Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013

Australia: A Nation Built by Boatpeople From the landing of the first white settlers in 1788, to the first waves of Vietnamese, Cambodian and Laotian refugees in the aftermath of the Vietnam War, Australia has a longdocumented history of receiving immigrants via maritime arrival. One factor of Australian immigration that has changed dramatically over the years has been Australias legislative response to unauthorised maritime arrivals in particular the introduction of Immigration Detention Centres (IDCs). The following case study will explore the history of Immigration Detention in Australia, with a particular focus on the indefinite, mandatory detention of refugees and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAs)- asylum seekers arriving by boat. The study will further analyse media representations of boatpeople and detainees, discussing relevant media coverage through the lenses of both Feminism and Post-Colonial theory.

A History of Immigration Detention in Australia Immigration detention has been a cornerstone Australian Immigration policy since the 1958 Migration Act. From its foundational premise to regulate, in the national interest, the lawful entry and stay of people in Australia, the Migration Act (1958) stipulates that, unlawful non-citizens who are in Australia's migration zone [are to] be detained [and] unless they are granted permission to remain in Australia, they must be removed as soon as reasonably practicable (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2012, Fact Sheet 82). From its implementation in 1992 under the Keating government, to the Gillard governments reinstating of the Nauru and Manus Island offshore processing facilities, Australia has held to a controversial policy of mandatory detention for asylum seekers and refugees arriving by boat.

Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013 In recent decades, the need for a controlled flow of unauthorised boat arrivals and seeking asylum, has been an issue of great contention in the Australian rhetoric - highly disproportionate to actual figures, which reveal that boat arrivals constitute a mere 1-2% of Australias immigration intake (Menadue, Keski-Nummi, Gauthier, 2013). However, in keeping with the presumed superiority of the colonising nation, the Eurocentric Australian government has long acted in favour of maintaining themselves as the dominant culture

evidenced by both the historically discriminatory treatment of Australias Indigenous peoples, and the ongoing amendments and restrictions to Australian immigration law (Daniels, Bradshaw, Shaw & Sidaway, 2008). Thus, in this post-colonial era of Australian history, it is unsurprising that the Australian government would implement strategies and policies, and conjure rhetoric, surrounding immigration to maintain hegemony and power from its colonial roots in the Australian nation (Jamrozik, 2002). Two such examples include the inherently xenophobic nationalism of the White Australia policy, and the implementation of indefinite, mandatory immigration detention. Amended in 1994 to remove to 273 day limit on immigration detention, Australias mandatory detention policies have long drawn international criticism from humanitarian organisations for their indefinite timeframe, and the shift to offshore processing facilities for IMAs, under the Howard government (Wood, 2002). Widely argued to put Australia in direct violation of its obligations under the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol Relating to Refugees, the policies relating to immigration detention are distinctly hegemonic in their methods of incarceration as a deterrent response to conflict-related diaspora. In keeping with the self-appointed of superiority of the colonising class over the subaltern, Australian political rhetoric continues to assume that its methods of deterrent by indefinitely detaining prospective refugees and processing them offshore- will be the defining factor in stemming the flow of Irregular Maritime Arrivals. This in turn attributes seemingly little

Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013 weight to the push factors of war, genocide and persecution in asylum seekers countries of origin (Richardson, 2010). Representation in the Media

Lippmann (1922) describes the news media as our windows to the vast world beyond our direct experience, [which in turn] determine our cognitive maps of that world Public opinion responds not to the environment, but to the pseudo-environment; the world constructed by the news media (Bryant & Oliver, 2009, p. 19). According to Lippmann, it matters not what the reality of a situation is, but rather how it is constructed for us to see the concept of agenda-setting (Miller, 2007). A powerful tool of social influence, the news media has been invaluable to the development of national rhetoric and acculturated semiotics in Australia. As a result, media rhetoric has been utilised for better or worse- to perpetuate political discourse, particularly in regards to shaping national identity and self-concept, playing on certain fears, and tugging on the heart-strings of the Australian people, in order to serve a political agenda. (Jamrozik, 2002; Pedersen, Attwell & Heveli, 2005). Former Prime Minister John Howard demonstrated this very ability to use media as a platform for agenda-setting when, in his 2001 election campaign address, he stated: [W]e are a generous open hearted people we have a proud record of welcoming people from 140 different nations. But we will decide who comes to this country and the circumstances in which they come... We will be compassionate, we will save lives, we will care for people but we will decide, and nobody else, who comes to this country (Howard, 2001). This emphasis on the Australian government as the sole determinants of who ought be allowed to enter Australia and how- while reasonable in principle, further illustrates the alleged superiority of the colonial powers that be. Despite the cultural heritage of

Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013 Australias ruling class being embedded in English and European lineage the descendants of whom themselves arrived by boat on Australian shores- modern Australian rhetoric seems to hold particular disdain for persons arriving by this very method (Pugliese, 2011). It is important therefore to question whether it is in fact the mode of arrival that finds objection, or in fact the ethnicities, religions and ideologies represented on board. Commentator Brooks (2010) points out that what is often overlooked is that, the we decide soundbite immediately follows a passage in which Howard reassured voters of their own generosity and open-heartedness linking inclusive and exclusive discourses, and evoking the tensions between processes of welcome and rejection in the Australian national imagination. In doing so, he gave voters permission to see their desire to manage immigration flows as a legitimate reaction to the threat presented by undesirable immigrants, much as Deakin offered voters a chance to see border control as a method of maintaining quality of life and conditions for white men and women. (Brookes, 2010 p. 11). Through the self-affirming lens of post-colonial superiority, this speech not only endorses Howards tough policies of indefinite mandatory detention, but presents them in a way that

allows the audience in this case, voters- to justify any potential fears, prejudices or otherwise morally-contested views, by arguably falsely- reassuring voters that theyare in fact simply being generous but firm (Brookes, 2010). One key distinction from feminist theory that can be made from the media coverage is the representation of male refugees and asylum seekers, compared with the women and children who also reside in both IDCs and community detention. While men are overrepresented in coverage of dissidence, and the epidemic of self-mutilation,

Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013 hunger-strike protests, and attempted suicides that emerge from Australias IDCs, women and children are more commonly associated with humanitarian agendas, which depict concern for the well-being of the asylum-seekers involved (Haddad, 2012; McKay, Thomas, & Blood, 2011). In regards to broader media coverage, men and are more likely to be depicted in association with political concerns of border protection and articles that favour nationalism or political agenda, over their female counterparts (Cox & Priest, 2005). A recent 4 Corners expos on the conditions of the Nauru and Manus island offshore

processing facilities, provided an unnerving look into the conditions in which asylum seekers are being detained as a part of the Gillard governments No Advantage policy. With separate offshore facilities for detained men, than for detained women and children, volunteers and medical experts expressed grave concerns regarding the physical wellbeing and mental health implications for detained persons, as a direct result of inadequate facilities, and indeterminable sentencing (Hitchens, 2013). While these concerns were regarding all detained persons, particular emphasis was made on the impact on women and children on Manus Island. While variables include the physiology of women and children, and the geography of Manus Island, one might consider the media agenda for focusing on the specific plight of women and children in detention. Feminist socialist theorist Barbara Ehrenreich draws from Marxist theories of social inequality, positing that gender distinctions, as well as class, are direct results of the structural oppression fostered by capitalism (Marx, 1848, as in Marxist Internet Archive, 2013; van Krieken, Habibis, Smith, Hutchins, Martin & Maton, 2010). In light of this theory, it is important to also consider the potential for the media to use positive discrimination to serve an agenda. By focussing on the perceived and often well founded- added vulnerability of women and child asylum seekers, the media, as well as refugee and human rights activists

Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013 can attempt to play on the sensitivities of viewers to draw compassion for their cause. A further example of this utilisation of gender differences in media representation can be found in Greens Senator Christine Milnes May 15th address to the Senate, in opposition of the proposed excision of the Australian mainland from the migration zone. Senator Milne, while focussing on the plight of refugee children for the purpose of her address, articulates

legitimate humanitarian and ethical concerns that are applicable to any persons man, woman or child- affected by these policies (Milne, 2013). Senator Milnes address, though intended to support the rights of all asylum-seekers seeking refuge in Australia, capitalises on the plight of children, in an attempt to engage empathy from her fellow parliamentarians and the broader public. While her assertions of the ethical and humanitarian obligations are evidenced as being inherently valid irrespective of audience, it is worthwhile critically considering her focus on children who, like women, are typically represented as the less threatening and more vulnerable of the sexes (Cox & Priest, 2005; George, 2010; Hamad, 2013; McKay, Thomas, & Blood, 2011). Conclusion The issue of Immigration Detention Centres, in light of the highly contentious, broader social issue of asylum seekers and boatpeople arriving on Australian shores, has, as evidenced, become a recurrent hot-topic in Australian media and political discourse. While issues of immigration are of course important to ethnographic and social make-up of Australia, such a disproportionate amount of media and political attention on a group that comprises such a small percentage of Australias annual immigration intake, suggests that complimentary agendas are at play. While there are undeniably genuine humanitarian concerns, as well as legal obligations to treat such persons with dignity and humanity, it is imperative to view all media and political discourse analytically, and with discernment surrounding the underlying agenda.

Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013 As for the future of this national dialogue on the issue of Immigration Detention Centres, it would be greatly encouraging to see less politicking and expedient use of vulnerable people, and rather a shift in focus to implementing standardised and humane, regional processing for asylum seekers. Furthermore, if we are ever to see a significant shift in the number of persons applying for asylum in Australia and worldwide, there needs to be far greater focus on addressing the push-factors of war and genocide in countries of origin, rather than what we can do to deter refugees coming to Australia: deterrents as a solution is no solution at all. Reference List Bryant, J. & Oliver, M. (2008). Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research. New York, NY: Routledge. Cox, E. & Priest, T. (2005) Women in Immigration Detention Centres: more questions than answers. Retrieved from http://www.ajustaustralia.com/informationandresources_researchandpapers.php Daniels, P., Bradshaw, M., Shaw, D., and Sidaway, J. (2008). An Introduction to Human Geography: Issues for the 21st Century, 3rd ed. Essex, England: Pearson Education Ltd. Department of Immigration and Citizenship. (2012). Fact Sheet 82: Immigration Detention. Retrieved from http://www.immi.gov.au/ George, M. (2010). A theoretical understanding of refugee trauma. Clinical Social Work Journal, 38(4), 379-387. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10615-009-0252-y Hamad, R. (2013, February 27). Victim forgotten in witch hunt against asylum seekers. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/unleashed/4542782.html Hichens, Chris. (Australian Broadcasting Corporation). 2013, April 29. No

Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013 Advantage: Inside Australia's Offshore Processing Centres. In 4 Corners. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/4corners/stories/2013/04/29/3745276.htm Howard, John. 2001, October 28. Election Speeches: 2001. Retrieved from http://electionspeeches.moadoph.gov.au/speeches/2001-john-howard Jamrozik, A. (2002). From lucky country to penal colony: How politics of fear have changed Australia. Retrieved June 24th, 2012, from

http://www.tasa.org.au/docs/public/2002/281102%From%20Lucky%20Country%20to %20Penal%20Colony.pdf Marx, K. (1848), as in Marxist Internet Archive (2013). The Communist Manifesto. Retrieved from http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communistmanifesto/ch01.htm McKay, F., Thomas, S. & Blood, R. (2011). Any one of these boat people could be a terrorist for all we know! Media representations and public perceptions of boat people arrivals in Australia. Journalism July 2011 vol. 12 no. 5 607-626. DOI: 10.1177/1464884911408219 Menadue, J., Keski-Nummi, A., Gauthier, K. (2013). The Law. Retrieved from http://refugeefacts.cpd.org.au/ Miller, J. M. (2007). Examining the mediators of agenda setting: A new experimental paradigm reveals the role of emotions. Political Psychology, p. 689-717. Retrieved from http://ispp.org/ Milne, Christine. [Australian Greens]. (2013, May 15). Christine Milne I Speak Today for Children. Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uze3ZqmSgh8 Pedersen, A., Attwell, J., Heveli, D. (2005). Prediction of negative attitudes towards

Hayley-Jayne Bernhardt Social Analysis - Term 1, 2013 Australian asylum seekers: False beliefs, nationalism, and self-esteem. Australian Journal of Psychology, Vol. 57, No. 3, pp. 148 160. DOI: 10.1080/00049530500125157 Pugliese, Joseph. (2011). The Reckoning of Possibles: Asylum Seekers, Justice and the Indigenisation of the Levinasian Third [online]. Australian Feminist Law Journal, The, Vol. 34, Jun 2011: 23-42. Richardson, R. (2010). Sending a message? Refugees and Australia's deterrence Campaign. Media International Australia, 135, 7-18. Retrieved from http://ro.uow.edu.au/era/1248 van Krieken, R., Habibis, D., Smith, P., Hutchins, B., Martin, G.., & Maton, K. (2010). Sociology (4th ed.). Sydney, Australia: Pearson Education. Wood, A.J. (2002). The Pacific Solution: Refugees Unwelcome in Australia. Retrieved from http://www.wcl.american.edu/