus est ferendum.

potuerunt,
vel
non

comitiorum,

id
Tum

haberent
enim
non

judices ; magistratum
facti
:

quod

gerebat is, postulatur a

qui

ceperat, si
ut
'

vobis,

patres ejus exilio,qui

with
is of

auctores creatus

erant

nunc

sit, judicium populi

be

Romani

repre-

hendatis
1

which
so otir

may

also
we

compared

similar

passage
; to

of

This
to

passage the best

nun

puzzlingthat
nichts

suhjoin the originalGerman

we

show Diese

that,

apprehension,
fiunt oder
in deu

have das

rightly translated

it.

"

potestas ist
indeni das die

eben

weiter, als

patres

aicctores

Bestatigungsrecht der Curien : nicht, findet die zweite Entscheidung,

der

his judicare

Statt, uud

Haudeu

patres liegt die reprehensio

comitiorum."

296
De

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Rep.
*

ii. 32

(concerningthe founding
erat

of the

republican
nobilium
ne

tion) constitu-

Quodque

ad

obtinendam
:

potentiam populi
comitia When

mum, vel maxi-

vehementer
ea

id retinebatur

essent

rata,nisi

auctoritas.' patrum approbavisset of he

Cicero

thus

places the
Patrum
one

essence

the
as

Lex

Curiata

in

the

potestas reprehendendi comitia,

this

when

just

decidedlyascribes
auctores

reprehensio to
when

the

Auctoritas, that is,to the

of the therein both For
are

jieri ;
must

it is said at
auctores

time

Lex

Curiata, and
the iterum

then

again oi^h^patres
appear
one

that fieri, that

lay

judicare, it

quite
and the

decided
same

only

different

expressions

for

thing.
of the the

it is

altogether inconceivable
been

that the resolutions the

of the Comitia refusal

should Patrum refusal it would

have

subject to
when Curiata been
a

reprehensiofirst by
this has been
a

Auctoritas, and
of

accorded, again by
nonsensical that took

the
not

Lex have is

; and

by

such

assumption place, but

a

second

judicium
of what in if he

third, which
This
an

quite contrary
is
a

to Cicero's

words."
a

passage

good
find

specimen
himself
on

hopelesspuzzle
from
same
a

even

acute

critic may and is

on.

starts

wrong
route

misses, prehe has

bent obstinately We believe

must appear

pursuing
we

the

once

entered

that confess

have

given

correct

version
mentation argu-

of the

passage, does

yet
not

we

that the clear

to
us

process
; and
a

of the
we are

quite
Becker

rather

inclined in
to

to doubt
own

whether The

himself

had

distinct

idea of it
to

his show

mind. that the

main

drift of

it, however,

appears

be

or reprehensio, potestas reprehendendi comitia, or some

the

iterum

judicare,is,in Auctoritas,in
and
we

of the

passages

quoted,
and

ascribed the Patrum the the

same

to

the Patrum

others

to the Lex

Curiata; that
be
see one

Auctoritas

Lex
must

Curiata confess Cicero

must

therefore
we

thing.
The the from

But

that with

cannot

where

hensio repre-

is connected passages,

by

patrum

auctoritas.
to
us

properly construed, appear

Becker proposes

to prove

precisely
In that and He

reverse

of what De

to establish

by

them.

the

tells them
does
not

Lege Agraria,Cicero is addressing the people, that they used the reprehendendi potestas. to have
mention from the the
name

once

of the for

P aires;

while

in the second of
tary commenever

passage,
on

quoted
the

Oration

Plancius that

by
the

way

Cicero first,

denies distinctly
"

Patres

had
essent

the

potestas

reprehendendi :

Quod

(viz.ut
tenere

reprehensores
non

comitiorum) patres apud majores

as follows,therefore, a

nostros

potuerunt.'^ It
the Patres
men-

necessary

consequence,

that

298
of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

even cancellingtheir election, virtually

after For

it had

been

pleted com-

by
other

the

sanction

of the
to

Fathers. for the

a

when de

magistrate,came
refuse it. it is And
now

them
was

lex

curiata

king, or imperio,they
Cicero the the
as same

the

might
We

this

bis JucHcare. the

hope
And from

tolerablyclear that,in
and the appear Becker mutilated
as

opinion of
were

at

least,the

Patrum the

Auctoritas
matter

Lex

Curiata

not

thing.
passage

will

still clearer from

;

third is too The in

Cicero, him,
its

cited he

by

which, however,
to
"

frequent
passage,
statu

with

has

serve

his

ends.

in

runs integrity,

follows

"

Tenuit in

igitur hoc

senatus

rempublicam

tomporibus
senatus

illis ; ut

populo
ac

libero
more

pauca

per

populum^ pleraque ipso

auctoritate

et instituto

gererentur : atque
taxat annuam,

uti consules
ac

potestatem
vel
essent

haberent

tempore

dumad id appro-

genere

jure regium. maximum,

rata, nisi

Quodquo patrum

erat

obtinendam

potentiam
auctoritas here and and
"

nobilium
ne

vehementer
ea

retinebatur,populi
bavisset Becker omits

comitia

(De Kep.
the

ii.

32).
which is set
to the

first sentence, in the

forth power

the of

great power
the the

authority of
thus the could
not

Senate, as opposed
shows been have the that Comitia been
a

populus;

context

in the of Lex

last sentence

Populi
only

Comitia

have
not

and patricians,

that the Patrum would have

Auctoritas been
an

could

Curiata,which
a

authority of
been
sentence

populus, but
Comitia

ratification

hj
the

the Senate

of what

had

done
are

in the

; for the patres

same

mentioned
senatus

in the

second

indisputably the
And thus

body
by

as

mentioned
reverse

in

the

first. Becker

all these
to prove
"

passages them.

show

directlythe
Becker

of what his

proposes

When

concludes

argument

by saying :
of the the Comitia refusal

It

is altogether have

inconceivable been

that the resolutions first by reprehensio, this has been

a

should

subject

to

of the the

Patrum refusal it would

Auctoritas,and
of the Lex
not

when

accorded, again by
nonsensical

Curiata been
a

; and

by

such

assumption
a

hav"

secoTid
to

judicium
which

that took
"

place,but only
his
in

third,which
own

is

quite contrary
is
one
"

Cicero's

words"

it is

opinion
one

that and

nonsensical do not make

;"
B

amounts,
Otherwise
a

fact, to this, that

must
assume

two.

he

that
count

if A

gives a decision,and given by

In A. It
was

gives
the the

decision, this
it
B.C.

is to

for two

only
of

that jM'^uliis
was

his judicabat.

the later times

republic
the year

provided by
that the

the

Lex

Masnia, passed probably in

287,

Auctoritas

BECKER'S
Patrum should and
"

REASONING-

EXAMINED.

299
pation, antici-

be

given
the

to

the

elections

of

magistrates hy
of comitiorum auctoritas thus
not to

before

elections took

place;

or, in the words

Livy,
even-

Prius

quam

populus suffragiumineat,in
auctores

incertum

turn

Patres
But

fiunt
we

"

thus
seen,

reducing the
when

mere

form. the Lex

since,as
was

have

Livy
could

speaks
have

of

it,

Curiata

not

yet in existence, he
to admit

thought
Curiata. Pub-

that the

abolishing of
Msenia
it

the

aiLctoritas also abolished that

"

the Lex
the

Indeed, Becker
lilia and

is forced
was

if

through
to

Leges
the

ordained

that

thenceforth

Patrum
lutions reso-

Auctoritas,or
and

the acceptance

by

the

Patres,was
and
same

precede the
there

the

elections of the be Lex

be

Comitia,
if at

thus, without time,

be
to

it, no
is
no

magistrate could
doubt that the
must

chosen, and,
Curiata allowed that

the

still continued this

is
seems

given afterthe
their be and

it election,

to

speak against
may Lex Curiata."^
as

identity.
Becker

But

the

contradiction from
to

only apparent,
the

satisfactorily explained
endeavours the

the

history of
the

reconcile
he supposes

contradiction

follows

During him,
the like

early republic

it to he
"

probable ("es erfolgte

that

wahrscheinlich the Lex

") that
Curiata of
a
"

the Patrum
was

Auctoritas

is,according to
at election,

given immediately
in office ;
so

after the that the

rogation
the
new

magistrate still
after

imperium,
over

was auspices,

though given by anticipation,

the
abdication
a

it went

to the

magistrates only
same

of

the

old

ones

yet

at the
on

time

he

allows
case

that of
a

when

magistrate immediately
was

entered demanded

as office,

in the

dictator,it
the

he

himself of be the

who Lex
to
"

the
he

Lex

Curiata.

After

introduction could
not

Msenia,
person

thinks
"

that, as
that

the
"

imperium
view

given

unknown
he
same

is,

in incertum
own

comitiorum that

eventum

^
"

though
is the the

has, according
as

to his

Patrum that

Auctoritas it could
"

the have

Lex

Curiata,virtually assumed
a

lex must
to the

contained
de

determination and
an

(Bestimmung) with
the Patrum that ritas Auctothe result offered ;

regard

lex curiata

imperio ;
was

that

given
of it would
and
1

before
not be

the

election

only
no

assurance

hindered, that

opposition woukl

be

hence
Lib. Yet

the

magistrate was legitimately-elected

=

and irrevocable,

i. 17.

S. 326.
;

'

Livy
the

says that
auctores

the

auctoritas
"

was

so

given
Deacon

"in

incertum

comitiorum the auctonto*

eventum
was

Patres Lex

fiunt." For

Lib. Paul
esse
a

i. 17. the

Another

proof that

not

Curiata.
"

as

quoted by Becker a populo dabatur

imperio But imperium."

:

Cum

dicebatur person
not

says (p. 50), in a passage apud antiquos,cui noniinatim

not

elected could

be named.

300
remained

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

EOME.

so

without

the

bestowal

of the

imperium
of the

by

the

Lex

Curiata; which given, could

hindered the tribunes.
not

in legally, be

consequence which

assurance

before

refused; but chicanes, and

might
his

be

delayed and
of he

by Manifold
And
:

especiallyby intercession
to

this
"

brings Becker
thus curiata it is de

conclusion,which

gives in largetype thing

the

And
lex

quite naturally explained how, imperio signified entirely the is, the
the
auctores

the indeed, originally

same as

Patrum

Auctoritas, that

fieri of
have

the

patricians ; but that after the Lex

as

Msenia

two

must

appeared
On
on

separate acts."

this

argument
mtist

we

shall any

that it proceeds entirely remark, first,

assumption
"
"

without have

proof.
a

The

assertion

that

the

Lex Lex

Maenia Curiata of that

contained

determination
we

regarding the
hence
are mere

is

entirelygratuitous, for
not

know

only the general drift

all the
jectures, con-

law, and
which made

its

particular provisions : and

draws
up
a

conclusions

Becker

from

the

assumption
what

to bolster

theory otherwise

untenable.

Second,
one

it is most

singular and
become Meenia should

surprisingthat
be had
assurance

originally was
that
to

thing should
of the Patrum Lex

eventually two
such

things ; and bunglers

stood We of it.
as

the

framers the
term

make the Lex be

which auctoritas^

before

for

Curiata

to signify only the itself,

may the

quite

sure

that

if,as Becker
meant not

supposes,

by the Lex

Ma^nia that

Patres Lex the

must

auctores

fieH
should

only
be

their

promise beforehand
not

the

Curiata

withheld, it would
which auctoritas, different
new

have

used usage have

equivocal
have
a quired acnew

phi-ase
term to

of Patrum
a

by long
but would

quite
Becker's
own,

meaning,

adopted

designate the

practice. But
use
a

it is

quite evident

that
his

ingenious invention is,to evasion. or only an Ausflucht,

on

favourite

expressionof
of the
auctores

If, guided by the authority of words, fieri," imperio trate magispatres

their

all the passages

we

the

subject,and by the plain sense

comitiorum
eventum
now

take
mean

"inincertum

to

that it

was

the

Senate

who

gave
a

authority before
de the
to

instead

of after

the

election, but
was

that

lex

curiata

passed by the populus Having

and

still necessary clear and show

afterwards

elected,everything becomes
thus endeavoured
were

intelligible.
the Patrum Auctoritas

to two

that

the Lex Senate

Curiata and

distinct
to

things, that the first related populus, and

that that therefore the Patres

to the

the

second
on

the

the argument

founded

their

identity, to prove

POPULUS

AND

PLEBS.

301
the

and
now

the

populus
to to

were

also

falls identical,
some

to

ground, we
which have of

shall heen their of

proceed
that
we

examine

of the

passages

adduced

prove

the

same

thing,
was

on

the

assumption patricii.

showing
however,
The

the
must

populus
make
a

in

fact the

First

all,

few

preliminary
Eoman

remarks. nation
was

two

grand

divisions

of the besides

were
a

into

cians patri-

and
of the

plebeians. But,
or

these, there
so

third

division

populus,

people properly
who
we

till the time called, consisting, vote in

of Servius, of those
and

had

right to
The

the Comitia
to

Curiata contained

this

as division,

have

before

endeavoured
term

show,

both

patricians and
the

plebeians.
all the term

plebeian, as
domestic life,

opposed
as

to
as

patrician,ran political. But

that cannot

through
a

relations
was

of

well

populus
collective
in

and, indeed, purely political,

sense,

only
say

in

general or

denoting
of
a

body.

For
to

we

vir
we

popularis,
may say

the vir

sense

man

belonging patricius, or
a

the
even

people;
to

but

pleheius, or
the
sense

vir of

in ov femina patricia, femina pleheia,

person

belonging
fore, plehs, therenot

the

plebeian
did thus
way

or

patrician orders. belong

the
to in

That

part
or

of the

which

not

the populus,
one

which the the

had

the

vote,
in

was

distinguished
from

way
so

from that

and patricians,

another

populus;
used

terms to each

plehs and
other
are as

populus
the
terms

might

be

as

properly Thus,
faciendis

in

opposition
;

plehs
so

and

patricii,or patres

and, indeed, they prophecy

:

quently fre-

employed.
"lis ludis

in the Marcian

Is, qui jus ^o^w?o So also in the prayer of

prseerit prsetor dabit ^Zefteig'tie

"

summum."!

Scipio:
ea

Divi

deaeque maria
in
meo

terrasque qui
sociis

colitis, vos

precor

qusesoque,

uti, quae
verruncent."

imperio gesta sunt,

in Cicero's Oration

geruntur, postque gerentur,

mihi, populo plehiqueEomanae,

^

nominique
for Murena Eomanse have from marked
been
a

Latino
. . .

bene
ea
res

And

"

Ut

mihi, magistratuique meo, populo plehique

The
j

bene

atque feliciter eveniret."

in

phrase
it in

thus

appears

to

used

solemn

invocations

descended, probably,
use

very

high

antiquity, and
between

continued and

long

after first

the

distinction

populus

plehs, which
has been

sioned occa-

it,had
From

disappeared.
and similar passages,

these other

who ISTiebuhr,

followed
was com-

by

many
1

assumed critics,
12.
2

that the Eomulean

lb. xxix.

populus
3

Liv.

XXV.

27.

Cap.

i.

^02 posed wholly

the

iiistorV
of

of

the

kings

of

romk

patricians ; and,
"

to cslablish

this

view,

ho

adduces

followingpassages.* Livy, after wlating the story of tlxe augur Attus tantus Kavius, says : Anguriis certe sacerdotioque augurum honos nisi auspicato, goreut nihil belli dowique pCkstea, aceoesit, retur : concilia populi,oxercitus vocati,sunuua non roruiu, ubi aves
admisissent" dirimerentur.'*
that HxQ
as
^

On be

this

j"assage

I^iebuhr

observes,
of
'vnth that be

which coHciiiay

must

from difl'ertait

the

camitM gejieral named

centuries,or
and
not
as we

the exctritH^y are

cannot

nevertheless
a a

along
because

them,
would

tliink

of

coHciliHm coHcilium

piebi%

bo
t\s an

hold

nnder

augur}', of the

/k"}mii must

here

the

same

assembly
may of
w^r an

patxicians.
ejtrtvitHs is here to be taken For cohcUm
to

On in its

this

we

remark, firststlmt
annff.
t\s

ordinary sense
of j"eace and
tliere would

Livy

both
peace,

; and

talkingof tlie affairs relate to certainly j["o/"m/i

is
to
war

be to

nothing
iH"ace, may be

be

referred
we

if exercitus

iHxxtti also

related
a

Besides,
found the
name

doubt

whether

(though such
the Comitia

usage

in

old

forms) ever

Livy speaks of

Centuriata

under

of twrdhis, except in his

For though their of their hrst institution by Servius. description doubt^ j^rtly military,yet when original organizationwas, no

assembleil

in

Comitii^

as

l^iebuhr

her^

views

them,
to whom

it

"*as

for

civil business. Such did

a

council

it vras,

continues

l^iebuhr,
*'

Publioola

Yocato homage by lowering the/rt*tY*\'

ad
*

concilium But

populo,
adds
esse or :

summissis **Gratum

fascibus,
id

in

concionem

ascendit*'

Livy
the

mHltitHilini

spectaculum fuit;
term muftitudo This jvatxicians. and

summissa
means

sibi

and imperii insignia;*'

the

pkh$y
the

populace,rather

tlian

the

example, therefore,is
shows that
term

"gainst Niebuhr, instead of for him, popnlHs may include j^lobeiaus.

Such
and it
a

council,proceeds Kiebuhr,
"
"

decided

l"etween

the Aricians

Arvleates

concilio least

consisted, at
"

a j"opuli magistratibusdate*' * But that from Livy*s j^arUy, of jdebeians, appears

sa^'ing, Consurgit P. Scaptiust/r pf^;**

" "

and, indeed, the whole

*

Kv"n\. G^sch.

B,

i, S, 448.
are avnurv

Lib. i. 86. the

use

Livy,
own

ii. 7.

AVe

that

LivY*s
maiutniu

authority for

of the

word his

MMCtliinii is rejected bv

those "vho
do
uot

that he did uot

understand

advertwl
as an

lan^goaso ; hut we to this queatioain

ths

iu that ojuuiou. \S'e havt iiarticipate w hen Introduction, speaking of livy's merits
*

historian.

IK

iii"71.

KiicmTmt'rt
of \h\r^ niul
was

viKw.

80S

toiior in

llir

follow

r-liow;; iliiililu^ co)}n!rnm iii", li:i]il.'r

(

(llU'slioll
.AnotluM-

llic

a:::rmli|cil IH'OJilr
oil

|i\ llllnv
.

passa'M'

wliuli
iiilo

Nuluilir

\.iv

imicli of
aiiiii

ivln:;

r;

l,i\v'M
tiiluiiid

accoimt

("r till- iin|iiii\

"

llic

uiunlcr

llic

inililaiv

I'osI iiiuiii;; :

111.; tic

con;

ul

l"ii ;

|tiiii(i|iio

lu'iialii:;
caili:;

coiiailliim |Miim)

j'ncllllll "";.!, lit

(|iia' I loiic

ro;.liiliiiaiia'
;

l:il"iiiii
(

((U()(1U(" Iciiipoiv ad tllK^lU \fllct. Ac' tllll.ur,"

A r.ul

rcriviil |.IcImiii
coiccii: /'/./'. II

loiii, plclicupic |ir;cliccivl niar.l

I ic;
1 1 ill '.oil

coicaililill;; /u"jiilli
;:."."

mail'

\\c

ivallv

caiiiiol
oh

any

.lilli.iilly (lie
la

li.av.

'I'Ik^

tribunas in
II

..I' llic

I'hhs
iiioiv

."ohmiII.mI

the llic
coii:

niatlcr
(

cilJicp |,|.|,ciaii:;,
;

n-;///,., or,
llic

prohaM

v,

iii

'oinil

'I'l il.iila

llic

/"/cA,"
waa

ontnislcil

itui iiivc;;li;\il

lo

llic

ii

1:.

in

1 llii;. "liii;aoii 1,1y.

(

n;MVc.l
ihc

lo

la

llir

llic 111 /'c/.,7///.s-, oidcir,

com

"aail.iirialc

a:;::ciii

l''or,afl.T
'ciil iinalii, horiui

rcloian

ol' Sciyiii:;, Mic llu'

name

|lo:

n;;

llic

'oiiulia

obtained

ol'

\yliicli /M.y"////^s-,
llic
(

liail

|iic\ loiisly And

liccii
I liii:;(
(

lo Onlyl\vllio,,hcloii'Mii;',

'oniilia

Ciniala.
in

'naao,

in
sa\'.s

llic opcralion tlcsiMilnii;'

"

.d' llic \olc cciil

a ui

ilic Comilia

'ciil iirial a,

(jMiil'ii;;
c\

ccnl

nm

(pialnor
con

iia

( lol

cm

in

rcl hpnc
\ cr:

.sunt)
'

(U'lo

sola'

;a

accc

luaii

t,

fed

c:;l

i;.

juinnli
la

niii

,;i."
a, was

Tho
also llic of
ila

a::.ciiiMc.| l".'opl.' callc.l

;i

hy

IiiIm':;,l)iil iiol
il.
was

in

Coiiiil

I'lilail c\lcn:aoii

7-/////N. Ami
of the
I.am

iV.Mii

Una

wider

of

mcaniii;': lornicr

IhaL ju,p,(ln."^ sollial,

it hcy.an I., lose

at

much

til .(incliyc
was

.haiacha';
yiilnally

last,

in

;;cii.aalir:a;;c
ilaiid

at

loasl, Ihcrc jU'ckcr

'

Iml, lilllc dillcrciicc

aiiolhcr |iass"|.T
a

ImIucch
in

/-/cA.s.
toVHl

has

|ioiiilcdout
c.Mlainly
com

which

llic

jx^pii/r:
iv:.|Mvl
!''la\ins /nil//
;

must

invhcial
a

lai-c

of /-/,/.,.. U |.oiti..ii

the
"'

dedication l''.dem
.

of

Itaiiplel.y Ihc
in
area

pi,I,ci;,ii
siimnia

.airnle invidia,

.I'.dih^ //""/-/-

('oiicordia'
iisi

\'iilcaiii

dcdica\il;
iiia\iiiiiis,

coast,

pie

"-itiisiiisii

('orii(diiis, lurhatiis, /"ii/"/i//\

as

pontilcx

vtal.a

"^ iKjC. lloi'O, pr:i'iro," laiiM

I'-cekta-

ivmarks,
IlKavloni

tlio couseiil
COHSCiisns

(d' I he

paliK
m

in ^^o\.U\ ]h\ ilioii-dit (d',and

more place iiothin;',

means /ii"/i/i//

this
We

than

llie iiiii\(rsal

desirO that of

of

liie

people.

Iroill iiu'.Word think, llOWOVOl',

more

e,-,^///^",

it

means

somcilmi;',
ill

than

this; namely,

resolntaoii

tlic

people

the

'oiiiilia

('ent.iiriala.
of nil

According
arose

Lo

the

Ic.timony
K'omnlds

Mic patrician class anl.it]nii.y,

cht ted
:
"

from

those not

"vlu Mil allow

had

ml

his Senate. homnlus

But

IBecker-will
^ "

und this,

urguoa

thuy

Jl

chose the

Livy, iv. 61.

Rom.

Do

ii. 22. li.|..

Altorth.

Th. ii. Abtli. i. S. 187.

Liv. ix. id.

304
senators out

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

of the

nobles

and {Edelgehorenen),

if

only they
then the

and may

their families, or yery nobles in what is not

their

were posterity,

patres
the
state

and had
same
a

we patriciif

naturally ask, What

who had
not

position in
able
to
were

other

been

obtain

Ihe

and distinction,

class of the conceivable

population
that there

they
in the

to find

place 1

For

it

were

curiae

two

classes
are

with

unequal rights, patricians and

: patrician

non-patricians; they
be

entirely
senators

and their

yet it

cannot

meant,
the

either

that

the

alone who

with had

families constituted
the stood
name

or curiae,

that for

the nobles

not

attained thus have

patriciandignitypassed
between
or

plebs.
the

For

they
or

would

the

patriciansand
^

clients,

plebeians,without
The

signification."
curiae contained To there Senate hundred

question
of the the

whether

the

patricians and
the
were

non-

patricians we
became

have other

already
nobles
1

examined.
we

question.
none.

What It
was

answer,

only by
or

act of

being

chosen

into

the One

that Eoman heads

nobles,
of families

were patricians,

at first created.

in
must

that

small
more

population
than

of the

Eamnes,
those
not

one-tenth had

of the

whole,
tensions prewere were

have
to

exhausted does

who

anteriorlyany
the senators there

nobility. Livy nobles, and

a

mention the

that

made
no more

from

intimates who
were were

that probability the

than say that

hundred the
or

fit for from is

office.^ Nor

does

Cicero the his

Patres

chosen It

nobles, but only from

with
out

leading

men,

principes.^ putting
the

only Dionysius who,

the the !

frequent preposterous patricii! *

have thus this author We that Becker

absurdity, makes
cart

patres
horse.

chosen Yet

of the
on

before

it is

founds

his

reasoning
the

here been How

speaking only of

patricianfamilies
made

created

by

Eomulus.

after that

period patricians were

is a difficult

question; but there can be no doubt, we think, that the following kings possessed the prerogative of conferringthat dignity. Thus
Dionysius
says and that his Ancus
account

Marcius

made

Tarquin by
we

senator

and better

patrician ;

is confirmed In like
manner

Dio learn

Cassius, a
from

authority than
Kom.
"

himself.^

Suetonius

1 8

Alterth.
creat

11. 1. 145.
senatores
:

Centum

ceutum
3 *
"

erant, qui crearl Patres

In
ruu

quia possent"
"

sive

Is

numerus

satis erat, slve

quia

sol"

Lib.
"

1. 8. 8.

reglum
avrdt/
6

consilium

^K Ka\

TraTpiKiuv

delegeratprlnclpes." De Rep. 11. Lib. 11. 12. "vdpas iKarhv iiriXe^d/jLevos.

"

MdpKios

els rhu

rav

re TrarpiKloiV

koX ^ovMvtwp

dpiOfibu

306
founded

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

on

passage
to

of

Dionysius,
Servius
as

who

says

tliat the from with the

Romans

thought
into

proper

raise

by

their votes before

plebeian

the.patrician order;
before the him here

had they. Numa

done

Tarquinius
had before and
not

Prisons, and'
as

with

But Dionysius, JPompilius.^ himself: for ho

is often

case,
was

contradicts
a

said that

Tarquin

made

patricianby King Ancus,

that there
were

by

people.Becker, followingup
nobles who that
were

the

his idea
not

in the how the

earlypopulation
patricians
was

asks patricians,

could

assert
as

they only
to

had

gentcs ;

an

assertion these

that
were

only
cluded in-

possible
To

opposed

the

because plebeians,
were

not

in the

and curise,

the gentes

in the if there

curiae.^
were

this it may

be answered

that,even

nobles is the

in the

Romulean of

which not patricians, populationwho were still that alone would not give them improbability, the gentes J
as we was

height
of

cause gentes ; be-

have
a

shown, family

were

politicalinstitution
to Eome j but

Eomulus.
did
not

Tarquin
make him into
no one.

noble

before
a

he

came

that
were

and

his The

Eoman

gens

before the had

they
head

constituted
ge7is
were

doubt

family or families at patrician; and, though they

could had

of

plebeian
gentem
"

the gentiles, because into it

was

former

only
who
was

properlybe
the who power of

said

"

habere

they
it be said

admitting
sacra^

other "c.

clients Their could

it, because

they
to
a

possessed the
a

cliisnts may

have
gens.

belonged to

gens ; but

they

hardly be
In the
p.

said to have Becker

150,*

says

that, in spite meaning

of
not
name

of all

misapprehensions,
with

knowledge

of the true

patrician,and, along

it,

of the invented

originalpopulm,
the derivation
were

has of the

altogetherperished.
from in the
so

Those

who

patres, only grammatically

old times all out ingenui, within

wrongly,
"

not

ignorantthat
audistis

distinction, were
En unquam fandi coelo

patricii. For

speaks Decius
esse

Livy (x.8) :
de

patricios primo

factos,non

demissos,sed qui patrem

ciere possent, id est nihil ultra quam

KaX hid. radra

'Pa"/io?oi yuev avrbv

from

iK
"

rod

ST^fiov nirayay^iv
iv. 3.

els ii^iucrav

robs

nrarpiKlovs,
2
3
"

^ijipovsiircueyKavres, k.t.A.
passage ii. i. 149.
sunt

Lib.

In

the

Lib. iii. 41, quoted in p. 304.

The assertion
vos

Rom.

Alterth. ista

referred

to esse,

is the
vos

following:
gentem
v. x.
"

Semper habere, vos

*

audita

eadem,

penes et

auspicia

solos Li

solos 326.

justum imperium

auspicium domi

militiseque."

8.

Anra.

beckee's

view

of

eoman

nobles.

307
effect in
one

ingenuos." Dionysius
Festus

He and

then

adverts and

to

passages

to

the

same

Phitarch,

especiallyto
Cencius

the

following
de

in
eos

(p. 241):
this is and
a

"Patricios
nunc

ait in libro

comitiis

appellari solitos, qui

But
mere are

ingenui vocenturj^
It matters
not

grammatical subtlety. right

in it did not rather

whether
or

Livy
could

Cicero whether his

deriving patricius from

at first

patres,
man

senators, or
name

signify any
or

who The

that is,any father,

it may,
"

freeborn

man,

ingenuus.

important point is, that

families.
;
as

came

by
one

use

to

signifyonly signifyany

senatorial soever whatshall

Our

word

peer

in

sense,
a

man
a

when

Bacon
"

says,

Amongst
a

man's

peers,

man

be

sure

of

familiarity ;
And

but
no

in

sense political can

it

means

only
the

nobleman. of

therefore

inference
to the

be

drawn

from

mology ety;

patriciuswith
a

regard

composition
be used

of the in its

populus

because, on
sense.

politicalsubject, it
passage

must

political just
first
more

the But, in fact,

reverse

in

Livy, properly viewed, proves

have that
; that it to prove. the

the

of what

Becker
you

would heard heaven

a

The
were

argument
at

of Decius

is. Have
sent

ever

Fatricii
were

made^
than born deal the the 1

not

down could

from cite

they

nothing
than
a

those But

who this

that is, nothing more father, became

free

impliesthat,after being ruade,they

therefore that

great
of

more

than

ingenui ; and
would

afterthe
errors

institution
"

it patriciate,

be the grossest of all

to say

that all

ingenui,without
us

distinction, were
moreover,

patrician."
this passage militates the
were

Let

remark,
For

that
a

terribly
time of made

against Becker's
Eomulus. from

notion it tells than examine

us

of

non-patriciannobilityin
themselves patricians

that the

nothing

more

ingenui.
some

It remains inferred and his

to

passages
"

from

which

it has
to

been

that all the

patricianbody
curise and
is

that

is,according
"

Becker
aucto-

school,the
But
some

their comitia

possessed
not

the

it ritas; which, therefore,

maintained, was
first to

confined

to

the real

Senate. value
The of

it will
terms.

be necessary

inquirewhat
knowledge
for than

is the

Latin

authors,from language
knew
" "

more

familiar be

of their

own

history and
after all

^for we

must

pardoned

thinking
to

that

they

more

about

these words

matters

the most
us

learned
a

of the moderns

often

employ

in what

appears of

what some-

equivocal sense, though be at once apprehended by

the real
a

meaning

them for

would

bably pro-

Eoman.

Such,

instance,is

X2

308
the the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

HOME.

word
whole

Capitoliumf which,

from also

its

being
that
a

used

to

both signify
more

CapitolineHill, and
the
"

only

part
vast

of it

perly pro-

caUed into
not
our

Capitol," has
Roman

introduced

deal

of confusion it would remark be doubted of the

ideas

of Eoman
a

topography, though probably

for
a

have

puzzled
the word words

moment.
can

The

same

applies to
that Senate that that the

patres and palricii. It

modern

hardly
have

patres
some means

designated originally anything

been used else. .Buu

the

members

; and

like Rubino,^ critics,

maintained has shown

it

never

Becker

it must

also

have
some

of the is

whole

and,

therefore, in
the

cases,

patres

patricianbody;^ equivalent to patricii. patricii may be applied

we are tors. sena-

Becker, however, though

mean same

he

establishes that
a

that patres and

thing, yet
it is

contends
in

patriciicannot
of
way is

to

senators, and, indeed, that

to examine

passage

Livy

which

about

purposely
passage

used

by

of contrast

to
or

And
to be

as

in the

same

auctores

employed,
draws
an

appears

employed,
in
are

in connexion of his view

with that

he patricii^ the whole

argument
or,
auctores.

thence what But

support
in his

patrician body,
be
or

opinion
means

identical,the
the whole it sometimes

curiae, might

patriciiproperly
and

body, patrician might

with the

the

tors sena"

their families ; hence

be rendered

the

party,"when, patrician
and their connexions
to be

in their contests

plehs,the

senators

act

together ;
to the

and

in later times

patriciiseems

used, in
The

reference former

Senate

its patrician to signify itself,

or as denoting patricii, a

members.

of these with

meanings,

party, is convertible
converted. With

and nohilitas,

is sometimes

found that

thus the

this

explanation, it will perhaps

sometimes

appear

of significationr
and

these

terms, though
be

seemingly
means

obscure
context.

perplexing, may
A

easilydetermined
passage in

by

of the

long

and

important

Livy, serving to prefaces

it with

illustrate

this

subject,is
1
*

adduced

by Becker,^ who

the

following

Rom. Rora. cited id

Verf.

S. 3 85, flf. ii. i. S. 141, ff. The appears

to
us

Alterth.

foHewing passage,
to
a

which

is not
"

among

those tibus honoris

by Becker,
sedilibus libenter

sufficient

prove

his

point
est
cum

Recusanid

munus

plebis, conclamatum
actiu'os,ut

patriciis
:

juvenibus, se
ab

....

sediles fierent

quibus
viros

universis,
ex

actse essent, factum senatus gratise dictator populum rogaret." Lib.

"

consultum,
vi. 42. desire
to

ut

duos

sediles

patribus
fore there-

Here be

it is the

patricianyouth,
the S. C.

certainlynot
them
3 as
"

Senators, who
611.

sediles ; but

designates

ex

patribus."

Ibid.

S. 303, Anm.

p
PATRES AND PATRICII.

309
tlie
author

remarks if both with

"

If in
are

hundred

places patres
one

means

same
as

as

patricii,
the

terms

used

by

and

the

same

synonymous,
auc-

what

justicecan
is be

it be

asserted

that

where precisely
must

toritas patrum further

spoken of, these

taken for the become

Patres

always
that But

without
eveii

any

definition

Senate, nay,
senators !

auctores

patriciimust
this further

immediately
on,

I shall

speak
be

of

and

content of

myself

here

with

further
can
'

instancinga
ciently suffi-

well-known

passage I

urged.
eum

here

Livy (vi. 42),but which insert it at length :

domi seditio

never

Yixdum

perfunctum
per

bello (dictat.)
dictator et

atrocior

accepit,et
nobilitate

ingentia
acci-

certamina

senatusque victus, ut rogationestribuniciae consulum,

adversa consul factus. Et
is

perentur,
L. Sextius
finis

comitia
de

habita, quibus
ne

plebe primus
fuit.

quidem
nega-

certaminum

Quia

patricii se
tamen

auctores

futuros minas

bant, prope
lium

secessionem

plebis res
cum

alias terribilesque per ab

civi-

certaminum

venit,

dictatorem nobilitate

conditionibus
consule

sedatse discordL-B sunt, concessumque

a plebeio, plebe nobilitati ex

plebi de
in in urbe

de ab

preetore uno,
diutina
eam

qui jus
tandem
senatus

diceret,

Patribus

creando.
cum

Ita

ira
rem

concordiam
esse,
causa

redactis

ordinibus,
si

dignam
unquam ludi

censeret

meritoque id,
duum
tum
causa

quando
fore, ut

deum alias, maximi

munus

immortalium
dies
unus

libenter facturos

et fierent, sedilibus

ad

tri-

id adjiceretur ; recusantibus est juvenibus, se a patriciis libenter

conclamaplebis, immortalium
ab

id

honoris
:

deum
cum

acturos, ut

sediles

fierent

quibus

universis

senatus consultum., ut actai essent, factum gratiee ex patribus dictator populum rogaret ; patres

duos

viros sediles omnibus

auctores

ejus anni
Becker

comitiis
then has to

fierent.' " remark

:

proceedsto

"I

will

not

here

repeat, what
Senate has

Niebuhr consented withhold mann's

that rightly characterised as striking, the election of a plebeian consul, and

se

the the
nor

patricians
will

their consent, negant evasion

must

auctores

futuros ;
that

Scho-

detain
here

me

long, who
been

considers

the

patricians
he
a

themselves

have

the senators
to the

; wherefore

assumes

that the Senate

but
as

had

indeed

consented Sextius
its consent

election of
it
was

plebeian,

their

choice

fell upon revoked

ask

(which
:

difficult forsooth

to foresee to this. I will

a

!)it
only

nobody
should

will

easilyassent
of the

what
if
we

opinion we
consider

form

Livy's
terms

as capabilities

writer,

that

he

used

and patres, in patricii, senatus, nohilitas,

confusion variegated

within

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PilTRES

Ain)

PATRICIL

311
auctoies futuros

qaidem

finis
'

certaminum

"e fuit, quia patricii

the n^abant ; till the dictator effected an agreement by separating the consulate, and from the creating a new judicialpower office,

pnetoiship,for
per dictatorem a6 nobUUaU
nno,

the

that is,for nobility, sedataB

the patres

'

Quum
de

tamen

conditionibus consule

discordiae

sunt, concessumque
nobilitati For
or

plebi de
in urbe

plebeio,a plebe
the difference

praetore
who

qui jus
not

diceret, ex patribus creando.'

of the

him

does
OMCtortt

recogniseherein
fiom the

paires
does

patricii perceive patricii,

But let

Senate,
narrative

for him

who especially

not

tiiat in the
or

whole

Livy purposelyuses
indeed
no

senalus

and

patres,
who

as

I have antithetical,

further

proof.

him

will not any other

recognise
*

under
tauMiKS
ex

which explain the difficulty arises, fjx)m that most interpretation, extraordinary Factum
senatus

this

consuUum

consultum, ut

duos

viros fediles omnibus have

patzibosdictator
comitiis that the

populum rogaret : patres

As

auctores

ejus
been

anni

Jierent'

already remarked,
should its consent
*

it would itself

quite absurd
conmltum

Senate

prescribe to
; and
no

by

senatus

that it should and

give

the evasion

employed
Senate tion indica-

(by

Wachsmuth
to
a

Huschke),
of the

it is

command of

of the
an

directed
or

curial-community independent
contents

but itself,
'

advertisement

of the

agreement
If

(Inhaltsansj^eaking
senatus
con-

zdgt
of
a

da

I do not Yergldch"\, protocol of the Senate, is

. . .

understandthis

Livy

were
a

might
ea

pass ; but

guUum Cos.

always
de
ea re

resolution fieri

that

prescribes('Quod
re

verba

fecit and

quid
would

de placeret, if

ita censuerunt of the

'):

this lies in the

were
"

word.

Jlerent ;
have

only

the

inclination

Senate

expressedit
But
as

been

written the

/w^wro^.
is to confirm

Livy

here

expresslycalls

assembly that

explanation into the patricUjso, a little before,he has put the same of Appius Claudius. mouth Claudius, appealing to a passage which been has already explained (liv. vL 41), that the auspices lay exclusivelywith
in them,
*

the

and patricians,

that the

plebeians had
civitate

no

share

says

Quid igituraliud
creandb
a

quam

tollitex
soli
ea

auspicia^ qui
cuilibet

plebaos
. .
.

consules
ergo

patribus qui
homo

habere possunt, aufert ?

