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Matthew Rukgaber
The Journal of Nietzsche Studies, Volume 43, Number 2, Autumn 2012, pp. 213-239 (Article) Published by Penn State University Press
MATTHEW RUKGABEr
ABSTrACT: This article supports Lawrence Hatabs and Christa Davis Acamporas interpretation that the sovereign individual is not Nietzsches positive ethical ideal. I draw on overlooked evidence from the Nachlass that bears on the notion of sovereignty, in conjunction with offering a close reading of the passages concerning this figure within the second and third essays of On the Genealogy of Morality. I argue that the second essay is not concerned with the fundamentals of agency; rather, it is focused on promising as a moral phenomenon. I demonstrate how the ambiguous traits attributed to the sovereign individual are deconstructed one after another, resulting in this figure appearing to be the culmination of the history of asceticism and moral responsibility. The sovereign individual is the modern individual who only stands apart from the herd insofar as the herd instinct has been perfectly internalized.
Introduction
he sovereign individual (hereafter, the SI) is almost universally held to be part of Nietzsches positive ethical ideal.1 Focus on this isolated description at the start of the second essay of On the Genealogy of Morality results in a reconstruction of Nietzschean personhood and ethics based on the capacity to make and keep promises. For example, the SI has been used to understand us as self-conscious beings capable of standing in autonomous ethical relations to ourselves with a fundamental duty to do so and with a duty to act ethically with regard to each other.2 Attempts to reconstruct a Nietzschean ethic based on the SI passage have resulted in uncharacteristically Kantian results, because of the deontological nature of promising in the SI passage.3 The SI is not Nietzsches ideal and embodies key traits that Nietzsche associates with the Enlightenment and of which he is highly critical.4
JOURNAL OF NIETZSCHE STUDIES, Vol. 43, No. 2, 2012. Copyright 2012 The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA.
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The fact that this passage results in two conflicting interpretations is no ccident. Nietzsche obscures who and what the SI is, thereby enabling it to appear a both as a positive ideal and a target of criticism. This ambiguity is acknowledged at the close of the essay when he asks, Is an ideal actually being erected here or is one being demolished? (GM II:24; KSA 5, p. 335).5 The answer is the latter. The ambiguity of the SI aides in its demolishment by seducing readers into acceptance before it is systematically undermined.6 Moreover, introducing the object of the second essays criticism in the opening sections makes more sense than introducing an ethical alternative prior to what it is an alternative to and prior even to showing why an alternative is needed. Lawrence Hatab and Christa Davis Acampora have been, until recently, the sole critics of the identification of the SI with Nietzsches positive ethical ideal.7 I agree with the Hatab-Acampora position that the SI represents the modern ideal of individual rational autonomy that one tends to associate with Kant.8 Yet that description of the SI is not entirely accurate. The SI represents Nietzsches own critical take on the moral philosophy of the Enlightenment, and it is only the SIs self-deceived self-representation that is the ideal of individual autonomy. The element of irony that accompanies the description of the SI resides in the apparent praise given to an ideal that is impossible because of its opposition to our natural selves. Hatabs and Acamporas position has not been persuasive for several reasons. They have not made it clear enough who the SI is, instead merely gesturing at a vague Kantian ideal. They have also failed to identify how the text of GM itself provides a point-by-point deconstruction of each apparently positive trait of the SI. Instead, they have primarily relied on inconsistencies between the SI passage and other Nietzschean doctrines such as amor fati, freedom, determinism, individualism, selfhood, the value of creativity, the bermensch, and even eternal recurrence.9 But such contentious issues only double the interpretative challenges rather than provide convincing evidence of how to read the SI. I focus on the SI passage in context and draw on several overlooked passages from the Nachlass to support my reading. To fail to understand that the SI is Nietzsches target rather than his ethical ideal inevitably results in confusion about the aim, structure, and argument of GM II as a whole.10
the published works. In Human, All too Human, Nietzsche defines his sense of sovereignty as having the capacity to revere the bad, too, and to embrace it, if it pleases us (AOM 329). In The Gay Science, the debtor-creditor relations discussed in GM II are anticipated when he claims that his sense of sovereignty demands that one be a debtor rather than pay with a coin that does not bear our image (GS 252). These remarks are notable in that they appear to conflict with the notion of sovereignty as rigid promise keeping found in GM II by licensing the breaking of promises.11 Acampora says that the scant references to the notion of sovereignty in the Nachlass support her reading.12 Mentions of sovereignty in passages on the fiction of the will and the illusion of being free and sovereign that arises from ignorance of the origins of action certainly do not conflict with it.13 But Nietzsches published