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Online Glossaries For Articles Click on underlined term for definition from Source: Studies in Comparative Religion, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Winter, 1970). World Wisdom, Inc. www.studiesincomparativereligion.com
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THE Shona believe that there is an impersonal, omnipotent or principal Creator, called Muwari, Musikavanhu, or a Spirit which creates good and bad. I have not come across any cosmological myth comparable to that recorded by Marcel Griaule[1] amongst the Dogon who live in the hook of the Niger River. They believe the God Ammon in its union with the earth produced water or Nommo and each succeeding generation of Nommo was a twin or double. Nommo gave everflowing water and thus life to the earth. A succession of Nommo were born and the eighth (Lebe) used water to form the vapor or breath from which speech comes, i.e. man. Nor is there a myth amongst the Shona about the origin of the world as described by Germaine Dieterlin[2] amongst the Bambara who are situated not far distant from the Dogon. The Bambara have a similar cosmogony in which, in the same way, the verb and water are also the basis of all spiritual and religious force. The Shona appear to have concentrated instead on the great tutelary spirits of the founders of their clan. I think this is because they do not really turn to God as they believe He is too far removed from them and too indifferent. Why should they pray to one who is equally responsible for good and bad? As he has created the evil spirits or varoyi it would seem unreasonable to ask him to undo what they have done. As the prayers are directed certainly in the first instance to the clan spirits (mhondoro) or family spirits (Vadzimu) f the individual families, their myths almost all deal with them. When the founder of the clan died his spirit became deified as a mhondoro, whereas in the family there are the vadzimu of the dead grandparents and dead parents. There is therefore a clear distinction of function between the mhondoro and the vadzimu. The mhondoro are usually concerned with the affairs of the clan or extended lineages, such as succession to the chieftainship, rain, drought, epidemic diseases, incest and bestialityindeed any matter which affects the well-being of the community as a whole, whilst the vadzimu are responsible for the protection of the family lineages, small and extended. If by definition I can include both the mhondoro and vadzimu, since they both originated with the death of people, what function does ancestral worship serve? Perhaps their greatest value lies in the moral effect of both on the individual and on the group or society. Each plays its part, serving ultimately to produce a good man, one whom the Shona says has Unhua man of good behavior, respectful to others, pleasant and honest. He owes his Unhu to his Vadzimu. If he does not possess this quality he is a person of poor character, who is liable to break the social laws laid down for a decent person. If a man is to be decent and therefore full of Unhu he must follow certain well-defined paths of behavior. Belief in the Mhondoro helps to render a clansman content. Everyone bearing the mutupo common to the clan can claim that he has originated from its founderthe man who first arrived in that district (nyika), married and bore sons, who also begat son, sons etc., through the generations. All the land belonged to the founder and when he died it still belonged to his spirit, the mhondoro and owner of the nyika and its people. The chief only holds it in trust and is there to see that it is shared so that each man has just enough for his needs. A stranger (mutorwa) may come into the nyika and settle but he must first visit the medium of the mhondoro to pay his respects to the spirit and learn about the ritual day of rest prescribed by that mhondoro. Immediately we are aware of a great brotherhood of men and a compulsory equality for all within narrow margins of wealth, for it must be clear that if a man is not permitted more land than he needs, he cannot accumulate great wealth. The Shona religion is very much part of the agricultural and natural life of the people. Before vegetable leaves are eaten at the beginning of the rainy season thanks must be given to the spirits of the land, the mhondoro and ancestors. This ceremony of mishashe is followed a few months later in April by that of thanksgiving to the tribal spirits for the harvest of zvio, the traditional millet of the Shona, from which alone beer can be prepared for religious ceremonies. Until this ritual has taken place no millet can be eaten. Then sometime between September and January the spirits of the land are prayed to again for good soaking rains and for the crops to be blessed. The religion of the Shona is geared towards keeping the people on the land and in close touch with nature. The practice of this religion is difficult in an urban atmosphere and for this reason is not as adaptable as many others. Complementary to this side of the Shona religion is the other aspect which is concerned with a man's own family lineage, with the vadzimu from whom his nuclear family originated, rather than the clan spirits. These are his dead grandfather, grandmother, father and mother. Attachment to these spirits is still extremely strong and much of the Shona behavior and ethical conduct can be explained by this belief. The Shona individual owes all the