:

Yulgo

pontifices, augures,
dummodo

sacrificuli reges creentur

apieem dialem,
deos penetralia,

sit, imponamus quibus

creentur:

tradamus
est.

ancilia,
Noii

deonimque
rwn

curam,

nefas
nee

leges

ferantur, ausjyicato
Eomulus
Tatius

magistratus
auctores

centuriatis, nee
The

curiatis comitiis paires

ac

fiant.
Eomana

Sextius

et

Licinius,tamquam

in

urbe

regnent,' "c.

principal

312

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

meaning
consuls would

of these would be for

:

words the

is not

so

mucli of there

that the election the

of

plebeian
therefore
auctores

destruction that

auspices, and
no more
*

have

its result Claudius

\70uld be
bitter

comitiorum

rather

says

with

irony

Now,

let

everything be profaned
desecrated dignities laws be made under the

; let the
more

the priestly auspices be neglected, elections of the

; may

; let no

of

magistrates,no
let the

more no

sanction Comitia
'

auspices ;
the
in away

Patres

longer be
Licinius sacred

Auctores

of the

plebeians Sextius
short,
may

and

tyrannize over
privilegesof the
not

Eome

that

means,

all the

patricians be
are

done here And

with, since it is
; the

only plebeians and patriciansthat

itself does the he his
come

opposed
thus

Senate author

by
of

into

question.
be

has the

the

speech Pro
demonstrates
own

Domo what
over

quite correctlyconceived
would
to

matter

when
at

the

result if any

patriciancould
'Ita Salios

will go
neque

the

plebeian order
neque

(cap.14) :
nee

populus habebitj
si

Pomanus
nee

regem

sacrorum,

flaminem,
; neque

exparte dimidia
curiatorum

reliquossacerdotes

auctores

centuriatorum

et

comitiorum:
non

auspiciaque populi Pomani, sint, intereant

necesse a

magi-

stratus

patriciicreati
sit ;

est, cum

interrex

nuUus
est
'

quod

et

ipsum patricium
the
a

esse, et

patricioprodi necesse
et curiatorum

only that here

are

auctores

centuriatorum

comi' diately immein

tiorum

nothing but the,

at

declamatory phrase, probably taken

similar
any

from

all events, very there

were

speech of Claudius
actual Curiate that the the

Livy, without
in the
auctores

regard whether
of Cicero.

Comitia

time

But
meant

this much
not

is certain

author,by
difficult Becker's up

comitiorum,
passage of
one,

the

Senate,
is
no

but

patricians."
a

The and

Livy here
and
we

discussed have To

doubt

very

important
minds

therefore those who

given it,with
have with

commentary,
their the show
so we

at full that must

length.

already made
a

patres
appear may be

auctores

fieriis identical
; but to
as we

lex curiata to

passage that

decisive
some reason

have
to

endeavoured
that

there
now

demur

conclusion,
may not

shall

inquire whether
the with

Livy's narrative

be

reconciled

with
we

opposite opinion.
the Becker, that nohilitas signifies
extend
same

First,then, thing
than Senate.
consule
as

agree

patricii ; only we
appears to

would
as

the the

meaning
ab

little further
were

he

do,

so

to include
"

patriciiwho
this

in

the

For

when

Livy

says,

Concessum

nohilitate could

plebi de
be done

plebeio,"it
the
consent

cannot

be

supposed that
:

without

of the

Senate

that

the

younger

patricians,

314

HISTOKY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

BOME.

they who, according to

withhold their assent
a

his

of Livy, interpretation
so

could

give
of

or
a

to

measures

important

as so

the much

creation
as

plebeianconsul, or
the for Senate,from this
a

without patricianpraetor, the he patricii,

not

ing consultbe distinguished Yet

says,
to be

are

to carefully up

the and

senators, and

mixed

with

them.

powerful
the the

independent body
/

is to be
case,

bound whatever

beforehand
may

by
said

senatus

consultum technical virtual

If this

was

the

bo

about that

meaning
power
on

of the Patrum

Auctoritas,it
of the of

is evident

of the
was

it,

in

contradiction

all Becker's that

elaborate the

arguments
of the
senatus

subject,lay with only

the shadow

Senate, and
a name.

auctoritas This

curiae

consultum^ therefore,rightly viewed, only

the
"

affords

another of the We

proof that
Senate.
must

patres

auctores

fieri

"

was

the

prerogative
the
to
"

confess

that

we

do

not

very

clearlyapprehend
But of if he
means

drift of the latter

say

part

of Becker's words

reasoning.
in the

that

in the

following
curiatis

speech
him

Claudius,

Nee
no

centuriatis,nee
allusion here
means

comitiis
we

patres auctores patricii are

But

fiant,"there
the

is

to

the the

Senate,

differ from if the the

act.

altogether. If patres
same as

and patricii,
we

the

curiata
own

comitia,then
to

have
own

absurdity
any

of their Eoman

giving their
would
when

authority
in
to

their

have used the junct ad-

known,
with

spite

of the the

double

meaning
of the

of patres^ that

respect

sanctioning
not
mean

Comitia,

and

with the

of auctores, it could iNor that do the

we

anything
a

else but

senators.
or

whether perceive, of the

it be Pro

declamatory phrase
understood the

not,

author

speech
et

Domo

formula,
other

"auctores
manner.

centuriatorum

curiatorum

comitiorum,"
musters poor to

in any

The

array

of

authorities this
a

which of

Becker

support
and

his

interpretationof
indeed. The

passage

Livy

is very

meagre
we

first is
to

corrupt fragment of SaUust, which

will
any

give according
sense

Becker's
vos

reading, though

we

cannot

make

of it

"

Ke

ad virilia ilia vocem,

quo

tribunes

plebei,
Whether

modo

patriciummagistratum,libera ab auctoribus
vestri of

patriciis suffragia
:
"

majores
the of

paravere."
the tribune the other to avoid

On

which

Becker himself

observes be the

speech
this, or
one or

Liciiiius

groundwork
to

whether the

expression belongs
has the

entirely
written

SaUust,
time

the

incontestably
term

patricii

signedly, dewas

in order

patres, which

in his

PATRES

AND

PATRICII.

315
therefore little understood."

only customarilyused
The transfer the far

of

tlie

Senate,
make

and

passage,
of

so

as

we

can

it out, from the

seems

to refer

to

the
to pear ap-

the

elections

of tribunes elections

the

Comitia

Curiata
do not

Comitia
to

Tributa, the required

some

by

last of which The

have
to

the Auctoritas of the tribune

Patrum. M.

speech, which
intended How avoids
was

according
incite the

is that

Lepidus, is
an

to
founded un-

plehs against all the

remark
sense

patricians as
the author

order.

is Becker's
term

that

purposely
that
term

the then very

patres, in

the

of

because patricians, of the

only commonly opening

inter tium
quas

understood

Senate,
hoc

is shown

by

the

of the
a

speech

"Si, Quirites, parum vobis, et

disserendum
a a

existumaretis Sulla

quid
servi-

jus
ob

majoribus

relictum mihi

paratum

multis interesset,

fuisset,docendumque, plebes
whole of that it is secessisset
"

injuriaset quotiens patrihus evidently

be taken

patrihus
for

armata

where and short the There

may

stands

the

patrician body,
usage. But the

as

another

example

answer

to Becker's

criticism is not
a

is, that

altogether beside
to

point.

The

passage

parallel one
auctoribus" this
"

that

of
an

Livy.
jective. ad-

patriciiis

used
we

whilst substantively,
may say

in Sallust

it is

Though
yet
Sallust could auctoribus authors
"

"patrihus
written in

by apposition,
"libera ab from

not

have

passage, free

patrihus suffragia," to
that It

signify

patrician by

is,free
is in

from

the

necessity of being
could be

authorized

patricians.
the This from

the

not qualityof patrician, senators

auctores.

of senator, that

though only sting lies,

very

unsatisfactory passage
from
a

is the
Becker is to

only
show

one,

besides in

that

Livy,

Latin

author, which
which be
may

adduces

support
that that the But
ing concernavv-

of that branch

of his argument
may

by examples
auctores.

the patres auctores non-senatorial

separated
be

from

the
as

Senate, and Dionysius

patricii
of

designated
passage

he

quotes, in addition, the

the

following

from

election
rj

JSTuma

60) : iKKkriuiaQ ^e ixerd (ii.

al cftvXul rds ^rjcfjovQ kuto.

tovto

iv a)^dei(Tr]S,
K'at

SiijnyKayvirkpavTov

0parpas,
X.

tC)u TrarpLKioiv

rd 8o^ai/ra ro) hvLKvpuicravTOiy

Kara

k. r. Tv\rjd".i,

The

the cfivXat or voting iicKkyjcTLa,

are cfipdTpa"s,
to

here

evidentlythe
therefore time the there
asserts

Comitia
TrarpiKLOL
were

Curiata, called
eiriKvpuxTuvrcg

by Dionysius
must

and ttXtjOoq,

be the

Senate

; for at that

only

these two

public assemblies
here
means

at Eome.

But

Becker

(p. 321)

that

Dionysius

the

non-senatorial

patricians ;

316

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

yet

he

allows, at
the

the

same

time,
from

that other

this

could

not

have

been

his the in

opinion,beause
Senate these and
as as as

it appears

places that
ii.

he

regarded Now,
as

confirming body (see

that he before

J 4,

iv.

12).
had the

places he expressly affirms

in the
as

the

Senate the

auctoritas,

passage

quoted

makes

patriciiauthorize,
rrjv of arrive that he his did
at

well

apXrjyt
two

following, tovq TrarpiKiovg iTreriyKavras \l'r}(f"oy (vi.90), we can

:
as

in the

Tr^icravTSQ eTTLKvpuiaaL

only
that

one

conclusions be used he
was

either

that

Dionysius
to senatores
;

considered
or

patricii
not

could what

equivalent

know is

talking about,
affirms that
are

and

that

therefore

testimony

utterly valueless. Becker, indeed,

the words
tovq

in used

the

passage
a

last

quoted (vi.90)
that

TraTpidovg
referred But

in such

connexion has

they
ceded con-

cannot

possibly be everything.
with

to

the is

Senate, which
one

already

this founded

of
a

those

dashing
and what the

assertions

customary

Becker,
to

on

few

isolated before What

words, without
follows had

taking
done the and that

the

trouble

compare his readers

what would the

goes

after,or relying that

was

not.

Senate

to make

treaty with
; but

plebs that

they

would be

concede
out

points
made

demanded into
a

this

treaty had

still to

carried

law

in

the

regular
meant

constitutional
senators

manner.

And
to

Dionysius by by
what after
kol

TrarptKtot

is shown in the
ruiy

stration demonthere is

immediately

follows.

For

the

text

only

a
:

comma

and kirtvEyKavTaQ, il/rjcfiop

irap

sentence

then

ceeds pro-

tTreL^rj
en

tovtov

avToiv

(i.e.
t.

TrarpiKiiov) eTV)(ov^
a

iSefjOrjaau
on
:

ti^q fiovXrjs i-mTpExpai, k.

kuI
tovto
to

X.

And

little further
k. r.

^e \a/3oj'rfs
it appears,

avy^wp-rma

irapd r^s /3ouX^5,

their retutn
to

X.

Hence

that first,

the

plebs on
their
new

Rome
a

suaded per-

the
vote ;

patricii to
when

confirm

magistracy by
this in addition had
to

regular
the

second,

they
moreover

had

obtained and (en),

they besought
to what

Senate had

to suffer ((3ov\i^)

they
second

Just done,
also the

"c. ; third, when

they

obtained choose

this their

concession All which

(koL tovto), they proceeded

tribunes.

concessions, therefore, are

obtained

from
the the

the

same

hody^
of

is called

and the patricians indifi'erently

Senate. first passage

"

Becker

endeavours

(p.321)
the

to

explain
"

away

60) by Dionysius (ii.

come

following
is

evasion."

How when

he
we

could
sider con-

to

name

the
source

patricianshere
whence he

easily explained
his narrative The
more

that he
term

the

took

probably

used

patriciias equivalentto patres.

striking per-

PATRES

AND

PATRICII.

317
called
say upon to

haps
alter

the

expressionwas,
so

the
it

less

he

felt himself
not

it,and
without

he

rendered into

I will literally,

thoughtlessly,
he

but found the

going

the

explanation
the he knew." this
"

of

it ;

whilst, where
mean

patres auctores, he understood

it which

expression to

Senate,
for

of only signification feel ourselves find much bound

We
we

to insert in

explanation ;
mind

"

though
may.

do not
the

weight

it

ourselves,perhaps
upon
our

others

Upon
used

whole, the impression left

And his from

by

this investigation
be

is,that Dionysius certainlythought

as

that patricii might Becker's

equivalentto
found
it
so

senators.

if, to adopt
it is not
sources

ture, conjecthat

he

used
same

in way

sources,

impossible

Livy
which

used
we

it in the
set out

the

same

in the passage

with. of this has

Upon opinion
without the

the whole that Becker that

any

question,therefore, we by
of
;

must to prove

confess his

our

failed

both the

methods curiae
was

thesis, hypothat

the

composition imperio
the

entirelypatrician, by showing
with
were

plebeian admixture
de
was

namely,

either

lex curiata

identical originally
auctores

the
no

patrum
other

auctoritas,or
than of these the
a

that

patres
the

comitiorum
we

patriciansof
the

curiae.

!Nor do

think

that his view

any aid

identity of
passage
up
as

p"atres and

will derive 'populxis he

at
a

from
at
"

such his

the

following of Servius, which

a

catches
straw aut
:

in

summing

(p.332), like
cum

drowning
essent

man

Ideo
a

autem Eomulo

Calabra, quod,
constitutum
a

incertse

Calendas

Idus,

est, ut ihi patres vet populus

^

calarentur,id giving
that
a

est

vocarentur

"c. 'Rege sacrificulo," Curia

Servius
was

is here

nition defiit

of the
necessary same,

Calabra,
to

and

there the

nothing
and view
of

made
were

for him

show the

that

patres
Becker's

populus
that the

the
were.

admitting,
a

for

moment,
used

they

In

such

case

he would
he

have that

only
is

one

terms,

and

by

using
instead

the of

two

shows

he

distinguishing between
he
did not

them,
which
at
was

identifyingthem
or called,

; either

because

know

body
the

was

because

both
on
"

might
the

have

been

called,but
that it in the
"

different times.

Macrobius,
was

other
est

hand,

says

plehs that

called

"

calata, id
The to

vocata,
of
:

Capitolium
curice in etiam

plebe juxta
Paulus nominantur

curiam

Calabram."^
is much
more

account

Diaconus in

the

purpose

Curiae Romani

quibus uniuscujusque
sunt

partis populi
Romulus

quid

geritur, quales
Ad

hae,

in

quas

populum
2

distribuit,

Mia., viii. 654.

^

g^t.

i. 15.

318

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

numero

triginta."i For
or,

here
to

we

see

that
"

the

populus
had who

was

not

homogeneous,
any its

according ;"
with

Becker,

entirelypatricianwithout
have
no

plebeian

admixture

for then would the

it would

parts
that

in

composition.
was

Lastly,we
the

request those

hold

the

populus
their

identical

Patres,
:

or
"

to patricians,

reconcile

opinionwith
audoribics and the
acts

followingpassage regnaret."^
of the bodies the these

Neque

enim
nee

ad

jus regni

quicquam
neqiie

prsetervim habehat
Patribtis auctoritas

(Tarquinius) ; ut qui
Where
are one

populi jussu^

populus
two

Patres,

,the juss2is of the clearlyseparated as having

the the

distinct

by

two

distinct

; the

right
or

CdXl^A juhere,the technically

to
we

other that has

right atLctoritatem
last
were

dare^

authorize

the

Jussics.
shown add the
per

And what

senators

has,
which

hope,
we

been may

by

been from

passage comitiis muliebri and

following,also
"^

alreadysaid. To Livy : (Servium) non

"

non liahitis,

suffragium popuU,
regnum
same

non

au^toHbus

PatribuSf
writer
one,

dono

occupasse
meant

where

it is impossible, if populus he
or

Patres have

the three

thing, that
denote sufficed.

any

other

should
or

used

phrases to
have

their

action,when others,the

at most

two, would
Cicero
:
*'

Also,

among in

lowing fol-

from modica

Quse cumpopulo,

quseque

patribus agentur, objections to

which it will the be the

sunto."*
has also

Schwegler
view that the
to

brought
After

forward^

several

curias contained

plebeian members, remarking

to

necessary whole

examine.

that this view "It

pervades

historyof Dionysius, he proceeds :

as

is nevertheless of

neous, erro-

it stands for

in

contradiction if

number members with

incontestable of the

facts. and could

How,
stood the

example,

plebeianswere
of

curiae,
to
conguinis, san-

thus

in strict

community
sacra

worship
as

the

patricians,
obstacle vim

dijBference of between the

be
estates

alleged
%

the

chief

connuhium nubia

two

('Quam
natus

enim

aliam

promiscua habere,
quorum
sacrorum

nisi ut,

qui

sit,ignoret, cujus
dimidius sit, the

sit ? dimidius
not
even

patrum
have

plebisV

"

Liv.
one

iv.

2.)

Could

curiales

rightof marriage misunderstanding

These
sacra,
w^ere

with

another?"
an

Such of the various

objection as
word
as, for

this
sacra

arises from in the

wilful

force of the kinds

:

passage curiae

cited. had their

of

instance, the

which

1
*

P. 49

(Miill.).

2 "

Liv. B.

i. 49.

n^id.

47.

Leg. ill, 4.

i. S. 622, ff.

SCHWEGLER'S

ARGUMENTS

EXAMINED.

319

were

public,

and

the kinds

which gentes theirs, that

is

were
a

private : yet
to

it is tween be-

neither

of these

pleaded
was

as

bar

matrimony
the

patriciansand plebeians.It
of the than the

the and

of privilege
men,

auguries,
more

being

the

between interpreters distinct the for class.

gods

which

constituted

patriciansa
once,

Schwegler
a

himself

observes

that

patricianswere applying
his

sort

of

priesthood; yet, when

he

time

arrives

remark,
"

either

forgets it

or

ignoresit.^
''

How,"

he

proceedsto inquire,
their

if there

were

plebeiansincalled

the

curiae

could
or

confirmatory
" .?

resolution

be

auctoritas

patruni
We

patHciorum

have

alreadyshown
the

that

the auctoritas

is

wrongly attributed
tribes,
be
or

to them.
"

How

could of the

doubling
if those

of the

three

old

stem

the
a

creation

secundi

Eamnes,
three

Titles,and
tribes

Luceres,

called of

duplicatio pai?'wm,
] "We that
"

consisted

not

cians patri-

have

shown

elsewhere

that

the

tribes

were

not

doubled,
the

the

secundi

Eamnes, "c., were

Senate. it be said of the had

knights, and
case

that

catio dupli-

jMirum
*'

refers to the

How

could

plebeians,in
no

they

were

bers mem-

of the

that they curiae,

geiites
of the
a

(Liv.x. 8), since

he who

the
was

gentes
in
a

were

only organic subdivisions necessarily belong

was a

and curiae, ?" the

curia must remark but

to

gens

This

made small

at

period

when

plebeians

in

the

curiae bore

very

proportion

to the whole
some

plebeian population. patrician family.

These, too, were

only

attaclied to

Take

especially this
of this exclusion of the State

passage

(B.
the

xiv.

" 11, S. 636)

"The
to

immediate

consequence
was

the

that theory (viz. plehs from

aiisinces

belonged
to

the

patricians)
were nected con-

all those those

magistracies belonging
were

which the old

with

the

auspices. Only
"

citizens"

(read,to the
birth
to

patricians),or
the State
were

to the

State

Church,

esteemed

mediators

by-

between

the

consulate

gods : wherefore the pretensionsof the plebeians continually met by the objectionthat the State auspices

and

its

that no plebeian had the auspices. Thus the belonged only to the patricians, defined the possession of all the other possession of the ju3 sacrorum higher and the Another this of jiis rights, especially magistratuum. consequence exclusion
was was on

that
account

no

connuhium of the

existed

between connuhium

the
was

two

orders,""c.
forbidden between

It

wholly

auspices that
"

patricians and
incerta

plebeians: "Ideoque prole auspicia turbarentur.

"

Decemviros Liv.

connuhium
^

diremisse,
p. 254, seqq.

ne

iv. 6.

See

320
and be
"

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

could used

not

properlybe
of is well known

said habere stood the

gentem.
at the

Such of
a

phrase could
gens.

only

patricianswho

head

it Lastly,

that
were

curiae,after family
of

the

greater part
as

of their earlier.functions their

long since* extinct, still retained

of the
a

principalbusiness
Even in the
was

the

care

affairs of
was

the

cians. patriwhen took

imperial times
elevated
to to the

curiate rank
or

law
a

still necessary
a

when

plebeian
the

or patrician, an

patrician went place among

Comitia Curiata
not

over

the

plebeians,
How connected

when
to
a

arrogatio explained
of

patricians.
were

is this with

be

if the if

not

difference

rank,

they

had

been
?
"

and originally

an esseiitially

assembly
have

of the

patricianestate
It is easy the Comitia
to

see

that

all these from their from

functions

might
been

belonged
continued

to

Curiata,

having

the

earliest

public
to

assembly
be the that
an

at Eome.

And

their constitution assemblies. should

they

most

aristocratic

of these

If it
over

was

necessary those ?

aristocratic body exclusively

was

watch

family
But the

affairs, why

not

this function

assigned to
a

the Senate
a

making
both

patriciana plebeian,'Or
estates, and
of both. internal
was

plebeian
best

patrician,concerned
in
an

these

therefore

done

assembly

composed
"

But" the the

grounds
that the the

are

of still
were

more
a

weight.
division the

According
whole of

to

assumption
included

Curiae

of the

nation, and
the Eoman
on

plehs, the
becomes
a

history of
veritable

development
for had

constitution
account

riddle,which, indeed,
it became have
were

merely

of this that

fundamental
case

error,

Diono

nysius. assembly
of the

For

in first,
own

the the

patricianswould
Tributa assemblies that the

of their

; since

Comitia

assemblies of the whole of

plehs,and
But how

the

Comitia
can one

Centuriata

people.
strong

reajlybelieve
as
so

populus
of

Avhich patricians,
so

originally formed,
a

the proper

body
1 In

citizens,
every

and

exclusive the

whole,
not

and

abruptly separated in
Comitia what so-called of the

relation of

from

plehs, had
did it

its

own

kind
aucto-

Comitia, then,
patrum
In in
or

give

its confirmation, the

to

ritas

patridorum,
assemblies of
was

the

resolutions the

other whose
most

Comitia? election

what

did it choose

Interreges;
from whole the

the

time

the

republic, as by

appears

precise testimonies,

undertaken

the

patrician

body?" Schwegler
then refers to these
as testimonies,

collected

by

Becker

322

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

boiiringtowns
in the That the

wliich

they
the

had

conquered
under from

to

an

equality of voting
earliest Komulean
to them

assembly

of the had

people."
majority
seen

plebs
we

the the

or

constitution

have

already
when
not

court

paid

by
was

Tajquinius
the

Priscus

canvassing
the

for the

throne. the

But

this

originalplebs,and
with the the On curiae. the

populations of
of the

conquered
were

towns

which,
into
"

exception perhaps
in

Albans,

not

admitted

assumption
the functions the

question," proceeds Schwegler,

"

the

Servian

constitution

becomes

incomprehensible.
Comitia in which

If Servius which

Tullius the
votes

transferred
were

of the and

Curiata,in
in

given by

head,
and

consequently the plebs had

which
was

the

majority, to
favour of

the

Comitia the

Centuriata,
this

the

vote

was

measured in

by property,
the of the

preponderance

to all appearance

patricians, then political rights

this

entire

reform Servius how

was

in

favour

patriciansand
the

against the plebs, and

of the
agree

Tullius does How ? the in Or says

only
this the
so

curtailed

plebs.
with of the

But

traditional
case

portrait of
can we

king

this

view?

explain
how

the

devotion

people
Servius have and in

to him

hatred much
a

of the And

patricians towards
can

him,
he

of which

Dionysius
Tullius

it be

believed
as

that

duced intro-

constitution

through which,
would the be

must

foreseen,the
of his
own

influence

of his adversaries
?

increased

that

party
of the had that cite

weakened Comitia

Lastly, by
in the

assumption

the question, If the had the the the

rise

Tributa

also becomes Comitia

enigmatical.
Curiata, what

plebeians they
of tribunes Comitia

the
new

majority
kind of

need
not
as

public assembly?
to

Why

did And

the

plebs according
after

their
to

curiae? be

Tributa,

they
the

had

ceased

assemblies without
a

of

plebeian just
like

estate,also became

national

assemblies
in

census,

(according to
would

assumption by
the useless credit

the question) of
one

Comitia
two

Curiata,there
Comitia
pletely com-

have

existed
"

side

another of

alike,
which
"

multiplication
Eomans."
must

constitutional

forms

we

cannot

of the
we were

On

all these in ancient

grounds
times and

hold
a

to

the

opinion
of

that

the

Curiae

only

division

the the

patrician

citizens,or voting
All of the
in the

populus,
Comitia

that

only patricians had

arise

right

of

Curiata." raised

the

questions here
of the

only They

from

misunderstanding
both

nature

ancient

curiae.

contained

patricians

schwegler's
and

arguments

examined.

323

plebeians,but
of the of

of the

latter
Eomulean

only

limited

number,
the

the

scendants de-

ancient Albans.
a

population, with
these had

addition
up,
as we

perhaps
have

some

But
vast

beyond

sprung

already shown,
Latin

plebeian population, chieflyfrom

also

the

conquered

towns, but

through
take

those

means

of

natural It

increase,by settlement, "c., which

was

place
became

in

every

city.

by enfranchising these
and patricians enfranchised
now

that

Servius

unpopular
of the
"

with

the thus had

the idol of the

were no a

plehs.
persons

!N"umbers

plebeians
for Eome
was

doubt commercial

of property
"

entered
to share And

upon

career

and

thus

money

admitted birth.

the it

which privileges
was

before

had

belonged only
the hatred

to

thus
won

that love

Servius

incurred

of the
tution consti-

and patricians every

even

the

of the

plebeians.

For

by
a

his

plebeian
lowest
of the

of moderate
of

property obtained

vote, and
the

to

the

order

was proletarians

assigned
the the

casting
of
to

vote

when

those
then

other

centuries
as
'

were
"

equally balanced.
When of

Schwegler
the
'

proceeds appeal
remark to

follows

defenders
'

opposite view
may

the

testimony
have
of

ancients can,

and

we tradition,'

that
we

testimony
which
a

and

tradition
us

strictly
of
a

speaking, be
contemporary
as historian,

cited

only

when

before he

the

relation have

concerning things
It
in
a

might
undertakes

had
an

trustworthy knowledge.
for

is

quite
time
;

diff'erent

thing

when
to of

example

history of law,
a

sent repre-

the

legal constitutions slight knowledge

should
at

of

long
as,

since

passed,
to

which
an

only

remains

for

instance, if such
describe

historian

the the

present day undertake

the

politicalrelations
Such
a a

of

Carlovingian
from combination immediate and those the

or

Hohenstaufen
nature

period. thing,

in which, representation, must be

mere

the very and

of the

great deal
remark

reflection,is plainly

to be

from distinguished

contemporary
authors laws and their oldest of
the

testimony. Augustan
of

This

applies accuratelyto
have
written We

period who
that

concerning
may

constitution accounts
sources
:

of Komulus. derived
mere

always

ask

about

Are
are

they they

immediately
and

from

the best and That

or

inference

reflection]

the latter is to be
nature

assumed

of their assertions

and

representations concerning the

Patrum,

of the

Curiae, the Auctoritas

sources,
or

"c., is
not

certain.
of each

In year

the
were

oldest historical
set

annals,only
were

the events

down

institutions the political such

a

described.

When

the

author

of

chronicle

recorded

confirmatory resolution
y2

of the

curiae

324
and this
wrote
*

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Patres

auctores

it facti,' he

did

not

occur

to him

to

explain
and
it

expression, because
of the

presumed
at not

that
so*ine

it

was or

understood,
other
but

thought ngt
be

that possibility
as

time

might
also
to

misunderstood,
Hence,
when

happened
the describe
not to

only give
to

to
us

Dionysius,

Livy.
must

historians

representations ported supoccurrences,

we

by reasoning, or
take

in detail

historical

good

care

give

their

assertions

the

value

of

documentary
as
a

evidence.

This

to Dionysius, applies particularly

who

foreigner describing
can

the
no

long past pretensions

constitution
to

of

another

people having
any

plainly
gone
or

have

never

wrong,

of

having
institute

never

presumption of erroneously apprehended

the earliest
from
now

legal

constitutional
to

of

the

period. history
to

His of
a

history
the German
as

is not

be
a

differentlyestimated
who of should

the

foreigner,say

of

Frenchman,

undertake

plain ex-

public legalrelations
sources,

Germany
interweave

in the Middle in his make in the

Ages

from

and

who

should

representation,
no

Dionysius
these maintain

has

but done, long reflections,

and

distinction "Who the

a

between would ancient

reflections that the

what

he

finds

sources.

foreigner has
of the

nowhere

misunderstood
never

legal expressions
1

documents,
who had

made

false

combination
**

Now

properly it
members He

is

only Dionysius
of the

certifies precisely
a

that

the

plebs were

and curiae,

vote

in the Comitia after the into

Curiata.^ foundation three

a

relates,for example

(ii. 7),that immediately

the whole this
as

of the and

city Eomulus
for

divided But
case,

population
is

tribes

thirty curiae.
:

assertion

demonstrably
been
:

false

reflection

in

that their

indeed

Dionysius expressly
have tributed diswhich
also

says,

the

Sabines,
among

after

incorporation,must
curiae which been the As
as a

the

tribes and
not

already existed
case.

for many

reasons

could other

have

in

this,so
and
a

in numberless occurrence,

places, Dionysius gives

is

fact

real

what

in truth

only
from

his

own

subjectiverepresentations
abstraction. inhabitants

of the

occurrences,

derived

pure

Thus,
of

for

ample, ex-

he
towns
as

represents almost
distributed
among

regularly the
the tribes and that
these

conquered
actual what of
in

curiae of the old citizens.

accounts
sources. or

But

it

must
or

not
are

be

thought
from ? From
Vict.

rest

on

tradition,
should
1

derived derived

documentary
chronicles
Vir 111. ii.

From documents

they

be

legal
**

Ajid

besides

him,

Aurel.

De

12,

(Romulus) plebem

trigintacurias distribuit."

SCirWEGLER'S
the

ARGUMENTS

EXAMINED.

325
of the
a

regal period
even

l^o

written

line

of the less of the

epoch
before

kings lay
But

before
of
as

the

oldest Or
from

annalists, much
the
says, histories
were

contemporary
1

Augustus. Dionysius important

has

Annalists
summary

these,
of

himself
events.

merely
accounts

records
are

the but this

most

These

therefore

nothing
that whole

arbitrary descriptions
historian the the
A
ever

of

Dionysius;
he had

they only through

prove his

very

consistently pursued
which fancied

work

erroneous

theory

for himself

concerning
have
own

curiae."

stranger piece of criticism

than

the

preceding
derive

we

scarcely opinion,
the

perused.
he
so

From

what

did

Schwegler
all

his

which
were

confidently asserts,that
that could their
he

the

members vote it
was

of the

curiae

and patricians, Whence

confirmatory
have formed that authors
the

Auctoritas

Patrum? from For the

except
come

by inference
down
to
us

passages
he

of those not

ancient

have

pretends

to set

against

assertion

of

Dionysius, they
to

that
were

curife contained

plebeians,any
of

counter-assertion, that
And
more
are

composed Schwegler
the could be

exclusively
and
his

patricians.
critics
are

we

assume

that from
than

brother of

capable

of

making,
when

present wreck
made
was now

Latin
or

literature, sounder

inductions

by Livy,
in
a

Cicero,

or

even a

Dionysius,
the
we

that

literature than
we

perfect state, and

it ?

hundred-fold

more

ample
mony testicontent

possess

Putting aside, however,

of Aurelius

direct
are

of to

Dionysius
on

and

Victor, which
believe them

do, though
whether

this the

occasion
were

we

to

be

right, the
authorities.
to be

question
These
drawn

curiae

or wholly patrician,

patrician and

plebeian, must
we

be

decided

by

inferences and abide.

from

the

best

have them not

we our

already examined,
we are

by
of

the

conclusion

from shall

willing to
the

We

here

reopen

question
in be

the

sources

of Eoman
will

history,which
remark that

have

discussed
is not
to

another
construed

place, and
into of ; but assent

only
writer of

silence
on

to what

Schwegler
observes

says about

the

subject.
we

With

much

what
the

that

Dionysius
lived well

entirelyagree
at Eome
us

mistakes
of

this

"foreigner,"who
later,a
accuse

in

the

palmy days
who
are

Eoman
two not

literature, might
thousand
too years

teach

moderns,
and

living
lead
"

little caution

modesty,
and

and

us

hastily to
"

such

writers

as

Livy

Cicero of the

of

standing misunder-

some

of the most

important parts

constitution

of

their

country.

326

HISTORY

or

the

kings

of

ROME.

Schwegler
of the

then

proceeds to
most

examine

what

he

calls "the it
is

origin
almost have nobles. ancients the

plebs;'*a
to

singular expression,
of but
a

since

impossible
consisted
"

conceive

state

that

in

its is

origin should
to

of

nothing
the

that patricians,

say,

of

Concerning
us

origin
any

of the

plebs," ho
from of the the of

observes, "the beginning origin of

of

leave
Koman

without nation

explanation.
consisted
no

They

tacitly represent

to have

patricians
attributes On this

and

plebeians,but
; with

take

account

this difference

of rank

the

exception
to
are a

indeed

Dionysius, who
of Eomulus.
to

it, perversely enough,

we question, therefore,

legislativeact entu'elyconfined

conjectures,among thing
of the have in the

which On world of the

the this that

following
we

most

recommends
that

itself."
most
no

may

remark

it is the should

natural
account

the

ancient

writers the

give

origin
been if

plebs,that is,of
done
so.

people
the

; the

wonder

would

they

had

It is who
are

only

higher by
a

orders

of the state,the whose

are

nobles, origin
guished distin-

priesthood,"c.
therefore
can

created

political act, and is,in

so

be

ascertained
mass

; that

far

as

they

from
honours,

the

of that

the the

people by origin of
is
:

certain

privileges and
of rank and
at most

l^ow,
is mentioned
statements the

to say

this difference of the boldest

Rome absurd mention

were

only by Dionysius
that
ever was

one

made

for both Eomulus.

Livy^
And there

and from

Cicero^ whom have ancient

creation

of the but

patricians by
not sense,

they
a

created
mass

plebeians 1

Consequently
so

must

remained

of
-as

plebeians
common

distinguished,as tacitly assume.

assume
a

the Yet

writers, as

well allows

though
the very

Schwegler
origin of
how We
in it
arose

that

these he

writers

plebs
driven

from
to

the
!

city, yet
from his

considers

himself

conjecture
six pages it is
arose

shall refrain he
else pursues

followinghim
conjecture. Niebuhr,
that

through
the

the

five

or

which

It will suffice to say that Eoman

nothing
out

but

that

of

plebs first
to Eome.

of the
a

populations large body

doubt time of of

of the Latin

cities transferred

But

though
from voted

plebs,unenfranchised
in

tiU the

time

of Servius

Tullius, no
the

arose

this manner,
a

yet there previously existed,

Eomulus, proceeds

plebs

that

enjoyed
the

the

franchise

and

in the

Comitia then
"

Curiata.
to consider
a

Schwegler
as

subject

of the the
p,

Fatres,^
addition
s.

follows
1

The

acquisitionof
2

subject territory, or
"

Buch

xiv. " 9.

uh.

i. 8.

pg

jjgp

j^

xiv,

10.

schwegler's
of
was 2"lehs,

arguments

examined.

327
the
was

naturallynot
of
to

without

influence The

on

form

of the the

Roman ancient
with

constitutional

relations.

first result
a

that

body

citizens the
old
new

acquired
citizens.
now

the

position of
fathers
a

privileged estate

regard
to the

The formed
to

of families of

{patres)
tion rela-

belonging
the

to the

citizens
as,
were

sort

nobility in
to

plehs;
Eoman
to

and

according
no

the

constitutional the

view
sense

of of

ruling estate, there

word in

families

according
in the

the

law,
a

that

is to say, patres

familias^ with body

of

all the

rights belonging
citizens
"

Roman

family, except
far
as were

the

old

for

plebeians, so
of the

they participated not

not

in

family

rights as
Roman
a

defined
sense

by public law,
word
"

patres familias in the legal

the
name

so

henceforward

patres became
of families for theii*

distinguishingand
to The the

honourable

appellationfor
of

the heads
in

belonging
relations. did in
not process

old

body

citizens,and
"

general
that the

knowledge
an

of this fact estate

namely,
times

patricians
so

originallyform
of time
"

of

nobles, but

became
of the

only

was

preserved
the time

till the

historical

writers
"

and later

antiquaries. language, at
the This
assume

In

when

the

had patriciate

long

lost

its

political meaning,
Senate.
to

expression Patres
occasioned
same

is the usual

title of honour

for the that

has the

the
most

writers

and

antiquaries of period, and

not

epoch
to

of the

ancient
this

only

explain

the

name

oi patres

according to
the
The senators

assumption,
the

but

also to deduce

the historical ancient

origin of

from patriciate elected

ment appointRomulus

of the most
were,
we are

Senate.

by

frequently told, called Patres,

not to

and

their

descendants of the
word term

Patricii.

But,

mention

that

this

explanation
the shown the

patricius is according
passages
down

destitute the

of all
of

grammatical foundation,
ancient times
"

patres

to

usage

as

by
orders

numerous

of the

historians, and
of the

particularly by
the
a

legalforms
"

handed

from

the time
not

struggle between
whole

the

two

signifies
while
certain

predominantly
on

the there

Senate, but
is
was

patricianbody;
and

the other

hand that

wanting
of
never

correspondingly old
technical
name

attestation Senate. Senate

and

Patres

originallythe
the

for

the the

The the for

right

notion

original relation entirelylost

among

between the

was patriciate

Romans.
to

Dionysius,
most

example
Roman

8, 12), who (ii.

authors
as

expressly appeals
his

the

trustworthy
the

in

support of
into

account,

sents repre-

population
or

of Rome

first divided

nobles, or patixs,
Senate elected

and

commonalty

plebeians, and

afterwards

the

"328
from
course

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

among have

the

first of these
of
an

estates.

This
"

assertion
in
a

cannot

of like

the value such

a

historical testimony
be

question

the
as a

present
correct

thing

cannot

expected
in

"

but

it may

be taken

inference."
to

It page,

is curious the value

observe

here

how,

the of

compass the
same or

of

single
the and

of authorities, and
as

even

authorities,
contravene

varies, according
writer's

they
First
we we

are

supposed
are

to
"

support

opinion.

told that
as

the historical writers

and

antiquaries," such,
Verrius
an

suppose,

Cicero

Yarro,
not
"

Livyand

Flaccus, knew
of

that And

"

the

patricians did
on :

form originally

estate

nobles."

little further the Senate

The the

right notion
was patriciate

of the
never

originalrelation entirelylost
among

between the these

their

and Yet
we

Eomans."
writers

are

told, almost
a

in

the

same were

breath, that
mistaken
in

and

antiquaries of
of the

later

epoch

explanations
it bore
in their

origin
!

of

the
cording ac-

and patriciate
to the to say,
we
are

Senate, because meaning

which of

they interpreted the

own

word times of

patres
That

is
as

they
told

were

ignorant
over,

matter

the

knowledge
down

which,
times
!

twice

had

been the

preserved
term

to their

Schwegler's argument
of time
a

that

patres became
of families

only in
among

process the old from

title of honour that has

for

the

heads
were

and citizens,

all ingenui originally been

is patricii,

taken the

Becker,^
to be

and

already examined
have shown and that indeed he

together with
which

passages

(Liv. x. 8,

and

Festus, p. 241, Patricios)by

"We the
us

it is

pretended
has been
to
specting re-

supported.
is

Livy's meaning opinion

in
we

completely misunderstood;
him

attributed

directlycontrary
the

to what

tells Are

another
to set

place ^
a

origin of
of

the
a

patricians.
vague extract
as historian,

then

passage the

in

Festus

containing

from well
as

Cincius that of

against
Cicero

express

testimony (vii. 3),who

contrary of

this

Hep.
to the
own come

ii

8, 12),Paterculus
are

8, 6), Sallust (i.

cited here
he asserts of
set

(De 2), (Cat.6),Eutropius (i.

himself
as

Zonaras

by Schwegler
? and the to

vouchers
to his

what

whom,
of

according

admission,
down the who
?
more were

knowledge
can

origin

the

patricians had testimony

that
we

And

we

not
one

against
Paulus At the

this vague

of

Festus
senators

precise
called

of

Diaconus,
same

it

was

the
not

/a^Aers P
See

time

mean

Rom.
"

Alterth.

ii. i. 150. ideo

above,
P. 247.

p. 306

seq. agrorum

Lib.

i. 8.