works make similar claims and have not moved those who regard the SI as an ethical ideal to reinterpret it. One discussion of sovereignty in the Nachlass from 1887, titled The Three Centuries, strongly supports criticisms of the SI (KSA 12:9[178], p. 44043). In it, Nietzsche characterizes the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries in terms of different sovereignties or dominant sensibilities. The seventeenth century is essentially Cartesian and is described as aristocratic and ruled by reason and the sovereignty of the will.14 Arrogant in its rejection of our animality and the heart, this period and its representative figures are averse to what is natural. They are sovereign because of their rejection of the past and their belief in themselves.15 The age and its embodiment is said to be a beast of prey at heart, an age that touts adhering to many ascetic habits and practices in order to be sovereign. Although there are strong wills, there are also strong passions requiring asceticism. The era of the sovereign will is the most antinatural of the centuries and thus the most problematic. The SI in On the Genealogy of Morality also shares features of the e ighteenth century, although the seventeenth centurys antinaturalism and focus on the will are most like the canonical SI description. The antinatural rationalism of the p revious century leads to a sovereignty of the senses and of feeling. Nietzsche identifies this period with Rousseau and calls it mendacious because all authority is undermined.16 Nietzsche also identifies Kant with this century. Kantian moral fanaticism and the idea of practical reason are completely of the eighteenth century while at the same time being completely outside of the historical movement.17 Kant ignores the spirit of his time and is in many ways retrograde in how he tries to bury the conative under the cognitive. But the spirit of Rousseau and the liberal ideals that Nietzsche associates withmodernity and decadence do exist within Kants thought (e.g. KSA 12:9[3], p. 34041). InNietzsches eyes, seventeenth-century rationalism (sovereignty of the will) is transformed by Kant and Rousseau to a zealous moralism rooted in asceticism, religious faith, and dogmatism. These two descriptions of the sorts of
sovereignty characteristic of early and late Enlightenment provide a guiding interpretive framework for the SI passage from On the Genealogy of Morality. The characterization of the sovereign attitude of the nineteenth century is significant in that it shares little with the SI from GM II and is clearly a more positive stage in our development. Even so, what the sovereign of this stage retains from the previous centuries, concepts that are central to the characterization of sovereignty in On the Genealogy of Morality, keeps it from being Nietzsches ethical ideal. The nineteenth century is identified with an honest but gloomy Schopenhauerian sovereignty of animality and the rule of desire.18 This period, unlike the previous eras and the SI from On the Genealogy of Morality, lacks the notion of will in either the rational- or sensible-volitional terms. Rather the notion of will refers to desire.19 The individuals who embody this sovereignty are animalistic, subterranean, ugly, realistic, vulgar and, therefore, better and more honest, but also weak willed, pessimistic and fatalistic.20 Progression past this sort of sovereignty is necessary as a determinist conception of the will attends it and the notion of morality is reduced to the instinct of pity. What is needed is to overcome the notion of will altogetherto deny that it is an efficient cause of action and then to rechristen it so as to indicate something altogether outside the traditional debate about the will. The description from On the Genealogy of Morality cannot be said to point to such a radical revision of the notion.21 Several passages in the Nachlass mention the phrase the sovereignty of the individual (die Souvernitt des Einzelnen) but do not suggest that it is an important philosophical notion.22 An exception is the only other usage of the exact phrase as is found in GM IIDie souvernen Individuen (KSA 10:24[25], p. 659). Written three years before On the Genealogy of Morality, it concerns the weakness that results in a culture when it adopts the modern ideas of fairness, universal suffrage, and leniency toward crime and stupidity.23 The result, in the long run, is to bring victory to the stupid and the thoughtless.24 The consequences are an age of wars and revolutions accompanied by an ever-increasing weakening of humanity.25 This weakening results in two sorts of barbarians. Initially the barbarians embody the previous culture, and the representative figure is Eugen Dhring.26 Nietzsche regards Dhring as a moral fanatic filled with ressentiment and a desire for revengea physiologically failed priest of the weak, sickly herd (GM III:14; KSA 5, p. 370). The next stage is said to be the sovereign individuals, but their relationship to the overall weakening of humanity and to the previous sort of barbarian is not clear. All that is said is that these people have the same barbaric quantity of power as the previous weakened barbarians but that they now have liberty from all that previously existed, that is, the culture under which they were bound.27 One could try to construe this SI as a positive achievement; however, Nietzsche has bookended the remark, first, by saying that the ultimate result of weakening is stupidity and thoughtlessness and, second, by identifying the age in which