goodness and decency that go to make up his Unhu to the vadzimu. Also his prosperity, comfort and good living are derived from the spirits of his ancestors. Therefore he must on no account deviate from the path of normality, seeking more than he is entitled to, lest he lose the protection and beneficial influence of his vadzimu (ancestral spirits). Thus the golden rule is to follow in their footstepswhat was good for them is good for him. I can quote two excellent examples of the vadzimu's insistence on conformity. The first is that no kinsman should leave his village to seek work elsewhere without the permission of his mudzimu. The mudzimu is opposed to a man's leaving his birthplace or nyika as this tends to break the lineage and so the unity and strength of the clan. To obtain this permission he must do so through the family medium who becomes possessed when asked by the head of the family whether this person should leave his home to seek work in the town, giving his reasons for this move. I have had Shona patients who have become ill in the township and been told by a nganga that their illnesses were due to their having forsaken their traditional homes and that in order to recover they must return to their villages. A very important point in support of this contention is that, it is believed, that practically no prayers to a man's mudzimu are answered if they are made in a township. The mudzimu refuses to appear
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I am told that if a clansman commits adultery or steals, the vadzimu are not really concerned. This is interesting. An antisocial act can be committed as long as the sanctions described above are not broken. This does not mean that this society approves of an unmarried girl being spoilt. There are many other such offences that do not affect the vadzimu but are punishable in the tribal courts. Yet in an indirect and rather interesting way the vadzimu are virtually concerned with them and with almost the whole of human behavior. This is shown in two clearly defined ways. First the help of the vadzimu must be gained for any important venture. If a man or woman goes on a journey leaving the home for a time, if a marriage is contemplated or a man is about to start a new business, the family spirits must be told. The spokesman of the family prays to them before the potsherd (rukuva) in his main hut. The rest of the family are gathered there and if possible beer should have been prepared. Even if a child is sent to school the father should inform the vadzimu and ask them for their continued guidance and help. On any matter that is not regarded as routine in the village, the vadzimu must be remembered and prayers made to them. Secondly whenever a person suffers from a setback, whether accidental or not, he or she should find out whether the protective powers of the vadzimu have been withdrawn and why, so that proper propitiation can be made. Resort must be made to a nganga to learn whether one of the vadzimu has been displeased by a member of the family. No matter who has harmed him or is responsible for his setback the victim considers there must be a spiritual reason for having been selected for such an attack. The vadzimu of the aggressor are not concerned with it, but the person who suffers believes that his misfortune may be due to his having been forsaken by his own vadzimu. Thus if a thief enters his home and steals something he dare not let the matter rest in case someone in his own kinship group has broken one of the ritual sanctions, offended the vadzimu and thus lost their protection. So that no further misfortunes will occur in the family it is essential for the victim to find out the cause of such an occurrence. The concept of brotherhood or unity of the family lineage is maintained through the vadzimu. If one of its members has an illness, dies or receives a setback, it is not necessarily he himself who is the cause of the anger of the vadzimu, which may be due to the action of any of the cognates. No-one can lead a solitary existence; he is part of the whole kinship group and all must live and work together and help one another. If one moves away from the clan and annoys the vadzimu by so doing he is not necessarily the sufferer for this, but
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In Muntu is a living force which dominates animals and minerals. Muntu is an active causal agent which exercises vital influence. Tempels points out that the Bantu have the idea of good and evil. They reject lies, deceit, theft and adultery. They know and accept Natural Law as it is formulated in the ten commandments. He defines this as the differentiation of human action into good and bad in accordance with divine will or from the standpoint of the natural order, which is but the expression of the divine will. All enmity, hatred, envy and jealousy, evil speaking, even false praise, or lying eulogy, are seriously condemned by the Bantu. As a result of Tempels contribution other workers have thought a good deal along the lines of his hypothesis of this force that dominates all Bantu thought. Janheinz (1961)[5] speaks of a genuine renaissance in African thought which he calls neo-African Culture. There can be no doubt that African thinkers, mostly in West Africa and to a lesser extent in Equatorial Africa, seem to accept Tempels' philosophy eagerly, almost as if they wish to point out to the outside world that, unknown for years, in Africa there has existed a fine culture, if not