'

Patres
ac

senatores

appellati sunt, quia

"
"

partes

attribuerunt

enuoribus

si liberis

propriis.

330
of
as

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

personaldependence
a

; the

clients of

were

not, like the pkh^, subject

were

body

to the

ruling class

but citizens, every

distributed

among

the

different

patrician races,
describes and of client

and

cl.ient belonged

to the gem

of his patron.
"

Dionysius patron
The him

more as

particularly (ii.10) analogous

the
one

the

relation and
on

between

to that

between and
to

father

children,relation
the other.

protection on
had
to

hand,
the law

filial piety his

patron
before the

explain
of
a

client,to
of his him

represent
domestic every

tribunal

justice, to
father ; in

take

care

affairs and

property like
On the

short, to give
client had
every

possibleprotection.
affectionate he could
; to contribute
was

other

hand,

the

to be

faithful and that

as

towards
to
means

his patron ; to do him the

; to

service far

dowry
ransom

of his him in

daughters, so
if made
a a

the
war

patron
; to to pay

without
to

prisoner
demned con-

of

help
a

defray
with

his

damages
well
as

if cast
to

lawsuit, or
in

public fine, as public

one

assist him

paying
Patron

the and

expenses client
to bear account
were

connected
not to

offices and

dignities.
a

bring
is not

another another.

before

court

of

justice, or
whom this the

witness is

against one
the ancient

Dionysius,
author There who
was a

from

taken,
the

only

thus very hurt

describes

i-elations of the directed should

was

clientship.
who

old law which

to

that
be

patron
^

should

occasion
to Cato's

his

client client
at

accursed

and, according
the relation of it relation which

testimony, the
It is not existed both

to

be

preferredto
that that the the

by

blood.^

all

to be

doubted

once clientsliip

in this

purity, and
"

duties

imposed

on

partieswere
back has

conscientiouslyobserved. Eespecting
and the which origin of clientship,
course no

reaches evidence

beyond
served, pre-

the historical
we

time, of
can

historical form

been

therefore far
most
was

only

conjectures on
is, that
the

the

subject.
first the

Among
relation

these
to

the

probable
an

clients,whose
at

their

patrons
of

hereditary
who

one,

were

original

inhabitants of their

the

country

had
races,

been

subjugated.
were

Deprived
in

territory by conquering
a

they

received

exchange
We

into

sanctioned peculiarrelationshipof protection,

in

by

religion.

find

Greece

the

same

relationshipof hereditary
it
a

subjection amongst various peoples, and where that it originated in the subjugation of assume by conquering
1

occurs

we

may lation popu-

more

ancient the
v.

races.

But

whilst

in
"

Greece

subjugated
13, 4.

Virg.

Mn.

vi. G09, et ibi Serv.

Ap.

Gell.

PATKON

ANP

CLIENT.

331
of farms

populationsare
of
must
a

mostly

found

as

hereditary renters
a

or

day

labourers, the Eoman

clientshipbore
in the

much the

nobler
reason

character,that
of which
race we

relationship sanctified probably

Eeate
It follows

by religion ;
Sabine the been

seek

pious dispositionof
mountains Tiber settled

the and

conquering
the

which about
"

descending
into from

from the

the

high

lands

valley of
what
the
so

in Latium.

has

said, and

is also

confirmed
no

by
old

other

indications, that

clients
as

originallypossessed clientship existed

held the
not

property
the

in land.

They
mere

were,

long

after

fashion,
such
to

tenants

of the
ager

patricians; they

only precariously
them the To farmers
or

portions of
; and

the

puhlicus as they
were

patricianspermitted hereditary
handicrafts ancient
on

cultivate

when

lands obtain have

of their freehold been

or

patrons, they followed

land would under the

trades.

most

agrarian system
of land
was an

almost

impossible, since
service in

every Hence

portion
we

heredium,
were

hereditary possession.
to

find of the

not

that

they
stitution. con-

liable

military
the

the

classes
to the

Servian of

On the and
the clients

contrary, according
in Rome not
we

account

Dionysius,
of the

remained served

during
the

the

first secession

plebs,
to

therefore Mons

in

rebellious here
is and
as

legions who
there vassals
in
or

retired

Sacer.

When

find

Dionysius
feudatories

the of

clients

doing military service, it

the clients been
to be

only

their patrons.
"

That

are

distinguished
said. the The

from

the

plehs appears
a

from

what

has

already

Roman
rests

clientship has
on

different

historical
of

origin from
oldest is

plehs,and
are

diff'erent laws. the

The

clients

the
It
as

period

which hereditary subjects,

incorrect

plebs are
were

not.

undoubtedly
has
rom.

that
in

all

the
'

plebeians
that

clients,
dem

Ihne der

recently re-asserted Verfassungs

the ancient

his

Forschungen
All
we

auf know
at
one

Gebiete

Geschichte.'

concerning
time
was

the

sanctityof

and clientship,

which

certainlya truth, speaks against

were

this

assumption.
the continual

If

the

plebeians
of

clients, how
two

shall

we

explain
the

bitter contests

the
as

orders,the
on

character

of their

reciprocal

relations,founded,
which
the

it were,

public law,
towards
the

heavy oppressions
the creation
of the 1

patricians exercised
of the

plebeians, particularly
and

by

means

cruel
arose

law

respecting debt,
the need of
some

tribunate, which Further,

the
we

from that

protecting patrons
in person

perceive

the

plebeians appeared
were

before

tribunals,while

the

clients

represented by their patrons.

332
But
numerous are

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

the

assumption
passages
in

in the

question
ancient the

is

especially contradicted
in which the

by
to

historians,

clients

not

from only distinguished which

plebs,but formally opposed

the

it : passages of the

decisivelyexclude
clients. do
not

that the whole possibility

plebeians were
scholars

''Other with hold

not

indeed
them

completely identifythe clients

a

the that any

but declare plehs, the clients

to be

portion
passages

of the

plehs. They
are

mentioned

in

the the

just quoted^

peculiar order
of

different from

people, but plebeians,who

and clients, the
con*

from sided first

motives with
was

private interest had voluntarilybecome

but institution,

their patrons
a

against the^/e6s/ that clientshipfrom

a

not

state

voluntary

and

personal

nexion. and

But

this is the character

was clientship

of the later

clientship. Originally,
to all

in the

old time,

not, according
an

accounts,
and

an

arbitrary and
one,

conventional

but relation,

indissoluble convention shadow.

to

ditary hereon

resting on
the
are

religiousgrounds, clientshipis
with
a

a mere

founded

piety, of. which

to

later

Dionysius,
for the most

whom

we

indebted definite that thus he

reference

this

numerous

and clients

most

notices,often
of the have

expressly distinguishes
held the with clients the
as

the

from

part

plehs which
considered

patricians; and
part
"

cannot

of the

2}lehs.
that the clients became in
course

Briefly,as it is undeniable amalgamated

so,
on

of

time
a

with

the plehs, of which

they thenceforth decisively hold

in their

formed that the their

part,

the
most
a

other

hand,

we

must
were

clients

of

the

ancient

period
from

origin and

legal relations
This
a

different of the

order

the

plehs."
more

account

earliest Eoman

clientshipis little by

than

tissue

of

conjectures, not
time

only unsupported
the
true

evidence, but
consisted
must

actuallyagainst evidence.
That of
"

there
and

was

when

Eoman
; but

nation the

only
have
to

patrons

clients"

is
the

quite
clients

patrons
with

been the

patricians,and
with which

plebeians ; for
endowed,

reference

and especialprivilegesof the patricians,

particularlythe sacred which, through

men,

character

they
the

were

the
we

auspices,ma.de them
The passages
to

interpreters between
are

gods and
Anm. the

alluded that the

to

quoted (S. 643,

were

1)

from

Livy
which

and

Dionysius plehs, and

have

show

clients their

distinct

from

general body
a

of the
we

often

sided

with

patrons against the plehs;

point

admitted.

PATRON

AND

CLIENT.

333

can

recogniseonly
of
a

these

two

classes.

In

this

view, Schwegler's
fish
nor

conception
neither

tertium

quid, something
been
of the

neither

flesh,
There
very
more

patriciannor consequently,
and
the than clients

plebeian, is utterly incomprehensible.

have

must,
ancient for the

plebeians origin
out of
case

at

Eome

from

the

beginning;

instead

clientship being
was

origin of
have

the
been

plebs,the
made
client

just the plebs.

to

reverse

must
true

of the

It is

quite
But

that

"

every from

belonged
That

the gens
must have

of hia
had must
we

patron."
therefore have

what

follows he
must

this 1

he

political rights,that
have
been

have
to
were
a

belonged
vote
a

to the

curiae,and
matters.

entitled the gentes

on

public

For

shown

that

institution,that political
this view
a

they

constituted

subdivisions himself.
^

of the
And also to
a

curiae,and
gentes
been
a

is

accepted by

Schwegler
then the clients

if the

were

institution, political
existed
as we

clientshipmust belonged
of which
out

have
gens;

institution, since political

there
must

and

as

have

materials have

to

institute
a

the

clients,there
there
account
was

must,

already said, have

has

been

plebs before
a

clientship.
of the relations inferred be

Dionysius
between from have Latin
not

probably given
client,as

correct

patron and

it tallies with

what

may

authors, who
any

mention only incidentally

account

the

and subject, But

to

given
that
a

detailed

of that

relationship.
sacred

suppose sprung the

connexion
a

of this close and

race

kind

could is

have
one

up

between and

conquered
of
Koman the

and

their conquerors
is not

of

wildest

absurdest

conjectures. There
clients and
and the

the

slightest Penestse,
show need of
not

resemblance the Attic

between

Thessalian Greek

Thetse,

the

Spartan Helots,
in
a

other of

whom serfs,
some we

Schwegler
discuss,
"

mentions

note,^ by opinion.
himself
a

way But

making

authority in support
because

of his

this

opinion

Schwegler

stultifies it
nobler It is

by observing
refuted

that of
a

the

Roman

clientship bore
himself and

much

character,that
also

relationship sanctified Schwegler

the
"

by religion."
of the
to

by

what

assumes

Latin
"

populations conquered by
in which view
we

Eomans,
these

transferred
"

Eome
the

concur

that the
the

populations
"

with

exception, perhaps,
into the

of

some

of into

Albans

were

not into

admitted

curiae,therefore
the

not

gentes, nor
of

and clientship,

consequently
not

Eoman them

method into

treating subjugated populations was

And
xiv.

to admit

clientship.
1

the
s.

Albans
"

admitted
=

into

doubtclientship,
4.

Buch

4.

S. 640, Anm.

334
less became Koman would the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

clients of those in those

an

Alban

nobles
a.

who

had

been

made
clients

patricians; for
have been
as a

days

patrician without

great
tail.

anomaly
been
a

as, in former

times, a Highland
believe and much
to

laiid without So them then far from

to have

the

clients
to

having
the

conquered
Their

race,

we

belonged
and

race,

first of Eoman

conquerors,

of Romans that

Sabines

united. Middle

condition
were

very

resembled do

of vassals when

of the

Ages. They
their

bound

military service
; and

summoned
are

by

liegelords,the patricians
by
very similar
on

both and

connexions

characterised

procal reci-

duties
are

obligations. Schwegler's
He admits
as i

inferences
we

this

point
the is all
were

most

extraordinary. trying
to

that
or

sometimes

find

clients doing military service

that
not
we are

vassals To the

which feudatories,
that

establish.

assert

the

clients

liable to with
we

military service regard

take
to

under Romulean

Servian

constitution
; but
even

proves

nothing
assertion

the

constitution The

this

to be

erroneous.

following passage
which the comitiis

in

Livy

undoubtedly
were

refers to the
"

Comitia

Centuriata, in
consularibus creati T. the Comitia

consuls noluit. Ser-

elected

"

Irata

plebs

interesse consules that liable

in to

Per

patres clientesque patrum

^

Quinctius, Q.
Centuriata That service.

vilius." those

But
a

we

have who

seen

only
the

had

vote

were

military

clients did not in the

join

the remainder

of the
^

plebs against the patricians

first secession, as

Dionysius
proves

is exactly what relates,

at

might
to their

have

been

expected,and

nothing

all with

regard

rights. The Servian constitution naturally rendered original body, and, in political a comparativelyaristocratic matters,
them
more

them bound
of

and

more

to

their the

patrons, since

as

members

the

patriciangentes, and
enjoyed by
**

of

not curiae,they possessed privileges

the

remainder from what

of the has

plebs, said,"observes
the has drawn
if what

It follows

been

Schwegler,
clients been from

"

and

is also

confirmed

by

other

indications, that
But

originally
no

possessedno
reasonable
*

property in land."

said has

foundation, then
rohs

the

conclusion
re

it is also

irpds8e
; cf. vii.

ll^codeu iro\e/xiovs
Koi iiraydfieOa,
x.

avroi

Kol robs dirdcrr} irpodvfilq,, X('"f'^H-^'^

"

TiX"ras
63
2

airavras

rod

rd Trep/oV, k.t.A.. SrjfiOTiKov

Dionys.
to return do
not

vi.

19; ix. 15;

27, "c.
in
a

Lib.
two

ii. 64. passages,

are

Schwegler and,
we

note

these that
3

suppose,
account

(S. 642, Anm. explain them

of the

1) promises
away
; but
we

to

find

they

noticed

in the

Servian

constitution.

Lib. vi. 47, 51.

PATRON

AND

CLIENT.

335
the other For the ideo
ac

without which passage

any
were

reasonable
to confirm

ground.
it
we

And
in

for vain.

indications

look
^ :
"

following appellati
si liberis

from

Paulus

Diaconus

Patres

senatores

sunt, quia agrorum

partes attribuerant
be construed
to
mean

tenuioribus that
"

propriis,"cannot
such them with the words
two to

they
the

held

only

cariously pre-

portions
"ac

of the ager
"

publicus

as

patricians permitted
bestowed;
has been Jierea

cultivate

as attribuere, here, coupled especially,

si liberis

rather propriis," And this

as

means

^ave,

namely,
dium.^

jugera a-piece.
about
can

agrees

with
to

what

already said
Not

the it be

term

centuria

applied
the

land, and
of
so

supposed
were

that

holders

small

portion
This view and lead *'That inferred
;

of land

as

two

jugera

patricians. by Schwegler
"

is the

only
the

passage

adduced

to

support his
from

while, on
the

other
are

hand,
On

"

indications

from
as

Livy, Plutarch,
any

DionysiuR, which quite

the other
were

as incontestably good

Paulus,
*

way.

this

subject, Schwegler
in ancient times

says

clients

reallylandowners
Plutarch the
state

has
we

been
are

from

Livy (ii. 16), and

was

(Popl. 21), where

to the

told that land

assigned by
two

clients of the immigrant But such details of

Appius Claudius,
are as

jugera

to each

client.
as

little to be

held that
as

historical strictly district

the Anio
to

5,000
the

clients

Appius.
to

Moreover,
Claudius
rol'i

beyond

the

is described

by

Dionysius (v.40),not Appius K\7}pov"s uTraa-i assumption."

This

given

up

immediately
among
very

but clients,

to

distribute
;

them,
well

wg

exoi

hiavEifxai
with
our

avrov irepl

which

agrees

piece of

criticism the

proceeds
best whatever
on

on

the

usual

German make

method

of
a

depreciatingeven
favourite

authorities,if they
may other be their the

against
value
"

theory. they
had
at

But,
been
"

historical would valuable side.

and,

if

side, they
more

have than As

been
no

eagerly caught authority

of at

they
none

are

assuredly
on one

and all,

appears

the

other

to the

that probably is only 5,000 clients,

of the

usual

exaggerations
comitatus the words

Dionysius.
But from

Livy
the

merely
with

says,

"magna

clientium claims is

manu."

boldness
as
a

which

Schwegler
own

quoted piece

Dionysius
for

being
lease

in his critic.

favour

something
mean
a

extraordinary,even
of land
' 8

German
"

KXrjpos does
is

not

let out
P. 247.

on

which
8

Schwegler'stheory

of

^toye^ p,

S. 611, Anm.

2, 97.

336

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

clientship
"

but whole

piece assigned
tract
was

as

an

And, hereditaryTfreehold. assigned to

alter the the ancient Claudius
but not

though
to
seems

the

in the first instance this clients, in does

distribute rather

among to

his

matter,

have in like

been

accordance the Koman

with

Eoman
to have

practice. For,
been first

manner,

territoryseems
among

assigned to

the

then tribes,
;
so

divided share
at

and centuries, client seemed received the

at

finallyamong
to be
a

individuals

that the
was

of

each

giftfrom Livy,
to

his patron, and

in

all events

his
as

hands.

the

passage

just cited, represents

may

land

given
this

the

clients,who
of clients time of

nevertheless But it is

have
to

received be believed than

their that the while

allotments
new

through Appius. body

were

hardly
a

put

on

better made

footing

clients their
"

of the

Eomulus, by being only

from find
tenants.

landowners,
to be

predecessorswere
That

the

observes clients,"

Schwegler,
what has
this
a

"

are

distinguished
said." It is from classical that

from
more

the

plehs^ appears
When

been fact

already
appears

satisfactoryto

that in

authority.
the and and that their

Livy

says,

passage

recently quoted,
consular

irritated plehs refused

to take

any

part in the
chosen the

Comitia, patricians
a

consequently
it clients,

the

consuls

were

by by
the

the

appears

plainly that
This
same

clients formed
passage

liar pecu-

section

of

the

plehs.
on

is also shown

from

Dionysius
are clients,

quoted
have

the

occasion, where
the rest of the
the
reason

the

or tteXcltcu,

from distinguished

to plehs{rov hriixoTLKov

We irepiov).^ But
we

already explained
the
to

of this distinction.
a

do

not

believe

clients to have what

we

been have all

sort

of

hereditary
of

bondsmen;
course

and, according
not

already said, we
the

do

believe, with
the
note

Ihne, just

that

plebeians were
"

clients. When

Schwegler, in
to

referred clients
*

to, says
were

It proves

nothing
the

the

that contrary (viz. says

the ii. 9)
'

distinct
habuit
same

from

if plehs),

Cicero

(De Rep.
*

Romulus
if the

plebem
is
pressed ex-

in clientelas
in

principum descriptam Festus,

est p. 233
:

and

view

Patrocinia
ut
eorum

appellari ccepta sunt, opibus

of
tuta esset
'

cum

plebs
like
rest

distributa
ii. 9
:

inter

patres,

(cf.
not in-

Dionys.

Plut. Rom. the

13). Since, without

originalinstitutions
but
effect

urging

that

accounts do

these

concerning
historical

Romulus

upon
For

knowledge,
to the
same

arise

from

construction

and

other

passages

see

Schwegler's note

already referred

to

(S. 643, Anm.

1).

338
the
own

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

best

and

most

decisive

testimony,and
be examined
cannot

in

preferringto
remarks of
over,
more

it his

inferences There
"

and

conjectures.
to

still remain
on

the be

another
even

authority
the
once.

this

question, which
we

passed

at

risk of

repeating what
be

have tedious

before

said

perhaps

than
to

It may the

better either

to be

in these

repetitionsthan
the his
are

incur of
an

charge

of of

disregarding superciliously neglecting

; and to
answer

opinion
cause be-

eminent

scholar,or
Newman,
in

remarks short.

they
Professor in the
"

were

unanswerable
a

fortunatelythey
the Comitia
"

paper
^

on

Curiata, published
Mebuhr admirers has of done

Classical

Museum,"

has

observed

service

to the

early Eoman
clear

the history (against the

one

Dionybably procan

sius) by establishing that

The fact is
so

curies who

were

essentiallypatrician. Livy only, that

with it appear him

very but

to

studies

nothing
have misled this matter himself

the

attempt

to reconcile

Dionysius
than

previous inquirers.
to affect to

Nor
out

does of

requisite in Livy
would
as

learn

more

Livy's words
him the
curiate very
seem

knew. that

Nothing
as

at least

is let
on

drop by

which

imply

he,

Dionysius,
On Patrum

looked the he

assembly
first time

plebeian and
to

democratical.

contrary, the
words the which

he

refers to the Auctoritas

uses

distinctly
curies.' He It
:

imply

that

he
to

understood the
ut

by

it

'

assent

of

the

has
*

reference

election
cum

of

Numa,
regem

Liv.

i. 17.

says

Patres

decreverunt,

populus
"

id jussisset,

sic ratum

esset, si Patres
We have under

auctores

fierent.'
to

before this
new

adverted

this

passage,

but

we

will

view

it

again
The

light.
mentioned the in this
sentence are,
as we

Patres

first

have from the seize it is

already said, undoubtedly

the word

Senate. from

This the

appears whole

not context

only
of

decreverunt, but
For it first, is the
state

also

chapter.
the whole
same

centum

Patres, or
when the the decree
ultro

senators, that

power
centum
ea

of the Patres

; and make

people

murmur,

these

who

just quoted (" Quum rati,quod

amissuri
non

sensissent

moveri

patres, offerendum

erant, ita gratiam ineunt, summa

potestate populo permissa, ut

Decreverunt
auctores

plus
to

darent

juris quam
last mentioned of Niebuhr

retinerent.

enim," "c.)
the view members of the

But

the Patres the

("siPatres
and

fierent") are, according

of
same

view

Professor

Newman,
to

the

curi".

And

further, according
1

the

Yol.

i. p. 101, seqq.

PKOFESSOE

NEWMAN'S

VIEW.

339
of the curiae.
sentence

the populus writers,

see

is also the follow.

:
"

same

members in this

Now
oi

what

absurdities
to

For,
had

view,

the that

Livy
should it ! " House
act
was

amounts

this

The

Fathers

decreed,
a

when

the

populus (or
stand Which

Comitia

Curiata)
as

elected Comitia
if
we

king,
should
a

the

election

good

if the

populus (or
rational the
as

Curiata) authorized
"

is about

say

The the

of Lords
to be
:

permitted
told have the

Commons

to choose

king, and

valid
we are

if the Commons

authorized in
in

it."

Further

by Livy quoted people

the

sentence

immediately
the

which preceding,'

we

brackets,
a

that

Senate,
in their

though they permitted

own

to elect

king,
of

retained
gave

hands darent

as

much

constitutional retinerent

privilegeas they

(" ut

non

plus
done

juris quam
fit. the

").

This

course

could

only

be

by retaining a veto, that is,by withholding

should but that
see

their
to be

if auctoritas, exercised
not

they by Livy
The

But

if this

auctoritas
or

was

them
say

by

electingbody,
as

Comitia
as

Curiata, how they

in gave ?

could

they
and

retained is

much

power

Latin Senate

language

ambiguous sufficiently
whole should have

using Patres
; but if it
worse

both

for the that

for the

patricianbody

applied
founded. con-

term

also to the

we curies,

confusion

It is

only

fair to add

that
note
:
"

little further
"

on

Professor

Newman from the

subjoins the following

i.

In

the passage
meant

quoted
mass

Livy,
munity com-

17, by populus

Livy

must

have
or

the

of

(whether called
to the

clients and
to in

as plebeians)

he

contrasts be

them
to

patrician curies
that

the

Senate.

It would this multitude

we

hardy

maintain formal

he

was

correct

supposing
; and

to receive

authority to
error

elect

king
with
not

perhaps
For

must

necessarily
in

impute
The

here."
we

error,

fear,lies

the

critic.
to

the

assumption
of

question
Comitia of Numa. auctoribus
quam de
suo

is

entirelyopposed
are even

only

the accounts

all subsequent in their

which elections,

evidently made
to

by

the

populus

Curiata, but
For
sibi that

Cicero's says
:
"

account

of this very

election

writer

Eegem
. .

alienigenam patribus
ut

ipse populus
curiatis
curiatam
was eum

ascivit.
.

Qui
esse

hue

venit,

quam-

populus
that
or

comitiis

regem
"

tamen jusserat,

ipse
it
munity," com-

imperio

legem

tulit

(De Eep.
by
"the

ii. 1 3).
mass

Whence

appears

Numa

elected

not

of the

unenfranchised other

plebeians,but by
be extracted fairly

the from

Qomitia Curiata.

Nor

can

any

meaning

Livy

and

that

z2

340
there and is any the

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

"contrast"

in his

words, except between

a

the

populus
order
sentence to

Senate

is (not the curies),

gratuitous assumption.
follows
:
"

Professor

Newman

proceeds
he had before

as

"

Then,
to (viz.

in

explain the last words,

which the Professor

(Livy) subjoins
quoted)
idem
:

the

*"

HocUeque in legibus
:

magistratibusque rogandis usurpatur

quam

jus, vi adempta
comitiorum

prius-

populus suffragium ineat, in incertum

auctores

eventum

Fatres

Jlunt.^ It
and is not
to

is

tion that this illustraperfectlyclear,first,

is his own, and which before which

meant next

slavishlycopied from
the

an

old annalist
the

that he

refers

shadowy
the
; for

assembly of

curies

(of
that he

Cicero the
was

speaks. In Eullum
voted, gave
to be

ii. 11),as the

existingbody, which,
Patrum to

Comitia about Senate.

Auctoritas
no

proposed
almost

one

can

imagine that

the

It may

be inferred of that

that in

Livy's day the

to

beadles
*

of the
auctores

curies gave
'

the and

assent

body by the formula, question

was

Patres the

sumus

if so, it is unreasonable
Publilius

that

law

of

the

Dictator

(Liv. viii. 12)

"

well

understood
quae

who by the historian, centuriatis

reports it in the words,

initium

Ut

legum,

comitiis

ferrentur,ante
who

suifragium Patres
looked said into the

auctores

fierent." what is here

From oration the

said,the reader might conclude

of the

had

not

against EuUus shadowy

from of the
mere

that curies such of

was

Cicero

plainly that
the toritas Auc-

then

assembly

actually gave
an

Patrum,
followed

or, at

all events, that But

inference the for

sort.

necessarily
Almost the

his words. Curies

nothing
late date
was

only
that

use

at that

conferring the imauspices

that all his and be doubt like
each to in

periuTHf a
Romulus other
each

formality. It
them
to

the There

possession of the
can no

enabled

do

this. the

originally established
the
to

curies

by

augury, of

institutions, and
geris

patriciansat the head

retain the
passage veris per

curia this

continued
in the

auspices. And
of the

effect
:

Cicero
"

says,

following

speech

question

Sint

igiturdecemviri, neque

comitiis,neque
xxx

illis ad

speciem,
causa,

atque ad usurpationem vetustatis

lictores, auspiciorum

adumbratis, constituti" speaks Livy,

"

(In

Eull.

ii.

12).

In

which
or, in

passage the words

he of

not

of

any

authority given heforehand^

comitiorum
eventum

in

incertum

Patres

auctores

jiunt^^ to
of

elect the

decemvirs, but of the election itself.

be beside
our

It would Professor

purpose

to

enter
a

into

the

remainder of Niebuhr's

Newman's

article,which

is

refutation

SIR

G.

c.

lewis's
Curiata.

view.

341

views alone

respecting
have
a

the

Comitia

The

next

two these

paragraphs
have been
marks. re-

direct

bearing

on

our

subject, and
examination the curiae of

already
times when

answered The

in the

preceding
relates
to

Schwegler's
retained as, for The

first of them with

having
"

in later

connexion

certain

patricianinterests,
into been had another

instance,
second

patricianwas
that

to be

adopted
have if
we

family.
the had

affirms the

nothing
For

would

gained by already
on

plebeians by
votes
see

Servian

constitution what

they
have

in

the

Comitia
p.

Curiata.
and

said

these

points
the
to

above,

320,
Sir

p. 322.

G.
we

C.

Lewis here

enters

not

at

any
we

length
are

into

questions
quote
the that it

which

have

discussed;
He

but

happy
of

opinion
we

of this

distinguished
that

scholar
^ :
"

in The
were

support

the views

have

advocated.
to prove

remarks
the

arguments
aristocratic
and

by

which

is

attempted
trace in
"

curiae

bodies, and conjectural;

writer, or
a

consisted
no

are exclusively of patricians,

all indirect in any

of
any The

any

such

idea
writer

can

be
to

found

ancient And
in

even

modem

prior
of the

Niebuhr."

note

he

says

non-existence

right of marriage between

uses
on

patricians
were

and the

plebeians,which
is stated to have

Schwegler
no

as

proof
the

that

both

not

in

has originalcurise,

bearing

this

question, as
Twelve
curiata lex

the

tion prohibiThe

been

introduced

by

Tables.^ de
a

identity of
which
and is the is not

the

auctoritas

patrum
of this

with

the

imperio,

main

support
the

hypothesis, is
of Becker
in

itself

hypothesis,

proved by
we

argument

(ii.i.
"

pp.

314-26)."
celebrated
lex curiata and

(This argument
passage de
was

have

examined

above
ii.

detail.)
that

The

of

Cicero
was

(De Lege Agr.

the

11)
of

shows
a

the

imperio

the originally from

subject

popular vote,
of

that
or

it

difierent

confirmation

either

the

Senate

the
lex

patricians. (See Marquardt,

curiata to the de

Handbuch,
to the
B.C.

iii. 3, p. Comitia

186.)

The

imperio by Livy

was

proposed
308 been

Curiata, according
Camillus
the The

regular practice, in
as

(Liv. ix. 38.)

from exile

is

described

having

recalled

by

Comitia latter Curiata

Curiata, and
was
as

appointed
Camillus

dictator

'jussu populi' (v. 46).

describes Curiata
the
*

irregular.

afterwards
:

Comitia
rem

relatingto military affairs

1

Comitia

quae

militarem

"c., Credibility,
This been may have observed

vol. i. p. 542. the first

been

prohibition hy
we

law

but

the

custom

must
answer

have
to

previously,

and

have

already given

another

Schwegler's argument.

342
continent*
Licinian Comitia
tores

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

EOME.

(v.52). Appius Claudius,

*

in his
as

speech

at

the

time

of

rogations,speaks of the Senate

Curiata
'

confirming the
comitii clear from

act of the
auc-

Nee

centuriatis The

nee

curiatis is
a

Patres

fiant

(iv. 41).

latter passage Patrum

to be

proof that Livy

an

conceived Comitia The

"

the

Auctoritas

distinct

act

of the

Curiata."
same

author

remarks,^ with populus

the

regard
may

to

the

It is

possible that the word

in

have

popxdua : signified originally

to

word

the this

without patricians
sense

plebeians ; it certainlyseems
in

require qui jus

the

oracle dabit

Livy (xxv. 12) :

^

'

Praetor

is

populo plebique
But it is and historians,

summum.' that

(See Newman,
in

ih. p. other

114.)

equally certain

populm

Livy

and

Eoman

in Dionysius, ZrjfxoQ
; and
we own

is used
are

by them
entitled
or

in the received
to
assume

acceptation of these words they did Having

Roman and thus
not

not

that torians his-

understand

their

language,
of what that

that

of the

whose

writings they used."

endeavoured
was

thus

to

show

elements of

the

early

population

composed, and
into

it consisted
; that

patricians by the
haps perso

plehsdistributed distributed,both
of
in the

and gentes tribes, curiae,

the persons called

patricians and

plebeians,were these, there

general name

populus;
therefore

that, besides
a

was,

even

reign of Romulus,

certain
any

portion of the plehs not politicalrights; and

in

distributed,and
this last class and
at Rome

without

that

was

enormously increased, will,before

established And

the

reigns of Ancus
a an

Marcius Latins the

new

Tarquinius Prisons, by the

;
we

of settling proceeding to give

great

many

account
a

of

constitution

by Servius, advert
first of the
nature

to

few

more

points in that of Romulus.

power.
We
an

of the

kingly

have

already endeavoured king by divine

the
to

to show^

that Romulus the his law

reigned as
own

absolute
; that
even

right; that only

not to

lay in his

breast and

everything proceeded from

Senate
was
a

prerogative and
of

grace,

that

kind

royal
death

council, whose
the Sabine
a

function

it

was

advise, but

direct him.

After of

union, however, and

the
1 2

particularly after the

Senate appear
to
even

Romulus,
weary
com-

change takes place. The

absolute dominion

ha^e

become

of

of the
219.
to

king, and

perhaps

to have

"c., note Credibility,

"We have endeavoured p. 301.

explainthe meaning

of populus and
*

plehs in this
p. 131.

prophecy. Above,

Above,

KEGAL

CONSTITUTION.

343
revolution. of
of

passed
consular

his death, with

the
set

design
up
are

of
a

a establishing

The the
an

which Interreges

they

sort

of

foreshadowing
establishment
to be
were

system afterwards

introduced, and
the head of but which

the

aristocratic invested

republic ; at
the The

magistrates
for
a

with

kingly
the

power,

enjoying proved
the

it

only

limited Mutual

period.

first attempt, Senate

was

however,
to shift

abortive. often

jealousiesinduced change inconvenient, regal system.

There and The

fasces too people

Senate been
to

j the

quent fre-

of masters

felt

by

the

to be

galling and
to

they compelled
same

the have

return

the
as

result of

may the the

promoted by
Sabine
as

the

yet imperfect amalgamation

was

Eoman
two

and
races,

elements.

still a
now

jealousy between
to, that
a

is shown

by

the

agreement
from the each.

come

king
doubted

should that

be

alternatelyelected
was

It

can

scarcelybe
crown,

this

the

origin of
and

elective

Eoman

though Dionysius absurdly represents city,called

an

Eomulus,
exercised

after he all the

had

built his

it by his

own

name,

prerogatives
to

of

absolute of
the of
no

his title to the

same reason

crown

the

election
we

monarch, submitting for the people.^ And

heirs of the first three and

it

is,perhaps, that
the of the

hear

kings
this
even

; but

when

people
crown

has is hear the

become
no

more

amalgamated,
nor

alternation

longer
the

necessary, of

perhaps
Marcius descent.

possible, we
to

begin
crown

to
on

of

sons

Ancus

laying claim
But this Priscus. It is

the

strength
the

of their

royal
of

claim

is counteracted

by

usurpation
limitations introduced the

Tarquinius
set to

impossible
of his
a

to

say

preciselywhat
revolution which

were

the The

royal prerogative by
very act

the

[N'uma. of

election, however,
de

and

confirmation

his that
was

authority by
he owed

lex curiata

imperio, were
that he the
was

acknowledgments
of divine

all to the

people, and though

elect of the Curiata
was

claim

right

virtually abandoned; ceremonies, as

of the
the Lex
a

still installed The

most

with

augural
teristic characmand com-

gods.
that

essential

it conferred
and among
an

the
a

military
the

;2 regarded
the
1

for in

nation

of

warriors,
leader in

population king

the
was

organization of
as

which

resembled

that

of
war.

army,

their

general or
as we

But
express

it also

conferred of Dion

judicialpower,
Lib. ii. 3.

learn

from

the

testimony

"Comitia

curiata, quae
ii.

rem

militarem

continent.""

Liy.

r.

52;

cf. Cic.

De

Leg. Agr.

12,

s.

30.

344
Cassius.^
in which of powers the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

It has the Lex

further Curiata

been
is

inferred

from
as
on

passage

in the

Tacitus,^ ment appointand from

dered mur-

spoken

of

regulating
this law

quaestors by the
the

kings, that
of

the

rights
had

of

king

were

separately enumerated. Tullus,

after
at

It appears, Horatius

account

of the

proceedings
cases

his under the and

sister, that, in
new

of

high

treason

the king had, least, of

cases

system, given the

a

staff of

justice out
submit
such

his

own

hands,
decision
an

that

law

had whose

been

passed to

to the

of
to

duumvirs,
the

judgment, however,
Senate, also,would
in Ancus

still admitted
appear to

of have for
as

appeal
more

people..

The

gained
not

authority, since
introduced

Livy's
but

account

of the is

forms

declaring war
decision it cannot the Senate
once

by
that

Marcius,
as

he

represented by

merely consulting
of the be
a

body,

being guided

the that

majority.^ Schwegler objects to

document
are

this formula because the

genuine people

of the in there the is

regal period,
force in

only king

and

named But

declaration,and
no

is not

mentioned.* the

this
are

objection.
as

Throughout
waged
earliest

kingly period, wars

peoples,
of
a

and between under deficiet sio

treaties

regarded Thus,
in
"

between

and

not

kings. TuUus, ;"^

and
we

the Illis illo

example

treaty
Romanum before
me,

made

find,
"

legibus populus
about asks the Tullus

Eomanvs

prior non
the

again
without

Tu
a

die, Jupiter, populum

ferito,""c.
of the

word

king.
:
"

But

making
cum

treaty, the Fetialis

Jubesne

ReXy
the

patre patrato populi Albani

foedus

ferire?"

showing
only
between the the led

that

document

belonged
; he

to

the

regal

period.
The

king

not

his

armies
appears assassins

in person from the

also

personally
of the who
tended preare

administered

justice.

This the
in

account

dispute brought
case

of Ancus he
may

Marcius,
and of

before

king

order

that

hear

decide

the

; also from

proceedings
that
he

after the
is
as

murder

Tarquin, when,
Tullius charges disalso

while

it is

pretended

still

alive, Servius
The
same

his vicariously
^

functions
the whole B.

judge.

thing
f.

Lib. Ann. Ann. is

xxxix. xi. 22 xi. 32.

19.
; cf.

On

subject,see
i. S. 653. the term other

Rubino, S. 367,
to
mean

"

Schwegler,
of
course

"We

take any

patres here
the

the ask the

senators. all their

It

hardly possible

that

in

case

king

could

opinions in turn (" Inde ordine alii rogabantur "). Besides, Quiritium declaring war Senatusque populi Romani says :
"

Fetialis

in

censuit,

con-

sensit, conscivit,
4

ut

bellum 3.

cum

Priscis Latinis

fieret."
"

B.

i S. 662, Anm.

Liv. i. 24.

346

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

yet
the

it could
name

not

have

been and

allegedif
in from the
name

the

treaties had

been

made

in

of the treaties

Senate
were

^ people."

That the that whom

made

of The

the

people

is shown who

by
says with

example just they

were were

adduced
on

Livy.

only

author

broken made

pretence of the

death his with

of the
account is

king
no

they
one 2

is

Dionysius
here that

; and

doubt

only
of

of those We may

pragmatical inventions
add for

which

his

history opinion

abounds.

Becker, contrary declaringwar dignity to

much He appears
was

to the
as

Schwegler,considers the formula belonging to the regaltimes. ^

The Tribunus relation the

undoubtedly

magistrate next Celerum,

to the
or seems

in power commander
to have

and

the

king
as

was

the

of the been

Equites, whose
the the
to
same

office in that of

king

Magister Equitum king

of
:
"

to the

Dictator. and and

representative
have had the Thus forte

of the

in

military matters,
the

also the
turn

right livy
Brutus As

assembling
Prseco ad

people

holding
in quo

Comitia.

tribunum

celerum,
*

magistratu

erat,
the

populum
Pl-aefectus his and

advocavit."
was or

Tribunus the

Celerum

the

militaryrepresentative of
in his the
are

the civil

king, so
Numa been

Urbis,
absence

Urbi, represented him city.

Denter

capacity during Marcius, appointed

from

Eomulius,
to

Sp. Lucretius,

respectively said Hostilius,

and domo profectis

have

by Eomulus,
urbs sine

Tullus
antea

Tarquinius regibus,ac deligeEomulo

et

Superbus
mox

to this office.