they emerge as one of great stupidity, brutality, and misery for the masses and the highest individuals.28 A natural reading of this passage is that the first barbarians are the ascetic priests whose work consists not just in herd formation but also in the development of individuals out of ascetic aversion to himself (GM III:18; KSA 5, pp. 38384). This creation of die souvernen Individuen is not antithetical to the herd; rather it is a redirection of ressentiment inward in an effort to overcome suffering, boredom, and the lack of meaning. The SI is distinguished from the herd, but perhaps only insofar as it no longer needs external powers (priests, external law, punishments, the past) to keep it within the herd: it has internalized the process.29 Nothing in the notebooks supports a strong positive reading of the SI, yet several passages suggest that Nietzsche is critical of it. Hatab and Acampora both place some weight on the fact that the SI shows up nowhere else, but absence cannot prove Nietzsches intention in On the Genealogy of Morality.30 Nevertheless, sovereign individuals with sovereign wills do appear in the Nachlass and support the rejection of the SI as Nietzsches ethical ideal.
or processing of and learning from experience, hope for the future, pride in the present or the past, and even having a reflective present in time (GM II:1; KSA 5, pp. 291, 291292).32 Active suppression is a discerning perception that blocks access to consciousness, presumably with the aim of serving our natural values or general health. But this form of strong health and its consequences are not Nietzsches main concern (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). His focus is the opposite faculty, a form of memory that actively disconnects forgetfulness in cases where a promise is to be made (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). This contrasting faculty is not memory in general, anymore than active suppression is mere passive, physiological forgetting.33 Mere memory is a passive no-longer-being-able-to-get-rid-of the impression once it has been inscribed or a sort of physiological indigestion (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). Active no-longer-wanting-to-get-rid-of is a continual rewilling of what one once willed (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). This faculty blocks the active discernment of what enters into consciousness and leaves one unable to make space for new things, even those that are in ones best and natural interests (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 291). No matter how much one wants and needs to suppress something, there is now a counterintentionality that will not allow it. Rather than a mere intellectual memory, like remembering a rule, the opposing faculty is a memory of the will or a semiautonomous desire (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). Unlike other desires that can naturally run their course or that we can forget as they become irrelevant, the memory of the will is a desire that obligates one to attend to it even against other significant forces in the will. This recalcitrant desire allows one without reservation to populate the will with other acts, intentions, and desire (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). Otherwise one could only complicate oneself reservedly, if one did not want to risk loss of some desires to newer ones. Although Hatab recognizes that forgetting might be part of the solution to the problem of ressentiment, he does not analyze the notion of memory of the will enough to recognize the rudiments of ressentiment within it.34 A desire in the will that derails the natural, healthy discernment of what should and should not enter into conscious concern is a necessary component of ressentiment. Rather than addressing the birth of human agency out of mere animality, Nietzsche addresses a force in the will that binds it in a way that it cannot escape, even when doing so is in the persons best interest. This can be called command over the future because that to which one binds oneself against oneself continues to reiterate itself within ones will (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). Amemory that creates a force that can block some vital function of the will seems to me to be the paradoxical task nature has set for itself in creating promising animals (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 291). A promising animal is not paradoxical unless one recognizes promising to be essentially antinatural in this way. This self-binding is not so primitive that it constitutes the emergence of humanity itself. The expert use, in regards to oneself and the world, of the concepts of necessity, contingency,
causality, temporality, means, and ends is required in order to be able to vouch for oneself as future, as one who promises does (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). Promising requires the precondition that we are regular and necessary and that we have an image of ourselves as such (GM II:1; KSA 5, p. 292). Many scholars regard this opening section as concerning the birth of agency itself. For example, Richard Schacht takes the memory of the will to be the formation of humans with personal identity. Nietzsche is said to offer an anthropological study of how we graduate from beings whose existence is little more than a succession of episodes in which one responds in an immediate way to beings with a consciousness that transcends the immediacy of absorption in these circumstances in the moment.35 Owen argues similarly, contending that what is under discussion is the question of the conditions under which doings (events) are