superior to that of the West, at least as great and wonderful; armed with these concepts the African has indeed a noble and strengthening religion, well conceived to withstand the rigors of a harsh land. Indeed so beautiful is this new religious teaching that much of what has been written before about African thought being primitive and pre-logical, even though Lvy-Bruhl[6] later renounced his theory of prelogicism, as due to a misunderstanding. At this point it might be worth mentioning the work of other thinkers who have also shown amongst peoples, such as the Ruandese, Dogon, Bambara and the Haitians (descended from Africans), all living far distant from one another, that Africans possess a deep faith. In 1965 Marcel Griaule,[7] a French ethnologist, wrote on the philosophy of the Dogon people who live in the great bend of the Niger River. According to the creation myth of the DogonAmman (God) created the Earth as a woman and then married her. His seed Nommo was water, fire, blood and the word. Nommo is the physical, spiritual life force that wakens all "sleeping forces", giving physical and spiritual Life. Earlier in 1950 Germaine Dieterlin,[8] a collaborator of Griaule, recorded her study of the Bambara people in Essay on the Bamb ara Religion. Three years later (1953) the Afro-American actress, Maya Deren,[9] wrote on the Religion of the Haitian people in her book Divine Horsemen, The Living Gods of Haiti. Alexis Kagame[10] took Tempels' philosophy a stage further in his work La Philosophie b antu-ruandaise de l'Etre, greatly elaborating and extending what Tempels wrote about his people in the Congo. According to Kagame, Muntu has a deeper meaning than a living being or person, since it includes both the living and the dead. It is therefore a force endowed with intelligence and an entity which has control over the nommo described by Griaule among the Dogon. Kagame divides everything in the world into four classes; the word denoting the class can be recognized by the sound preceding its stem. Everything that exists belongs to one of these categories, which represents a force and not a substance. The root Ntu represents the universal force. He argues that the Bantu have a basic conception of "vital force" from the fact that in some Bantu languages there are the words: Muntu meaning person Kintu meaning thing Hantu meaning place and time Kuntu meaning modality. These all have the common root ntu. Therefore the concepts of person, thing, place and time and modality must all have a common element and this common element is the concept of vital force. Kintu embraces those forces which cannot act for themselves and can only become active on the command of muntu. To this category of kintu belong plants, animals and tools. Hantu is the force which localizes spatially and temporally every event and every motion, for, since all beings are forces everything is constantly in motion. Kuntu is the modal force; such a modality would be beauty. In Kinyaruanda there are three wordsBuzingo, Buzima and magara which mean life. Buzima refers to the union of a shadow with a body and because it is an abstraction the word b uzima belongs to the category of kuntu, the category of way or manner. This principle asserts that if a shadow unites with a body, life originates and lasts till shadow and body should separate, which is death. When an animal is born this is not an abstract but a concrete event. An animal body unites with an animal shadow and the result is a living animal, a kizima which belongs to the category kintu. When the life of this animal has run its course and death comes, then b uzima, the union of the body and shadow, ceases and kizima the concrete living animal is no more, its body decays and its shadow vanishes. The origin of a human being, however, is different and is represented as a double process. On the one hand it is purely biological (union of a shadow and body according to the principle of b uzima). But at the same time something spiritual, called magara, a nommo force, unites with the body to produce a human being. The principle designating the union of nommo force with a body is called magara"the life of intelligence". The living human person partakes of both principles making him a muzima, belonging to the category of muntu. He shares biological life (b uzimu) with the animal, but spiritual life (magara) divides him from the animal. When a man dies his biological b uzima is over and his spiritual life also ceases, but something remainsnamely that "life force", magara or nommo, which formed his personality. The living
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This influence too must necessarily be effective unless the other rational being is himself stronger or is strengthened by a stronger rational being or protects himself in his turn by means of lower life forms, stronger than those used by his enemy. This is where the socalled magic and witchcraft belong, e.g. the influence of the medicine men, talismans etc. Here we may simply emphasize that it is always a question of forces of the magara principle, of the force of intelligence, which flow into the living man from his ancestors without whose help he can do little. Criticisms of the Tempels Philosophy Tempels gives the impression that this vital spirit or force is something that is confined to the Bantu religion, almost inferring that the Bantu have a deeper sense of the power of this factor that flows from one person to another and from a spirit to a living being. I cannot