(" Namque

ne magistratibus,

imperio foret, in tempus

;

batur Dentrem ab vi

qui jus redderet, ac Romulium,

subitis mederetur Tullo Hostilio

feruntque
Numam
"

ab

post ab

Marcium,

Tarquinio Superbo Spurium

Lucretium

impositos."
Senate. the
as

^Tac. Ann.

11.)
It
was a

of

prerogativeof Dionysius,^ that

only
author election of

the

kings
were

to elect the

The tribes

count ac-

they

elected

by
is
not

and his with

curiae,the
account

who

asserts

this, is just
and,
as

false
unusual

as

of the

Eomulus,

that

writer,it

is contradicted

by

other

passages

iu

his
as nor

own

work.

Thus,
many

for instance, he

represents Tarquinius Priscus

the Senate

admitting
does he

plebeians
1

into

by

his

own

choice

j^

Rom. See

Alterth. the passages

ii. i. 350. cited here

2 3
"

by Becker,
*

and

by Rubino,

S. 176.

Ibid.

S. 349.

Lib. Lib.

i. 59. iii. 29, 47: cf. iv. 42.

Lib. ii. 12.

"

EEGAL

CONSTITUTION.

347

mention
were were

that

tlie Latin
to
an
an

senators

admitted
the

by

TuUus That the

Hostilins
senators

subjected

election exercise
^

by
of

curiae.

appointed by
many

the

royal prerogative
and from the

appears

from

places
respect
to

in

Livy

and

Cicero,

testimony of
of the of been
at

Festus.2
"With the

progressive increase
vary.

in the

the

number

senators, -authorities
senators
one

Livy
before

states

original union,
same

number

chosen
and

by Eomulus,
makes

the

Sabine of the

to have

hundred,

them

consist
upon

number

the

interregnum
describes the

which

followed
as

the

death

of

that

king.^
the

Cicero Sabine Testus that

first Senate not

having
of how
at

been
many
a

elected it was

after

union, but
also

does the

mention

composed.
who of

gives

Eomulean added This

doubled this

Senate
a

hundred.'*
new

Livy adds,^
were

Tarquinius
minorum
says
seem

Priscus

hundred

members,
with that of senators

called

gentium. Tarquin
that of the
one

account

agrees

Cicero, who
his words calls it
a a

that

the
was

number the

;^

and he

to show

f^rst increase, since

It
seems as

doubling
Senate Sabine should Eomulus. Eomulean of

pristinenumber.
had been for it is not
no

likely, therefore,that
Cicero the time
says,

hundred

chosen,
at most

after the
Senate death of

union,
have Or

probable
Sabines

that the

Eomulean
of

contained

the the

rather, it

appears the

probable union,
the

that

original

Senate, before
which accords from

Sabine with

contained

only fifty
made agree the
a

members,
that

better the

scanty population; and

the
seems

the

added fifty of
one

Sabines, after
And this that
seem

union
to

up

number tradition then

an

hundred

senators.

with
were

mentioned
for

by Dionysius,
as

only

fifty Sabines
obtained
so

admitted;^
share
of

the

Sabines

to have

at least

equal

the

government

with

the

Eomans,
added
;
so

it is

likely

that

they comprised
followed hundred
was

half of the

senatorial

body.
to have

Plutarch^ the

appears to fifty

also to have the

one

but this tradition,

senators

already

constituted

that

when

the
to

Senate
1

doubled

by Tarquinius Priscus,its
; Cic.

number

amounted

See

Lib.

i. 8, 30, 35, 49 sibi

De

Rep.

ii. 8. in consilio
*'

"Reges
246.
"

legebant sublegebantque elegitcentum."

pristinum
ii. 20.
numerum

quos

publico haberent.
3 ^

"
"

P.
4 ^

"PrseteritiSenatores.""

Cf. p. 339,
"

Senatores." 339.

Liv. j^]^

i. 8, 17. i ^5.

Quos initio Romulus

P.

"

Duplicavit gentium
"

ilium

patrum

et

antiquos
;
a

patres
ascites

majoram
minorum."
?

appellavit,quos

priores sententiam

rogabat
"

se

De

Rep.

Lib.

ii.

4^.

Num.

2.

348
three Hence hundred.
we are

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

But inclined
never

we

preferthe testimony of
to think

the Eoman

authors.

that
two

during the reigns of the kings

in number. up

the Senate

was

more

than

hundred

It does not the number had

follow,
of the

from

Livy's account^
to

of Brutus that

having filled Tarquinius

was

Senate

three
on

hundred,
his accession.

Superbus

found

that number the Senate

It

the

object of Brutus
hence

to render

powerful by its number

up

and {frequentia\

he

not

only filled
some score or

the the

vacancies

occasioned
senators

by Tarquin's having

murdered

of
two

leading
be
a

(primores)' for
"

which he also

surely a
added
or
a

would
one

liberal Patres

allowance

"

but

fresh

body of
and

hundred
not

Conscripti. Ad
to

summam, to

numerum,

explere, does
if the

necessarilymean
have

fill up

any
viously pre-

former number;
been

regular number
Li vy would

of the

Senate

had
numerum

three

hundred,

said,"Patrum
or

explevit Rdpristinam Livy,

mirari
in

trecentorum

summam,"
constitution of

something equivalent.
says,

describing the
ordinem,

Servius,

"l^ec
et

oportet, hunc

qui
he

nunc

est,post expletasquinque
mean

"c., where triginta trihtis,^^^

number of which thirty-five, he is

cannot

the

filling up

of any eventual centuries

but the making existing tribes,

of them did
not

up

to their whole

happen

till three
at all of

after the time that

speaking about.
Plutarch
were

And led to that

it is not
a

improbable
the
bers num-

Dionysius and
of the
Senate

statement

at variance the

with word

of

Livy and

Cicero, from
to

a
'

wrong
one

apprehension of
hundred
it
can

explere. According
were more

Festus,
had

and

senators sixty-four

added
than

by the first consuls

half the Senate

but

hardly be supposed that

It is
more

perished.
had died

likely that the sixty-fourreplaced those who

murdered
an

out
one

naturally or been
hundred
were

by Tarquin, and
addition.

that Por

the in

remaining
this way under

entirelyfresh
agree ;

all the Latin

sources one

will

namely, that the Senate

and
we

Komulus Priscus

comprised
two

hundred
; about the the

members,
Greek

under
need

quinius Tarnot

hundred
The

writers
to three

trouble Brutus
mean,

ourselves.
we
as

raising of
on

Senate

hundred
so

by
be

must

take then
was

the

authority of Livy alone,

three hundred
; for there

far, we
can no

it

was

first made its number to

doubt We

that will

this
now

thenceforth. the
at Eome

proceed

consider

functions till the

of

the

Comitia

Curiata, the only popular assembly

Tullius.
1

time

of Servius the

We
ii. 1.

must, however, avoid

2

taking our
^

descriptionfrom
254, "Qui patres."

Lib.

Lib.

i. 43.

P.

EEGAL

CONSTITUTION.

349
whole
that

account
own

of

Dionysius, who Thus,

that writer of the the decision

evidently made
not

the
us

out

of his
mitted subthat

head.
to

only
of the

tells of the

Eomulus
but also

the
the

majority

Senate,

he

allowed

people
to

choice

magistrates,the acceptance
so

of

laws,

and

the

decision

respecting war,
These to
a

often

as

the

king

posed prohave but

the

question
the

them.^

which privileges,

would

reduced

king's prerogative
we
we

minimum,

are

nothing

pragmatic inventions, and

constitution

must
can

be

guided respecting the

from exact the

early

by

what

little

extract

Latin

writers. between extremest

It is difficult to decide

what the

were

the

boundaries

the

king's prerogative and

been attributed

power
on

of the

people.
Some

The

opinions have Eubino, have

on

adopted
to the

both
an

sides. absolute

writers, like

king

authority, founded
and

divine

Gottling, right ; others,like l!^iebuhr,

the

Puchta, have
It
appears from to
founding con-

represented
us

people

as

the

source

of

all

power.

that

this

irreconcilable the

diversity of opinion
different

sprung

together all
that both theories
are

epochs
When

of

the Becker

regal period, and

^

partly true.
election

says

that and at

the

first is contradicted

by the
A
we

of

the is
no

alternate

kings,

by
the

the

whole

constitution times.
; but
were

of the

curiae,he
was

evidently looking
doubt to have introduced been
an

post-Eomulean
Sabine infusion The than
of peace
were

change
believe instituted

by the
absolute
poses purtimes
on

Eomulus

king.

curiae

by
the

him

more

for

miUtary
who
in

anything
be

else ; that their

fighting men, together

formed
of under the whither

occupied with
members
of

daily occupations, might,

their exercitus he

the

alarm

of

war, The
was

easily summoned
the curiae in the

proper which
moned sum-

leaders. Eomulus

reviewing
to
a

Field time

Mars,
of his et

had

them

contio, at
^'

the

death.^

Cicero

says

that

Eomulus

governed

singulari imperio
the

the potestate regia,"*

cracy aristo-

vis dominationis
in
a

being tempered only by

vidit

authority of the
was

quasisenatus, which, however, primum

in eifect

only

council.

("Quo
^

facto

judicavitque idem, quod Spartae Lycurgus

adds that the decision of the

Dionys.

ii. 14. confirmed

Dionysius by
the

people
Patrum
ravra

was

not

final unless
Tovrav

Senate, that
of the

is,by the fxijKoi

the

Auctoritas
ry

(ou5e Soktj).
vi. 66.

exovTi

"v di/"Trl\T]irTov, r-fivi^ovffiav his account ii. i. 355. recensendum

fiovX^

Dionysius repeats
2

privilegesof

people, iv.
in
4

20

and

Rom.

Alterth. ad

"Quum
i. 16.

exercitum

concionem

Campo
De

haberet."
ii. 9.

"

Liv.

Rep.

360

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

imperio paullo ante viderat,singulari gubernari

dominationis
senatu

et

potestate

regia tmn
ad consilio So
et

melius vim

et

si regi civitates,

esset

optimi cujusque Itaque Eep.

the Senate hoc ii. 9.)

illam

adjuncta
et

auctoritas. "c.
"

quasi
from

fultus

munitus,"
the
not

De

far,then, only
the
on

all of

springingfrom
advising,
that and Eomulus it
non

people, even
of
not

had

power
we are

determining. Again,
only
founded

further
new

told

alone

the

people,
ut

hut

also directed viri consilio bulis Ibid.

during
solum

his whole
ortum
novum

reign.

(" Yidetisne
neque

unius igitur, in
cuna-

populum,
jam
same

vagientem

relictum, sed
seems

adultum

et pcene

puberem
over

?"

"

11.)
in

Cicero

to

repeat the
may
not

thing
be

and

over

again Thus,

order

that

there he

possibly though
he reserved the

any

mistake. had tuted instithe

in. another
a

passage like

says, that

Eomulus for

Senate, royal

Lycurgus, yet
that
were

himself

highest authority,and
and the
name

the

royal quidem
quum

power,

royal prerogative,
yepovra^

supreme. is

(Lycurgus
paucos,

Lacepenes
teneret:
senes

dsemone
summam ex

appellavit, nimis
consUii voluit illud

xxviii.,quos
summam rex

esse,

imperii
ut

quo

nostri, idem

secuti
senatum

atque interpretati, quos

:

ille

appellavit,nominaverunt lectis,fecisse
menque that Cicero diximus
"

etiam

Eomulum,
eminet the whole
power

patribus
no-

; tamen

excellit atque And it is

vis, potestas

regium."
with the

Ihid.

28.)
a

from plain, share

treatise,
to

considered the

very down
an

large
to

of this

have
;

remained

kings
of and

the

time

of their and the

expulsion
the

though
have the the

introduction Priscus

elective Tullius

monarchy,
in

policy

of

Tarquinius passing
most

Servius

courting
former

people, must
of

introduced
at
once

some

limitations. from that divine

can

The

change, indeed,
one

right to popular election,is

conceived that in any

momentous

be

constitution.
we are
"

Becker, holding
understand who those remembers

fast to

his

opinion
the

by populum
of be

to

only patriciansbefore
that the the
to

time

Servius, says,^
can

He in the

populus, which
ancient allow the
a

alone
of the

meant

early times, was

be

kernel

people forming
it

will curiae,
to this not
a

inclined and
to

greater degree of independence

populus,
a

regard

public rights which

as

exercised,

as

concession
or

of the

king, but
that the the

original rightsrestingupon
not

contract

treaty."
been shown

But

if it has of

original populus argument

was

posed com-

then patricians,
1

force

of this

vanishes

nor

Rom.

Alterth.

ii. i. 357.

EEGAL

CONSTITUTION.

351

is tlie assertion

of

an

originalcontract
note.

confirmed if Cicero this shows Such says

by
that
are

tlie passages Eomulus

quoted by
allowed
on a

Becker

in his
to

For

that it the

little power and

the
on

people,
a

depended following

his

inclination
:
"

not

contract.

passages

Imperii
"

etiam

populo
"

potestatisaliquid,ut et
Et
ut

Lycurgus
quam
esse

et Eomulus."

De reges

Eep.
hoc The

ii. 28. nostri

advertatis

animum

sapienter jam populo."

that the shall
"

viderint, trihuenda
concession
on

qusedam
he should which

Ibid. 17. Hostilius of

important
the And
"

this occasion

was,
use we

TuUus

consulted

people, whether

ensigns give
fuit
sit at

royalty ! length
:

lastly,another
in qua

passage,
unus

full

E"am

republica est
in
ea

aliquis
et

perpetua potestate, praesertim regia, quamvis

tum ut

sit senatus, ut

Eomse,

quum

erant

reges
ut

; ut

Spartse,Lycurgi legibus ;
nostros reges ; tamen

aliquod
excellit et to

etiam

populi jus,
nomenj
"

fuit apud
23. Here

illud
non

regium
esse

neque

potest ejusmodi
the

respublica
does

regnum
seem

et vocari."

Ibid.

aliquod Jus
the
unus

not

be

any

very

liberal

allowance,
to
a

and at

aliquis
to
an

perpetua
absolute The

potestate, points, if not

tyrant,

all events

sovereign.
members
to

of the

Comitia

Curiata

appear

to

have

been

moned sum-

that

while assembly by lictors,

the

Comitia member

Centuriata
had
an

were

summoned that
are

by
to

the

sound
votes

of
were

horn.^ taken

Each

equal vote,
but, if
we

is,the

viritim, or voting
was

by
took

the

head

;2
the

believe

Dionysius,^ the
thus the It curiae.

place

rately sepa-

in

each

curiae, and

question
was

carried

by

majority
curia

of

the

thirty

determined
was

by

lot which

should

give
he

its vote that

means

which first,

hence

called

prinbut

cipium.^

Varro

says

they
the

met

in

the of

Comitium;^
the different
; for the

by

this, perhaps,

only
not

leaders

curiae to Comitium

report the result of their proceedings to the king

certainly
number

could

have have
a

contained whole

three

thousand

persons,

that

would
to say not

filled the

Forum.

It remains

few
in

words

about

the that

knights, or
it became

ordo
an

equester
The Sabine

though Equites

it

was

tiU
to
were

later times
been

ordo.

appear

have

first instituted from each of the

after three

the

union, when
1 3 ^

100

enrolled

tribes, or
j^ 43^ ix. 38.

ten

Lselius Lib.
"

Felix, ap, Gell.

v.

xv.

27.

2
*

Liy_ Liv.

ii. 14 ; iv. 84 ; ab
eo,

6.

Comitium,
Lat.
v.

quod

coibant

eo

comitiis curiatis et litium

causae."

"

Ling.

165.

352
from have
men

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

each been from

of the divided each The

name

curiae.^ thirty into

ten

For

militarypurposes
decuria, being
have

they seem
by
bore

to ten
a

troops of thirty each, consistingof ten,

as or we

tribe ; each whole

corps,

commanded

decurio.2 the The number the truth.

already shown,

ginally ori-

of Celeres.^ of diflferent authors

accounts

respectingthe
that

increase

in the

of the

knights by
This

vary
some on

so

much

it is difficult to ascertain

It is said

writers
a

that
in

Tullus

Hostilius where
*

doubled
says

their Tullus

number. chose
ten

rests

passage the

Livy,
;

he

that

turmse the usual

or
as

from

among

Albans

and

if he

stood underwould

by
have it is been

turma

the quantity of thirty,

as

number

added

300,
there Alban

many

those

instituted. originally have

appears

But, first,
Alban added

hardly probable
as

that

Tullus

should when
he

made

as

many to have

knights
about
an
"

were

Roman,
to the

only

six

families
agrees

patricianorder. aliquid

Secondly,so large
when he
says
:

addition Ut
omnium

hardly

with

Livy's phraseology,
ex

ordinum
turmas

viribus
ex

novo

populo adjiceretur,
To
add

equitum body

decem the

Albanis
we

legit."
express
"

something
of it.

to

is not

way

in

which

the

doubling
ordinem

So

also the words

of Valerius suit
meant
so

Maximus,^ large an
ten

Equestrem
We
are

uberiorem
to think in

reliquit," hardly
that
or

increase. of

inclined added 400.

Livy only
; thus

decurise

Albans of

were

all,
the

100

making

the the

total number

knights
nature

But

whole

question, from
to discuss
sure

corrupt

and

varying
not

of the
much

texts,
of
our

is lost in inextricable
space any

confusion

; it would it could

demand

too

it,especiallyas

after all be

brought

to

and
now

conclusion. satisfactory

We

will

proceed

to describe

the

new

constitution

established

by Servius

Tullius.

THE

SERVIAN

CONSTITUTION.

The
:
"

of following is Livy's account of those who Out possessed a

ases,
or

the

Servian
or

tion constitu-

census,

property, of
Class.

100,000

more,

were

constituted

eighty centuries, forty

the First the defend

of seniors,fortyof The
^

juniors. These
to
Diac.

constituted
to

seniores
Liv. Van, See

were

be

prepared

city,the

i. 13 ; Paul

p. 55, Celeres.

"

Ling. Lat. v. above, p. 111.

91 ; Festus, p. 355, "Turmam."

*

Lib.

i. 30.

Lib.

ill.4, 2.

354

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

excluded

from

the
in first

right of voting,while
the hands of the

all the

power

tually vir-

remained

knights
then
votes

were

called,then
did not of the
ever

class of foot. the

were

If these

aristocracy. For the the eighty centuries of the first seldom happened, agree, which
class low
as were

centuries

second
so

called ; but
at the

the

hardly
to

taken also

to arrive

lowest

class.

Servius

Tullius the

divided hills

the

city into
were

four

parts

according
These
same

regions
called

and

which

inhabited.

j^arts he

tribes, probably from

method
census

for the tribute, tribute in fair

king also established a proportions, according to the

of

paying

of each

citizen.

Remarks. account of
to

"

One

of the first

things that
of civil Romulean

strikes

us

in

the

redistribution Under

is rights,

the

reading this great weight

was nor

given
the
money
was

property. regarded

the and

birth constitution,
; but

chief
was

title to distinction
as a

influence
to

neither

birth

passport
of
must

the

which rightof suffrage, In

a

enjoyed by
Servian
an

the whole

the be

populus. original regarded

rather
as

this view

the than

constitution of

curtailment

extension
a

to

vast number the division

frage popular rights ; for, though it gave the sufof plebeians who had not before enjoyed it, into classes of and

yet

from

centuries,and
the For of the had

the method
as

of

instead votingby centuries, the privilege little more was

viritim,or by
nominal. the votes

head,

formerly,
the that

than
was

though, under
thirty curies
curia the

Romulean
were

it constitution,

ultimatelytaken, yet
them,
and there
was no

all the

citizens

previously voted
one

in

distinction the
more

between

and first

another, except by lot. Eut in with the knights,contained class,

put together ; and
that the vote
was

Servian

constitution than

centuries believe

all the rest

hence but

we

may

readily by
have
us

Livy's account
classes.
was

rarely exercised
could And
now

the

lowest

The its of

only part
wealthier

of the members.

plebswhich

gained anything
a

this leads

to infer that

largeclass

wealthy plebeians had

themselves

who arisen,
commerce.

had Since

most

by

trade

and

the

probably enriched founding of Ostia

merce com-

by

Ancus

Marcius,

it is natural
must

to

suppose

that the maritime

;
a

of the Romans which in the is testified first year

have

made

great progress
with the

fact indeed

by

the

treaty concluded

Carthaginians

of the

Republic.

SERVIAN

CONSTITUTION.

"

355

The

constitution
to

of

Servius, as objects
financial.

Scliweglerhas
in view We
; the

pointed out,
first

pears ap-

have

had

three third
an

military,the
For the

second
or

the political, formation of

place the military object, important.

was
a

the

army, army.
a

as first,

the most citizen

people
there his
was

still formed
no

the

Every
his

soldier,and just as
centuries

such

thing as
from

separate militaryprofession. Even

of bearing arms capability For the
as

civil

rights sprung
time divided
classes

they did in the the people were

into which
; and

of Eomulus. formed
were were

the five classes into which army,

so

entire

the

these

subdivided of
more or

formed less value

the in

voting population proportion

army of
:

their votes lower

to

the first

or higlier

place which
with the them of

class,which,
arms a

they occupied in the the flower knights,formed

the the main line And of

the

it,and
pended de-

whose almost

constituted

battle,enjoying
that the vote the fact that

virtual
on

monopoly passed
of the

suffrage.

capacityfor military service

had
age

appears

from and
were

those
as no

who

of

sixty years, Livy

There makes

considered

longer capable
centuries

bearing arms,
here that

lost their vote. the whole number

of and

It should the

be observed

194, whilst,according to
were

the accounts
are some

of Cicero^ other

there Dionysius,2 in the account of

only
With
more

193.
as

differences shall not of the

an

Cicero,which,

the text

is

corrupt,we
to the

attempt

to reconcile.
seems

regard,however, probable
than

number

centuries, 193
uneven

194; since, being

event

number,
of

it would

give a majority

in the

of

opinions
the
jecture con-

being
only
For tables

equally divided.
centuries

Hence, perhaps, we
of three.^
a

should

adopt

that the Sigonius, instead of

and accensi, cornicines,

tuhicines formed

two

the of

convenience the

synopticalview,
both in of its

we

shall here and its

insert civil

arrangement,
the

military

character, according to

account

Livy.

AS

AN

ARMY.

Class 1.
Centuries.

Knights
1

or

horsemen

18

De

Rep.
C.

ii. 22. "c. i, 490, Lewis, Credibility,

u^^^ ^^^ jg^

'

Sir G.

note.

aa2

556

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

FOOT

SOLDIERS.

Centuries,

Assessment
Seniors

at

100,000

ases

and

upwards.
to

(above 45

years

of age

60)

40
.

Juniors
Defensive
greaves, to
,

(under 45 years)
: a

40

arms

helmet,
: a

round spear

shield, breastplate,and
and the
a

all of brass. in the

Offensive seniors

sword.

The

juniors

serve

the field,

to defend

city.
2

"Engineers

.,,,,,......

Class 2.
Assessment Seniors Juniors Arms: the
same a as

from

75,000

to

100,000

ases.

-10
.

10 the first

class,except
instead

that of
a

they
shield.

had

ne

and 'breastplate,

large wooden

buckler

Class Assessment Seniors Juniors Arms

:

3.
ases.

from

50,000

to

75,000

10 10
as

the

same

the

second

class, only without

the

greaves.

'Class 4.
Assessment Seniors Juniors
.

from

25,000

to

50,000

ases.

10 10 spear and
a

Anns

only

javelin.
Class 5.
ases.
"

Assessment Seniors Juniors

from

11,000

to

25,000

15
. . .

15
.

...

Arms

slingsand
In
this and

stones.

class

were-ranked

accensiytrumpeters,
2

hornblowers below the lowest

assessment

All

citizens
ases,
were

of

the

fifth counted

class,oi
as one

11,000

and exempt from militaryservice,

century.

SEHVIAK

CONSTITUTION.

357
relative

The the

followingsummary
classes with

will show

the

political power
Centuries.

of

different

regard

to the

right of voting.
18
80 2
.

Knights
First Class

Engineers
Second
Class Class Class Class Third Fourth Fifth

20

r
Cicero

20
20

30 "c.
.

Accensi,

or Proletarians,

below

the

lowest

census

1
...

193

makes

only

'TO centuries with the

in

the

first
to

and class,

of the

engineers, amounting
193
;
so

thus,

knights,
should

89,

out

of
first

that,as
haVe
has

he says, if 8 out
a

of these
=

join
193

the
"

89,
9 6.

these would

majority
been

for 89 + 8
ajopears

97 ; and that
the

97

!From what
must
mere

said,it

Servian
at

tion constitu-

not

be

considered,as

it

might

appear

first

sight, a
to the to

timocracy.
was
was

I'he possession of a certain degree of wealth formation of a good soldier. First,because he

necessary thus

enabled

provide himself with

were

the necessary

arms

and the to

accoutrements, which

the

more

expensive according
it enabled then trades the soldier

to

higher give
no

rank

which
to

he the be

"eld.

Secondly, because
as

him

his leisure could

which, service,
done

received

pay,

not

by those

who

lived

by
no

and

handicrafts.
one, and
as

Thirdly, as
the
his

the military professionwas

stimulus
was was

mercenary
one

soldier's
and

purely the
natural

noble

of

fightingfor
the ardour

home

country, it
should

that those with the

who

had

greatest stake

in it

devote the

themselves

utmost
more as
a

to its service.

That

Servian and the his

name

organizationwas contemporaries
classis the

particularly regarded by military

each
For of one,

its founder
from
more

may

be

ferred in-

given

to

its

and divisions,
in later

emphatically
was

to

first division. affairs of

war,

which classis, of
a

times the

used,

in

the

only

fleet, signifiedin
:
"

earlier

periods an

army.
1

Thus

Paulus

Diaconus

Procincta

De

Rep.

ii. 22.

358'
classis festiin quam the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

EOME.

dicebatur, quum pugnaturus. navium,

classem

exercitus

cinctus

erat

Gabino

cinctu

con-

Yetustius

enim
^

fuit* multitudinem

hominum,

appellari." Hence in an old law of one of Cujus auspicio classe procincta kings, quoted by Festus :
"

opima spolia capiuntur, Jovi

first division
was

Feretrio

darier

^ oporteat,"

"c.

The of has

called

without classis, absolutely which classici,

as indicates,

the

addition

prima,
armed

and

its members the army,

same

Schwegler
of the inferred

observed,^ that
soldiers. its numbers
as

The

consisted properly so called, thing,perhaps,might be contained and almost

as

heavy
from

; for the

first class

many

centuries that 100

we men arc

the

four

others

put together :

not

to take

centuria the last

for and from than

we

indeed the

though it is true as denoting the exact quantity of have comprised many century must
seniores,containing only
must

"

thousand,
men

centuries

of the

the

aged
smaller

to sixty years, forty-five

necessarilyhave
the

been the For

those
may

of the

juniors
"

on ^yet,

whole,
to

and

among

classes,
the last

suppose of the

that

some

proportionwas
were

observed.

century
not

capitecensi
in any
"

therefore
a

were militaryservice, makes classis,though Dionysius erroneously

not

liable

"

them

sixth
on

class other

and

therefore it must and the

its number have force

: a

was

immaterial;
that the

while,
number should make formed of

the

hand,

been of how

necessary each

of the have his

fighting men,
?

particulararm,
a

been

pretty accuratelyknown Companies

of the of should of divisions the Roman
one.

else should
men,

general

calculations

hundred

moreover,

the usual for this

centurio

commander How then

so

the name legion; whence It might perhaps the very in richest

be

objected to
other

view,
To

class of the the

population have
classes?
ases, the

furnished this
we

large a body
that into the this We

proportion to
of have how may thus

reply

possession
must class,

100,000
stituted con-

lowest limit for admission

only a
higher
have the

very

moderate

property.
may

know risen ;
sum

not
some

much have
we

property
than

of individuals
ten
or

have

possessed more
a

twenty

times while

that

; and

very

ample margin upwards,

downwards

it is fixed

^ ^

P. P.

225, Procincta 189, Opima

which

classis.

regis," for
But the "RomuU

corrupt Augustinus suggested

of

spolia.
opima

The

text the

says

it

was
"

law

"

compelli
of called

emendation

Pompilii regis."
emendation seldom is

subject

spolia would
in his

rather

suggest the
of
3

regis." Pompilius.

And

Numa

capacity

king
gi, 744,

SERVIAN

CONSTITUTION.

359
last class is If all below class
a

aud
ten

certain ; and times

ases

the than

property
that of
as

of the very first.

only
census

about of

less
were

the

11,000
above

considered
a

if the proletarians, from

serve

immediately
amount

them, having
ases,

property
that thus be very

that

sum

up

to the

of

25,000
it cannot

could

only
And

afford to

with
ases

slings and
Servian

stones, then
any

be

supposed

100,000
our

represented
of the

very

traordinary ex-

sum.
as

notions

constitution

plutocracy must

We

modified. considerably quite agree with Schwegler,when cannot, therefore,

were no

he of the the

says host

that the centuries of voters, and classis formed do with

not

not

divisions

of the

army,

but

had the

regular number.
armed
too

as For, first,

prima

heavy

troops, or
armed lighter

main

line of

battle,they compared
the

by

any

means

form

great a proportionwhen
soldiers
;

the

other the

four

classes of

while, if

strength of
or

centuries lower

of this class much

is to be very

much

reduced,

those

of the

classes very
numerous.

the lighter armed increased, the have

reasons we a

troops would
have and
was

be far too

Again, besides
contrary, it
20 have would

already suggestedto
unbearable

the

been

most

crying
of

if,for instance,a century injustice,

of

in

the

first class

composed yet
that each thousand
not

only

men,
a

and

in

the last 'Nov

class,say
is the last
;

200,

and

should

like vote.

century
because classes passage
et

of many

proletarians any argument

the burthen of war, while
to

againstthis
those the in the

they
were

did

bear

all liable to them. in the

Schwegler
of his view centuria

adverts
"

following
autem
sex

of Cicero

support
in
una

Illarum

nonaginta

centuriarum psene in the be

tum
^

quidem plures cenBut Cicero he is there has

sebantur, quam
named of
one

prima
absurd

classe tota." of
to

evidentlyalluding to
; and

century
have

whom proletarians, think that such

a

just
the 100

it would

any

single century
of

of the

classes should

borne

proportion to
an

whole
men,

first classis. this would If to

Taking
an

all the of
we

centuries

at

average
a

give
this

army

nearly 20,000
add of

men,

very

probable
shall lation, popuabout of

number. have
a

number

we 7,000 proletarians,

total adult

male
women

population
and slaves.
we

27,000;

and

the whole
to

including 80,000,
without

children, might According

allow,
ones,
men was were

amount to

including however,
like

the
a

account

Dionysius,^ who,
the authority, of the wJiole
1

will

is
a

not

very

good

census,

our

modern the

tion regular enumera-

population, and
2

obliged
^

to

give in

S. n8.

De

Eep.

ii. 22.

ui,^

iy^ i^^

360
the of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

liOME.

names

their wives would And

and

children. have
so

According
about that the
;

tion, to this calculasince of the

the the time

population
of Komulus. the

increased
states
was
was

sevenfold number

Livy

citizens

at

first Servian

census

80,000
is

adding, however,
of

that Fabius
arms as

Pictor evident

says that this

the number
so

capable
easy

bearing
Servian
a

an

absurdity.^ I^othing
who of have traced

of of

exaggeration
the within have
two

numbers. and

Those of those

the rival

outline of

walls hours'
to

Veii, the great

see

Eome,
not

ride of her, will the

that
to

the

could territory
enormous

sufficed of which

maintain, nor
and We have

walls

the shelter,

hosts

Dionysius ^
different

others

speak.
that the
sums

assumed

set down-

as

the

census

of

the

classes

represent property
of all the modern Some have

and

not

income who

; and

this, we
written

believe,is
upon the in the
census

the view

authorities

have assumed

subject.
of each

gone

further, and
in of money,

that

class, though
This of the
a

valued view

represented
who
ases siders con-

fact real property. that the

census

is the

Mommsen,
was

value of

jugerum

of land
was

5,000

; that

thus

the
;

fifth class
no

the
census

old

heredium
was

of

two

jugera
There
on

and who

that had

consequently
no

lower

possible;
it rests

that

of those may

heredium, only the

some

heads

could
; but

be counted.^

possibly be
is not Dr.

truth

in this view

merely
too,
to

inference,and
with

supported by authority. theory

cannot

It seems,
was a

clash

Mommsen's
commerce

that

Rome

great

mercial com-

city; specie ;
have if he and been had

for

be

conducted that
or a

without

in capital

it is not excused

to

be

supposed
of war,

rich

should capitalist
as a

the burthens his money

counted

proletarian,
that
sembled as-

not

invested

in the

purchase people by that, even

of land.

That of
an

the
army,

originalorganization of
appears

the

Servius when in

was

also

from

the

fact

they
in

in their Comitia array,

for civil

business,they appeared
exercitus urhanus. Yarro-: hue
qua

military
the

and

were

called

or exercitus,

Thus,
Judices. ad

Commentarii Omnes Consul

Consulares, quoted by
ite ad ad conventionem
:

"A"jcensus ad

dicit sic: Dein

Quirites, eloquituT
*

exercitum

Impero
those

convenit

Comitia
had the
pears ap-

centuriata."

Hence

properly only
the of

magistrates who
the them in Comitia

imperium

could had

assemble the
2

exercitus ; but

quaestor also
in

to have
1

power
^i^^

assembling
3

cases

Liv.

i. 44.

iv, 15,
"*

Rom. vi. 88.

Tribus, S. Ill, 115,

"c.

Ling.

Lat.

362

HISTOllY

OF

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

was

accordingto
were

the

directions

contained

in them

that

the

first two of
to

consuls Sorvius

appointed.^ If we may by the later practice,the

jii Jge
Comitia

of the

intentions
were

Centiiriata

enjoy the right of electingmagistrates,of acceptinglaws proposed, of acting as a court of appeal,and judging capitalcases. They do obtained the right of deciding whether to have not war appear Ahala till the consulship of C. Servilius and should be declared therefore L. Papirius Mugillanus, in B.C. 427 j^ and we clude conmay
that the Senate. division been made of the Servius had continued
to entrust

this

prerogativeto
to

The have

city into
one we

four

tribes, by Servius, seems

It like
was

for financial not

as

purposes. of race,

merely
tribes with of
an

phical topogra;

arrangement,

the

Eomulus

though
number members

these

also,
as we

said,
from of and the the

were

connected it had

agrarian
the

division,and,
and of

learn

Livy,
of

nothing
Thus,

to do with

distribution every dassis in

centuries. every

for

instance,
dwelt it for tribus ;

century

may called
as an

have

together promiscuously was only when they were

the And that
were

different

regions

summoned
man

to assemble

army,

or

Comitia,
here
was

that their

each
own

fell into

his proper the

war

class and

century. tribute,

at

laid

rated.^ Latin Yarro

to be

they paid them, according to the upon the Dionysius,as is frequently

represents the by
of Yarro
or

homes

tax,
at

or

census

which

they
with

case, is at variance
as

the
as

and authorities, says,

tribute
*

paid,not singulis,
his

but viritim,

centuries and

but

testimony
somewhat

is

not

accepted against that

division but
we

Livy. regionsis
from The third
a

The obscure

Servian

of the know

cityinto
the
names

four

subject;
the

of them

Yarro,^ and
the the

therefore, approximately,their Suburana,

fourth the second the The Palatina. chief

boundaries. the

first region was tlie

Esquilina, portion

CoUina,

of the

first region was

occu-

1 '

Liv.
* '

i. 60. enim urbe

Ibid.

iv. 30.

Quadrifariam

divisa regionibus collibusque, qui habitabautur,

ut

partes eas tribus tequaUter ex censu

ccnturiarum But
as

appella\dt ;
conferendi

ego

arbitror,ab
inita ratio

tribute
est.

nam

ejus

quoque ad

ab

eodem

Neque

hee tribus
"

distributionem derives from the

name

numerumque of tribus
"

quicquam
from dictum pro
a

pertinuere." tribubus, quod

in the Lat. main
v.

Liv.

i. 43.

Livy

trihutum,

so, vice versd, "\'arro

derives quae
"

tributum

trihus

Tributum
a

populo imperata Ling. Lat. v. 181.

Lib. iv. 19.

erat, tributim
Both

singuUs

census portioiie

pecunia, exigebaiur."
ea

authors, however,

agree
"

point.

Ling.

45, seqq.

SERVIAN

TRIBES

AND

REGIONS.

363
; it embraced

pied by
lina and

Mons and

Ctelius and the Subura.

the

adjoiningCseliolus
second and

also

tbe Carinoe

The

regioncomprised
Cispius.
and fourth the It
was

the

Esquithat formed

its two

tongues Oppius
The the Palatine In

here

Servius the the

fixed his residence.-^

Viminal the

Quirinal hills
; the

third

region, and
and
are

last

including
and
to

Germalus

Velia.

this division One before

Capitoline
be

the
clude, con-

Aventine from because tlie Latin the have

striking omissions.
passage
not

might
we

tempted
were

the

in

Livy

that they cited, have

omitted
seen

they

were

inhabited.
were

But
on

abeady
"

that
haps perto
was

populations
greater part
at

located

the

Aventine
the

though
doubt it

were

j)roletarians ; and
From of the the

Capitol appears
no

been

least

partially inhabited, though

account

chieflyoccupied by temples.
appear to

in Varro

it would

that the

distribution certain

regions was

regulated according
to

the

of locality
or

or chapels,

sacraria, called Argei, either

be
at

twenty-four
of
serve an

twenty-seven
colonization the The
as

in

number, supposed
and which

memorials all events, settlement in

Argive
to

of

Eome,

may,

confirm district.

traditions whole

respecting an

earlyGreek
involved

in

this

subject is, however,

than about

great
the

obscurity ; and,
who author On may has the be

it is

antiquarian rather
more

the reader historical,

to what

curious

to know

it is referred

said in another Servian

work.^ Sir G. C. Lewis remarks

: ^
"

constitution ancient and

censors a

It is

highly probable
by
which the in the this But

that

records

of the

constitution both

of

classes,
that

census

the

suffragewere
it may be

existed regulated,
as

office of the
was, at

j and

assumed

certain

system
there is

comparativelyearlyperiod,traced to Servius. nothing to authorize us in supposing that -an authentic

account

contemporary
The
account

of this division

of classes had

been

preserved.
numerical and

followed of the the

by

Cicero

differs that

materially in the
followed and

arrangement Livy
; and

centuries
accounts

from of in

by Dionysius Livy, though points.

and

even

Dionysius
some

stantially subThe
at

equivalent,
assessment

differ

subordinate

for
ases

the

first class

is stated
to

by Dionysius
sum was

Livy

100,000
while
1
"

but, according
and GeUius^
i. 25. of Ancient

Pliny,* the
120,000

110,000;

Festus^

fix it at

and

125,000.

Livy

Liv. See

i. 48 ; Solin. Dr. Smith's

Diet,

Geography,
said Paul.
Diac.

vol. ii. p. 733.

*

3
,

"c. Credibility, The Noct. author

vol. i. p. 500. rather have

H. p.

N.

xxxiii.

13.

should

113, infra classem.

"

Att. vii. 13.