deeds (actions), in particular how we become ethical agents, that is, agents who act in accord with a conception of ourselves.36 Schacht describes Nietzsches concern to be how we come to think for ourselves, rather than merely acting and reacting as one is moved in the moment to do, but that transformation is not what comes about by producing in us the memory of the will by which we are able to make a promise and shut down the natural and healthy irregularity enabled by forgetting.37 The memory of the will is the capacity to promise and enter into contractual relations; it is not our evolution beyond being mere creatures of the moment.38 Nietzsche does not provide an explicit analysis of promising, yet an obvious feature of a promise is that it is binding on the will. A promise is not just a voluntary norm, rule, or conception of ones self, insofar as these do not create a desire that can then resist active attempts to purge it.39 One ought to keep ones promises and cannot ignore them at will. Promising is not simply future-directed agency.40 Echoing Rousseau, promising is contract making. If suppression is something like valve control over what floods consciousness, then promising creates sticky valves that allow consciousness to continue to be flooded even if it would be better for them to be closed. A promise is elective, but it then reduces ones power of election: if it does not, it is not a real promise.41 One may want to forget a promise, even need to forget, but it inhabits the will and cannot be eliminated.42 A broken promise brings remorse, regret, and guiltthe hallmarks of bad conscience. Nietzsche says that the precise moment at which promising occurs, when the preconditions finally give rise to it, is during contract relationships between creditors and debtors (GM II:5; KSA 5, p. 298). Nietzsches genealogical investigation into moral obligation begins with the economic contracts made between creditor and debtor, and he calls these the very source of guilt and of personal obligation (GM II:8; KSA 5, p. 305). Promising or contracting is the source of all moral phenomena for Nietzsche, and the memory of the will is the capacity to enter into moral relationships, relations that bring feelings of obligation (duty)
and personal responsibility (guilt) (GM II:6; KSA 5, p. 300). The memory of the will creates desires that spring not from our own nature but from the needs of others and the community. What is created is a wanting that suppresses the power to suppress ones promises, a desire to keep ones promises (duty) and to avoid breaking them (guilt).
difficult to read the passage in this way.45 Janaways difficulty stems from the non sequitur that if the sort of freedom that the SI represents is an ideal that has and will never be, then we must at least be in doubt whether there has ever been any prerogative to promise, responsibility, or conscience.46 There is no reason to think that the impossibility of the SI invalidates these notions entirely. The SI is a figure who promises perfectly, who will not break her promise no matter what, even if the world should perish.47 To criticize such an ideal with its radically sovereign will does not mean that there might not be some alternative natural foundation on which to ground humanly possible senses of responsibility, promising, and conscience. When Nietzsche depicts his own ideal in On the Genealogy of Morality, it is with hesitation: an end still by no means in sight, a great promise that may be possible someday (GM II:16; KSA 5, p. 323). The SI is introduced as something plainly in sight: Placing ourselves at the end of the enormous process [. . .] we find the sovereign individual (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 293 translation modified).48 At the end of GM II, Nietzsche proclaims that redemption from the curse that the previous ideal placed upon reality is possible (GM II:24; KSA 5, p. 336). Yet the only other ideal in the second essay is the SI, the formation of which, as Nietzsche makes clear, can be summarized as the entirety of asceticism (GM II:3; KSA 5, p. 295). The final section of On the Genealogy of Morality gives a summary of moral history. Humanity was faced with suffering and could find no meaning: there was a need to justify, to explain, to affirm itself (GM III:28; KSA 5, p. 411). The ascetic ideal was the solution and, so far, has been the only meaning (GM III:28; KSA 5, p. 411). The reigning ascetic ideal provided a justification of life: armed with it, humanity could will somethingno matter for the moment in what direction, to what end, with what [it] willed: the will itself was saved (GM III:28; KSA 5, p. 412). The conception of the will that results expresses hatred of the human, still more of the animal, still more of the material by turning away from all appearance, change, [and] becoming [. . .] (GM III:28; KSA 5, p. 412). The ascetic ideal is the mere willing of willing, willing for its own sake emptied of all natural values, willing nothingness and rebelling against the most fundamental presuppositions of life in order to overcome depression and listlessness through self-anesthetizing flurries of feeling (GM III:28; KSA 5, p. 412). Nietzsche provides an organic metaphor of the SI as the fruit produced by the tree of the history of responsibility (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 293). On the one hand, the analogy between the production of the SI and the production of fruit by a tree suggests that the SI is a lawful outcome of the social straightjacket that creates moral responsibility. Interpreting the SI as Nietzsches inversion of the history of moral responsibility and its reigning ascetic ideal is not supported. On the other hand, the idea that history even progresses in such a lawful way,