accept this point of view because in other faiths there is a similar reference to the powers of the Almighty. For instance throughout the Christian religion there is continual reference to this vital spirit which pervades everything. Tanner[11] maintains that the three basic themes of Bantu life, as suggested by Tempels,Life, Fertility and Vital Unionare general concepts and are to be found in so many societies outside the Bantu world, that it is doubtful whether they can be of any immediate use to the theologian or anthropologist. Tanner asks, How can one verify the references to a dynamic concept or reality as being one of the Bantu basic concepts? He doubts whether it can be described as something specifically Bantu. Nietzsche spoke of a "will to power" and quite close to this conception is what Bergson later called elan vital. Bergson postulated the concept of an all-pervading vital impulse, an elan vital that came "gushing out unceasingly... from an immense reservoir of life". "It further expressed the resolve that the philosophy of intuition would set the life of the body... where it really is, on the road that leads to the life of the spirit". "All the living", Bergson proclaimed, "hold together, and all yield to the same tremendous push... And the whole of humanity... is one immense army galloping beside and before and behind each of us in an overwhelming charge able to beat down every resistance and clear the most formidable obstacle, perhaps even death".[12] The vital force described by Tempels and Kagame is similar to Mana of the Melanesians. To me both ideas mean the same. Mana is that active, mysterious power belonging to certain people, which passes on to the souls of the dead and all spirits. The act of creating the cosmos was performed by the Mana of God. Eliade[13] quotes as an example of the force of Mana the conquest of the Maoris by the English because the mana of the latter was stronger. The head of a family possesses mana. Further, similar to the vital force of Tempels, this power flows for both men and things. Both possess mana because they have received it from higher things. They have a mystical sharing of life with the sacred. A stone may have this supernatural power because a spirit has associated itself with it. A dead man has mana also through its spirit, a ghost, and can so direct it to effect what he desires. Mana is a force that is not the same as a physical force. If a man is a fine fighter he owes this skill not to his own strength but to the power he has obtained from the mana of a dead fighter. Further this mana or quality may be enclosed in the amulet which he wears round his neck. Another example quoted by Eliade is the fast boat which owes its speed to the mana which has entered it. The same would apply to the arrow which delivers a mortal wound. Everything that shows superiority has mana. Everything in nature which appears effective, creative or perfect to man has mana. This concept of mana is not confined to the Melanesians. There are other people who accept the same sort of force that helps to make things powerful. The Sioux refer to this force as Wakan (Eliade) which renews itself in phenomena, such as the wind, the thunder, the moon and the sun. The West Indians know it as zemi, the African pygmies as Megb e and the Masai as Ngai. Eliade states that not everyone possesses mana or megb e etc.; it is confined to "heroes", divinities, the spirits of the dead or men and things linked with the sacred. This would include idols and sorcerers. Yet, according to another authority, Paul Schebesta, quoted by Eliade, megb e is everywhere although its force or power is not revealed everywhere to the same degree or in a similar way. Some animals possess it greatly and one person has more than another. Those who are capable are endowed with more megb e than the less able. Mana is not a universal concept and is found only in a number of religions. Some authorities, like Paul Radin,[14] consider that some of the terms meaning mana in the different religions mean sacred, remarkable, wonderful, without conveying the meaning of inherent power. Others again regard it as an impersonal force and still others as one connected with a person or spirit that directs it. Something that possesses mana is efficacious and fertile and Eliade does not regard it as an impersonal force. Mana is possessed through the intervention of a spirit or divine being. It should not be regarded as an impersonal magic force. Tanner also argues that whilst the appeal to the ancestors and traditions may contribute, as Tempels claims, to the stability of Bantu society, it may even contribute to its instability through the necessity to build lineages and the need for clans and families to split. Again he disagrees with Tempels hypothesis that Fertility is a second basic Bantu concept, for, by breeding children, the living will be remembered, when they pass on, by their dependants on earth. Tanner argues that this attribute can be described as a philosophy of life, but with even greater reality it can be described as a functionate battle against a hostile environment. If, according to Tempels and Kagame, God, The Supreme Spirit, is the Creator of man and the giver of the vital spirit, one would expect the Shona to be deeply attached to God. This is not so. Indeed I have repeatedly stressed how indifferent they are to the Creator, whom they rarely approach directly or ask through an intermediary for His help. The real affection is shown for the ancestral spirits (vadzimu). It is interesting that Tanner supports this view. He maintains that the Supreme Being has little concern for the Bantu or they for Him. God does not figure largely in the lives of the Shona. He is there, perhaps, but in the background. Tempels has implied that God is uppermost in the thoughts of the Africans he knows so well in the Congo. The Shona believe that a certain power passes to the spirit of a dead person. The dead acquire this power, force (Tempels), magara (Kagame) or nommo (Griaule). How this is achieved is not explained except that it is one of the doings of Mawari the Creator. But I am wondering whether Tempels is justified in taking this a little further and claiming that the Bantu believe that this force can flow in two