364
states at

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

the

assessment

of the and of and

an

fifth class
at

at

11,000

ases

Dionysius
time of

12,500;

Cicero idea
:

Gellius official rather

15,000.*

These from

discrepancies
the

negative the
Servius
to different

record, derived point

to later

himself

they

accounts, referring
That there official

periods,and
some

perhaps
the
name

deficient

in

precision.
a

may

have

been

historical

ground, resting on
of Servius there author
us as

faithful
an

for connecting tradition, of the

census,

with

arrangement
reason

is
to

possible ; but
have is been the
to

is

no

sufficient matured
or

for
plex com-

believing
that than Numa the that the

him

of the his
to

and

system which
in which

presented
of

work,
in

for

supposing
sense

authorship
ceremonial

it is ascribed
is said

him

any

other the law

Eomulus

to have

founded the

Senate,
of the

law,

and

Tullus

Hostilius

Fetiales."
That founder is to of the say, Servius Roman is

only the eponymous,

which constitution,

or

imaginary,
so

second
as

lasted

many

centuries,just

Eomulus,

according
and
on

to

the

is scepticalcritics, of the of the fix

our

nothing
JN'uma law.

but

an

imaginary, or
law,
of

invented,
Tullus which

founder Hostilius
we a

Senate,
Fetial
tion, atten-

of the For that

ceremonial

this is the the

; in

grand point

must

regulations comparison novelty

idea into

Servius

were

complete political
and details, cially espe-

revolution about Now the

more

of which

any

minor

sink figures,

insignificance.
constitution established he

the great

of the

by Servius^
"

fundamental

of the

revolution
one can

which

effected
"

and
was

striking and
of
a

important

hardly be imagined
of the
to civil

the
one

substitution of birth their and

instead property qualification, admission this

purpose

previous

hereditary right,for
For the that

privilegesand
necessary entire which

obligations. reciprocal
census;

it became of the
;
a

to institute

is, the
to their

enrolment

body
had
or

of
not

classed according citizens, been done

property
have
"

thing
no

before, because
Now Sir G.

it would

had

meaning
may

value been with

"

before.
some an

C. Lewis for

admits

that there
the
name

have

historical

ground
of the

connecting
but
to have is

of there author
as

Servius is any of the

arrangement
reason

census;"
which
may

denies been

that the
to
us

sufficient and

for

believing him
Servius
later

matured

complex system
admits that

presented

his work."
census,

That very

is,he

have

invented

the

the

foundation
1

of the

Roman

while constitution,
N'oct. Att. xiv.

he

denies

Cic. De

Rep.

ii. 22 ; Gell.

10,

s.

10.

SIR

G.

c.

lewis's
the

remarks.

365
which
is

that he had the

census

anything
would have
as

to do

with

without superstructure,
nor

had

neither

value
a man

meaning
should

Which
a

just as
a

reasonable
or

to suppose

that the

invent of the

key

for

clock

watch,
it
was

without

having
from

idea slightest like

machine

to which

to be

applied. Eeasoning
a

this,which
to

betrays
therefore

its the

own

fallacy, proceeds
and it must that further
"

settled the
a

determination

depreciate

civilization

of intelligence have taken

regal period, and

*'

assumes fiome

much the

longer period,perhaps
matured and

centuries, to
constitution Servian
we

produce
ascribed

complex

system
How know mixture Comitia
not the

of the

to Servius.

long
not

the

constitution that the

;

lasted

in its
was

originalform
effected functions But

we

; but

know

next

reform

by
there

the

of two. of its.elements Genturiata with those of

by blending
of these times. which

the

of the is

of the Comitia

Tributa. assemblies writers trihus

slightesttrace
in

either

having
have

been

first instituted from

a

the
in

republican Livy,^
in of

Some the

inferred

passage
in to must

is irroerogativa

mentioned alluded before from

the

election taken

consular

tribunes,that
B.C.
a

the

mixture

have

place as earlyas city,and

of the

396, consequently

the the

burning

of the

only

about

century
Comitia

and

half the

first establishment of consuls

and

Servian

constitution.
the

But

election

military tribunes period, in. B.C.

what motive
to

by
387.^

Genturiata

is mentioned
It is

after this
see

impossible to
for the
a

the historians them of

of Eome

could
to

have

had

process

imputed
was

back transferring

Servius

constitution And if it be

that

not meant

matured that

till a.

long
-later

while

wards. after-

merely
were

genuine
these

and

authentic

apecords of its

working
satisfied

extant

only
these

in

times, still
in the

they
if

were we^e

quite justifiedin using

that
no

for their had

descriptionof it,
made which been substituted matured

they

alterations
a

been

fundamental
a

principles. I^or
franchise for
are

could

constitution have

property
not must that
Lib.
V.

birth

franchise of
a

by
and

because degrees, admit other knew

1

they
been

things
therefore
and

wholly

different
of

kind,
one

of

degrees ;

and

the

substitution

for the

have the
18.

abrupt

sudden.

Moreover,
been

the

historians in the

consuls, from

the

had first,

elected

"Comitia nisi

centuriata, quibus consules

ubi assolent fieri possunt in
a a

tribunosque militares
?
"
"

creatis, ubi
be

auspicate,
however,
ne

Ibid.

52.

It and

might
that

said,
former

that

this passage been

occurs

rhetorical

speech,

the

must

have

taken

from

record.

366 Comitia
existed elections Comitia without have the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Centuriata,and
before had the
ever

therefore of

the the

new

constitution

must

have

expulsion
been

kinga
the

For,
Comitia

if the

consular
to the

transferred
a

from

Curiata

Centuriata,so important record, and

elected

change
are

could

hardly have
And been
an as

passed
to

the first consuls the

expressly said by Livy

the

been

by
of

Comitia
is
even

Centuriata. said
to

plan

of in

consular

government
Servius is "there

have

laid down

the Commentarii
to say that
an

Tullius,!it
account"

is

only
us

tion asserarbitrary

nothing

to authorize

in

supposing that
made

authentic had

contemporary
been

of the

alterations

by

Servius
The

preserved.
are

ancient
to

writers Servius

not

only

unanimous agree and

as

in to

the referring all the

new

constitution

they

also

essential
us

features political

of it.

Cicero, Livy,
into five

Dionysius
a

all tell

that

the

people were
calls this also

divided that

with classes, his

century
makes

of

proletarians ; except
of

Dionysius, from
also fact
a

imperfect knowledge
therefore first the

Latin,

last division in the

and classis, the of

six.

They

agree

that

class,with
the
:

the
;

a knights, possessed almost monopoly difference between though there is some

political power
and historians Cicero
was

Cicero But

the respecting

distribution sketch of

of the Eoman

centuries.

first
a

giving
upon

mere

history,or
it worth
;

rather

dissertation ments docu-

it,and
in is here

did

not to

perhaps think
be

while

to consult

order

perfectlyaccurate
other

and, secondly, Cicero's

he

text

hopelesslycorrupt.
the be reduced of
to

Nevertheless,
for that number

gives a
194. after Bockh

total of
as we

193 have

centuries,like said,should
in the
census

writers;

Livy's statement,
from

The

ference dif-

the various in
a

which classes,
as

all is not supposes,

very from We

great,may
the will

have

arisen

great measure,
of the

difi'erent estimate
now

of money
course

in different

times.

return

to the

history.

THE

FIRST

LUSTRUM

"

THE

SERVIAN

WALLS

"

THE

LATIN

HEADSHIP.

Servius, having completed the

on

census,

which

he had

pressed

and
^

by promulgating a law death against those

"

with who

penalties of imprisonment evaded enrolling themselves

a

Duo

consules

inde

comitiis Li
v.

centuriatis
i. 60.

urbis prsefecto

ex

commentariis

Servii

Tullii

creati sunt.""

THE

LUSTRUM.

367
Eoman the both citizens, Martins There he

he

issued and

proclamation
foot, should
every
one

that

all the in proper

horse
at

assemble in his

Campus
century.
the
a

daybreak,

purifiedthe
and
a

whole

army,

by offeringup
victims
was

the called siiovetaurilia, bull. This it

was

being
called in

fices expiatory sacriswine, a sheep, lustrum the

condicensus.

ceremony the

the

tum, because
At this lustrum
in the
census.

finishingact
are

taking
of

80,000 citizens
Fabius
was

said to have
most

been
our

included

Pictor,the
number

ancient

writers,

adds
arms.

that It

this

the

of those

capable

of

bearing
great the hills,
so

seemed

necessary,

daries therefore,to enlarge the bounbe able to contain Servius

a

of the
a

so city,

that it should this view

; and

multitude

; and

with

added

two

Quirinal and Yiminal

in the

made order

further increase
confer fixed
some

Esquiline.
on

And

in

to

by taking dignity and

there.
agger,
an

importance
He
or

this last district, he the fosse. is

his

residence

also enclosed

city in a.wall,and
Thus it became

partly with
to be

rampart and
;

necessary

to extend

the

'pomcerium

which

etymologically defined
the walls. But within left when with in and

postracea

rium,
space ancient

or

space

behind the the

it reality

is rather

all round times

out

walls, both
Etruscans

without, which
stones, and
the

in

building their cities,

secrating con-

marking
should it ; and
not

its boundaries

terminal in
at

it

by augury ; so that adjoin the wall, which

on

the

buildings present generallytouch

should neither be left free from upon rather because not
was

inside

that

the

outside

space could

cultivation.
nor

This

space,

which called

be

built

ploughed, the Eomans

was

pomoerium,
the consecrated the

it

behind in

the

wall, than
in

because

wall

behind
were

it.

And

enlarging a city
forwards

these

boundaries of the wall

carried
to be

proportion as
the
state

circuit

was

extended.

The

dignity of

being
either

thus

size of the

city, and
for
arms

all the

citizens

augmented by being prepared by

or

the the

regulationsbefore
laid schemes than rather the

recounted

for peace

war,

Servius

increasinghis empire by
; and

means

of counsel

at

the At

same

time time

to add

splendour

of the

city.

that

the

something to Temple of the

368

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Epliesian Diana
report,had
expense. the been

was

in

high
the in

renown

which, accordingto
at their
common
men

built

by

cities of Asia with

Servius, when

company

the

chief

"f

Latins, whose
both of

societyand

vated, friendship he sedulously culti-

benefits till
at

was always extollingthe publicly and privately, the auspicesof the gods ; union and a league under

and by perseverance length persuaded the the

an a

reiteration Latin

of the

same

arguments, he
at

-peoples to
a

build

Eome,
This
was

in
was

conjunction with nothing less than

the head of Latium
arms.

Eomans,
matter

temple acknowledgment
which had

to Diana.

that been

Eome
so

at
tested con-

often

with unsuccessful about

to
a

The

Latins, indeed, from

to

their

many
care

seemed struggles,
matter.
a

have

abandoned

all

the

But

Sabine head his

chance of
a

of

to present singular accident seemed A recovering the lost supremacy.

certain born
on

family

in

the

Sabine and

country had

bull

farm

of wonderful

the horns, which the vestibule of the

as
a

-of

during many the Temple of Diana,

The bull
was

beauty ; and generations were hung

served
as
a

size

indeed up in

monument

miracle.

regarded,what
taken in their up
verses

indeed

it was,

prodigy;
have the

the

matter

was

by the soothsayers
how that

and would

prophets,who
the bull

proclaimed
supreme
to
a

city

command The

whose

citizens
a

should proper the bull

sacrifice

Diana. sacrifice

Sabine, when
drove itself,

opportunity for
to

such

offered

Eome,
altar.

led But

it to the
was

the

Temple
known

of Diana, and

placed it
the size

before of the

the

Eoman well

struck priest,

by
Sabine

victim, which
the oracle

by report, and
the

remembering
''

about you

it, thus

addressed

What,

my

an impure sacrifice to Diana ? going to make Will you not wash yourself in the stream ? The Tiber flows of the valley." The bottom there at the countryman was struck with these religious scruples; and being desirous that

friend, are

the sacrifice
event

should

be

properly made,
in his

so

that

the

promised
went

of the
to

prodigy
Tiber.

should

be realized, he

immediately
the

down

the the

Meanwhile
to

absence

Eoman

sacrificed

bull,

the

great delight of the

king and

citizens.

370
and Servius

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

no

doubt

took

the

idea

from

the

history and
he
seven

traditions

of the
The to

Corinthian originally walls of Servius

as

family into
enclosed

which the

had

been

adopted.
came

thus

hills ;

which

be

regarded

Palatine, the
the the traditions

forming the real Septimontium the Quirinal,the Viminal, Capitoline,

the Aventine. with which But
were a as

namely,

the

the

Esquiline,
the festival

Caelian, and

the

original Septimontium,
celebrated different hills ; and

connected

by

called
some

Septimontiale Sacrum,
of which
can

embraced

list of

places,
ject subis

hardly be regarded
one,
as

namely, Palatium,
The

Velia, Fagutal, Cselius,Germalus,

is
a

Oppius,

Cispius.

an

obscure of

the Labeo
was

chief in

authority concerning it,which Festus,^ mentions,

a

passage

Antistius which the

that

besides Paul But

these the
we

places,the Subura,
Deacon learn also inserts from of the Varro
^

certainlynot
and omits Hill
as

hill ; while Cselian.2 the have

Subura,
the

the

as

Cailian and
were

constituted
seems

principal
had
some

part
of

Suburan

region,
well be

it the

to

the

Argive chapels, which

cannot account

principal objects of
Servius of
a

these

it divisions, The of the

omitted. in which
to

of the

manner

obtained

the

sent conon quest con-

the

Latin in

peoples
token

the

erection

temple
not

to Diana

Aventine,
of Prom
us,
we

of Eome's

headship,
Priscus of these
to

shows

that

the

Latium

by
the
must

Tarquinius
be
to content

could times the

have have

been
come

absolute. down
events. to

scanty notices
fill up

which

take

general
the

outline like

of

By
but

attempting
there is

the

details,writers
on

Dio-

nysius
outline

of Halicarnassus

have
no

brought
reason

discredit for

early Eoman
the main

history ;

good

believing that Aventine,

is invented.

Eespecting
Eoman Tullius does

the

Temple
accord

of Diana

on

the

as

sign

of

hegemony, Schwegler remarks

not

:^ "This with all what

proceeding
we
are

of Servius about

very

well

told the

Tarquinius
which he

Priscus

having
appears to

reduced

Latium;
had

but

policy
the

adopted
the

quite
which
in

clear if the

representations of Tarquinius
And

historians, according pretensions to

made

Tullus

Hostilius which

already made
Priscus that

supremacy
are

Latium,

good by
1

arms,

anachronistic

inventions.

they

P. P.

348

(MiiU.).
Some See
more

"^ '

341, ibid.
V.

MSS.,

however,

have

Celio

Oppio. Geog.
ii, 734.

Lib.

46.

in Smith's

Diet,

of Anc.

S. 730. flf.

ROMAN

HEGEMONY

OF

LATIUM.

371

are

so

cannot of
"

be
"

doubted
as

since

the

larger and
time

more

important
Tibur,

cities

Latium
were

Tusculnm,
and

Gabii, Aricia, Ardea,

Preeneste
as,

not certainly to

at that

subject
the of

to the

Eomans,
tion, federa-

with

regard
there
held

Gabii

Tusculum,

subsequent history
a

shows

; but

existed,independently
its diets at p.

Rome,
fountain
'

Latin

which Thus Cincius

the

grove

and

of Ferentina.
usque

(in Festus,
cos.

241, Prwtor) :
Latinos ad

Alba

diruta

ad

P. Decium
est sub

Murem

populos

caput Ferentinse, quod

communi
con-

Monte

Albano, consulere
With
a

et imperium solitos, to confederation,

silio administrare.' had hitherto

to

this Latin

which

Eome

been

stranger, and
Tullius Cassius did

for

the
a

most

part hostilely
on

opposed
same

it, Servius
as

concluded

treaty, much
which
this

the

grounds
a

Sp.

afterwards,by
it ;
^

he

entered
was

upon

confederate

relationshipwith
appears

for that

only

the aim
and

of his endeavours behaviour

as

plainlyenough
tradition.

from A

his

ings proceed-

represented by lay not,

the of at all

recognition of
historians
on

the Eoman

hegemony

events, as the Roman

of

erroneously represent, in Aventine, at the expense

many of
"

building
the

the There
and

Dianium
were

the

League. worship
of and

in Latium

these
as

common

resorts in the in

of

holy places of
;

the the

League
hill

the Corne

Dianium
; of

grove

Aricia

another
were

on

called

while

Lavinium served

Ardea
same

Aphro^
"

or disia, temples

Venus, which
the

the
were

purpose any

yet

these

did

not

give
We

places where
have
reason

they
for to

found

political
if the

ascendency.
Latian
diets

should been

believing this
; but

only
were

had

transferred

Rome

these

sequently sub-

held, as before, in
all it indications, the
was

the grove

of Ferentina.

According to
for

the
over

younger

Tarquin
the

who

first procured

Rome
On

hegemony
we

the Latins." that

this

will
more

remark

history does
of

not

pretend
were

that

the

larger

and

important
The
to order

towns

Latium in which

subject

to [unterthan)

the Romans.
acted that in he

very procure

method
the
no

it is related
the

that Servius
at Rome that

building of
over

temple
;

shows

could

exercise

command
The

the Latins
us

he

effected his

objectby persuasion.
defeated
the Latin Tullus had

history tells
that he
and

that

Tarquinius Priscus
or

peoples,not
reduced

subjected
for

reduced
or

their Ancus
viii, 4.

as cities,

destroyed Alba
Ficana
:

Longa,
1

Marcius

Politorium, Tellense, and

Liv. Cat.

ap. Prise,

p. 629

; Plin. BB

H.

xvi.

91 ; Strabo,

v.

3, 5.

372

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

though Tarquinius
accorded
no

Priscus

captured several
The

of their diet
proves
a

he cities, held
was

then in Yet
or

them

peace.

place
; and
must

where

the

was

city at all,but
was a

in

grove there

therefore have been

nothuig.
not at

if there

league,
:

nominal
was

head,

metropolis, of it
what before field the
^
:

and
was

if,after the fall of Alba, it

it ?
"

Kome,
; for

other that
a

place period
of

that had

is,from
often which

the been

time

of Servius

the honour

contended how

for in the
are

passage,

by
these

the
wars

way,
;

shows that

fragmentary
should

accounts

though
the

circumstance the

not

discredit time.

the

notices has

that

have

escaped
In

obliteratinghand
of Cincius
in
runs

of

Schwegler

mutilated and

passage its

Festus,
thus delude
:

by cutting
"

off its head

rerum

tail. ad

integrity it
regem
:

Albanos
usque

potitos
ad P. Decium
est sub

usque

Tullum
cos.

Alba
ad

diruta

Murem Monte

populos
consulere

Latinos

caput

Ferentinse,quod
rium

Albano,
:

et impesolitos,
anno

communi ad

consilio exercitum in

administrare
mittere

itaque

quo

Eomanos Latini dare Latio salutare

imperatores complures
solitos ; ubi
missus

oporteret jussu nominis

sole

nostros
aves

Capitolio a

oriente
ilium

auspiciis operam qui

a

addixissent,
quem
aves

militem

communi

esset, ilium
earn

addixerant,

Prsetorem nomine." passage

solitum, qui
!N"ow Latins their had
we
were

provinciam optineret Prsetoris

from the
to

learn

suppressed part
send
; which

of this for

that
command that

the

accustomed when wanted

we are

to Rome is
a

generalsto

armies

pretty good proof

to

she

succeeded, as
of Latium. of
so

told
a

by Livy,
are

the

leadership or hegemony
called
"

Such chief
because that

general,we
among
"

told,was
the

Praetor," military
his pretensions in

the

name

magistrate
he went

latins, and

in

affairs The

called

before," or
Priscus
made

led, the good by

to be

army.^
arms

assertion to the

Tarquinius
over

supremacy
says

Latium

is not

found

Livy
the the

though Dionysius
accounts

something

to that

effect;^and
The
as

therefore with

of
are

that
not

sovereign'sand
treaty with
is of
"

of Tullius's

transactions assertion admitted

Latins

anachronistic
a

inventions. the Latins

"

that Rome

Servius into

only
their

made

such

confederation

an

invention Is it

of

Schwegler's, unsupported
which had

by
^

single scrap
De quo
re

authority.
certatum

likely that Rome,

"

"

totiens

armis

fiierat, "

Lib.

i. 45.
"

"In
ravra

militeLTi prcetor dictus,

5e

clvai tronftcravras
"

exercitui." L. L. v. 87. Varr. qui praeiret S.iravra VwfiaiwvKoi trvixfidxovSf irpdrrovras (p'lKovs iii. 54.

o"ra

"v kKitvoi K^X^vwaiv.

Lib.

KOMAN

HEGEMONY

OF

LATIUM.

373
to enter

SO

long

contended
as

for the
a

supremacy,

should
and

sue

the

Latin

League merely
herself under
cannot

subordinate of
some

member,
other in

thus

of

course

place however,
refers

the

hegemony
1

which city,
to which

city
"

be

named

Tlie passage
reverse

Livy
he

Schwegler
It is shown and Latin
tandem

proves

directlythe
of

of what
for two

asserts. years,

by

the
as

speech
been

Annius
says, the

that since control

hundred of
:
"

therefore,
forces

Schwegler
under desiderium

the of

reign
Rome

Servius,
Sin

the

had

autem

libertatis

mordet

animos,
nos

si foedus

est, si societas
esse,

sequatiojuris
olim
quo

est,
nunc

si

consanguineos

Romanorum

quod
is ab

pudebat, adjuncto propriis

cur

gloriarilicet, si socialis illis exercitus

suas, quem
secernere

est,
se

duplicent vires
sumendis

consules
non

bellis
1

ponendisque
Latinis consul

nolint datur

cur

omnia

aequantur

non

alter Est

? ubi pars
se

virium,
nimis
. . .

ihi et

imperiipars quippe
exarsisse

est
conce-

'i

quideni
plus

nobis

hoc

per

baud
esse.

amplum,
dubitat
?
"

dentibus,
quiim No\Y obtained agrees

Romam

caput

Latio

Quis
before

eos,

ducentorum agrees with

annorum

morem

solverimus had

"c. Rome had

It also

this the

what

Livy

said,that
of

hegemony
the
were

of Latium

in tlie of the

reign
passage their

Servius. from

with

suppressed part
accustomed not
:

Festus, that
from the
several
was

the

Latins

to

receive the
on

generals
had

Romans. for their

It

matters

whether
Dianium

Latins the

places only
at
a

assemblies
common

the
to

Aventine
and

the

temple
their clear

both
expense that at

Romans which
"

and

Latins;
claimed

being

built
was

joint

Rome,
was

the

hegemony,

confession

Rome that

caput rerum."
of this

Livy's
that
of of what the is

intimation
at

the

plan

temple
Romans
may

was

suggested by
a

Diana
was

Ephesus
on

shows

that

the

had have

knowledge
from latter way
to have

going Magna
more

in

Greece, which
or

they
the

derived
The

cities of

Graecia

from one,
as

the Massaliots.
Massaliots and

perhaps
with

the

probable
to the

appear their The

a

paid particulardevotion
the Romans

Ephesian Artemis, already

to

ship friendwooden

has
Diana of the

been

recorded.
been

image
cannot in. the in
B.C.

of the

Aventine
The time

is said

have of

copy at

of that

at

Ephesus.^
be time

foundation but it

the

temple
ascended

Ephesus
existence throne Tullius bull

accurately mentioned,
of

was

certainlyin
have

Croesus,who
531.
^

is

supposed
reduced
The

to

the

560, and, according to

to

the

chronology, Servius
of the

began

reign in

B.C.

story

sacrifice of the

Strabo, iv. 1, 4, seq.

.374
is of
course one

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

of

those In

superstitiouslegends
such stories he
as a
we

which

the

priests
for
sistency, con-

delighted to propagate.
and sacrificer should therefore he

are

not to

to look

it would

needless Sahine of
upon
a

inquire why
of
a

the A

represented
in heen

instead

Latin.

temple

of

Diana,
of
one

erected have the very

token

Latin the
towns

confederacy, would Aventine,

had the where the been
name

naturally enough
populations

placed

conquered
from also of the

Latin

settled. of the which

According
Aventine

to

improbable definition, even advent, or

favours
to concourse,

was

derived Servius

of
to

men

it occasioned.^ commemoration
on

erected the

several

temples
she been the

Fortune, in
showered the Forum of the

probably
One of these
was

which have

had in

him.

is known the

Boarium;
Tiber.2 We will

another

outside

city,on

right bank

now

conclude

the

historyof

Servius.

CONSPIRACY

AGAINST

AND

MURDER

OF

SERVIUS.

The

title of Servius

to the

crown

seemed

to

be

confirmed

by his long wearing of it. Nevertheless, hearing that the youthful Tarquin sometimes gave out that he reigned without
the
a

assent

of the With

people, he determined
which

to confirm

his

title

by

legal act.

from

goodwill them of the plebs,by dividing among the territory taken the enemy then he proposed to the people a resolution ; and in the usual and form, whether manded comthey wished
that he should with

view

he

first conciliated

the

reign. And,
a

on

taking

the votes, he any of his

was

declared

king

greater unanimity
did
not nay,

than

predecessors. This, however, Tarquin

afford him
of
an

diminish

the

hopes of
seemed
still of
more

obtaining
opening.
denounce

the
For

crown;

it rather occasion

to

he

seized to

the

violently to
increasing his
that the
to

Servius
the

the

Patres, and
; for

thus

party in
of land

Senate-house the
was

he

perceived
quite
and
trary con-

division

among

plebeians was
ardent still further quod
v. commune

their wish. and his

Tarquin

himself

violent

enough,
^
"

restless mind
ab adventu
""

was

stimulated
Latinorum
^

by
ibi

Alii

Adventinum,

hominum, Varro,

Diana

templum

sit constitutum.

L. L.

43.

Ibid.

vi. 16.

CONSPIRACY

AGAINST

SERVIUS.

375
became the

his wife of
more

TuUia,
;

Hence
so

the

Eoman

palace

scene

tragic crime
welcome

that the

liberty came

at last all the Eomans

riper and
had

from
a

their

kings,and
endured. he is not
were

the disgust which reign wickedly acquired was Lucius

son or

of

the last which

I

they

The the

Tarquinius

of

whom

speak

"

whether Prisons
of

grandson
trust
son
"

of

King
a

Tarquinius
Aruns

clear ; but, if I should call him the

the

greater number
brother,

authors, I should

had

Tarquinius, a youth of gentle disposition. These two young I have as daughters of men, already related, had married King TuUius, who also,like their husbands, were very different
in

temper.
Eoman

It

seems

to

have order he

been that

through
the have
time

the

good
Servius

fortune

of the

be

people,in prolonged, and that

not in the

reign of
to
were

might
his

might

establish
so

constitution, that the couple whose

were was

tempers
But

ferocious TuUia

first instance vexation

at

united.

the

violent

filled with the

same now

seeing that
same on

her

husband
as

possessed
Her

not

ambition, the
centred of she his

audacity,
her alone

herself

thoughts
alone
was

entirely

brother-in-law:
a

he of
a

worthy
:

admiration; he
counterpart
the it

man,

and such

royal blood
husband,
was

and
not

despised her sister,who, having

in female

daring.
who

larity simiis the

of temper
a

brought
the

violent
was

pair together, for

the the
woman

there
was

in evil strange affinity

; but

originator of all
which
manner

mischief. her

In

clandestine
she

interviews
vent to

she
of

had

with

brother-in-law

gave
to

all

contumelies, abusing her

to

husband her. and he

his

brother,
it were,

her she
than

sister

the she

man

who
be

had
a

married

Better
a

said, that
be

should
with

unitod the

through
that
in

cowardice
who
was

husband

single man, an unequal yokefellow, and languish of another. Had the gods given her self hersee worthy of her, she might soon
widow,
rule
now

possession of
she
soon

the

held

by
with

her

father.
own

By

such

discourses
Lucius

filled the

youth

her

Tarquinius and
free
to

the younger another

Tullia, after

temerity. selves making themmurders rather which with the

contract
on

marriage by
were

followed tacit

quickly

each

other,

wedded,

acquiescence than

the

approbation of

Servius.

37(5
After Tidlius crime this
more

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

every

day

seemed

to

render

the

old

age

of
one

unbearable, his reign more

hateful.

From

his
not

daughter began
her husband
seem

to rest

to

fered contemplate another; she sufday or night,lest their former

for
want

murders

should It
was

fruitless

of

perpetrating

parricide.
with been whom

not, she
had served
;

whispered, her
without

former

husband,

she
to

wanting worthy

himself he

himself, who
himself
son

before
to

had

had complaining, who it was he who was wanting to accepted her hand had thought remembered
that

reign ; had
and
"

he the

was

the

to

Tarquinius Priscus, If thou hoping for it. things

Thou
as

of

preferredhaving
to

art he
as a

whom but

kingdom believe myself

as a

married, I recognise thee

otherwise
not
are

husband,

also

king
now

changed
but
not

for the

worse,

for

we

have
not

only cowardice,
?

crime
to

also.
a

Wilt

thou

set

to

work

hast

seek
from

father,

if thou

earnest bust

foreign kingdom, like thy Corinth or Tarquinii, Thy

household

thy father, thy royal palace,and the throne which stands in it,and thy very name of Tarquin, and proclaim thee king. Or, if thou hast not courage create for this, why dost thou frustrate the hopes of the city ? why show thyself as a royal prince ? Betake thyself hence to Tarquinii or Corinth ; return to thy original obscurity, lor thou than thy father." art liker thy brother such With reproaches did she instigatethe youth; nor
could she find
any rest

gods, the

of

when
so

she

reflected
as

that

Tanaquil, a
two
tinuous con-

foreign woman,
law
in went

could

achieve
for her

much

to procure

reigns, first
;

husband, and then

of

for her
no

son-inpower

while

she, though born

and

had royal lineage, this female

such

matters.

Instigated by
solicited He the admonished
for

fury, Tarquin
of

about

senators, chiefly those

them
; the

the

Gentes
"

Minores.
a

of his father's benefits

ones

solicited

return

them

younger

he

enticed

with

gifts ;
vast the

and

thus
as

by
when
into

promises
time

everywhere a party, as well by incriminating the king. At length,

seemed
of to

he

formed

for action with

a

have
men

arrived, he broke
; and

the Forum
were

band

armed

there, while
on

aU

paralysed with

terror, he took

his

seat

the

royal

378
then he
letnms

mSTOST

OF

THE

KESGS

OF

HOME.

into

the of

Coiia the

to

hold

Senate, whilst
to

tlie

officers

and

attendants

himself, half dead, and

king take nnaccompanied b j

his way called
men

flight
of the and had he had
was

Seiriiis

any

ordinary
amYed
taken over-

royal suite, was

at

making
street

homewards,

the

top of the
and slain It

Cyprins,
deed the that
was

when

after him.

by some is thoo^t

whom

Taiqnin
rest

despatched
at the

that the with

done

gation instiacts.

of Tnllia" as It is, at chariot in the aU

it aocxnds

of her wicked

events, pretty certain

; and

into the Fomm midst of that

there,with
of
was

proceeded in her nnblnshing fffamtexy,

called her hnsband sahite him
so

she

crowd and

men,

she

forth

"rom

the

Cnna,
hex

the

first to
ont

king.
she

Taiqnin
drove

bade

betake and when

herself she

of that arrived

crowd;
at the

homewards,

had the

Snmmns

Cyprius Vicns,
stood, and
was

at the

spot where

Temple

of Diana

lakelj

turning to the right to ascend the hill called of the EsquHine, the Urbiu% and so to gain the summit affijghteddriver suddenly pulled up the horses, and pointed the body of Servius, which out to his mistress lay welteni^
in its gOTBL
was

It is related
"

that the

most

foul and is
a

^Tlh^lTnj^Tl crime record of it,f""

"

thai

oommitted

and

place itself
the
on

it is still called when sister

over

^cus

SceLeratus, or
TuDia,

Stzeet the

of Crime furies her

the and

maddened her

goaded
to

by

of her chariot
;

husband,

is said

have

driven

the

housdiold

body of her "ither, and to have brou^t home to her] of her parent's blood, with which the! gods some
even

chariot, and
contaminated.
soon

her

own

person,

had

been

But, through these

of the ruled

offended

sprinkled and gods, an end was

Servius
as

to

follow had

Tullius render emulate

reign thus wickedty begun. forty-fouryears in such a manner

for His

it difficult his

even

reign.

good glory was

a

and

moderate

suocessor

further all

augmented by

t
'

drcnmstance

that with

him

perished

authors say kin^y government. Yet some of laying down that mild and moderate even he exercised namely, because it was Tested
"

just and legit^naie tiat he had thoughts

oomniand in he
was one

which petscn
"

had

not

domestic

crime

cut

him

off whilst

meditating;

the liberation

of his

country.

E8D

OF

UlftflUBL

379

id of

kB kik

kk

lifii^ M^pMi

fir

Tan.

Ua^

IM.

".

1591

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.tf

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lOiiC

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9BKI

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wi"l"^

it

1ft lai"

smst:

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iJL

:jasf

st^es.

i"

382

HISTOKY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

purpose

to denote

the would whom

an

very

reign in
have derived

which

coinage

was

introduced.
name

Thirdly, Ph"ny
Latin have writer

hardly
he

suppressed
his whom
not
"

the

of

the

from that of

positive information, and

he
as

given

authorityfrom
words of

learnt

nothing

nite. defi-

Lastly, from
but of
as

the

Pliny,

strictlyconstrued,"

fairlyand
Latin

rightlyconstrued, according
antea
as can

to the

ordinary

idiom

the

tongue,
the the

only

mean

"

ante

Servium." Timaeus he mentioned it in that that

It may in his

be considered

that certain, therefore, of

history
with mentioned

reign
the like the

Servius; and,
is
a

as

mentions inference

connexion he
a

coinage, it
census.

highly probable
when Greeks of Rome, and have
are

also

And Cumaean

it is considered had existed the

a

cultivated

people

the

in

Italy
of of

three
were

centuries

before

foundation

that

Tarquins
native much

in communication
in

with

them,

that

Timaeus,
to

Tauromenium his information

could Sicily, from their

hardly

failed

draw

writers, we
a

justifiedin supposing
not only particulars

that his work

may

have

contained also
us

good

many other died Servius.

respecting Servius, but

Sir G. thus tell
us

respecting the
that Timaeus

Eoman about But

kings.
B.C.

C. Lewis him
he

teUs
280

26Qj
does of

and
not

makes that

years

posterior to
and been
a

he age

lived

nearly a century, probably

as

died at the about the

ninety352.

six;^ having
This
nearer

therefore

born

year

B.C.
a

will

fairlybring him,
; and

writer, at
the that thus he

least

half

century
civil about been Fabius which

to Servius

if

we

admit may
say

reduction

of Eoman

years
two

into

astronomical, we
after Eoman Servius.

flourished
must

only
have of from

centuries upon

And

there

writers and the

history a century
there
must

before been

the
sources

time

and annalists, draw

have

they
The

could

their information. that

is
a

admission

the

accounts contrast

of

the

census

were

taken

from

official sources

strange
events

to the assertion

in the
"

preceding
no

sentence, that the

of

of the
"

reign
for
we

of

Servius

present
shown the

trace

contemporary
have
census

registration ;
a

have

already
refer

that
accounts

it

would of the

been

moral

impossibilityto
"

back

of the And
a

republican period,
when
we

by construction,"to
a

the who

reign
is

of Servius. but

find

such

writer the

as

Livy,

anything

stickler for the

authenticityof
an

early history, fact,that

of the

stating without
first consuls
were

and as qualification, created accordingto

1

undoubted Commentaries

the

Servius,

Lucian,

Macrobii

22.

OBJECTIONS

OF

SIR

G.

C.

LEWIS/

383
that there
no

it
was

seems

nothing
no

but

conjecture hap-liazard registration.

would
as

to assert

then of
not

contemporary
whatever the

But G.

it is

plain

that since

sort

evidence believe the and

satisfySir
to the

C. Lewis,

he

will

evidence

Servian

Temple
on

of Diana,
a

though
column,
criticism best

particulars relating to
had been

it

were

engraved
it

brazen With very

a

perused by impossible possibly be empire

to

Dionysius
reason,
as

himseK.

like this it is that with that

can

rejects the
whole

evidence

afforded
a

by antiquity.
the

Such

critic

might

equal justicerejectin
of the the

lump

of Koman
most
:

history,even
and there
if the

; for it is

supported,
I

for the

part, by nothing but

critic

authority
"

and

good
force

faith of the historian do

not

pleases to
It then
sense

say,

This
can

authority
his

accept,"
means

remains

nothing by

which

we

assent, by
of

of demonstration.
But

becomes

question only
and
are

probability.
able unreason-

the
a

common

of mankind Public

will revolt

against so
like the

scepticism.
and
Fortune

buildings
to

temples
among

those
very

of best

Diana

attributed

Servius and known

cannot

historical their from

own

records.

They

are

durable
are

unalterable, they
to the whole

carry

story with

them, they
with and

population

generation to
be consider should it
as

generation,and improbable
been most

therefore,like written
the Servian

documents,
To

tampered
have for the

misrepresented.
the details of while the
stitution con-

that

preserved
of the

general events
we

of

the
any

reign have
very

part perished does

matter.

not,
the

think, show happen.

The

just

critical view
a

On

contrary, this is
to

exactly what,
accounts
on

priori, we
census were

might

have

expected
as

of the

founded,
were more

Sir G. C. Lewis be

admits,
than
or

official documents, scattered It memorials

is

which of

likely to
such

preserved
at home

the

transactions political

either

abroad. their

by

the

deficiency of
that the

memorials,
the

and of

not

by

forgery or invention,
of the
at that
a

history of
suffered. of the Gallic of

reign
as

Servius,
says,

like those
were rare

other

kings, has
even

Letters,

Livy

period, and
trace

documents literary

which thus
causes

existed
we are

great part perished

to

in the

conflagration ; and
events

unable that

the

connexion
is necessary

and

their

with

accuracy

which which

to the

perfect history.
birth of Servius
and

The
were are

fabulous doubtless
not
were

incidents the

accompany

contemporary
have
many

figments
events

of

superstitious age,
afterwards. of Servius

likelyto
doubtless

been
more

invented

three

centuries

There what

in the"

reign

than

S84
find related the

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

we

in

the

historians; but
truth of those seized of his
of

there th",t the

are

is

no

good
his
his

reason :

for
as

doubting
the
manner

general
in which

mentioned
war

such

Servius

crown,

with

the

Etruscans,
of the Latin

the

establishment

constitution,

enlargement
of the his final The
very

cityand
League
of that be

completion
and

the

walls, his Temple

of

establishment

building
a

of the

Diana,

and

overthrow details

through

conspiracy
; but

conducted

conspiracy, and they

a
"

of the
on

by his successor. murder of Servius, may

we can

probably
the is too with is
one

exaggerated
that

the

whole

hardly
and the

agree

in

verdict

breathe
even

lofty and
a

poetical spirit."
of the persons

Tullia

execrable its

fury

for

tragic heroine,
rank
we

murder,
in

circumstances, except
brutal Old deeds

the

implicated,
the

of those of the

which

might expect

to find

annals

Bailey.

SECTION

X.

ACCESSION

OF

L.

TARQUINIUS
WAR.

"

LATIN

COUNCIL

"

VOLSCIAN

L.
surname

Tarquinius
of

now

began
the

to

reign, who
an

obtained

the is be

attributed

Superbus, or to his having

out
"

Proud,

appellationwhich
father-in-law
to

forbidden Eomulus the

his
also

buried,

giving
He he

that
to

perished
of
cause

without

sepulture."
whom
and

put

death

leaders the

the

Patricians of Servius
"

suspected of having
that

favoured
own

feeling conscious
his person
with

his be

example
armed
men.

of

seizing the
he
on rounded sur-

throne

unlawfully might
a

used
of his

against himself,
Eor
;
as

body
of of

force
had

only could
obtained the Senate.

he

rely in support
by election
as

domination

he

it neither

the

people, nor rely

he
as on

authority of
the
to
as

Moreover,

he

could

not

affections
secure

of the citizens,through fear alone

could into

hope
many

his

reign.
he any took

So, in order

to strike terror

possible, taking
death,
to

cognizance alone
And

of all he
was

capitalcases,
enabled whom he
to

without

counsel.
to

thus

put

to
or

banish, or

fine,not

only

those

hated

suspected,

386 council did not

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

make

his appearance

It

was

done

merely
under

to

so try their patience,

that, if they ^ut their necks

to him.

the did

yoke, he might oppress those obnoxious not perceivethat he affected empire over
own

For who
?

the
or a

Latins

If his

subjects
was

were

inclined rather

to

trust

him,

if, indeed, his

well parricide,
was
no

power and

intrusted let the with

of

than

seized

by
But

good;
Were

Latins

also
a

trust

him, thougli this

if his
own

rule for them

regard to
him,
or one

foreigner.
after another better
to

jects subbeen for

weary

kiUed,
the

or

banished,
? If
one

robbed, w^hat
would
to

having either hope remained

and
no

Latins every

they

attend
return

him, he would
pay

mend recom-

oi them

home,
had

more

attention While methods and

to the

this

council-daythan he who and seditious daring man,

appointed it."
had

who

by

like

at home, was uttering these great power similar invectives, Tarquin arrived, and put an end to his

attained

discourse.