like the natural process of fruiting, is something that Nietzsche deconstructs in GM II:12, arguing that within historical development and the struggle for power there is a continual reinterpreting, transforming, obscuring, conquering, and elimination of previous meanings and purposes (GM II:12; KSA 5, p. 314). The history of responsibility, he ultimately says, is not the story of a gradual organic growth but of a break, a leap, a compulsion (GM II:17; KSA 5, p.324). Therefore, the metaphor is unrepresentative of Nietzsches long view of history. The metaphor is apt if we read everything on the tree to be the social straightjacket, which was prepared and in the process of growing towards the certain end of the SI (GM II:3; KSA 5, p. 295). But surely we cannot interpret the tree to be our becoming human, which is not Nietzsches topic. Besides this a mbiguity, the organic metaphor is misleading because an inversion of some sort must have occurred if the herd mentality produced individuals rather than just more oftheherd. Nietzsches great insight into the promising animal in GM II andthe ascetic animals in GM III is how it is that the herd persists and even thrivesthrough construction of the modern individual. The break in history whereby the social straightjacket creates individuals is therefore in plain sight, spoiling the metaphor even as it is being stated. That break is the creation of the ability to be ones own torturer (through guilt or bad conscience), which individualizes while weakening and which internalizes what was external coercion. There is little reason to think, given the omnipresence of the ascetic ideal in history, that the creation of the will within the SI is what redeems and finally helps us step beyond ourascetic history. Nothing said about the SI gives us reason to think that this is the opposing will in which an opposing ideal [to asceticism] expresses itself (GM III:23; KSA 5, p. 395).
Morality can only emerge once significant internalization of norms (Sitte) and of ones gaze takes place through punishment and ascetic practices. The SI is introduced as the individual resembling only himself, free again from the ethics of custom [der Sittlichkeit der Sitte], autonomous and bersittliche (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 293). Paradoxically, the SI is both free from and the goal of society and the ethics of custom [der Sittlichkeit der Sitte] (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 293). How the individual comes from the herd, how morality comes from immorality, and how life denial comes from life are the puzzles that motivate On the Genealogy of Morality. In each case, Nietzsche shows the dichotomy to be false. Morality is not separate from immorality. The modern individual does not stand apart from the herd. Life denial is still an act of life. The trait of resembling only oneself appears positive, but this trait is devalued later in Nietzsches description, when the SI is said to resemble the other promise keepers. As I have noted, the various sovereignties mentioned in the Nachlass are also said to resemble only themselves because they believe that they have cut themselves off from their past by relying on their individual reason and sentiments. Although the trait could refer to the individual who gives style to his character and whom Nietzsche praises, it could just as well refer to the Enlightenment figure who sees her own reason as the ultimate authority, as lawgiving in a kingdom of ends.49 The word autonomy appears in the entirety of Nietzsches written work only seven times: twice in GM II, once in Beyond Good and Evil to describe the herd (BGE 202; KSA 5, p. 125), and four times in the Nachlass, where it is said to be rare (KSA 9:7[66], p. 331), an impossible task (KSA 9:7[82], p. 333), where it is praised by French philosophers who are said to be sheep (KSA 13:11[137], p. 63), and where it is said to be in decline in modern society (KSA 13:11[142], p. 66). It is therefore extremely unlikely that Nietzsche is here adopting the notion of autonomy as his own positive ideal. The words association with the Kantian tradition makes it the most likely meaning here. Many scholars, including Walter Kaufmann, believe that the claim that the SI is bersittlich shows that the SI is not Kantian.50 But Kant and Hegel would agree completely with Nietzsches parenthetical remark that autonomous and sittlich are mutually exclusive (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 293).51 To think otherwise is to believe that Nietzsche is talking about something other than the morality of custom and that he switches topic in midsentence. There is absolutely no reason to think that Nietzsche is saying here that his version of autonomy is incompatible with traditional Enlightenment morality, given that there is no reason to think that Nietzsche ever tries to adopt the term autonomy as his own and no reason to think that he is talking about anything other than social mores. If my interpretation of the SI is correct, then the actual impossibility of a totally autonomous will without deep roots in its culture and tradition means that the SI, insofar as it indicates modern humanity rather than an idealization,
is not in fact autonomous, entirely free from the herd morality of custom, and resembling only itself. This is the ironic element in the description and proving this is the very point of the second essays history of morality.