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There are four ways in which freedom may be expressed: 1. 2. When referring to a family which has some material well-being the term akagarika (to be at peace) is used. It means to be settled and prosperous. Kumanikwa. Munhu akamanikwa is a state in which a man's movements or ability to do things are under grave restriction. Such a person may be restricted by a chief who forbids him to graze his cattle or plough in a certain place. A person who is not curbed in this way is free. If a chief is bad he may forbid people to do what his predecessor allowed. Then he is said to be munhu asinakunaka. Nherera ya -kamanikwa means an orphan who is not treated equally with others in a family or as a real child of that family. He may be given very hard work to do. This child is not free. This term would include the muranda (poor man) or mutapwa (prisoner of war who is not given his freedom after he has been captured). Kusunguka implies being free to talk, being open minded and having no ties. A man can speak without restraint or visit anyone and equally anyone can visit him. Kutaura kwako uku kugarika is a freedom that belongs to the better off person (who has kugarika). For instance a well-off person may see someone in poor clothes and may say, "Look at that person with such clothes". People will say that the man with kugarika does not understand; it is easy for him to talk. Kugarika implies a personal freedom and refers to matters within the family. It is a state of freedom at home where the person is well off. A man may have an animal (momb e) which he sold because he was sick. He now has plenty of money, but it is said of him that he has no freedomhaana kugarika (he has lost the thing which gave him kugarika). Thus there are two kinds of freedom. There is the free man whose freedom goes out to others munhu, wakasununguku or munhu wakagarika. Many look for kugarika, but others seek the ideal of kusununguka. In truly traditional society there was kusununguka and a limited number of people had kugarika. But kusununguka was available for everyone. Freedom of speech in a political sense was never conceived of or imagined. In kusununguka, therefore, there must be no restrictions outside the authority of the chief, one's father or one's
3.
4.
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conceived of or imagined. In kusununguka, therefore, there must be no restrictions outside the authority of the chief, one's father or one's religion. In traditional society it is possible for a man to go from one village to another without carrying food, for he will be welcomed at any place on the way. He can speak to anyone. Wherever he goes everyone stops and speaks to him. Further he is free of debt. In the towns today life is too regulated without proper means of rest. To the Shona life in the rural setting is free; he can move where he likes without passes such as are required in town. Happiness A person who has rufaro is in a happy state of mind, no matter how things go with him. He can take disasters and never seeks for revenge or has any wish to hurt his enemy. This man with a happy disposition is tolerant and prepared to forget a quarrel. He welcomes people to his home and makes them feel happy. He is generous to his neighbors and laughs and smiles with others. If the word kudekara is used for a happy man it is implied that he is well off materially and has all he needs. Kudekara can also mean to have peace of conscience. Kutamharara conveys a sense of material prosperity. The analogy is the growth of the sweet potato which throws out its runners in all directions. The word denoting the opposite of happiness is kutamb udzvika or kusuwa or kutsamwa. Who is a happy person? It would seem that the manifestation of happiness is that evoked by the return of a son who has been away for a long time; when his father sees him he experiences this inward feeling of warmth and love and shows his happiness by giving him food and gifts and the son is happy accepting them. Another occasion of rufaro is the state of mind experienced just before a wedding when all the family group concerned come together to discuss arrangements and the women start brewing beer. The men gather and the owner of the beer calls on his wife to produce it. On this occasion it is said, "Aya ndino mafaro edu" (This is our happiness). Yet I am told that the person who has rufaro is in a constant happy frame of mind. Every day his state of rufaro is the same and all who meet him see him in this state. They all receive the same welcome. Women under certain circumstances have rufaro which is more pronounced during a family reunion. For a person to have rufaro a certain material standard must be