All

turned

away

from

him

to

salute

the

Eoman

king
with
excuse

who,
the

when

silence of

had those
come

been
near

obtained, in compliance
him that he should

admonitions for

himself
to

having

so

late, explained how, having

a

undertaken been

arbitrate

between

father taken
to

and

son,

he

had
;

detained
as

by the pains he had

reconcile

them

and,

the

day
them
was

had

been he

thus had

wasted, he would
to propose.

to-morrow
not
even

bring
this
to

before

what

But

excuse

accepted in silence by Turnus, who

"

is said than
to

have

exclaimed between in
a

That and

nothing
son;
; that

could

be
a

shorter
matter

decide be

father few

that

such
son

might
not

settled

words

if tlie

obeyed
the
more

his

father, woe

would thus

betide

him." the Koman

Having

upbraided
to

king,
to

Aricinian

quitted the
than of Turnus,
same

council do.

Tarquin
lie that he he

took
at

the matter
once

seriously
the death
with

he seemed
in

began
had not

contrive

order

miglit inspire the Latins

filled the the power
to

the
own

terror

with
as

which he had

minds

of

his

subjects. And, openly, he

of which he
was

put him

to death
a

effected

his ruin innocent.

a

by bringing againsthim

charge
of
a an

Through
slave

some

Aricinians
to allow

opposite faction, he bribed

of Turnus

grea

THE

LATIN

COUNCIL.

387

quantity of
All

swords done

to

this

was

in

secretlyinto his lodgings. single night; and a little before daybreak,

be to
a
"

carried

having
Tarquin,
to
as

summoned

his

presence

the

chief

Latins,

the

agitatedby following effect :

"

if

recent

That

addressed them discovery, his yesterday'sdelay, as if

occasioned

by the providence of the gods, had

well
as

proved their
that Turnus chiefs of

safety as
was

his

own.

He

had

been

told

the
over

meditating the murder that different peoples,

the Latins.
That

of himself, and he

of the

might enjoy alone

have
but

the

empire
this the

he

would

attempted
the stroke
of

previous day during

on

the

council;

was

poned postmotive trated frusbeen

account
was

of

the absence he

of the caller

the council, the

whose for the

life it

that
on

sought. chiefly
could be

Hence the

invectives
his

his absence, because

no

delay had
if he

hopes.
Turnus
was

There
at

doubt,
with
of

had

truly informed, that

assembled,
It

the

dawn

of

day, when
a

the

council of

would said that

a

come

armed,
number

body
had

lowers. folbeen

vast

swords
once

carried whether
to

to
or

his not

lodgings,and
this
him
was

it

might
He

be

at

discovered

true.

therefore
Turnus the

requested them

accompany The

to

the inn

where

lodged."
speeches
that
"

ferocious and

disposition of Turnus, Tarquin's delay

been
"

that

he

had

made,

as

it seemed

the

sacre mas-

might have
to awake

all conspired postponed on that account suspicion. They went, therefore, with minds

prepared to
be confirmed
was

believe

the

charge ; not, however, unless

of

it should

by
out

the

discovery
and

the

swords.
over

On

arriving,
him;
the
a

Turnus

awakened,

guards placed
for their master

slaves, who
forth which

of affection

were

preparing
were

forcible resistance,were had been

seized ; and
hidden in all

then

swords

brought
At
cast this

parts of the
Turnus
was

inn.
was

discovery everything appeared plain ;

chains,
and amidst
so a

into
moned sum-

council

of

the

Latins On the

immediately

great tumult.
the
hatred

violent

was

production of the swords, occasioned against Turnus, that,

he
was

without

hearing his defence,

cast into basket filled with stones
cc

put

to

death
the

in

new

fashion, by being tina, a

the

fountain

of

Aqua
him.

Feren-

being
2

thrown

over

388 Then and

HISTOKY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

Tarquin, having
who the befitting addressed

re-assembled had visited

the

Latins with he
was

in
a

council,

eulogised those

Turnus

ment punishplated, contem-

manifest them of from made

as

parricidewhich
follows
"

had

That

it

in his power all the

in

to

act

in had

pursuance

his

ancient

Latins

sprung
as

Alba,

right; since, as included they were

the whole fallen under

the

treaty in which,
state,
dominion. better should that

by Tullus,
view
to the

of the Alban the Eoman

together with
But,
that
with

its colonies, had

a

good

of
;

all,he thought it
so

treaty should

be
and

renewed

that

the Latins fortune

rather

participatein

of the Eoman the destruction

people,than
of

be
tov/ns

enjoy the prosperous always expecting or

and

suffering
of

their

the

devastation

their

fields, as
in
were

they had done, the reign of his own persuaded without

the Eomans seemed Turnus the
to

gave

reign of Ancus, and then father (grandfather)." The Latins much difficulty, although the treaty of the superiority. But the heads
first in the side with
to

Latin

nation
; and

and every

partake
one a

the

opinion of example
the
men

Tarquin
of the So the

afforded he would
; and

recent

danger which treaty was

incur

by opposing
Latin should

king.
were

renewed

the younger

directed
in
arms,

that, agreeably
on a

to

its tenor,
at the

they

assemble

certain the

day,
edict

grove Eoman

of Ferentina.

They
all the
gether, toso

met,
Latin

according to
states; when
and thus should
or

of the

king, from
all the with

Tarquin mingled
the their Latins
own

maniples
any

confounded
not

the Eomans,

that

they

have

officers, nor
over

secret

command

peculiar ensigns. And

set his
own a

the

maniples, thus
however
In

doubled, he
Nor
a was

centurions. bad been commander in in war,

Tarquin
may

unjust
ment departnot

king

he

have have been it

was

civil matters. his

this

he warlike

might

equalled
obscured who

predecessors, had
his the

his

glory
was

by
two

degeneracy
war

in

other

respects. He
which
to

began
than

with

the

Volsci,
his Suessa realized

last
took

more

hundred

years
town

after of

time; and
Pometia.

he

by assault
sale of the

the Volscian

By

the

booty

taken caused

there him

he

forty talents of silver and

gold, which

to conceive

TARQUIN

SUBJECTS

THE

LATINS.

389 which should

the
be

plan

of

temple

of Jove of

of that

magnitude
; so

worthy
of the he

of the

king

gods and
the

men,

of the Roman he

empire,

and
money

majesty of its had captured to

"

situation

appropriated the

building of
little
or

it.

Remarks.

The the

critics have

found

nothing

to

object to
in

that

portion of
had

reign

of

the

yoimger

Tarquin
^ :

contained

the

preceding Tarquin
be
was

narrative. for its

as
a

Schwegler object the

that

remarks

"The

foreign policy of
; and it may

supremacy he

over

Latium
in

considered hitherto

historical

succeeded

converting
terms
means

what of

confederate But the this.

relationshipon
differ
^ as

equal
to the he

into

one

dependency.
he

historians Cicero

by
he

which

accomplished
arms

says

that

subdued
that

Latium

by
Latin
one.

force of its

; while

Livy (as we
his

have

seen) says
with

compassed

subjection through
The last is

connexions is

the
the

nobles
more

of the credible
to

cities.
It

account he

incomparably
those

probable that
power
that he

incited

different
he

nobles

seize the done

at

absolute

in their

as respectivecities,

himself

had

Rome;

aided

them

to do to look
to

this;

and

then

by

means

of these made
the

despots, who compelled

subordinate of the
in the

were

obliged
obedient
states

to him

for support, he circumstance Rome

cities themselves

him. the

Another

which
and pressure to

Latin

to seek was,

leadership of
the which both
into

themselves Volsci
:

to her

it appears,

onward
at
a

warlike the

the

same

cause

again

later the

period,
treaty

spite of
Rome.
"

equal rights stipulated for

the Latins

partiesin
virtual

made
on

by Sp. Cassias, brought

When of the

dependence
the The tion institufestival

Dinoysius
Ferise
as

ascribes

to the is

younger

Tarquin
error.

Latinse,this
as were

certainlyan
; since

is doubtless of ancient

old

the

Latin

League
on a

all the

confederacies That also

peoples
the the

founded reaches

community
into hoar

of

worship.

the
seen or

origin of
from
to Prisci

festival

back

antiquity is
it to

remaining tradition,which Latini, or

to
a

ascribes

King Faunus,
the death of

period immediately following

this part of the
account the

of Latinus may

and

^neas.* the

But youDger

Dionysius king
the

be true, that
as

Tarquin

was

first Roman

who,
It
1 3

head

of the have

League, performed
difficult to
2 *

the

usual that
ii. 24.

sacrifice." Rome under

would
Buch Lib.

been

dispute
De

xviii. " 12. iv. 49.

Kop.

SchoL

Bob.

in Cic. rianc.

p. 2u6.

390

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

younger

Tarquin
Such
a

obtained

the

practical headship
formed
a

of

the

Latin
to the

League.
efforts

consummation Tullius in the made

in

natural

sequel
of the

of

Servius

same

direction, and
first year Rome

is confirmed

by
and

the

treaty with
of

Carthage

in the

Republic,
tho Latin
of

recorded

by Polybius/ Laurentum,
her
cannot

which

stipulates for
other and forms limits

citizens cities their

Ardea, Antium,
the be ascertained.
we

Circeii,and
exact

subject to dependence
the

But (vTrrjKooi),

scanty notices which ourselves must, however, content

With

have with

of these the bare

early times, we
fact of

Tarquin minutely
in he

having
into

achieved
means

this which

supremacy, he
account

without We
more

inquiring
agree with

too

the

used. is the

Schwegler
one,
"

thinking
effected struck

that it

Livy's
means

probable by
those that he the

that which

by
the

of his of

and alliances, Tumus into

terror

he
were

by
of

example
It is

leaders
may

who

opposed
some

to him.

possible, however,
cities

have

reduced
ful doubt:

the

outlying
Suessa
to have

Latin

by

arms.

It is somewhat
or

whether Cicero he
seems

Pometia held
"
"

belonged
the Nam former
et

to the Latins

the Yolscians in which

opinion by
omne

the way bello

relates

its

capture,
urbem he Latium. under

Latium

devicit,et
"

Suessam

Pometiam,
hence of

opulentam refertamque, cepit (De Rep.

have And his Gabii. been that dominion That he like led
to

ii. 24) ; and the conqueror

may

mention Latin be
seen

Tarquin
were

as

all the
may

cities from

not

reduced narrative

peaceably
of the the

Livy's
purpose but
a

siege of
Latin and
;
nor

accomplished his
made the

by making
an

princes tyrants improbable

is

himself, is nothing

unnecessary

conjecture,
that better the
; and

by Peter,^
Volscians
were

German then
The

writer

the

supposition
any

pressing on
assertion

the of

Latins

founded. Feriae
we

Dionysius that
erroneous

Latinae

were

founded with the

by Tarquin
less

is doubtless that

may

reject it
account
are

scruple, as
and illegal

author

gives

different than

in

another in

place.3 Dionysius
of the
may

also

gives more
that he

details

found
some

Livy

tyrannicalproceedings of Tarquin,
:

of which tion constitu-

probably
of Servius brazen
census

be true

as

abolished from
were

the laws the Forum

and and

Tullius,and
on

removed his laws old he

destroyed
in

the

tablets he

which the

engraved
that all

; that

place

of the of the
"

restored

poll-tax;
forbade
i. 52.

to avoid

the effects

hatred

thus

occasioned
"

pubHc meetings, even

3

l.ib.ill.22.

Gesch.

Rom.

Lib.

vi. 95.

ADMITTED

PROBABILITY

OF

THE

HISTORY.

391

those
the

for sacrifices and

festivals ; and

by
of

means

of

spies discovered
Sir G. C. Lewis
is

discontented, and
On
the
^ :

punished
in of

them

severely,"c.^ Tarquin
of Latin

same
"

events

the the

reign

observes

The

story

meeting
to

deputies
of the

suf-

hciently by
which

credible

(with

the

exception perhaps
condemn their
in the

contrivance

they

are

persuaded
it appears

Turnus colleague, of
an

Herdonius)
to the moreover,
over

; but

suspiciousform
The
the the

tion introduc-

originof by
which
is
as

the

Ferise

Latinse. establishes
with

amicable

arrangement,
of
Rome

Tarquin

ascendancy
view of

Latium
him

quite

inconsistent the whole

Cicero, who
of arms."

describes However with

tenor

subduing League

of Latium be the
may

by

force

credible, therefore, may

Latin the
; however

proceedings of Tarquin
be corroborated the here

the
of

they
not

by

the

preceding history, and Carthage,

"

especiallyby
a

subsequent
said ; yet
his But says
j while
a

treaty with
Sir G.

of

which

word

is

C. Lewis

evidently regards the

no

whole
an

story, agreeably to

favourite here word

that

hypothesis, as theory
this the breaks

better For

than

cetiological myth. Livy

the
nor

down.
been

neither

Cicero

about

having only

the who
to

origin of
does
this

Feriae Latinae

Dionysius,
the whole

author amounts any be

so, is
:

evidently wrong.
Sir G. wrong C. Lewis and
of

And will

passage
any

that

accept from
and

author

assertion,however

bable, improitself,

provided
this
is

it

can

used

against a

narrative
to be may

which

except for this assertion,he considers

a

credible.
leave

Whether reader
we

sound Of

method the

of criticism

we

the

to

determine.

discrepancy
the

between

Cicero

and

Livy

have

already spoken.
But
to

proceed

with
THE

history.
OF
GABII.

SURRENDER

The he had which he had

next

war

which
It
was

Tarquin undertook
with
to

expected.
he had also been
to attack

the

longer than neighbouring city of Gabii,

a a

lasted

attempted
it

carry
to

by

coup

de main

and,

as

compelled
by
very

raise

he regular siege,

mined deter-

un-Eoman that
on

arts, by
he had

fraud aside

and
all

stratagem.

Wherefore,
war,

pretending
intent

laid

thoughts
and

of

and

was

only
to

founding
his
as
a son

his

temple
to

other

municipal works, he instructed

of three, to
iv. 43.

Sextus, the

youngest
1

proceed
2

Gabii

and fugitive,

Lib.

Credibility, "c, vol. i. p. 622.

392

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

complain
was now

of

the

intolerable

crueltyof
number home
to
even

his

father.
own

"

That

he

divertinghis pride from

was

strangers to his
of his
same
no

family;
and he to

that
was

he

weary

of the make
at

children,
which
no

meditating to
effected in

the leave from

solitude progeny, the find

had his

the He

Senate,
had belief the
;

heir of

kingdom.

escaped
that he

weapons

his

father, under
else them which
not

the

could of L.

except among
be he

enemies
there
was

safety nowhere Tarquinius. For let

in
store

deceived

war

for them he But found

if
a

pretended to have given up ; and when them attack unawares. opportunity he would .an them, he would suppliant could find no shelter among
all and
over

wander

Latium

; thence

he would arrived

seek among

the Volsci, the

a

-^qui,
had
and

the

Hernici,

till he

humanity enough to protect impious persecutionsof their

find among the them ardour

children fathers.
to

people who against the cruel

a war

And

perhaps he might
of

enough
the most
saw

undertake ferocious

proudest of kings and

Gabines,
was,

against people."
with anger

The Sextus him

same

when

they
received

how

influenced them. last show

kindly
that

him

among
at

They
himself

bade the

not

wonder

Tarquin
as

should been
were

to his children
:

he had

to his

subjects and

to his
.

allies his

nay,

if other

materials

fury upon

himself.
not

wanting, he would expend They expressed a pleasurein welcoming

that, with
his aid, the
to the
war

him, and

doubted from
soon

would

soon

be transferred Sextus Gabines the

: was

the

gates of Gabii
into the

walls

of Eome. of the

admitted he deferred
a was

public
to

councils the

wherein

in all matters

opinion of
than self himand in

elders, as
;

having
he

better

knowledge
an

of them

except that

always

advocate

for war,

this

to himself a leading part, as having department assumed how a knowledge of the forces on both sides, and being aware hateful the king's pride, which his own children even was could not endure, to the citizens of Eome. Thus by degrees

he

incited
at

the chief

men

of Gabii^to

renew

the

war

; he

self him-

the head

of the boldest

youths made
said

sions; predatory incurand

did for

and, contriving everything he

purpose of

the

deception, so imposed

upon

the Gabines

that

they

394
Bbmabks,
**

HISTORY

OP

THE

KINGS

OP

ROME.

"

On

ilie

preceding narmtive
an

8chwegler observes:

Tarqnin founded
of his younger

in Gabii sons,

one

for hereditarycollateral principality just as the elder Tarquin had done before
appears show to that On be

at

Collatia.

This

account

quite worthy
hand,

of

credit^
andeni
manner

as especially

other indications

Gabii

stood,in very
the the

times, in
in which
a

near

to Borne. relationship related in the to have

the other

Tarquinius is
For of in the with
ox

got possessionof
of Sancns
at Bome

cityis

complete faihle.

Temple
Over
a

there still

existed

time

Dionysius
been hide

the

treaty which
shield the the
at

Tarquin then
was

concluded
hide of of the

the Gabines.
which
on

wooden

drawn

the

had the

sacrificed
were

solemn

conclusion
of the under

the treaty ; and in very

written

conditions

treaty

ancient

characters,
the
a

Gabii, therefore, came

treaty
who and
an

to Tarquin not, as subjection and conquest, but through

tradition

by treachery represents,
alliance of which
conwm render sur-

formal

eluded

with

the

the document assistance of Fetiales, enemies

a

deposited in a temple. With after unconditionally

treaty, according to all
have
been ideas
can

had

been

forced to
no

long and
of ancient

obstinate

contest

such

international
that

law, would
the
common

concluded.
the

It

be the less doubtful

of Gabii is Msified, as the remaining snligection portions of it are manifest inventions, ^that is,plagiarisms. The stratagem of Sextus Tarquinius is that of Zopyrus againstBabylon; ta-adition about
"

and

the

counsel

which

Tarquinius gives his

answer
*

heads the

of the

poppies,is the

by cuttingoff the of the tyrant Thrasybulus to

son

tyrant Periander/' On the same subjectSir G, C. Lewis

recorded
time

remarks and

**

The

inscription

which
in the

the

treaty between
within
"

Bome

Gabii, still extant

of

Dionysius, was
And

doubtless

named

Tarquin,or contained
^

it ancient ; but whether itself any indication of its date,

tion The of the reducentire account again : stories of Sextos of Gabii is improbable,with the borrowed Tarquinius'sself-inflictedpunishment and the decapitationof ihe the treaty described by Dionysius be reconcHecl can poppies ; nor the fraudulent with and fbrcible means used by Tarquin for its with the subsequent appointment of his son as king or acquisition,
is uncertain." of the town"^
1

These

views
92 ;

ate

further
riL

supported by the following

12 ;
'

Herod,

iii

154,

r.

Poly"n.

Arfftot

Polit.

iil 8, Z;

V.

8, 7, "e.
*

"c. Credibility,

I p. 621.

Ibid. p. 522, seq.

THE

GABINE

TBKATY.

895

qnotationfrom
have such been in

Niebulir

"

It is of
"

quite impossiblethat Gal)ii fihould

Roman

fallen into the the case,

"

handn
no one

the

king by treac;hery.Had
say
no

I will not

tyrant, but

no

reign sove-

antiquity
have The
. . .

would

have

granted the Koman

all chastisement of
a

franchise

to the scourge;

GaliinoH, and
of
war.

spared them
existence

by

the

very of
a

treaty, though
forcible

reconcilable of

with the

the

case ^

surrender, puts

the

occupationout
connexion between

question." The grounds on

and Oabii
:

wliich in
"

Hchwegler
ancient nostri

infers times

near

Komo passage
sunt

very Ut

are,

first,the

following

in Varro

genera

publici disserunt, agrorum quinque, Ilomanus, Gabinus, Peregrinus, liosticus,

Augums dictus, unde
modo
a

Tncertus.

Komanus

Koma,

Romulo.
extra

Gabinus Konianum

ab
et

oppido Gabis. Gabinum, quod

a

Peregrinus ager
uno

pacatus, qui

in his secuntur

auspicia. iJictus
eo

grinus, pere-

id est Y"ergendo,

progrediendo;

enim

ex

agro

Itoiiiano

peregrinus, progrediebantur. (^uocirca quoquo sed quod auspicia ab reliquo discretus. Hosticus habet singularia, id ager, qui de his quatuor qui sit, dictus ab hostibus. Incertus ^ ignoratur."
Tlie the second inference is rlrawn the from the mode of dress

primum

Gabinus

called

Cin^tus main

Gahmus,

adopted by
of be
no

Komans. connexion doubt

as

The

proof
can

the

Roman

with about in

Oabii

is the
of

treaty. ITiere
this

reasonable it

the existence his time

treaty. Dionysius mentions

of Hancus
; and
on as

extant
not

in the and

Temple
form of

he describes it
was

only the substance

it with his

the materials

which
must

written, but also the archaic

"(;en own

character of the letters,^ ho

'J'he existence the fact that of the it
was was

have

eyes.

treaty is also confirmed

made

during

tJve time
:

by ]lorace,as well M and Tar* of lite kingSf

quinius Buperbus

the last of tliem

Fcedera Vel Oablis vel

com

re^n

rlis equata Sabinio."

that it is uncertain whether therefore, objection, cation the treaty ** named Tarquin, or contained within itself any indiof its date," is nothing but a captious and unreasonable the possibility of such treaties at the as scepticism; especially 8ir G. C. Lewis's
"

Hi"t.

vol. 1. p. .'512.

"
*

I"ing.Lftt. v.

83.

"

iv, ^8. itriytypafj.fiii/ri, yfxififjMtny Sfixo-^toU

ji,1, 2"3. Kjt|",

396

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

period
Rome
of

in

question

is confirmed in the

by

that

already
of tte which

mentioned

between
; the terms
can

and

Carthage
are

first year and

Eepublic
no

which in

given- by Polybius,
force in the
of

fair criticism

succeed

explaining away.
is there the
any
same

Neither

writer's

objection,though
the Gabines been had have

supported by
been
to

authority
or

Niebuhr, that, if treaty would

admitted
to

reduced
nor

by

force

fraud, no
have been accorded

granted
from bello that

them,
that
"

would

they
were

to Roman
we

citizenship.
learn
quum

For

treaties Esse
autem

the

conquered
Unum
. . .

Livy
no

tria

genera

fcederum. the assertion

victis dicerentur

leges,""q^ antiquity would

and is
so

And have

of

Niebuhr,
of

sovereign
the

in

granted
them all

the Roman chastisement

franchise the have

to

Gabines,
of war,
seen,
so

have

spared
tenor

scourge

flatly contradicted, as
whole of
to

the

reader

will the

already
and Roman is

by

the

the
a

history under
fundamental the
source

Kings,
it
to

diametrically opposed
we

principleof
from which

policy,that, had
should have

not

known

we proceeds, a

ascribed

it rather

to

mere

tyro than
of be

great and
Under Rome the the

profound
these needs passage

historian. fact of the connexion that

or

circumstances, the
not any

Gabii drawn

with from from

as

collateral

support

may

in Yarro

quoted by Schwegler, By
the last

the

inference
we

Gabiue

cincture.
a

method, indeed,
between French

might
and hats. the if
we

readily prove
circumstance
as a

close

politicalconnexion
sometimes the
wear

London

Paris, because
The Roman could for he But
in

Londoners that

gloves

or

Ager

GabLnus is
more

is mentioned
to the in

with

distinct certain

field of augury of Varro's

purpose,

be
may

quite
mean

meaning
how the

the

word of
a

singularia; peculiar kind.

be the made Romans
on an

either
case we

separate and
not
see

or distinct,

either
an

do of

passage

can

to

support
received obscure The of

inference

that Schwegler's, after Miiller,'^

from

Gabii

their

augural
and
between

rites ; founded
Remus Rome
were

apparently
educated

tradition
fact

that

Romulus

there.
in

of

connexion the
a

and

Gabii
on

the
best
manner

time
sible posin

King Tarquin
evidence in
it

Proud
matter

being
of

thus

established

the

such

high antiquity,the
whether of
very
;

which in

was

effected is of less have added

importance, or
have been
B.

the historians
own.

relating it
are

embellishments
to

their

These

historians
'

considered
57.
2

ingenious inventors,
Mtiller,Etr.
ii. 121.

Lib.

xxxiv.

Schwegler,

i. S, 399

THE

GABINE

TREATY.

397
of interweaving
sorts

and

capable
"

for

instance, as
monuments here
on
an

in the

case

of Horatius
most different
as

"

some

lialf-dozen

of the
appear

into

one

connected

story

yet

they
event

only
to

stupid

and

barefaced founded is

plagiarists. The
that
that
even

ground
for

which

such
ever

accusations have

are

it is

impossible
the

repeated
a

itself ; and But

to

therefore
if
no

second
can

story
be

must for

necessarilybe
a

fiction.

precedent

found

story, it
G. C.

is

equally liable
destruction
it has
a

be

condemned.
of the

Thus,
manner

for

instance, Sir

Lewis

rejects the
of

account Turnus

in which

Tarquin

effected the that

on

Herdonius, However,

though
we

it is not
are

pretended
outlines

type. protoof this the

all that the of truth

contending
main

for

behalf

early history is kings, their principal

been modern but
mass. now

of

the

; the

realityof
nature

order

succession, and

the

historical
some

of the have
even

events

of their
then may

reigns. always
for be

That

of the
is very

details

and

amplified or
not

embellished free

possible;
like narrative

history
no

from

charge

this ; in
a

it affords

ground

condemning
follows.

the

entire

The

history then

proceeds

as

PEACE

WITH

THE

^QUI

AND ETC.
"

TUSCANS COLONIES

"

BUILDING
OF

OP CIECEII

THE AND

CAPITOLINE

TEMPLE,

SIGNIA.

Gabii
with Then

having
^qui,

been and
his

thus

reduced, Tarquin concluded

the

peace

the

renewed

treaty

with

the

Tuscans.

he turned first
care

attention
to

to the affairs of the

on

city;wherein
a

his

was

erect to

Mons

Tarpeius
monument

temple of

Jupiter,that might
and of

be

posterity a might
that that be

of his
as

reign

his

name

and

that it
s,
"

remembered and
area

the work

the two
son as

Tarquin
well

vowed And

by the father
the whole
was

accomplished
set

by the
Jove,

(grandson).
as

apart

to

the

temple
and
to

to

be the

built, might

be

consecrated

solelyto him,
resolved
been vowed and It

freed

from
some

worship
and

of other

deities,he
which
with and had

exaugurate

fanes

chapels
struggle

by King
had
is related

Tatius been

during
there
very

his

Komulus,

afterwards

consecrated
commence-

inaugurated.

that, at the

398
ment

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

of the

undertaking, the
the future
to

divine

will of the

gods

inclined

them

to indicate

auguries were
fanes
was

favourable

strength of the empire. For the the exauguration of all the other
;
an

except that

of Terminus
mean

omen

and
not

augury

which

interpretedto
from his evoked and from

that he

Terminus alone

place,and

been

his consecrated the Eoman

moved having been reof all the gods not having boundaries, portended the

firmness

of stability augury of

state.

After

the acceptance

of this

I)ortendingthe digging the foundations

a

perpetuity,another prodigy followed, magnitude of the empire. Those who were

of the the face that

temple

are
an

said to have

found

human

head

with

perfect ;

apparitionwhich
be the citadel

unambiguously portended of empire and the head

not

this spot would

: an

of affairs
were

only by the soothsayerswho

who had been these
sent

in

interpretation given but also by the city,

to consult
was

those the

for from

Etruria

about
to-

omen. no

By
had
been

prodigiesthe king's mind

hence
to

incited
at

spare which

expense

; and

the

spoils taken
of it. than Piso
"

Pometia, building,
it is that that

set
to

apart
Fabius
"

complete the whole

This rather

hardly
inclines Fabius had
was

sufficed
me

lay the

foundations

to believe

besides

is the older author

who

writes

that

only fortytalents
Piso
says

been

appropriated to
be

the work

; while ;
a sum

that which

it

40,000 pounds' weight of silver

not

of money

could

expected
and

from

the

cities then

were,

which

would
even

spoils of one surelyhave

of
so

city,such
been
more a

as

than work

enough
as

for

the

foundations

magnificent

this.

Tarquin only
sent

being
for

thus

intent from

upon
all but

finishingthe temple, not

of

workmen

parts
also

Etruria, whom
the to

he

paid with
to labour

the

public money,
These
were were

compelled
at

plebeians

at it.

also liable in addition

duties build their

yet they
their

less hands

annoyed
the

military being compelled to gods

than
at

with

own

temples of the

transferred of less to works being afterwards laborious ; as the making of fori in magnificence,yet more the Circus, and excavating the Cloaca Maxima, the receptacle labour
of all

the

sewage

of

the

city : which

two

works

are

hardly

EXTENT

OF

TAllQUm'S

EMPIRE.

399

equalled in magnificence by those of the present day. But, though Tarquin kept the people employed at these works,
there
and
was

still a seemed

superfluous multitude
to

that he

could
He

not

use,

who

be

only
in
as

burthen.

determined,
of the

therefore, to employ them

extending
colonists
to

the boundaries

empire, and
where,
both
as

sent

them

Signia
to

and

Circeii,

frontier land and

they might garrisons,

sea.

serve

protect Eome

by

Remarks. the whole

"

The

account is

of

Tarquin having by
the

reduced facts
one

to

subjection having
lies
almost
a

of Latium the colonies

corroborated

the

of his

founded

of

Signia
of its

and

Circeii;

of which

good
at the

way

inland

in that

country, while

other, Circeii,is
as

southern

extremity
A further

coast, if
are

considered

bounded the
and

by ^qui
with

the
and

Volscians.

corroboration dwelt
no on

his

wars

with

Yolsci,
he

nations

that

the

frontiers
had not

of

Latium, by
the

whom

could

have These the

had
wars

concern,
are

Latium
at

been

ously previ;

reduced.
that

merely only
these
be

hinted

historians

indeed the

with
peace

^qui

can

inferred with

from
"

Livy's
a

tioning men-

that

Tarquin
of

made

them,
times

proof
had

how been

meagre

were

the

accounts

early
^ :
"

that

preserved.
On
of

this

subject Schwegler
dominion
we

observes
a

Eespecting
Eome

the

extension document

Tarquin's
the

possess

remarkable
between

archival
and

in the
in

commercial
first year

treaty concluded
of the

Carthage
of Junius
were

Eepublic,
The

under

the

consulship
of the
were

Brutus
as

and
:

Marcus
The

Horatius.

conditions confederates

treaty
not

follows
or

Eomans the

and

their

to

sail,
pelled com-

south

east, beyond
weather
or

Fulcrum
; and

Promontorium,^
in this
case

except
make
not
more

by
most

enemies

to

only

the

necessary

purchases, and
to

depart
of that that

after

stay

of

than traffic
to

five

days.

But

the

west

promontory

they might
hand,

freely,in Africa, Sardinia, and

part of Sicilysubject
on

the

Carthaginians.
themselves
to

The

Carthaginians,
from and
the

the

other
of

pledge
far
were

abstain

injuring the people

rest

Ardea, Antium,. Latins,

so as

Laurentum, they
not may
so

Terracina, Circeii,

of the

be

subject to

the

Eomans
from

; and

if any their

of the

Latins
or

subject, to
1

refrain

attacking
^

cities ;

if

they

Buch

xviii. " 13.

Now

Cape

Farina

in Africa.

I
400 should Eomans
HISTORY OF THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

conquer ; and

ono

of

them,

to

deliver

it

over

unharmed

to tl-;:

not lastly,

to erect any

fortresses in Latium. the Romans

Und
an

ii:

these conditions

there shall be

friendshipbetween
on

'".

Carthaginians, includingtheir allies

"This

both of

sides.
cannot

document,
an

the

genuineness

which

be

justlj'
v..'.

doubted, throws
that time ; but traditional
"

unexpected light on the relations of Eome be allowed,is not favourable to which, it must
appears the in it
name

tl

":

history.
as

Eome For, first,

the

head political
Latin

of

Latium, ".:.
an

it

in publiclystipulates
as

of the whole from Ostia the

people ;
That

then
was

mistress

of

the

coast
we

to Terracina.
common

sh
;

the head that the the she

of Latium
was

know of the

from
coast.

bu tradition,

not

mistress
as a

by
and the

historians

colony
so

founded
a

Circeii, indeed, is name! by the younger Tarquin

an

of fortifying
as

distant

extent,

well when

as

the the

maritime

point leads to importance,of

also

inference

kingdom.

But

the common Laurentum, as racina, knows according to nothing of this. Ardea, especially, when is the revolution tion, being besieged by Tarquin it is said,abandons which the Eepublic, in Rome : on and concludes all
a a

cities

treatynames subjectto Eome,

Tarquiniai Ardea, Antium, Tei

traditio: this tradi breaks the
ou

the

siege
conse

fifteen fiction.

years*armistice
And Antium

with

the

city;

which

quently is
among

is enumerated

the Volscian

peopleswho
:

take part in the

by Dionysiu; Temple of Jupite

Antiun treaty

Latiaris founded
at that time
was

by Tarquin
not
a

while but
a

according to
Latin

the

Volscian

of the

League, but subject to Eome. gives us quite a difi'erent idea of the extent tradition Tarquinian kingdom from the common splendidlegacythe
but very
"

Latin

city; not a free membe: In short, the treaty

and
power

of tli( what
a

; it shows

young lost. quickly

we see

Eepublichad
the

received

from

the

monarchy

Further,

from the

commercial had
a

treaty in question that

very extensive

the Eomans
commerce. we

under But
never

last

kings
from

maritimt

of this also the

common

could

have

guessed
War

tradition says not a word : it that two centuries and a hali merchant of the vessels visited Africa
we Eepublic,at least,

before and find this

the

First Punic

Eoman

Sicily.
no reverse

In the first two

centuries

traces of maritime

commerce.

It cannot the overthrow

be

doubted

that

is connected The maritime

with
commerce

of the

Tarquinian
under

dynasty.

pursued by

the Romans

402
there
a

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

must

have

been

treaty with
admits of
account

Eome that

instead

of

truce.
^

In
tion men:

note, however,
Ardea
among

Schwegler
the
towns

f'lorus and
^

Orosius

Latium
as

he

arbitrarily rejectstheir
confirmed

captured by Tarquin inaccurate, though it is

it that

yet

terally colla-

by

the

treaty, and

prefers to
at variance

of

Dionysius, treaty.
account

hardly
is easy

better
see

authority,though
motive
to

with

the
; the

It
of

to

the

for this perverse

criticism

Dionysius lends a handle Still more captiousand

Antium.
That

impugn
and

the
are

history.

uncritical

Schwegler'sremarks
have

about did
not

city,as

Niebuhr

others

shown,
it

fall into the

hands

of the

Volscians
in

till long after this

period ;
a

and

Dionysius, therefore,is
city in Tarquin
which been We the of the had time of extended

mistaken And

representing
indeed and

as

Volscian

Tarquin.
his between

it is manifest

that,if
have

rule to Circeii Circeii and

Terracina, Antium,
could

lies

midway

Eome,

hardly

Volscian.

cannot, therefore, agree

us

with

Schwegler's conclusion, that

idea of the
extent

treaty gives
the

quite
that

different from

and
:

power
on

Tarquinian kingdom
we

the

common

tradition

the the

contrary,
tradition which

think

the

treaty very
same

strongly
a

corroborates
and not

adding
these

to it at the

time of the

few

facts

inferences

the necessary

meagreness

tradition
most

had

supplied.
valuable maritime from
other

Among
is the
commerce. sources a

additions
must

by
have

far the then

important
an
"

and

fact that Eome And that the

commerce

enjoyed
that
*

extensive know

Schwegler
rest

allows
toAvns

We

of the
at
a

mentioned

in the

treaty enjoyed

maritime

very

early period.
merchant that it

Aricia
; and

had, according
its connexion

to

Dionysius (vii. 6),numerous

Cumse leads the
to the

vessels
was more

with

inference

specially engaged
had
connexions

in trade
with

with

cities of

Magna
which
wealth

Graecia,

Ardea

Sicilyand

Saguntum,
and its

it is said to have

partly colonized
iv.

(Liv.xxi. 7) ;
derived

great
its

(Liv.i. 57, Dionys.

Antium
and

64) was
galleys

probably
with

from
the

commerce.

exercised

piracy in
its

conjunction
and reduction From
of

v. Tyrrhenians (Strab. 3, 5) ;

navigation
the these

are

mentioned
"

on

the

occasion

of the

subsequent
induc-

town
we

(b.c.335).
are

facts

justifiedin making
2

still wider

^ ^ *

Lib. See

i. 75. Mr.

uh.

ii. 4. of Anc.

Bimbury's

article Antium,

in Smith's

Diet,

Geography.

S. 792, Anm.

GREATNESS

OF

REGAL

ROME.

403
extensive

tion.
commerce

It

is
as

impossible
is shown been
so

that

people
and

who

enjoyed

so

by

the

evidence irrefragable

of this
as

treaty

could

have

semi-barbarous

illiterate

it

pleases the
is
a

scepticalcritics product
It Eomans those

to

represent them.

Maritime

commerce

late it.
the

of civilization, and
least
a

contributes
of

still further

to

extend
; and exercise few
mental monu-

implies at
useful

knowledge
not

writing
been

and

arithmetic
the

therefore
arts

could in
as

have
of

still without

of

the

time

Tarquin, except

for

purposes,

on inscriptions

and treaties, public buildings,

so

forth,as
in

Schwegler
a

thinks
so

fit to assert.^
extensive
as

Further,

commerce

tliat indicated of
a

by

the treaty but of

question could
a

not
or

have
two.

been And

the the

product
first to

few

years^

at least be

century
we

developement
the to
a

of it may of Ostia
so

traced, as
Ancus

have

alreadyremarked,
This
carries
us

foundation

by
the

Marcius.
of

up

century
the

or

from that
a

foundation
of at this

Eome.

Bat

how

improbable
the left

opinion

people
extant

sort,that had
should

executed

great public works

then the

Rome,
its

have

or forgotten,

unrecorded, all
owed

of particulars

history! Schwegler
and

We deal

agree to

with

her the

kings,
last bad much

thinking that Eome to the last three especially

may

in

great
And like
a

kings.
was,

though period
century

Tarquin

have
The

been

tyrant, he

Borgia, no
of
or

ruler. political
more

was regal period at Eome civilization than enlightenment and

the

two

which

followed

its termination.
maritime

This

comparative
of her

decay
in the

is indicated
over

by

the

loss of her

commerce,

dominion

Latium, and
; which

by

the little improvement

a

that took

place
of the
at

city itself
of

forms With

strong
the
no

contrast

to the

magnificent

works

the

Tarquins. Moneta,
instant

exception, perhaps, public works

Claudius
to the

Temple
Eome which

of Juno

there

were

undertaken
b.c.

before
can

the
an

censorship of Appius
be

Caecus, in

312,
the
of
to

for

compared
;
or

CapitolineTemple,
to

Cloaca
Tullus trace

Maxima,
Hostilius. the
causes

and
It of
;
as

the Circus
is for the

even

perhaps
of the

the

Curia

historian

early Eepublic
few
of

this the

retrograde movement.
war

A
Eome

them

are

obvious the may

enough

waged

against
of
as

by Tarquin
the Gauls.

with It

aid of

Porsena, and
been the

the

capture

the

cityby

also have

partly owing,

of reactionaryspirit

Schwegler suggests, to. the and mutual great families,their ambition

1

B.

i. S

36.