to power (GM II:18). Again, nothing in the SI passage suggests that this it is Nietzsches alternative conception of will. In both descriptions of the SI mentioned so far, the phrase being allowed or permitted (drfen) to promise is used. Poor translations have rendered this more positive sounding (having the right to promise) than it is.54 The phrase of being permitted to X itself is not especially significant: it peppers Nietzsches published and unpublished works in a way indicative of ordinary German usage. However, the phrase appears, relative to the rest of his writings, with unusual density in GM II. If the SI is allowed to promise or is granted permission, then the question arises, who permits? The natural answer is that permission derives from the SIs actual ability to live up to the standard of keeping ones promise, although that raises the question of why a far more ordinary construction indicating ability (knnen, to be able) is not used. One possibility is that the permission to make promises and contracts comes from the herd once one sufficiently acquires bad conscience or the pang of conscience (GM II:14; KSA 5, p. 318). The language of permission appears when discussing the economics of debt that permits one to vent power on the powerless and to hold a being in contempt and maltreat it (GM II:5; KSA 5, p. 300). The same sort of permission appears again, making it clear that it is the community that permits (GM II:10). However, there is simply too little evidence in the description of the SI to claim that the permission granted the SI comes from the community and that the SIs supposed independence from that community is, thereby, undermined. It is clear from the history of contractual relations that Nietzsche offers in the rest of GM II that he believes that our promises continue to be haunted by the coercion of the past. He says that whenever we are serious, the terrible cruelties of the past well up within us, echoing the ancient I will nots in connection with which one has given ones promise in order to live within the advantages of society (GM II:3; KSA 5, pp. 29597). Besides casting doubt on the SIs liberation from the past, the physiology and origin of promising is important given the description of the SI. We find in him a proud consciousness, twitching in all his muscles, of what has finally been achieved and become flesh in him, a true consciousness of power and freedom, a feeling of the completion of man himself (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 293).55 It is difficult to ignore the idea of promises cut into the flesh of tamed humanity in this description. The double mention of consciousness, a crucial Enlightenment concept, implores us to consider Nietzsches views of this notion. In the very next section of the essay, he scornfully calls reflective consciousness gloomy and a showpiece of man (GM II:3; KSA 5, p. 297). When discussing bad conscience, Nietzsche identifies its source as the reduction of strong drives in human being and the eventual condemnation and punishment of those drives, leaving humanity to thinking, inferring, calculating, connecting cause and effect, [. . .] to their consciousness,
to their poorest and most erring organ (GM II:16; KSA 5, p. 322). This description of the SI is also very antinatural, given that it is consciousness in every muscle instead of the multifarious drives and instincts that Nietzsche believes make us up.56 The veracity of the SIs consciousness of power and freedom is questionable simply because one surely has no conscious awareness of whether one is free or not. It is even less likely that one can have a veracious feeling of being the completion of humanity.57 As for the pride being taken in such consciousness, one can hardly overlook a passage that prefigures this discussion. In that passage from Daybreak, reason and the feeling of freedom that are our pride are undermined by the description of its historical development, essentially the same story given in On the Genealogy of Morality (D 18; KSA 3, p. 31). Nietzsche explicitly mentions two different ideals. The first is the most ethical person [sittlichsten Menschen] of the community who possesses the virtue of the most frequent suffering, of privation, of the hard life, of cruel chastisement for its own sake or for the sake of being moral (D 18; KSA 3, p. 30; translation modified). This individual is the figure of self-chosen torture who appears as an individual, responsible, and moral agent but one whose actions have been directed toward the good of the community and toward promotion of belief in themselves (D 18; KSA 3, p. 31). The other ideal has some of these traits, but they are in service of discipline, of self-control, of satisfying the desire for individual happiness (D18; KSA 3, pp. 3031). These two ideals can become easily confused, as they share some features. But the former simply aims at being moral: the reason for the ethical persons self-torture is the good of the herd. By contrast, the figure that pursues her desire actually aims at self-perfection and has positive, life-affirming values. The two ideals, the ascetic individual whose actions support the herd and the selfish individual whose actions aim at satisfying her desires, mirror precisely the battle between ideals in GM II. Yet On the Genealogy of Morality hardly says anything about the positive alternative ideal and is focused instead on undermining the ascetic ideal. Both ideals feature discipline, self-control, will, and responsibility: identifying such traits in the SI does not identify which ideal it is. It is only by looking at the content of the will that we can determine whether it is or isnt part of the ascetic ideal.