enjoyed. To be happy a man must have certain basic or material needs which with the state of rufaro constitute happiness. Munhu anofara or munhu akafara is an individual who always displays the same courtesy and good manners. When one asks are you well "unofara here?" (are you happy?), the reply is "ndinofara" (I am happy). When a family has rufaro all is well with their vadzimu. The latter are responsible for harmony within the family and good relations with neighbors as well as the quality that causes a man to receive strangers and help others. There are no complaints in the group. It seems clear from these arguments that there must be some degree of prosperity, not enormous wealth but enough for the family to lead a decent life (Tine rudekaro or tine rugare). Rugare includes all that produce pleasant livingmaterial needs and also good status with the chief and other people in society. As a person owes his possessions to the vadzimu it follows that rugare would include good relations with the rest of his society. Rudekaro includes the happiness of the family and its harmony with its vadzimu, but rugare is not restricted to the family and includes people outside it and implies too a material sense of security. Rufaro would be noted in a person when he laughs or smiles, but this is merely an outside side of happinesssuch as is found at a beer gathering which brings out the feeling of happiness. Another such occasion is that when a woman gives birth to a child. The other women reveal their happiness by bringing gifts. This is rufaro. Therefore happiness includes external or outward relations with others. If a person wins a large sum of money would he be happy? Although he may feel pleased this is not enough for true happiness even though others would share and enjoy his good fortune. On the other hand a father experiences the full feeling of happiness when he welcomes his son after an absence. Can a man with riches but without children be happy? The answer is no. Vice versa if he has children and no resources he would not be happy. Again a man with children and riches would not be happy if he were not on good terms with his family or vadzimu. Rugare applies to material things together with good relations within the family and with its spirits. It includes those who are closest to one another and implies respect, obedience to and love of the family group. Rufaro can be temporary or permanent. It describes the feeling of happiness when one meets other people. Each time one meets others one is happy. This happiness is shared and does not refer to wealth. A woman who is not well received when she visits another expresses this as, "hadina kumb ofara" or "hadina kufarirwa" (I was not made happy). Courtesy was lacking and the visitor found something wrong with the individual or his family. If a member of a family dies and the burial rites are satisfactory, the father says, "ndafara kwazvo" (I rejoice because the burial of my son was carried out properly) or "ndafara kunzwa kuvigwa kwomwana wangu" (I am happy because I know my child has been buried). "Takanakidzwa nokutamb wa kwakai twa nanhamo" (We were pleased with the dancing that took place at the funeral). Peace Closely bound up with contentment and a feeling of happiness or pleasure is a sense of peace, which should now be defined. First there are a number of ideas on the subject which should be discussed. The words concerned with peace in Shona society are rugare and kugarika. Rugare refers to peace or calmness of mind in a person with good character who is not tainted with evil (uroyi). It is derived from a good character and thus when such a person suffers a misfortune he is not too upset to see it in a realistic light. The same sense is implied when a chief is on good terms with others and is also able to afford the material things he needs is said to have rugare. A poor man cannot have rugare because it implies a certain minimum of material prosperity although not as much as would be required before the term kugarika can be used. Kugarika refers to the satisfaction or peace of mind brought by material wealth, but it does not necessarily mean the peace of mind that goes with good character. Its possessor may have peace yet a bad character. There is a Shona saying, "Rugare (kugarika) tange nhamo" which means that peace or prosperity comes after hardships or sorrow. This proverb is often told to a poor man who is working hard, let us say, to complete his education; ultimately he will achieve his object and earn enough to prosper in a good way. As a result of this suffering he will have earned peace. A person has rugare if he has all he needs. If he loses any of it he is not at peace. Therefore to have peace (rugare) a person must have peace of mind (rugaro) together with upfumi (material wealth). Beauty (Runako, kunaka) Beauty is accepted as a physical quality as well as one of character (akanaka) in the sense of a good heart and self control. The Shona