I) D

404
and jealousies,

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME,

their

contempt

for and

hati-ed of the

higher

class of

themselves After who had enriched the by commerce. plebeians, expulsion of the kings, these feelingshad full scope for their without let or hindrance. display, With regard to the works constructed by the Tarquins Schwegler remarks As
:

"

The

Capitoline Temple

stands

at

the

head

of them.

in most

of the share the

undertakings of
building
of the

the

Tarquinian epoch, tradition

the

assigns a
the

in this

to both

Tarquins
and

ascribing to
of the consider necessary
enormous

father

laying
son

foundation of the

preparation
If
we

ground,
the

to the

the

completion
at all events

building.
the
extent

magnitude

of the
must

undertaking and
appear of several

of the that
even no so

it substructions,
a

probable

structure

was

the

work did
we

generations;
old tradition whose
more names

if

the

reign
ing buildit

of Servius
was

Tullius Hence
to

not
see

stand that

between, during which

the ascribes and

progress the

made.

merely
is
so

the

Tarquins,

with

endeavours

intimatelyassociated,without
father and
son.

accurately distinguishing
have

between
"

The

prodigies
the
at

which of

are

said

to

presented
how
to

themselves

during
of them head This is
name

building
an

the

temple
follows. derived

show

much it.
In

importance explanation
the human hill. top, hillof the
a

tradition, even
we an

early period, ascribed

what The from
"

may

remark

findingof
the
name

etymologicalmyth
Capitolium
forms the
"

that

is,Capitulum
this
to be

signifies simply
the
town

which

head

of (thatis, the citadel)

{caput
Eoman

urhis). The

of interpretation the world

appears

prodigy by

the

future the

empire

of

ancient; perhaps

line Sibylof the

oracles,which dominion,
Terminus
cell of

contained
to it.

such The

prophecies of
second
an

future

universal refusal In

gave
to

occasion from
a

prodigy,the

remove was

his

place,is

etiological myth.
Later the

Jupiter
this

stone

resembling god
of
as

boundary stone; probably generations

that
to

the
saw

originalsymbol
in
stone
a

of the

Jupiter Lapis.
thus
arose

Terminus

; and

tradition

Terminus,
was

in

consequence in bis cell.

in the

his

refusal
this

to

give place
the

Jupiter,
tradition

enclosed the

To

Terminus cell of

later

referred

opening
were
a

roof of the

Jupiter ;
air.^ But

for sacrifices
this would

to Terminus
seem

to be

performed
The
reason

in the open for

this

to be

mistake.

opening

in the

roof

is

doubtless to be found
1

in the very
2

being
Mn.

of

Jupiter,as god
Lact. Inst.

of heaven.
i. 29, 40.

Biich

xviii. " 14.

Serv.

ix. 448;

THE

CAPITOLINE

TEMPLE.

405
named
; but

Besides would is
of

Terminus,
not

Juventas the

is also sometimes

as

deitythat
worship
the
to

give place for having

the been

Capitoline Temple
is also of later into

this tradition the

evidently an
Juventas

allegory.

It

origin;
the

first introduced books.

religion of (Hebe)
in

Romans

through

Sibylline
was

Thus, according
for Juventas in
connexion

Livy
the
a

(xxi. 62), a
year,

lectisternium
to

prepared Hercules,
Hebe
was

536, according
the

the

Sibylline books,
of
to

with

procession to
belief religious
It
can

Temple

whom,
not

according

to the

of the
be
or

Greeks,

married."

hardly
son,

said that rather and that

tradition

does
it

distinguishbetween
us

father

and
was

grandson,
the the
area

when

plainlytells

that

the the

temple
elder
so,

vowed
and

for

its foundation
was

prepared by
or

Tarquin,
the

building
The

completed,
steps
to do in

very process

nearly
it is
cannot true.

by

younger
now

Tarquin.
;
nor

exact

the
as

impossible
be
a

to trace

is it necessary main facts

so,

there
are

reasonable abandon that

doubt

that the

of the tradition with the the

We
we

all the

prodigies
has We

connected

temple,

and of

believe
word

Schwegler

properly explained
that and
reason

etymology
was

the stone

Capitolium.
the

think, however,
not

there

reallya
is that

representing the god Terminus, precincts of

who lived

Jupiter Lapis, within thinking

so

the

temple.

Our

for

Ovid,
it
as

within his time

ut

five minutes'
:

walk

of the

temple,

describes

existing in
''

Terminus,

veteres

memorant,
cum

inventus

in sede

Restitit, et niagno
Nunc quoqtie,
se

Jove
ne

templa

tenet.

supra
tecta

quid
foramen

nisi sidera liabent.

non
"

cernet,

Exiguum
Termine, Qua Now time Ovid
can

templi

post illud, levitas tibi libera

in statione,
mane.

est ;
i

positus fueris

was

more

likely to
the
stone ; and

know
in

than

anybody
was

at

the

present
for that

be whether for Terminus the side whether

concerned

Jupiter'sceU probable
on

meant

deity or
lies
on

it is

more

that

the

"mistake"

of

Schwegler
it
was an

than

his.

How

Terminus

got
the
^

there, and
we
''

augural
fact.

trick, is another
But
even we on

question ; point

are

only
shrine

for

the

this

old tradition"
a

is consistent

with

itself;for
to in

have

already seen ridius,^ or

that That

had also

been
an

dedicated

Terminus

by King
of Dius
or

Tatius.

there

was

aperture

the

roof

Sancus,
; Fast.

proves

nothing.
'

Jupiter, under
Above,
p. 160.

this form
="

appellation,
v,

ii. 667, seqq.

Varr. Ling. Lat.

66.

406

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

appealedto by peculiariy
weK

the
"

Komaos
we see

in

their

oaths

"

which

exdamir by the conunon not the Capitoline tion, medius fidins." But this concerns Jupiter, for an aperture in the Capitoline excludes the necessity Temple nor
to be taken
**

in the open

air

as

for open

the sake

of And

Terminus, who
the passage
on

was

also

to

be

worshipped
the way,

in

the the

air.^
of

of

Ovid

shows, by
not enter.

that

Temple
The

Jupiter

the
we

Capitol was
need
not

hypseihral.Into

the

questionabout
authentic

Juventas

Capitoline Temple
monument

is not record

only in
of the

itself the most

and striking

and

also affords collateral

in front of it stood

proof of

the

Tarquinian dynasty,but it For existence of the other king"

in the midst

their statues, and

of them that these

that of
statues

Junius
existed

Brutus,
there

who

expelledthem.
the
was

It is certain the

before

time slain ;

of
-

empire :
Julius
act
was

for

it

was

among his
own

that Gracchus
to

and
"

Cfesar

caused among
at

be

placed amidst
a

them,

an

which,

others,
the

created naturally

suspicion that
entertained
very
name

he

aiming

regal
of
it is

power.'
Kome

The

hatred

against the

of

during the king is so

could

republicantimes
notorious that

impossible to
have been
set

suppose

that
; and

their statues
the last

have

been

erected

by republican hands
up

by
as

the

only inference Tarquin when

relics

CapitoL
who
to them
as

This

inference them
test

is confirmed

r^arded
a

genuine

by the of antiquity, since

custom

they must he completed the testimony of Pliny;

he

is that

appeals
Tullius
next to

the ancient respecting

of and

wearing rings,
Servius
that

and had

observes

tiiat

and that rings, tiie littlefinger.* Xow written have records in

only the they were

those

statues
on

of Numa the

third

or finger,

it is incredible

that, even
memory from of

had

there

been

no

times, the
two

precedingkings
obtained

should
of the

perishedin about
or

centuries

the establishment

monarchy,
not

that
more

even

Tarquinius Priscus,who
a

tiie throne

much

than

centuiy
eum

after

that

event, should

"

Tenninos,
esse

quo

loco

colebator,snper
intra
tectmn

foramen eonsistere."
*

patebat in tecto, quod

"

nefsks

pntanent
Cbbs.

Terminum

Paul. B. C. L

Diac. 16.

p. 368,

Terwtimus.
" *

Appian,

Sa"L

76,

80

; Dio

Cass, xliii. 45.

kabet Bomuli in

Capitolio statua, nee pneter Bruti. Hoc in Tarquiniis quidem maxime fuit origo," "c. H. N. xxxiiL Graecia miior, quorum a 4, 2. minimis in sic sunt Singulis mos fuerat, primo digitis geri proximi : qui
(innulum)
Xnmc

"Nullum

Seiriique Tullii

alia,ac

ne

Lucii

"

**

Nunue

et Servii

Tullii

sUtnis

ridemus.""

Ibid.

6,

6 ; cf. xxxiv.

11, 13.

THE

STATOES

OF

THE

KIXOS,

407
a

not

have

introduced

civilization

enongh
statues

to presenre

lecord of hif

And l^redeceftBon.
most

thongh the

of the earlier
some

kings

were

of

probablyexecuted from imagination,or their personalaj"pearance, yet that does

which
we

laini traditioiif invalidate the

not
;

inference

propose not

to draw

firom them

namely, that the

kings were
names

real and

fictitiouspersonages, and

that

they bore

the

historyascribes to them, the question of the site Schwegler then proceeds to examine of the Capitoline Temple, and, with most German scholars, places summit the Monte of the hilL it on Caprino, or south-western
which
are

We
for

happy

to say that the

reasons

we

have

given in other works

to thinking that it could not have been on that summit appear in the garden of the ""e confirmed by very recent excavations the remains there discovered J'alazzo Cafiarelli; being quite at

variance
we

with
not

what
enter

need
same

the
about

reason

Capitoline Temple.* But into this merely topographical question; and for abstain from noticing what we Schwegler says
we

are

told of the

the

Cloaca
to

Maxima.

According
the sold

Dionysius

and

other

it was authors,^

in the time
to

of

younger
to

Tarquin that the Cunuean

oracles

Sibylcame
afterwards

Bome, and
as

king the famous books ; though some Sibylline

that

known

the

authorities

reign of Tarquinius Priscus. It is not afterwards the existence of these prophecies. The he recognises in the reign of the younger introduced tradition that they were that king which Tarquin is not improbable, from, the connexion
had the with

place this event in the mentioned by Livy ; though

Cumse

; whatever

we

may

think We

of the have

mode

in

which

purchase of
this
"

them

is described.

already touched
"

briefly upon
The in that
to

and add the remarks of Schwegler : * subject, and comEoman of Greek posed origin, Sibyllineoracles were the Greek language. This appears from the circumstance duumvirs
to

the

whom

they

were

intrusted

were

also

assigned two
assumes

Greek

that interpreters;*

the from

prevailingtradition
Cumae
; that

that
were

the books
"

they were brought to Kome destroyedby the burning

on

when

of the
of

Capitoline Temple,
Geography, toL
ii

See

the

article

Kome Histder H. Mn.

in Dr. of the Stadt X. vL

Smith's

Diet

Anc.

p.

761,
2 "

seqq. ; and

the

City
Kom.

of

See

Kemnont, Gesch. Dionys. iv. 62 ; PUn.

ii 16, seqq. ; Serv,

Kome, p. 384, seqq, " 65, and Anm. S 800.

;

xiiL

27, " 88

xxxir. 11, { 22 ; GelL

*

i 19 ;

Solin.
*

72, teqq.
Zonar. rii. 11.

BucjixviiL

" 16.

408

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

envoys for their chief

were

despatchedto
;
^

Greek
the

order cities'^in and

to find materials wliich

are

restoration them
;

that

gods

worships
themselves with

play the
unknown

part in
of

belong
and

to

the the

Greek

and religion,

in that

Rome

that lastly,

Eomans

regarded the
the

religiousobservances
books viros'
"

worships connected
'

Sibylline
xvi. Romano the

as

for

Et nos portion of their religion. (' Gra^co ritu sacra, consultingthe books
"

Greek

dicimus
non

Varr. facerc,'

L.

L.
were

vii.

88,

with

Midler's
:

note.)

Moreover

oracles Sibylline
' * *

in hexameters
Komanos senis

Te

duce

nunquam fata caiiit

frastrata

Sibylla
'

Abdita

quee

pedibus ;

not

as therefore, might

have

been

expected
metre.

if

they

were

of home indications

growth, composed
leave the
no

in the

Saturnian

If all these Roman

doubt

of the of them
a

Greek in

acceptance
which

originof Rome, and

culture

the

the

Sibylline verses, which authority they

of that favourable

acquired there, are

in spirit in the the

indication significant and

Hellenistic
;

Tarquinian epoch
of the religion towards

and

all the otherwise

were religion regarded more remarkable,as the

earliest

Romans

of rigid betraysa spirit

exclusiveness
*'

That

the the

foreign religions. were Sibyllineverses brought

Roman is and tradition,
a

to

Rome
can

from
no

Cumae

is almost doubted.
commerce

unanimous

in

respect be
under

This which

circumstance
was

proof
between

of the Rome

livelyintellectual
and Cumae

maintained

the

Tarquinian dynasty.
"The books Sibylline exercised introduced
a

considerable into it
as a

influence of of

on

the

Roman and
to

religion. They
for the
most

number

foreign, Apollo,
was

part Greek, worships :

of
a

the

worship
first in

whom,

in consequence in the year 321

the great pestilence, of

temple

dedicated with

; that

Latona, for whom,

a deities,

conjunction
was

Apollo,Artemis, and

other of the
was

Greek

lectisternium year 355

;

prepared, in consequence who worship of -r^sculapius,

year

epidemic brought
had
a

of the

the the

from

Epidaurus
several years
was

in

463,

to avert

which pestilence whom

lasted

; the

worship
in 536
;

of

Hebe
"

to (Juventas), to
"

lectisternium

decreed

lastly
Salus

pass the

over

national originally of the IdaBan

Ceres, and
^
"

worship
;

as deities, Yenus, mother, who, by

Tac.

Ann.

vi. 12

Dionys. iv.

62

Lact. Inst. i. 6, 14.

TibuU.

ii. 5. 16.

410

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

cornel- wood, which

he mind.

had

hollowed

ooit for the

purpose, and

"

type of his
desire
to know

own

After

arriving at Delphi,
were

charging disa

their father's

mission,the youths
of them would
answer

seized

with

which

obtain
was

the Roman returned

dom kingfrom
"

; and

to their

an inquiries

the The him

lowest chief among in

depths
command
you who

of
at

the

cavern

to

the

followingeffect :
be obtained mother."

Rome,

youths,will
his had

by
at

shall

first kiss

The

Tarquins,
Rome,
of chance

order
not

that know

Sextus, who
the the matter

been
and

left behind lose

as

might
and kiss that

response,

thus

his
as

directed reigning,
decided his the

to be

kept by
But
.

secret

possible,
first

between
on

themselves
their
return.

lot which

should

mother

Pythian
mother

oracle

had gave

another the So earth

to stumble, accidentally
common a war

thought meaning, pretending a kiss,that being the

to

Brutus, who

of all

men. was

they returned

Rome, where

againstthe
was

Rutuli that

in active in age Tor

Ardea

at

time

preparation. possession of the Rutuli

and

"

peoplevery wealthy
was

for that
war.

country
Roman

which, indeed,

the

cause

of

the his

the

king, besides
of his the

having exhausted

treasury by the
moreover

magnificence

public works,
a

wanted

to

conciliate his

people by

division of

of

account

booty ; for they hated his pride in general, but

so

reign,not

also because in servile and

indignantat being
labour It
as was

long employed
artisans.
to

only on they were degrading

as

workmen first
not

and

attempted
camp

take

Ardea

by assault; but
laid to the

this did
an

succeed, regularsiege was

established. In

place,and

entrenched
in
a

such

quarters,as always

long rather than a brisk war, furloughs were to the officers than The though more men. freelygranted, their leisure with amused royal princes sometimes feasting and and conviviality it that ing drinkas happened they were ; togetherin the quarters of Sextus Tarquinius,where Taralso supping,some was quinius Collatinus,the son of Egerius, happens
talk ensued his about
own.

their As there

wives, and
the

each grew of

began wonderfully
warm,

to extol

dispute
no

Collatinus it

remarked

"that

was

need

words;

might

be

SEXTUS

TARQUINIUS hours have how any the

AND

LUCRETIA.

411 excelled
us

ascertained
rest.
our

in

few

much

his Lucretia

the

Come,
them

if you

horses, and
a

ascertain visit.
our on

youthful vigour,let disposition of our

can so were

mount

wives

by
than All
; and

paying
what

There eyes
on

be

no

better
a

proof
call." wine

shall
"

meet

unexpected
excited

answered,

Come

"

for

they

with

They arrived there as they spurred on at a gallop to Eome. discovered the king'sdaughters-in-law and night was falling, amusing themseves, witli other high-born dames, in luxurious they proceeded to Collatia,where they conviviality. Thence Lucretia found sittinglate at night in the midst of her
household, spinning wool
Lucretia She and carried off the the welcomed the arrival with her in maid-servants this
;

and

thus

palm

trial of female and the

worth.

of her

husband

victorious
to

Collatinus Here Sextus

hospitably

invited

Tarquins, the royal

both Tarquinius,inflamed by the beauty and the approved chastityof Lucretia, conceived But wicked at the design of forcibly dishonouring her. after their nocturnal and present they returned to the camp

youths

stay.

freak. juvenile After the

lapse

of

few

days,
to
were

Sextus

Tarquinius,with
the ledge knowhis

single companion,
of Collatinus.
was

returned As all

Collatia,without

ignorant of

design,he

chamber. kindly received, and conducted, after supper, to his bedwith lust,so soon all around But being inflamed as seemed quiet and everybody asleep,he entered, with drawn sword, the apartment of Lucretia, and, placing his left hand
on

her

breast, said

"

Utter

not

word, Lucretia
! if thou

am

Sextus

Tarquinius.
shalt thus the used

Behold Great and

succour.

my
was

sword the

makest Lucretia

any
at

noise, thou

die."

frightof Tarquin

being
without love every
:

awakened,

menaced Then

with

immediate

death,
his

hope

of

confessed

and prayers effort to overcome

was

entreaties, mingled with

that female
to

threats ; tried he
saw

mind. could threat

Bvit when
not

that she
even

determined

and resist, added her she

a

be

subdued
; he

would
of
a

by the fear of death, he place,he said,beside

slave,and

of dishonour the naked and

dead had

body
been

corpse slain

give

out

that

detected

412

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

in that

adultery. By this terrible threat lust gained, it were, and the victory, that obstinate as triumphed over chastity; and Tarquin departed,exultiugin his conquest of
honour.
But

base

female of
at
come so

Lucretia, overwhelmed
messenger husband
at

with

the

sense

great a misfortune, despatcheda

and her
to

to her father to

Eome,

Ardea, beseeching them

a

her, each

accompanied by
came

something atrocious had that speedily. Sp. Lucretius

of Volesus
; Collatinus

single faithful friend; occurred, which required action, and

with

P. Valerius

the he his

son

with

L. Junius

Brutus, whom
after found

had

met accidentally

when

returningto Eome,
Collatia

wife's

message. in sitting her

"

On her

their

arrival at

they

Lucretia To
:

bed-chamber,

overwhelmed she with

man was a

with

sorrow.

husband's
; for

question
can

whether well

well, she
in

answered of

No

what The

be

woman are

robbed

her

honour

? But

traces

of another

thy bed,

tinus. Colla-

it is my

body
my hands

alone

that shall the

was

has

been

defiled ; my

mind
me

is with

as guiltless,

death that

testify.Come, pledge
adulterer he shall
not

your

right
Sextus

go

unpunished.
as an

Tarquinius
of
a

enemy from
as

instead
me

guest, with
fatal men." All her had

who, coming and arms violence,

"

hither

ravished
as

last

night a

pleasure

fatal to himself

well

me,

if you

be but

turn, and
the the crime author

endeavoured

to assuage

pledged themselves in representingthat grief,

been

lay
not

not

with shame

her, who
; that

forced, but
was was

with

of her

the mind

alone the will she

;
as

capable of
absent, no
"

sin, and
crime

the
be

body
what of

; and

that where To all which merits

could

imputed.

be for you I absolve

to

see

Tarquin

It will : replied for myself, though

myself
No

sin, yet I will

Then which floor in

not

punishment. example
the heart with

wanton

shall henceforth

myself from live,and plead the

free

of Lucretia."
a

suddenly
she the had

she

piercedherself
under

to

knife the

concealed

her

robe, and
her husband

fell upon and

agonies of death, while

sorrow

her father

vented

their

in

unavailing

lamentations. While
knife from these
were

absorbed

in and

Lucretia's

wound,

Brutus, pluckingthe grief, holding it up, all reeking

DEATH

OF

LUCRETIA.

413 I

with chaste you,

gore,

before

him, exclaimed
it
was

"

swear

by

this

most

blood, before
0

contaminated

by royalty,and
I will and pursue all his I

call

gods, to witness my oath, that wife, Tarquinius Superbus, his wicked

fire and I will

Lucius

children,
can

with that

sword, and
Then he
to

whatever them the

nor

other any

violence other

; and

suffer neither

person
to

to

reign

at Rome." to

handed

dagger

in turn

Collatinus,
in

Lucretius, and
a

Valerius, who
intellect bade

all stood
to

wondering how,
sprung
;

by
and
as

miracle,
And

a as

new

seemed
so

have
swore

up

Brutus.

he

them,

they
at

while, anger
Brutus the the

they indignationtaking the place of grief,

their

followed

leader,who
So the
as

exhorted carried

them the
a

once

to

overthrow from

monarchy.
house into attracted

they

body
crowd of

of Lucretia
soon

Forum, where

gathered round,
matter
as

well

indignationwhich
each crime
; and
sorrow

by the novelty naturally arose

denounced of the father and

the in

by

the

their

breasts.

Then

of the four in turn the hearts of the

violence and prince's equally touched bystanders were the and

by

the

by
to

the

bearing
up
arms

of

Brutus,

who, reproving all them,

those The
as

tears

useless

lamentations, exhorted
take

became had

inen

and ventured

Romans,
to at

against
hostilities. their
vices, ser-

who
most

thus

for give the signal

once

ardent
were

of the
soon

youth

volunteered

and
a

followed

by

the rest.

Then, having left

to to

guard

at

the

gates of Collatia,and
notice of the armed

appointed persons
risingbeing carried
on

watch the

and

prevent any
This and
seen was

the rest,having royal family,

to Rome. terror
was

themselves, followed

Brutus

armed

multitude,
wheresoever of the chief

spread
when its

tumult that
some

arrivingat Rome, they appeared; but

of the the

it

men

city were

leaders, it
was no

concluded

that, whatever
The

affair the
no

might
crime less
sequently con-

be, it
of

rash

undertaking.
known
at

of atrocity

Tarquin, when
than made

Rome,
at

occasioned
a

there
rush

excitement

it had into

done

a,nd Collatia, from them all

to

was

the

Forum

parts of the
attend upon

city;
the
to be

for

thither

herald

summoned

tribune
at that

of the time.

Celeres,in which
There he

office Brutus them in

a

addressed

happened stylewhich

very

414

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

with ill corresponded

he

had

hitherto of Sextus

and understanding which disposition the lust and simulated, expatiatingupon

the

violence
and

Tarquinius,
of

the

unspeakable

dishonour tius of Lucre-

miserable

suicide

Lucretia, the bereavement

indignation at the death of his daughter were rendered bitter by the cause of it. more Then he proceeded to denounce the pride of the king himself, and to paint the misery and labours of the people,compelled and drains ; that Romans, the conquerors to dig ditches of
all the labourers

whose Tricipitinus,

griefand

should surroundingpeoples,
and

be turned, forsooth,into
of warriors. He recalled of

stone-cutters, instead
the cruel and his

to their recollection

undeserved

murder her

King
are

Servius

Tullius, and
accursed of

daughter riding over

invoked these the

father's

body
the

in her

chariot,and

parents. others,I believe, still more

avengers of

Eecitingall
we

gods who and things,

the

also

atrocious,but which
live makes

present
to

state
a

things
to

under

which

it difficult for

goaded on the incensed abrogate the king'simj^erhwi,and to sentence his wdfe and children. to exile, together with
writer with
a

repeat, he

multitude
L.

Tarquinius
himself,
with camp
;
one

He vied

chosen in

body

of the

youth

in arms,

who

enrollingthemselves, proceeded to the Ardea, in order to incite the army against the king the command at Rome to Lucretius, whom Tarquin
another made fled from wherever that avenge
news

at

leaving
viously pre-

had

prefect of

the

city. TuUia,
men

amidst

the

tumult,
furies

the she

palace; both appeared,and

and

women

her execrating the

invoking against her having

new

the violation of these

of filial piety. been

The camp,

disturbances
at this ; while

carried to the

the

king,
to

alarmed peace

set off aspect of affairs,

was

for Rome the aside

same

restore

Brutus, who

travelling
little
same

road, and
avoid

to

a perceived his approach, turned at the meeting him ; and thus almost

time, but
he
was

by
Rome. in

different But

routes, Brutus

reached the

Ardea

and

quinius Tar-

Tarquin
exile ; the
were

found
on

was,

fact,an

whilst,
camp

gates shut, and that the other hand, Brutus

the liberator
two

joyfully received in city. The king'schildren

as

of the

also

expelled ;

of whom

EXPULSION

OF

THE

TARQUINS.

415 Sextus
were

went

with

their father had

into

exile

to to

Casre,in Etruria, Gabii,

as

Tarquinius, who own kingdom, was grudges

and L. which he murders.

proceeded

if it

his

killed had

ancient of those by the avengers himself brought upon by his rapine

Tarquinius Superbus reignedfive-and-twentyyears. Tlie whole duration of the regalperiod at Eome, from the building hundred and forty-four two of the city to its liberation, was consuls created Two were now by the prefectof the years. city in the Comitia Centuriata, agreeably to the commentaries
of Servius Tullius. These
were

L.

Junius

Brutus

and

L.

Tarquinius Collatinus.
Remarks. "That the On the

"

proceeding narrative

Schwegler

observes
on

:^ the

by one daughter of Lucretius Tricipitinus gave is sufficiently credible. Thus revolution

also,and
in
no

outrage committed

of the

king's sons impetus

the

the external
we

to this

find in the Greek

cities Middle

the

Italian has
or

states
more

in

the

later

portion of

Ages, that
either of

cause

usurped
of
women

inherited
or

boys ;
in the
to

frequentlyoccasioned the overthrow the forcible disthan honouring principalities itself presents and the Eoman history
from
a

another

example
have
no

of

similar

revolution

like

cause.

But

the

circumstances crime

connected

pretensions

of the historywith the commission historical credibility.They belong

embellishment. partlyto poetical legend,and partlyto literary In like manner to be regarded all the details with are the cityare the fall of Tarquin and his expulsion from
''

which related.

When
with
we

the annalists which may the

wrote, the memory

of the

actual
was so

circumstances
extinct. But and

catastrophewas

accompanied
not

was conjecturethat the revolution easilyaccomplished as it appears to have

smoothly
the
to
severe

been

in

narratives

of and

the

historians.

The
were

Tarquins
not

had from

party devoted
Rome tiU after

them,
and

assuredly they bloody contests."

With much and the

driven

of what crimes

is here of

said

we

are

inclined

to

agree.

The

tyranny
been

very

much
even

legend,or

Tarquin and his family have probably exaggerated; not, however, we think, by popular embelhshment, if by such embellishby literary
1

Buch

viii.

" 17.

416
mentwe of later

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

are

to understand "We time

the narratives of the these

narratives and
to

histoiia professed
have been been
niii j
:

times. than the

believe
of

to

earlier

Fabius,

have

contained

privatememoirs
the times which
seems

of the
events contain

of the

patricianfamilies, reaching perhaps up which they record ; and that the exaggei
were

"

tions It upon

they
very

the result

of

party spirit.
that the with ancient the fall
so

probable, as
was

Schwegler remarks,
occasion of

outra,; of
t:'

Lucretia

the

immediate

monarchy.

So

striking an
one so

event, in connexion

great
"

and revolution,
can

confirmed universally
an

by
it
was

testimon occasio lies

one mu(

hardly have
not the

been

invention.

But

only
cause

the

;.

and

cause,

of the revolution.

The

actual the

deeper. An king's sons, Tarquin

a

outrage, however
would his
not

brutal, on

part of
the

of

tl

and

republic for a state a powerful party

the already seen endeavouring to aristocratic have

expulsion family,but also the great constitutional change !' monarchy, unless there had been already in tL'!'
not

have

produced

only

that

meditated

such

revolution. death that of

We

haT*;;

patricianfamilies,after
substitute the their hands idea
own

the

of Eomuli;a

rule for of the the

king.
appears

""

republicin
a

great
it. It

families

"":"

remained

favourite

among
to

patricians, though
was

for

""

long period they were of counterpoisethat way

Senate, with
the view The scheme of

unable
we

realize

find

Tarquinius Priscus

apparently1 ;" doubling tl

"'

assembly.

taries of Servius Tullius

securingfor himself a strong party in th from the Comme:.. for a republic appears been subsequentlyadopted by thto have

.!

'"

of his overthrow probably the cause by Tarqui king, and was of led him to depress and persecu The reactionary policy Tarquin The fall of Tarquin was the Senate. produced by a counter-re v" lution that the

organized by
the first
care

the the

old
new

patricianfamilies
consuls
was

; and

thus and

we

fiini
;
.

of

to fill up

augmej

number The

of the

Senate.
n on

of Schwegler,that Tarquin and his party were conjecture till after severe and bloody contests, is not driven from Eome unsupported by evidence,but is also improbable in itself. final decision

Tl th(
;
:

of the

matter

would

have

lain with

the

army hastened

assembled
obtain. Roman of the

before
Had the

Ardea,
army
"

whose that

aid and

Brutus sufi"rage

is,in
in the

other

words,

the

elite of tlr-

and citizens,

those especially

centuries Comitia

of the

knights ar::i enjoyc

'

prima

classis which

Centuriata

418
have

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

to

denoted

"

severe."

Cicero

says

The of

but alludes only to his courage folly, ^ of Schwegler's on following remarks with
some

nothing of his pretended ^ and understanding.

the

Tarquin'sreignare,
"

The

generaloutlines
That

of the with

generalcharacter worthy of attention : exceptions, historyof the second Tarquin may

"

pass

for historical.

Servius
but also
a

he hurled help of the patricians from the throne, exercised as king a strong and glorious, and arbitrary rule,and was at last overthrown by oppressive the
"

conspiracyof the patricians all this cannot be consistently questioned. The history of the last king stands on the boundaries of the legendary and mystic period and of the transition to the
historical
"

times.

image was at an earlyperiod deformed hate and painted with dark and exaggerated by patrician shades. of Sp. Cassius, The Sp. Maelius,and M. Manlius, memory has who consequently of men alreadybelong to the time of record,
It
can

hardly

be denied

that

his

in like of the the

manner

been

falsified and The

misrepresentedthrough they

the hate

ruling party.
the
to

of portrait

last

all the more were patricians king in repulsive colours,as moral bar The
to

led to had

paint
the of

greater interest

place a

that

monarchical

form

government
must

which be
a

they detested.

details of
as as

Tarquin'styranny
historians have

therefore

evidentlytaken
type,
the of
a

and the more, rejected, pleasurein paintinghim The later writers Thus then
one

the the

image, or special
in this

tyrant.
to their

have especially relates he that

given

reins

fancy.
we

instruments

of

torture, and

that

abused

Tarquin invented boys and virgins,

inventions of this
was

"c.*

But

whilst be

rejectexaggerationsand
that the rule of the and and harsh despotic, bears
a

sort, it

cannot

denied

last Tarquin

unconstitutional really *'In

oppressive.
to

general,Tarquin
of the older

tyrants
^
"

times.

Like

great these, he
Paul. named

resemblance is
a

the

Greek
enter-

clever and

Brutum

antiqui gravem
the mouth
a

dicebaut"
of June
was

"

Diac. after

p. 31. Brutus.

According
''Nonnulli

to

some

authorities

putaverunt
sacrum
^
"

J uuiuni
;

meusem

Junio

est, nominatmn
Carnse Turn vir

quod

hoc

mense,

consul factus Bruto, qui piimus Romre id est, Calendis Juniis, pulso Tarquinio
reus

dese in Cselio monte

voti

fecerit."" L. Brutus De

Macrob.

Sat.
a

i. 12. suis

iugenio

et

virtute

prsstans
"c,
"

depvdit
ii. 25.

civibus

injustum
"
*

illud durae

servitutis

jugum,"
from
such

Rep,
as

Buch
These

xiii. "" 10, 11. stories

are

taken
John

authors

Theophilus (Bishop

of

Antioch), Hicronymus,

Lydus,

"c.

HISTORK^AL

CHARACTER

OF

TARQUIN. without But he

419
deration, consiticularly par-

prisingprince,a
and

lover

of

art

and

splendour, but
which he the also
uses.

reckless

of the Hellenic

means

recalls the

tyrants by tyrants
enumerates

buildings. For the older encouragingthe arts,and

useful
monuments.

Greek
to

perpetuate their

magnificence of his sought reputationby name by splendid or

the
arts

Aristotle

among

of rule

the erection of great and costly by despoticmonarchs would had been robbed of their freedom : a people who buildings But be thus kept employed, and at the same time rendered poor. this was which influenced the Greek not the only motive certainly Tarquin in these buildings and creations of tyrants or the Eoman the view of giving their reign a certain appearance art, but chiefly of marking it by magnifiof something out of the common, and cence exercised and of that dominion the Greek splendour. Tarquin also resembles tyrants that he seeks to support his epoch in the circumstance and nexions conby foreign alliances, marriages,hospitality, with the princesor ruling families of neighbouring cities. the
so

Lastly,like
hatred, not
whom "It is

Greek

tyrants

almost
ov

much

of the demos

he incurs the universally, by plehs,as of the patricians,

he is at last overthrown.

remarkable particularly that, in spite of the apparent Italyand Greece, a certain parallelism estrangement between may still be traced in the political development of their inhabitants. As old the old Koman the the founded constitution,
on

answers families,

to the
responds cor-

Attic, so
with

Servian

constitution, restingon
one

the

census,

contemporary

of Solon And

; the
so

Servian
the

division quin Tar-

of tribes with resembles follows

"

that made

by Clisthenes.
follows

younger
as

who Pisistratus,

Solon, just

Tarquin

Servius
we

Tullius.
more

of

the political character of the reign closely tion the younger to be the realizaTarquin, its main tendency seems of that idea of which the creation of the Capitoline Temple If examine
"

and

of the worship is the symbolical expression the formation monarchy into a unity,the removal of the bars which had till then hindered had its divided the nation both in religion and politics, In this view Tarquin of action. its power development,and crippled but follows up the endeavours of his immediate predecessor, ing by different means ; not, namely, by the development of the existunlimited but by founding an constitution, monarchy. Tarquinius also evidentlyaimed at converting the Eoman kingdom,
E E

420
which into these upon
"

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

had
an

hitherto

been constitutionally Hence this it

an

elective

hereditaryone.
endeavours,
and the

naturallyfollowed
of

monarchy, that through

drew down

system

government,

he

himself It is
more

implacable hatred
what

of the

patricians."
assumed with

doubtful

attitude

Tarquin

regard

to

plehs. The Greek tyrants of the older times for the most they could. part sought support in the demos, and favoured it when the result of their position with This regard to the policy was origin oligarchical ; for the greater party, as well as of their own quin Tarfrom rose being demagogues. But the younger part of them in another the throne obtained manner: according to all he sought to support his monarchy by foreign alliances, indications,
the

though
to the

indications
were no

are

not

wanting
ones

which
even

show

that

his

relations

pkbs

hostile

Porsena, as friendly. When walls of the city, the Senate was : corn bought in reduced, the
over

perhaps that they were Livy relates,^ appeared before the

; nay,

directed diiferent

all its attention

to

the

monalty com-

tolls and

taxes

were

the priceof salt was places, in order to win them lightened,

they might not be led to preferthe restoration of the exiled royalfamily to a war. The property of the deposed king had been previouslygiven up to the plebs to be plundered, in order, as Livy expresses it,by this robbery of
and tha

and

conciliate

them

with

the

Republic, so

that

Livy relates of Tarquin'sdeath arrived at Eome, the the news further on, when the plebeian order, which they had patricians began to misuse in their power.^ That these courted by all the means hitherto oppressionsof the plebs began with the year of Tarquin's death,
as A.u.c.

royalfamily to render ;2 while, on plebs impossible

the

all reconciliation the other

between

it

hand,

258,

is indeed

scarcelycredible, as
between

only
orders

two
came

years
to
a

wards aftercom-

(260)the
breach l)lete
But hence ; the

variance

the two

they must, therefore, have

true

begun

earlier.

(Why 1)
mode of

character

of that
as

revolution

appears

all the less

doubtful, which

did

not,
the

it afterwards of the

became

the

talkingof it,produce
events

trary, people, but, on the conof in the substituted a place popular monarchy, or at all which repressedthe exclusive pretensionsof the patrione cians, The the most oppressive despotism of the great families.

freedom

kings

had

always
"

been

the

natural

patrons
2

of

the

plebs;

their

Lib. ii. 9.
Lib.

Ibid. C. D.

5. ii. 18.

ii. 21 ; cf. Sail, lll.t. ap.

Aug.

THE

KINGS

AND

THE

PLEBS.

421

interests could the

were

easilyunited
noble with in

with

those

of that any

class,as
doubted

the

latter share the

not, like the

make families, and

a

pretensionsto
be

government

them;
the the
an

it cannot

that

plebs always found

oligarchs. Between
contrary, there
interests.

kings plebs

help

and

protectionagainst the
great families, on
the

and

the

existed

abrupt opposition of pretensionsand

this of the of the the

"Dionysius
the He

had

alreadyformed
the

judgment of
overthrow

the

plehs towards represents

the the

kings,and spokesman
Mons

of the

positionof monarchy.

addressing, on
'

Sacer,

seceding plebeians as thus the Senate : deputies from

Rome

was

during seven
reigns the

of

all these

generationsa monarchy, and in the course never plebeians were prejudiced by the
least of all

kings in anything, and favours they sought to

of by the last. By all manner befriend the plebeianorder, and to set it at the last king introduced Nevertheless, when a enmity with you. despoticgovernment, by which, however, he injurednot the people, you,
^ we

but

deserted the
'

our

good kings,and
writer,
the constitution
was

attached

our

interests

to

yours.'
Volscians

In
:

same

banished

Coriolanus

tells the

The

monarchy and despotism, the

drove him from It

mixture of a originally : when Tarquin sought to turn it into a aristocracy of the noble families rose heads up againsthim, and took possessionof the power the city, of the
course, ;

Roman

state.'2
on

is,of

understood

that

these

assertions

rest

not

tradition positive

but

reflection ; they are the productsof subjective They were, perbetray a correct judgment of these relations. haps, the experienced Licinius from taken Macer, who, we know,

interwove "That

long speeches into

the

his the

history.
was

overthrow
liberation

of

a represents it,^

Tarquins effected by the

work of of the leaders

not,

as

tradition the

whole

nation, but

victoryof
appears

a patrician conspiracy,

from

the

fact that

also patrician reaction, the conspiracy all were Brutus

was

and patricians,

indeed

of the

highest rank.
the

Tribunus

Celerum,

Lucretius

prefectof
has

city.
L. Brutus for the

plehs^ and, in the four leaders of the conspiracy Lucretius, sees accordingly, the representatives of the three Valerius,Collatinus,and Brutus
"Niebuhr,
" "

indeed,

claimed

Dionys.
Tradition formed

vi. 76.