trust, how much fear, how much reverence he awakenshe earns all three [. . .] (GM II:2; KSA 5, pp. 29394). Nietzsche asks how the SI is supposed not to know of its superiority, presumably over the rest of nature and not just over persons who are not permitted to promise. But even if this superiority is over just the less adept promise keepers, what is important is the standard by which the SI is said to be superior over others. It has nothing to do with any of the innumerable traits and capacities that Nietzsche regularly praises but with the ability to promise. If the SI is the perfect internalization of social ethics (Sittlichkeit), such that he now is a self-regulating and self-punishing moral agent, then he is indeed superior to similarly weakened but less active beings who simply follow the herd. The three affectstrust, fear, and reverencelead one to ask who it is that has these affective responses to the SI. The affects are awakened within those who are inferior promise keepers. The less able promiser can trust the SI to keep her promise, has fear of the SIs response to a broken contract, and can easily succumb to the SIs merely apparent godlike transcendence of human inconsistency. So there is a legitimate sense in which the SI does awaken these affects in the inferior promisers, the mere herd members who still simply follow the ethics of custom and who have not ascended to full-blown morality and become a selfregulating member, even leader, of the herd. I believe that Nietzsches stress and use of scare quotes in stating that the SI earns these affective responses suggests doubt about the SIs responsibility for who and what she is. However, such subtleties might strike one as convoluted and are not necessary for b ringing the SIs responsibility for these affects into question. The history of the SIs emergence brings it into question already. I do find it troublesome, however, that Nietzsches scare quotes in the SI passage are regularly ignored, as if he randomly peppers his text with them without reason. The next passage is, in my opinion, the most problematic for anyone who claims that the SI is Nietzsches positive ethical ideal:
The free human being, the possessor of a long, unbreakable will, has in this possession his standard of value: looking from himself towards the others, he honors or holds in contempt; and just as necessarily as he honors the ones like him, the strong and reliable (those who are permitted to promise),that is, everyone who promises like a sovereign, weightily, seldom, slowly, who is stingy with his trust, who conveys a mark of distinction when he trusts, who gives his word as something on which one can rely [. . .]. (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 294)58
The SI is said to have within the possession of this long unbreakable will a standard of valuenamely of having such a will (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 294). It is wrong to think that what is being said here is that the SI has some positive valuesfor example, those surrounding the notion of life as will to power.59 What is being said is that the SIs ultimate standard of value is simply the having of this will. To say that a will that cannot be broken and that keeps a promise
regardless of the consequences and changes in circumstances is the ultimate standard of value by which persons are judged not only has no precedence in Nietzsches thought but stands quite opposed to his fundamental value system. The SIs value system is clearly Kantian, in which the unconditional value of the good will grounds all else. Nietzsche criticizes the formalism of such an ethics, its progression to an ever more impersonal appraisal of deeds leading to the notion of things being in themselves bad or good, which is devoid of all sense (GM II:11; KSA 5, p. 312).60 This is precisely the problem with Kants defense of promise keeping. Kant argues that one cannot make a false promise to someone however great the disadvantage to him or to another that may result from it because, although I may do no wrong to any particular person, I do wrong to humanity generally by bringing it about, as far as I can, that statements [. . .] in general are not believed, and so too that all rights which are based on contracts come to nothing and lose their force.61 The SIs standard of value undermines the trait of resembling only himself, unless we read that only to mean divorced from tradition. The SI is now seen to be a part of a group of like-minded, reliable persons. The SIs seldom, slow, and stingy trust and promise making with similar persons may seem like a natural trait to have, given the seriousness of the SIs promising. Little else could be said about this trait, if it did not reappear later in GM II. The actual effect of punishment is said to be a sharpening of prudence, in a