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Beauty is accepted as a physical quality as well as one of character (akanaka) in the sense of a good heart and self control. The Shona are fully aware of good bodily proportions and the degree of darkness of the skin, usually preferring a lighter complexion. The expression mwana uyu akazvarwa (akanaka) is usually reserved for beauty in women whereas kunaka is mainly used to describe good taste. Runako is also used to denote beauty in cattle and other animals. A tree that is useful in that material benefit can be made of its wood is said to be rakanaka. Land that can be usefully tilled and made to produce crops would be rakanaka. In other words beauty in material things is linked with utilitarian objectives. This is expressed by the use of the word kunaka. It looks beautiful (inotarisika zvakanaka). The Shona avoid expressing words of admiration of a beautiful scene for fear of invoking the anger of some alien spirit by judging something about which they know nothing. Therefore they consider it better to remain silent. If a person comes across magnificent scenery and is amazed at its beauty it is safer not to remark in case this upsets the spirits concerned with that particular part of the world. Whenever a person is in a strange or foreign environment and not acquainted with the customs or history of that place, it is better not to risk mentioning the beauty or ugliness of anything there. To pass a comment which might detract from a person or scene is dangerous lest the ancestral spirit concerned with the person or place is annoyed at such presumption. A Manyika once told me if a person in a strange country admires something attractive, such as a hare, and describes it in the diminutive he might easily be punished by losing his way, e.g. saying katsuro instead of tsuro. The state of being lost in a forest through using an incorrect word is called kuteterika. Nhena refers to outstanding beauty in a girl and can also be used for a man. But great and unusual beauty is considered dangerous and is often linked with evil. If a girl is very beautiful she may be considered a witch or a thief and elderly women often warn against extreme beauty in a girl. Anything unusual is often believed to be accompanied by some dangerous propensity. The consensus of opinion favors a person who has average looks. To the Shona, whilst physical beauty may be a factor in attraction to a girl, what counts more is her ability to work and cook and the fact that she is well behaved and has a good reputation. Conclusions I have come to know the Shona better by trying to understand their ethics and morals. Basic to this is a study of their religion. I have been privileged to meet gentle and humble people. I myself have seen them practice many of the virtues which I had long forgotten and had believed were things of by-gone days. I can see the weaknesses in their philosophy. My task is not to compare nor criticize but to try and observe objectively, to see, meditate and guide. The good manthe good humanthe munhu who has unhuis the right man. The man who is decent and can live with others is admired. This goodness comes from those who love and care most for a personhis parents and after their death their spirits are responsible for the virtues which make up his personality and character. But if a father gives his son unhu what better example is there for him to follow than his father's and his father's father's before him. This means he should never change, never deviate and should be satisfied with his lot and in particular desire to conform. He must not be different from his brother or his neighbor. This leads us a step further advocating that cognates should remain as close to one another as possible as dispersal means a reduction in their strength. Parental respect and regard is also strengthened by prayers directed to the dead parents. So much thought has gone into the Shona's study of human relations and into a search for peace, happiness and freedom. So much of their philosophy revolves around munhuthe human being with an almost complete neglect of the material aspects of life a feature of the Shona way of life that contrasts so greatly with that of the modern Western world. Acknowledgement I wish to acknowledge the valuable assistance I have received from the Rev. Father M. Hannan, S.J., and the Rev. Father P. G. Moloney, S.J.
NOTES [1] Griaule, Marcel (1965) Conversations with Ogotemmeli. An introduction to Dogon Religious Ideas. Oxford University Press. [2] Dieterlin, G. (1950) Essai sur La Religion Bamb ara. Presses Universitaires De France. Paris. [3] Gelfand, M. (1959) Shona Ritual. Juta. [4] Tempels, P. (1952) Bantu Philosophy. Presence Africaine. Paris. [5] Janheinz, Jahn (1961) MuntuAn Outline of Neo-African Culture. Translated by Marjorie Grene. Faber and Faber Ltd. London. [6] Lvy-Bruhl, L. Les Fonctions Mntales dans les Socits Infrieures, quoted in Radin, P. (1956) Primitive Man as Philosopher. Dover Publications Inc., New York. p. 230 [7] Griaule, Marcel (1965) Conversations with Ogotemmeli. An introduction to Dogon Religious Ideas. Oxford University Press. [8] Dieterlin, G. (1950) Essai sur La Religion Bamb ara. Presses Universitaires de France. Paris. [9] Deren, M. (1953) Divine Horsemen. The Living Gods of Haiti. Thomas and Hudson. London. [10] Kagame, A. (1955) La Philosophie b antu-ruandaise de l'Etre. Academie royale des Sciences coloniales. Bruxelles. [11] Tanner, R. E. S. (1968) The Heythrop Journal, 9. 164. [12] Bergson, (1907) L'Evolution Creatrice. Paris. Authorised translation by Arthur Mitchell as Creative Evolution, Modern Library Edition. New York, 1944. 270, 293, 295. Quoted from Consciousness and Society by H. Stuart Hughes, New York Vintage Books. 1961. [13] Eliade, H. Patterns in Comparative Religion. Shoed and Ward. London and New York. [14] Radin, P. (1957) Primitive Man as Philosopher. Dover Publications Inc., New York. [15] Hannan, M. (1968) personal communication.
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