'

Ibid. viii. 5.
:

represents it

as

what it ?

it

was really

how

else

could

Schwegler

have

liis opinion about

422

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

stem-tribes patrician
no

and

of the the

plehs}
the of the

But

this

assumption

has

other

support
from

than the

fact that

later

Junii, who

traced

their

descent

founder

nothing as since it is expresslyhanded families of the the two down as Junii are not genealogically of Brutus connected ; for the posterity he caused to be executed was extinguishedwith his two sons, whom when mere 12), youths. Dion Cassius says this expressly(xliv. and declares the pretended descent of M. Brutus from the ancient
" "

This,however, proves

to the

plebeians. Republic, were o f Junius Brutus, plebiscity

L.

Brutus

to the

be

an

invention.

So

also

Dionysius (v. 18), who

well as as historians, testimony of the best Eoman the authorities quoted by Plutarch ingly (Brutus1). Dionysius accordthe plebeian L. Junius, who 70) distinguishes plays a (vi. and afterwards becomes tribune,from the part in the first secession, family of the founder of the Republic, and remarks that the former had quitearbitrarily assumed the surname of Brutus. Hence, if this

appealsto

last Brutus time of the

is not

fictitious personage,
a

there

was

in

the well

earliest
as

Republic

plebeian line
with

of the

Junii,as
ancient

the

which died patrician, philosopherPosidonius

a

out

the

consul that

Brutus. the

It is

only the
left

who the

mentions

Brutus the in

third

and

minor But

son,

(Plut.Brut. 1).
favour.
a

of progenitor of the race is evidently invented this account Brutus of the old tradition is

Junii
their

At

all events, the

of Tarquinia, the sister of the : he is the son patrician his wife belongs to the patrician of the Vitellii race he could scarcely have Suet. Vit. 1). Besides, if a plebeian, Tribunus the

decidedly last king ; ii. 4 ; v. (Li

become half before

Celerum,

and

stillless consul, a century and

rogations. It would at least have been strange in this did not afterwards that the plebeians case appeal to this precedent. as But, on the contrary, the patricians, representedby Livy, make it an objectionto the law proposed by Canuleius, that since the fall of the kings there had been no plebeian consul; and the
Licinian

spokesman
"

of the

admits 2ylehs

it

(Liv.iv. 4).
which character still further confirms the

There

is another made

circiimstance
as

conjecture before
overthrew the

to the

of the

revolution

which

monarchy.
a numerous

"We

for instance,that find, is

the banished

royalfamily has
and
^

party, which
In the

follows
This is
one

it into

banishment.

implicatedin its fall, battle of Lake Regillus,

on

of those

numerous

crochets, founded
the disfigure

nothing

at all but

imaginationand

which conjecture,

historyof Niebuhr.

CHARACTER

OF

THE

REVOLUTION.

423
in in number and the

these when
we

exiles the

form

peculiarcohort;^
ambassadors and in Cumae these Cumse
to

and

even corn

year

262,

Eomans
the

send Volsci

buy
a

Lower

Italy,
the

find among

great

of Eoman among

who refugees, Volsci them.2 the excite The

bitterlyoppose
the

ambassadors,
the 294 seize the

people,at
who

tyrant Aristodemus, against

exiles

in the

year

Capitol,under
of that these the
at

leadershipof Herdonius,

were

perhaps descendants
further Eome Latin
were

banished overthrown

partisans of the Tarquins. We dynasty has still a party in

that
at the

find

itself.
War
a

Livy,

relates least,
was some

breaking
consuls

out

of the year

Dictator with all

chosen

because

the

of that the

suspicionas
indications
not

belonging to
it follows that

regarded Tarquinian party.^ From

overthrow of the

these did alike the

the

monarchy

the expulsion of a flagitious only concern tyrant, hated and the people,but that the revolution by the patricians was
more

result of from

general causes.
circumstance that
no

The

same

conclusion

must

be

drawn of the
not

the

other

banished the

Tarquin
person this of

; for the

revolution the
to

only

principle. And
that the aristocratic On the

Tarquin, but brings us back

of the

place consequently, concerns, monarchy as a political

pounded, prothe

king

is chosen

in

overthrow

conjecturebefore monarchy was the work of

remarks
: *
"

the

families."
same

subjectSir

G.

C. Lewis

The

narrative

reign of Tarquinius Superbus so far differs from that of the former closer agreement between Livy kings that there is a much of a fixed version of the and Dionysius, and more appearance their accounts. in the different writers from which they drew events
of the
But from there which is

nothing which
the narrative

leads

to the

inference
were

that

the

materials from fresh

temporary con-

is constructed
were

derived from of the

or registration,

written the

down

and

authenticated in

oral

like traditions,

account

Pisistratidse

Thucydides. The interval which from this reign is as great as that Phylarchus from the time of the
which in the named recorded time of the

separatedthe historian Fabius which separatedHermippus or

Pisistratidse. Eome and ancient The

inscription
extant

treaty between

Gabii, still
; but

Dionysius,was Tarquin, or contained

uncertain."
vl. 5.

doubtless

whether

it

within

itself any

indication

of its

date, is
1

Liv. Liv.

11. 19, seqq. ; 11. 18, 21.

Dionys.

Dionys. vil.

2.

""

kc. xi. " 38. Credibility,

424
Of

HISTOKY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

HOME.

the treaty with

about

Gabii

contemporary

tion alreadyspoken. To the objecbe answered, as we it may registration

we

have

have nation which

before

that a suggested, that it is impossible to suppose arrived at that cultivation, and commercial activity splendour, characterised Eome of the last Tarquin, should at the time without
as

have
record

been

all annals

or

records

; that

indubitable

traces

of

appear

therefore,a kings ;
and historical

early as must fortiori,

that, as
the
we

the

reign
shown

of Tullus under

which, Ilostilius,
the

have

existed in But the

a

subsequent
is the records

have

Introduction, there gi'eat part of

the has

evidence

of its existence. Gallic

perished in

hence conflagration ; and has necessarily a fragmentary character, which critics a handle to depreciate it. And sceptical have been aided that some by the circumstance and
over

earlyhistory
afforded

the

their of the

arguments
torians, later his-

these the

also,as
death

to breach particularly Dionysius, have endeavoured chasms of their own by pragmatical inventions ; and narrative was bare and dry, to embellish it necessarily

by working
of

up

dramaticallythe
Tullius,
of the

Servius rape

prominent events, as capture of Gabii, the mission

more

the
to

Delphi, the
there is
a

Lucretia,and
all these

other

incidents
we are

of the of

like

kind. that

But, nevertheless,under
solid foundation ''With
to

events

opinion

of truth. internal that

respect
we

the

evidence," continues
the

Sir G. C. consistent

Lewis,
seen,

"

may The

first remark life of

to
son an

chronology is
we

not

Avith itself.

is extended been in the 496

have Cumse

of The

Tarquinius Superbus, as impossiblelength, if we Tarquinius Prise us, and

same as a a

have

already
him died
:

suppose
to

to at

have

B.C.

may

be

said

of

Collatinus
of the

and

Brutus, who is described Tarquinius Superbus, and immediately after

sons."
We the without the
case

boy

at the
man

beginning
at its

reign of
grown-up

young

termination, appears
two

the

expulsion of
these

the

kings with

have

before examined
shall

ing respectobjections chronological

Tarquins,and

only remark here, that Sir G. C. Lewis, follows Schwegler,who, in inquiringfor himself, servilely the plainest of Brutus has gros^y misinterpreted especially, Dionysius and Livy.
In order
to

words

of

Thus,

that writer

says

-^

''Brutus,

justifyour servilely followingSchwegler, we may referred to misquotation of the chajitcr

B. i. S. 50.

charge against Sir G. C. Lewis of reniark that he adopts Schwegler's in Livy ; viz. i. 46, instead of i. 5f".

426

HISTORY

OF

the

kings

of

ROME.

brandishing the bloody dagger,and holding it in he swears against the Tarquins, savours vengeance
eftect."
The his

his

hand
of

while

theatrical

prodigy of the eaglesis

Zonaras. may

follower

account.

Dionysius
not

only by Dionysius ^ and We do that not, however, rejectit on rity, probably have taken it from good authorecorded the ancient of

if have

directlyfrom merely that asserting

Rome,
Dr.
"

Annals;
Sir the
on

and

Livy

may

omitted
for
at

it

for the it is

sake
a

brevity.
is,that
he his makes

G. C. Lewis's

ground
not

fiction which in
"

grow
a

an

assertion

palm-treedoes the authority

on now

of

certain of

Rothman,^ who,
remarks date

Observations
is

the the of
a

Climate
northern
convent

Italy,p. 6,
at

that

Terracina the
coast

limit of the

palm
and
a

in

with Italy,
tract

exception
between work of
: ^
"

garden
Dr.

Rome this
we

small

of

J^Iice

and

Genoa."

On

have

observed

in another that must

The

testimony of
who

Rothman

is thus

preferredto Rome,
and The

Dionysius,
been man Rothof Sta.
seen can a

spent
is

great part
of such

of his life at
a

have

competent judge

fact.
one

probably the by
in the
most

fine

in the

palm excepted by Dr. garden of the Convent

must

Francisca,near
and grow who
trees

S. Pietro

in

Vincoli, which
of Rome.

have if such In

been
a

admired there
are

visitors

But
not

tree

open

air, why
Rome those della

should
know

others ?
it possesses of the in has

fact those

acquainted with
this ; the
was a as

that

many

palmplaces."
to

besides from this

in the

gardens
Rome

Villa other

Colonna,

visible

Yia

Pilotta, and
visit to

others

Since
the

written, another

discovered

author the

Hill, at

in 1865 magnificentpalm, transplanted which, from spot where the band plays, fail to have been noticed

to the Pincian

its

conspicuous

cannot position,

by

the

most

unobservant

traveller.
That the of

story of Arria, who

idea

Lucretia's had

suicide
so

should

need
reason

to be to

supported

by that
seems a

hardly

good
occur

slayherself,
fact,female
Hence
a

strange
for much

of historical trivial
not

criticism.

But,
every unless

in

suicides would

more a

reasons

day.
it has

it

appear

that

story is
it is
"

to believed

though
that
even

Brutus

because it has one rejected ; and to a true improbable." The objection story may be of of the very essence brandishing the dagger savours sometimes
" " 1

parallel, further,

Lib.

iv. 63,
^

See

p. 515, note p. xlvii.

127.

Hist,

of the

City of Rome,

HISTOmCAL

DISCREPANCIES

EXAMINED.

427
it

A history written on hypercriticism. would the most trivial requireeven The the
not

the
act

which principles
to be

implies
of
are

certified
to

on

affidavit.
narrative

remaining objectionsof

Sir G.

G. Lewis

the

catastrophethat produced the fall of the of a nature to require any lengthenened the possibility that some fragments
"

Eoman

kingdom
He and has
:

examination. of
true

mits^ ad-

authentic down have

no

tradition
to
us

may
we

be

preserved in
no means can

the of

narrative

which

come we

; but

have
we

them distinguishing from the

test

by

which

separate the dross

must
are

pure of

ore." the

But

surely "the
which of all the

pure

ore"

be

the
"

grand

outlines

story,in

historians

Tarquin's sons, her and their friends father,

and details banishment of the of
are

agreed the outrage on the conspiracyof suicide,

to

Lucretia her

by

one

husband,

her

avenge

her, and
In

the

tion consequent deposiof

Tarquin.
indeed

comparison
and
to

these, the
deserve Sir

little the G. C. serves ob-

story

"dross,"

hardly
them their

epithet of
Lewis.
"

"material The

circumstances" of the young

given
men

by
and

dispute
"

about

wives,"

that which

writer,^
in

and

their nocturnal of the

ride to Rome of Sextus latter Eome in

CoUatia,
altO'

is the

foundation

attempt
In the

Livy, is
of

gether wanting
Lucretia's

Dionysius.
the

is the Most

place of
the
counts ac-

suicide ; in

former

it is Collatia.
as

represent Tarquinius Superbus

having
make

three

sons,

Sextus,
ravisher
was

Titus,and
of eldest

Aruns

; but

Livy

and

Ovid

Sextus,

the

the youngest, Lucretia, of the three. Other

.

while

Dionysius says that he writers again speak of Aruns

moreover

the

as

having

ravished

Lucretia.
.
.

Livy

represents the

family as escaping to Caere, with the to his kingdom of Gabii, where

on

exception of
he is

put

to

the

other

hand,

says

that

Tarquin

first took

king and his pairs Sextus,who redeath. sius, Dionyrefugein Gabii,

was

and

afterwards It is very

removed

to Caere."

immaterial Lucretia slew far than

how

Sextus's there

visit to Collatia
or

or

whether

herself
as

at Rome

; but

occasioned, Livy, in his

to

whole used the

so narrative,

Lucretia

is

concerned,
named
as

appears

have That

better

sources

Dionysius,perhaps privatememoirs.
was

Tarquin
eldest the
or

who

authorities the
to

are

outraged Lucretia agreed; and their

youngest
The of the writers

Sextus,

all the best he

was

difi'erence three who

sons

to whether

the

is of small that Aruns

importance
was

story.
are

only
and
i. p. 526.

say

the be set

ravisher

Florus
1

Servius, whose

testimony
'^

cannot

Vol.

V. 524.

423

HISTOKY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

againstthat of Livy, Dionysius, Diodorus,Dion Cassius, Victor,and To inquire whether Zonaras. before proto Gabii Tarquin went ceeding
to Caere
"

which
son
"

belonged to
or an

his

is

probably did, as Gabii was nearer, and beneath the dignityeither of a critic really
a

he

singularidea must the critic have formed of the nature of such and of the information which early history, be expected from it, circumstances such minute to make fairly may an ! argument againstits credibility

historian.

What

Schwegler
conclusion it glance, decisive which
a

concludes of

the

first volume
"

following review
of would

the

regalperiod; i cast regal period, we

to have the be form exercised and
essence

the

history with the If, having arrived at the

upon the it
most
a

of

his

appear
on

retrospective important and

Roman

influence indeed
state

of

the

state,
into

it may the

said

to have

produced.
most
^

It converted ancient reduced

united
was

loose social bond but

of the
races,

time, when
to

there the

nothing
of
a was

families and
power in the
a

and

practice
The

idea

supreme

state, that
state

nation principleof subordiof

races.

which Roman owed later idea her

still the

foreignto
power,
was

composed
Rome
so

of

magistracy,to
a

which

pre-eminently

greatness and

Romans
as

government
was

necessary the

monarchy. The have rightlyregarded the epoch of their kingly of discipline and education which a school political to perfect the Roman people,and have always preserved
of their

legacy of the

piety. The number of seven Roman be accepted as kings cannot the first two of them That as historical, are decidedlyfabulous. number contains in itself somethingmythical,since it a as appears sacred number the Romans in other things; as the Septimonamong hills. At the same time the number of seven tium, or seven kings facts of circumstances fundamental principal or presents the seven
memory
"

kings with

reverential

the three is

constitutional

history before

the

republican times.
:

The

first

kings represent the three ancient stem-races the founder of iheplebs; Tarquinius Priscus
es;

Ancus

Marcins the Gentes

founds

Minor
1
'

Servius Tullius
xviii. " 18

the tribes and

with centuries; and, lastly,

Buch This the

flf.
to relate
more

remark Roman.
to be

appears See

to the Sabine

part
at
once

of the
our

population
view, which
his state,

than
we

Schwegler, B.
to

i. S. 244.

According to

believe
created clans

conformable
races

tradition,Romulus
a

formed of

and
or a

the

(or gentes) by
And
we

political act, instead

may remark that
even

uniting races
had

that

alreadyexisted. they settled

the Sabines

king when

at Rome.

TIEW5

OF

THE

CECAL

FBdOD.

429

tibe

name

wmnrtBd tibe fidl of the m Tnqnm Snek a eamadeaee, hamewat, ia, ama, meanfc to actual and ttmnmtm "c^ hSt,mwhaA and inda^ortnt oBca fillov one anollier in Taikgifted etmviA of legend, ;biit it^;R" cnooe^ witk flie dbnaetojifunget

of

the

whiA

loves

to

Miign

deinifce

naaMO

to

Hhorn

eamaetbed

viA

1 liMloiieal

tnmng^anta.*
or

here

nKdbed of

to

legnd,
is oflea

tnfitioiiy are

oolj the

fifffietehedinvoitione critieni
Thoe
are ran

Genaan

Idafann Oe tihree Idi^ wifli the

wild, oi; what gHMBda

no

fiir coHneciing tibe fint

thne8leBi.iriba^or.Aneas]laian8wiiiiae^le"LThat IkiqnniaB
Piisens cnaied is

tiie l?brf" Jfown*,

a

in Ife and

anw as

here Meant
to

of

new

tnbei^
he,
flie
as

o^f
ax

Gcaun

inveidion;
fimnden

Oe

last

Xaqnin,

Sdnrei^

dbowi^ created wiOdng^ yet

oOer

^i^ntc^

Iiiiimimi

is to he laaiiDed aaM^K hi wm amuatkmmmt

Awiiferwho donhteoflds
In of die

the lart aeetion icnl

Sdnres^
we

dncMses have

over

senn in

tte tte

peood. whk^

exannned

Sir "L G. Lewis

snnH

as

fifflows Ins

vvw

of tibe iie^dpenod :"

Haviflg coni^efadonr toiAn^itj^pean

ikm Rsnit

detailed

esannnaiiow

of tte hirfnical evi-

to

point. ItnagrOMahei
of

of tihis mtpirj, Aat

fte nauaiive

"

Cnaaeitf

Ac
,

YidL 1 fi."i.

430

HISTOIIY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

ill the Pontifical books.

out

These

were

the germs his The

successors

of

Eoman

history;
the

of

these

fragments Fabins
of their citations
even occur

and

constructed of

primitiveannals
which
a

country.
in

remains

leges (of regice

of which
a

few is

ancient existed in

writers, and
later

collection
more

said

to have

times)are
"

nothing

than We

ancient from

records this that and

of this sort." there the

were

learn which

at all events annalists used the

fragments" of
in

records their that We

Fabius
The

other

composing
is,
books.

works. there do
were

natural

of interpretation stories"

first sentence Pontifical

also "unconnected feel

we

in the
was

not ; but
were

quite
have

sure

whether

this

Sir G. C. Lewis's
to

meaning
Pontifices

already
more

endeavoured the

show and

that

the
case

the have he

of historiographers had connexion

city;
the

in that

the stories may

to allow. his
"

than

critic is

willing
of

But

the value immediately proceeds to depreciate follows

:

as concession,

It

was

easy law

for in

who scribe, pontifical

entered with

rule of
name

suetudinary con-

his

to dignify it register,

the
one

of

lex

and regia,

to

attribute

it to

iNTuma,SeiTius, or
that it is
to
"
"

of the other

kings."
We,
on

the

contrary, affirm
that the the
no

easy

to

make

such What

an

assertion,but
are we

exceedinglydifficult
Roman ]

render
was

it credible. and

to believe
source

law

defiled sacred

poisoned at
it
was

its very

That

whose Pontifices, better than

"

duty

to

the laws, were register

without any
"

conceivable

motive

for

who, forgersand impostors, could have been gained what levity, gave
these laws? false Was and titles, there ?
no

by

it ?

but

merely
false
"

from

consequently a
check what trusts upon other could

caprice and importance, to

them,
nation be shows
not

no can

public punishment, no public shame it be supposed that this most sacred wantonly
and
to

In

of all
an

thus
a

abused causelessly his last

can

Such

accusation

critic driven
even

and straits,

betraysa assigned"
curious

scepticismthat
"

the

best

evidence

satisfy.
"must
*'

The

same

continues origin," presume,

"

Sir G. C. Pontifical

Lewis,

be
to

(thatis,we
legalforms

from the

the

books)

the

inauguration of the kings,the making of the appointment of capitalduumvirs, the declaration of treaties, of a city which are preserved in the first war, and the surrender book of livy. Private documents, or papers, of Numa and Servius
as
"

such

See

the

Introduction.

OBJECTIONS

OF

SIR

G.

C.

LEWIS.

431
he does not

ore

likewise

mentioned

that

they
Sir G.

were

by the preserved."
have does
not not

same

historian

; but

say-

Here and

then

we

authentic
even

documents insinuate that

for that

the

C. Lewis does

regal period, forged. they were

of ISTuma show and that

Though Livy
Servius
were

expresslysay
his the C. passage Lewis

the is

papers

preserved to
not ; and

time, there quotes

have in

nothing to
Oration
note

they were (c.5) which

omnes

of Cicero's
a

for Eabirius
a

Sir that

G.

affords

strong
iste

presumption
et
ac

they might
et

been

preserved:
non

." Cum
ex

suppliciorum

verborum sed
ex
"

acerbitates annalium where

mean

memoria

vestra

patrum vestrorum,

monumentis

atque
the that

ex

regum ''the

commentariis, conquisierit ;
words Yet of
regum

Sir G. C. Lewis documents of

note
a

observes,

commentarii writer

regal
the

period."
Commentarii upon these
cannot

that

observes
were

in
"

the

same

Servius
a

TuUius

doubtless But
not

founded fiction,

his

reputationas
that of

popularking."
preserved
or

at all to

events, whether
time of

Commentaries be doubted in the is

no

were

the

Livy, it
were

records
"

times

they were the kings.

made

; and

therefore

there

There

trace,"continues

Sir G. C.

Lewis, "of

any

authentic

chronology

of years assignedto regal period; the number each reign is large, although the kings are elective ; most of them die a violent death,and the last king is dethroned. Nevertheless been fabricated to have a detailed chronology for this period seems

of the

by the Roman triumphs of

date of the C. Sir G. is
no

Triumphal Fasti record the antiquaries ; the extant for the the kings ; and Dionysius^ quotes the Annals death of Aruns Tarquinius in the reign of Servius." Lewis begins this paragraph by remarking that there

chrnology of the regal period, and ends it by saying that Dionysius quotes the annals for the date of the death of Aruns in another Tarquinius. On these annals he observes 2 annals to which place : "The Dionysius alludes are called by
him iytavfftai

authentic

avaypacftaL. They
the
events

must

have

been

some

logical chronoentered

work,

in which

of the

regalperiod were

accordingto years." There was, therefore, admission, a by his own chronology of the regal period,though the question may remain
whether work
to

it

was

an

authentic

one.

There
was

can

be

no

doubt

that

the the

which

Dionysius
which,
iv. 30,
as

alludes
we

the shown

Annales
in the

Maximi,

preservation of
1

have
^

Introductory
95.

Lib.

Vol.

i. p. 505, note

4it

HssTQftT

or

im

nxc^

or

roxe.

kttdiag down oCavQikfillaf lHiv" iMm difaBMld Ml McoMplidKd bj and k ttk ttft Iboi takes in wliii^ popvkr mYvntnii ; Bfor "f "H^lMfaij.. TVo cirauKteMsoB allBBdii^ Um biith Oft SHrikr "i" Shvw TWDbiv of tbft oftam of Gabii, of tlie
The
;

ImI

iko

imsj
a

wlot^ detail

lor

dij

pMpatwted KfcBMjfoijgBij
Id ik la
a

ift "B

sqpaiatB and
Oe
we

saV

ffBHUM

docoMBft

of

i^gd

pniod.
flie

liav" afacair

asOs "C"ke Sra ri'

I

olyeetionalMMl

w^ tine tbe onl "At iia"L]^enB"B"praeBedB: iiilira|,tatl"yriBdqrtibeldig"t^Mitol"eiediieedintQ Tkm tibB ImBumt of Ifaw^ neoidi 390
"c, at
wm

Jhrnm vliidi dodiUeBs

at

diis

to

eaf, aboei 350 jms

liO after oial be

ma,

III

Mjiiii fv

tika ti"

J^"m

of tta
iiaiaj

cil^" tiiai tibae

to

of

juiBiiidiiiiiiij b^gm
Em wbeatbe

ft

ws

dvUbK

iBMa^aDf

employed

Oe

tiHMwbaoBlfEattiiMbiSntDbe
afc^L fuivaid in Xot

seaport ef tfce"^ma"dng
Sir of a
a

be*

VMMBBa

ftaia Ik.

AmU

and

"As"C^

Lewk sodem

qaotii^
is in

liw

ancienft at

of tibe exirteaee
mtmd
m

^e

rezil

pcnodL

The

bnOen

of

^oof

Ilea

on

the

434
Tullus

HTSTOBY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

EOME.

the Pontifices having been established by Numa, Hostilius, contemporary record bad begun. We agree with Sir G. C. Lewis's that the names of the kings remark, in contravention of Mebuhr,
"

after

Romulus
also of tbe

are

real

is

highly probable," though

; for

we

would

include
name

that

of Romulus who

it is Rome

person

founded

hardly possiblethat the at a comparativelylate thicklypeopled unknown or forgotten. commemorated by his

was

epoch, and
and

when

all the

surrounding country
have
name

should civilized, tolerably his have seen, Besides, as we

statue
on

been
was

the

Capitol,erected
agree with that the two necessary

only

about

two in

centuries

after
"

his the

time.

We

also

Sir G.

C. Lewis

thinking that
both named the the
must

circumstance and that it and To

was

King Tarquins were to distinguish them

a

Lucius,

by

epithetsof
names were

Priscus real."

Superbus,
which
we

raises add

presumption
that

that
name

will with

!N'uma's

have

been

inseparablyconnected
that of Tullus with
names

the with

sacerdotal the and

must

system
the been

of the

Romans,
that And of in with

Hostilius

Curia with
have

Hostilia, and
census.

Servius
fact
some

the

wall

and

agger,

the

of all the

kings
or

connected

great public monument

In the 40th section of the nature of the

institution.
11th

his

chapter, Sir
and of it.

G.

C.

Lewis

reviews

regal government,
the
accounts

the

reconcilingthe historywith
he remarks "It Roman
no : ^

On

of difficulty this subject

is

expressly stated that

were war

the

constitutional that
no measure

powers of

of the

king
or

very
or

limited,and
peace, and

legislation,

decision

of

not

even

any

trative important adminis-

act, could take place without the consent of the judicial of Servius, with its elaborate Senate and people. The constitution system of voting,implies a complete development of the popular it superseded is described as having ; and the system which power
been still
more

democratic. the

Yet

the

history
even

is

cerned conexclusively

with

king's exploits; not

he occupy
a more

in

the

annals
:

of there Romans

an

Oriental state
no are

could

exclusive
or

attention

is

independent action in the undistinguishedunits,mere

the

Senate

the

people ;

the

in

absolute If the as king's hands. and uncontrolled despots as the last Tarquin,they could not, to all have ample authority. They make enjoyed a more appearance,
1

passive and unnamed been first six kings had

instruments

Vol. i. p. 534.

SHI

G.

c.

lewis's

objections.

435
the
a

laws, they

wage

wars,

they
of
a

govern

the

state,without
or

smallest

sign
voice

of

opposition,or
a

conflictingwill,
If the of
are

of had

dissentient been
as

from

single citizen.
us,
as

constitution could
not to
we

it is

described Powers

to

such those

state

things

have the

occurred. Senate and

such under

which
never

attributed
;

people

the

kings

slumber of

if

had

an

authentic been well such

as

historyof the period,and the form of the traces is represented, some as

the

government

had

active would remark

exercise,as
be infallibly
:

of

legalexistence,of
On these
;

these
we

powers shall

visible."

observations

that first,

partlyunfounded
of the
nature

of
nature
are

that they spring from a secondly, from the government : and thirdly, of the
no

they are misconception

a

tion misconcepand death

of the That

history.
of

there is not

traces

independent
of

action

in the Senate the

people
of had

true. to

The

people compel
the

the

Senate, after

Romulus,

restore to

regal form
The

government,
under
or war.

which

they

endeavoured

abolish.

Senate

Ancus A

Marcius declaration the

war

obtain the
of
war
can

of deciding upon privilege peace with the consent be made only therefore smallest it is not

of the the

majority of kings wage

the

Senate
"

;i and
the had

that surprising

without

sign
the

of

because opposition," there

wa" as

votes
no

overborne
also took

if opposition,

any.
to the

opinion of the Senate laws, though our knowledge of the earlyRoman they fragmentary to enable us to say whether
doubt,
the

majority of The kings, making of

is too

constitution
were

bound
one

by
of

that the

opinion.
charges
on

That which

he

acted the

without of

tyranny

taking counsel is the second Tarquin

is founded.

Tarquinius Priscus is prevented from making any alterations in the and State party, of the High Church constitution by the intervention It was, no doubt, under through their mouthpiece, Attus Navius. that Servius not the details, considerable pressure, though we know
Tullius
was

obligedto produce
But of the

his

new

which constitution, constitution

as a
"

was,

in

fact,a
And
we are

revolution.

to describe

that

complete

development
how

it could

told in the
more

it. popular power" is utterlyto misconceive have been so complete a development when, as same breath,the system which it superseded was
our

"still

democratic," exceeds

comprehension.

But

here

of the Comitia the nature Curiata; again the critic misconceives their had become, in origin, popular in which, though sufficiently
1

Liv.

i. 32.

436
the of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

progress

time, and

through

the vast

increase

of the unenfranchised

plebs

in the

borough,
notion,
very

close

like many an reign of Servius Tullius, English corporation. And, in general,Sir G. C. Lewis's powers of

that

the

constitutional to be

the

Roman

kings
accounts

were

seems limited, Dionysius.

derived

from

the

erroneous

of

That
"

"

the
a

concerned history is exclusively natural

with

the

ploits king's ex-

is

consequence
he

of the is the
his

nature

of the

government
the

The

king reignsjure divino; under everythingis conducted

is connected with in after-times ; but

inaugurated of
consuls
a

gods ;
thing everysame

auspices,and
The

therefore

liis person.

play

the the

part
rule
or

they

rule

only for
thus the
to

year, whereas the

kings
the

during

their natural

and lives,

become

only pei-sons,
And

almost

the

nature

of the

only persons, whom historyfurther tends

rather brief and

historymentions. produce
the

this result ; for the whose Pontifices,

only historical writers,or

annals of
a are

are annalists,

emanations dry,and who, being themselves theocratic state, would naturally centre everything in their The

but

ruler. divinely-appointed
the

Commentaries

of the Pontifices
were

were

only
to

sources

of

connected

though there history,

served such others
to confirm
owe

detached
;

documents
and

and

monuments

which

facts particular the mission

these, probably, we
rape of

stories

as

to

Delphi, the
"The

and Lucretia,

of the like kind. the

an

shutting of the palace by Tanaquil after Sir G. C. Lewis, is Tarquinius Priscus," continues
'*

murder
event

of ciently suffi-

probable, if
But there it is any
an

we

suppose unsuited

the
to
an

government
elective

incident

despotic. is kingdom; nor

to

be

sufficient
converts

Superbus
a

explanation of the means limited a royaltyinto

more

by which Tarquinius despotism. For such

the
mere

change something
Tanaquil'sact
was

is necessary

than

will of the

ruler."
a mere we rtise

the

crown

in
see

the

manner

difficult to the imminent be

why

under

the

gain time for Servius to seize have already described ; ^ and it is circumstances pretended namely,
to
"

dissolution
"

of the

should

kept quiet the under in the interim Servius form of monarchy, as any and vicariously the king'sfunctions. forth, discharges the mere than Tarquinius Superbus had something more
"

king, and the necessitythat palace might not have been shut
comes

he up

will

Above,

p. 248.

SIR

G.

c.

lewis's
in

objections.

437
For
rounded sur-

of

the

ruler

"

to

support
had with

him

as first,

Servius
himself

before
an

his despotism. establishing accomplished his usurpation,he force

"

armed had
a

"armatis

corpus

circumhave exile.

ssepsit/'i Secondly, he already seen

These,
of

by
course,

the did

numbers
not

tolerablystrong party, as we who accompanied him into

to
see

wish

established

the

consular

Thirdly, he supported himself republic projected by Servius. subjects by his alliances with the chiefs of the against his own Ut Latins : opibus tutior inter cives esset." ^ peregrinisquoque his subjects to rely and he had so might Foui'thly, every reason had a sort of prinwho the aid of his relative, have thought on cipality and subsequentlyon that of his son at Collatia, Sextus,who
"
" "

ruled

at Gabii.

He

might
are

have
not

had
a
"

other

aids which

we

know
"

not

of ; but

that

even

these

sufficient
no man

explanation
w^ho time

of what

Tarquin accomplished can be that knowledge of the state

drawn from the
extant

affirmed of

by things
His

possesses which
was no can

only
be doubt

at

that

sources.

overthrow

facilitated

that is, that the army by the accidental circumstance assembled before Ardea. citizens in arms the principal was then Sir G. C. Lewis stitution conproceeds to remark upon the Eoman need not described examine as by Dionysius ; but we whose the writer account because these observations, on they are
" "

founded the the

did

not

understand

the

subject.

Nor

need

we

enter

into

and other opinions of Cicero, Livy, Sallust, of the monarchy, as effects of the abolition of the history. Sir the credibility wdth that that
a

writers

respecting
are

they
G.

not

nected con-

C. Lewis creation

has

idea singular
an

it is difficult to of the Kex

account

for the if the

of such

office

as

Sacrificulus

royal family was

expelled by

that it and to conceive seems revolution, the gradual extinction of the regalpower rather indicates by easy Mebuhr also conjectured that steps and voluntary concessions.^ the royal to the consular form of government was the change from made compromise.^ But, with all gradually,and by a mutual affirm that eminent deference to these writers,we unhesitatingly forcible such

republiceffected by slow degrees, through voluntaryconcessions and mutual compromise, do we is contrary to all historical experience. Nor perceivewhat been to a deposed tyrant, or what have he consolation it would
a

revolution

as

that

from

tyranny

to

1 3

Liv.

i. 49.

iijid. Hist. vol. i. pp.

Vol. i. p. 538.

518,

538.

438
would have

TIISTOllY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

ROME.

after he was sent about gained by the compromise,tliat, the priest who his business, performed the sacrifices which belonged be called Rex. We to his dignityshould of opinion are, therefore,

that the old tradition than would

for the

is

great deal
it.

more

consistent find

and

probable
it, and
reasons

conjecturesof the
abolish
Rex is
or

critics who

fault with
of the Lewis

either

creatinga quoted, partially

cura

Livy's account Sir G. C. Sacrificulus,^which

"

amend

has

only

habita

et

: quite satisfactory quia quaedam publica sacra

Rerum per

deinde

divinarum factitata
creant.

ipsosreges
sacrificulum

erant, necubi
Id

desiderium

regum

esset,regem
additus

sacerdotium

ne subjecere, pontifici

nomini Whence

honos

aliquid

^ tunc cujiis lihertati, prima erat cura, ojiceret" this priesthoodwere that the grounds for creating and not political for the tender a salve ; in fact,
more

it appears

entirely religious,
consciences of the

elect with

population; who, seeing in a king the of the gods, were content, as such consciences frequentlyare, instead of the thing,and accepted the shadow for the word bigoted part
detailed
"

of

the

the substance.
"

The

of history them
as

the Roman

kings,"continues
limited and in
a

Sir G. C.
not which with the
we

Lewis,

represents

with elective, heads

an

and the as arbitrary power, Senate and people each bear meet
at

of

constitution

important part.
founded alludes
on

Nevertheless
a

other Roman

times

with

statements Thus

different the

view

of the

royalty.

Appius

having been relieved from the taxes which the bodily punishments which inflicted the kings, and from were if they did not speedilyobey the orders given them.'^ them upon likewise We are told, in reference to the decemviral legislation, without that the kings used to exercise an arbitrary jurisdiction, that their power The written laws ; ^ and again, was irresponsible.^ of the influence by which accounts moreover Tarquin was put down
time told thus at one we are : quite harmonise at another was expelledby the heads of the aristocracy,^ ^ his expulsion." in effecting people assisted the patricians do not that that he the

plebeians they formerly paid to

to

These

divergent accounts, it will

"

be

seen,

are

taken

from

Diony1, the

"
*

Lib. ii. 2.

Dionys. Hal. vi. (Ann.

till the

24. the

i^^jj

x.

Roman
'^ "

Dionys. Hal. xi. 41. kings to have been Dionys. Hal. viii. 5, in
Ibid.
V.

Tacitus

iii. 26) considers

powers

of

unlimited the

reign

of

Servius.

speech of

Coriolanus.

65

vii. 41 ;

x.

38.

SIR

G.

c.

lewis's

objections.

439

himself have alreadyexposed ; whose habit of contradicting we sius, here alleged the inconsistencies may be more though after aU, perhaps, that the Eoman elective, kings were apparent than real. For granting limited in some and their power though degree constitutionally
"

in this

respect the
time

view

of

Dionysius
like that
was

is

less quite false" yet nevertheconsuls after

their

personal power,
of war,

of the

them,

and

withstanding arbitraryand extensive, notthat conferred that it was constitutionally upon them so popular a is,by the lex curiafa de imperio. Thus we find even death, king as Servius threatening with imprisonment, and even the tyrannous the census,^not to mention those who should evade acts of Tarquin which Appius may include in his view of the regal

in especially

very

"

times.

constitution in the time Contradictoryviews of the Eoman before endeavoured to show, have of the kings often arise,as we from jumbling together its different periods, and regarding, for identical with that of Ancus as instance, the reign of Romulus with Marcius regard to the royal prerogative. There is nothing in Dionysius saying in one place that Tarquin was contradictory
and in another that they aristocracy, assisted in that expulsion by the people. The conspiracyof were the first and main of Tarquin'sdeposition, the patricians cause was violence and to the therefore,without doing much propriety of That they must language,they may be said to have expelledhim. aided been have dire, as the French by the people va sans say. the people been Had adverse, or even spiracy perhaps neutral, the con-

expelledby

the

heads

of the

could
to the

not

have

succeeded and lowest

and^therefore
plehs.

Brutus

proceeded
But this

camp did
not

before

Ardea. the

procured
class of

their assistance.

army

contain
a

Then

follows
on

attack
accounts

section.
once,

paragraph^ containing a sort of parenthetical the historyof the regalperiod in general, instead of the of the government, which is the professedobject of the But as it only reiterates charges before urged more than
will be
no

there

need

to examine

it. the

"The Sir G. C.

constitutional

accounts

of

regal period," continues

Lewis,

only are
account

the of

confused and peculiarly contradictory : not of the constitution inconsistent with the descriptions successive the kings, but the general characteristics
"

are

attributed
It has been

to

the

government
that the

are

inconsistent traditions
2

with of the
i p. 540.

each Roman

other.
con-

supposed
^

oral

Liv,

i. 44.

Yoi

440 stitution
of

HISTORY

OF

THE

KINGS

OF

KOME.

were

more

faithful and

and

than trustworthy It seems,

the

oral traditioi
on

events particular

exploits.
of

however,
were

the

trary, con-

that

the

traditions

the

constitution
acts

indistinct

and and

inaccurate ; whereas
or patriotism,

individual

of

generosity,courage,
more

of

crueltyand
enter

were oppression,

to likely

live in

popular memory."
It is
not

impossibleto

into

these

general charges,as they

and illustrations. takes his view

are

substantiated

by producing
that from

instances

It is of the
prising sur-

quite evident,however,
Roman constitution that he
cannot

Sir G. C. Lewis

Dionysius, and
it with from

therefore he

it is not

reconcile his view

what

finds in the

Latin his

authors.

That
"

he

took

Dionysius we
"

infer from

for Dionysius is of the constitution mentioning descriptions ; of it. And the the only author who gives a professeddescription where he observes The : thing appears from the next page,^ Eoman conceived democratic as kingdom, therefore,was alternately and despotic. The former is the view taken by Dionysius." Much
same
"

of the modem

allegedconfusion, too, arises

as we

from

confusion

in the

ideas

"r

who critics, the different epochs

In the remainder !N'iebuhr's

have

before

observed, confound

togetli
and

of the

regalperiod.
section,Sir G. C. Lewis
examines curiae consisted

of this

condemns
of

hypothesis that the

exclusive!;

of this question we Sir G. C. Lewis's view patricians. With have indeed quoted a portionof what he hero entirely agree, and of confirming our opinion. The last section of this says, by way und^-r is devoted to the topography of Rome chapter and volume the

kings ;

into which

subjectwe
1

need

not

enter.

P. 541.

THE

END.

LONDON:

a.

CLAY,

SON,

AND

TAYLOll,

PUINTEHS.

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