lengthening of memory, in a will hereafter to proceed more cautiously, more mistrustfully, more secretively, in the insight that one is once and for all too weak for many things, in a kind of improvement in self-assessment. Generally what can be achieved among humans and animals through punishment is an increase in fear, a sharpening of prudence, mastery of the appetites: punishment tames man, but it does not make him better (GM II:15; KSA 5, p. 321). Given the similarities between this description and the SI, I find it hard not to see the SI as a fearful, tame, and narrowly prudent soul who is too weak to live up to the idea of Nietzschean sovereignty and responsibility in which one risks pursuit of a complex and even contradictory field of desires. The earlier affect of fear is now explained in more detail. Just as necessarily he will hold his kick in readiness for the frail dogs who promise although they are not permitted to do so, and his switch for the liar who breaks his word already the moment it leaves his mouth (GM II:2; KSA 5, p. 294). This cruelty is clearly in line with the history of cruelty that creates modern morality, indicating that the fruit has not fallen far from the tree. The sort of radical revaluation that is associated with Nietzsches positive ethical ideal is not on display here. Instead, we find a continued cruelty directed at imperfect promisers, perhaps even those who are mischievous in their promising.62 Although cruelty is not bad in itself, this is not cruelty aimed at reattaching a good and valuing conscience to the natural inclinations.
as holiness of God, as judgeship of God, as executionership of God, as beyond, as eternity, as torture without end, as hell, as immeasurability of punishment and guilt (GM II:22; KSA 5, p. 332). So the final direct reference to the SI in GM II:3 is another ambiguous description that is undermined by the history of conscience that Nietzsche soon provides. In conclusion, the ability of the SI passage to sustain two completely contradictory interpretations cannot be denied. Either this ambiguity is unin tentional and Nietzsche is a failure as a writer or else it is intentional and the reading provided here is the correct one. Nietzsche would have no other reason to intentionally construct such an ambiguous passage if it were not to entice us with an ideal that is then exposed as fraudulent. I can find no reason to support the SI as a representative of Nietzsches ethical ideal, except that on the surface it appears positive. But that is hardly a sufficient reason when faced with the difficulties within the textespecially, the SIs general antinaturalism and standard of valueand its subsequent deconstruction within GM. Passages from the Nachlass indicating that the sovereign will is a relic of the Enlightenment, Nietzsches own conception of the will, responsibility, and his own redeeming natural ideal, and his criticisms of notions central to the SIthese all seem like inescapable evidence for not only the ambiguity of the passage but also for its interpretation as part of the ascetic ideal that has dominated human history up until this time.
Eastern Connecticut State University matthew.rukgaber@gmail.com
NOTES
1. In his translation of On the Genealogy of Morals, Kaufmann, in a footnote, identifies the SI with Nietzsches ideal and with the opposite of an inner-directed Kantian ideal, but the SIs focus on promise keeping seems to be inner-directed (i.e., focused on the intention of the promiser) in precisely the way Kaufmann characterizes Kants ethics (On the Genealogy of Morals [New York: Random House, 1967], 59). 2. David Owen, Equality, Democracy, and Self-Respect: Reflections on Nietzsches Agonal Perfectionism, Journal of Nietzsche Studies 24 (2002): 11516. 3. For example, Richard Whites book on the problem of sovereignty in Nietzsche is plagued by Kantianism because of the SI-passage. White claims that the SI contains all the connotations of self-mastery and self-legislation that one would typically associate with the ordinary ideal of autonomy (Nietzsche and the Problem of Sovereignty [Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997], 7). Sensing the implausibility of such a reading, White backpedals and states that Nietzsche hardly accepts an ordinary notion of autonomy. 4. Although Kant is a leading figure of the Enlightenment, the SI represents several errors of Enlightenment thought and is not intended as a charitable representation of Kant or any other specific thinker. In an earlier version of this article I simply identified the SI with a Kantian ideal, whereas I should have said that the SI is Nietzsches critique of Kant and Rousseau as moral dogmatists masquerading under the banners of reason and feeling. Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for motivating me to clarify this.