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Aberdeen University
Studies
:

No. 20

Studies in the

History and Art of the

Eastern

Roman

Provinces

University

of Aberdeen.

COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS.
Convener
:

Professor

James W. H. Trail, F.R.S., Curator of the University Library.

UNIVERSITY STUDIES.
General Editor: Peter John Anderson, M.A., LL.B., Librarian
to

the University.

1900.

No.

I.

Roll 0/ Alumni

in Arts of the University

and King's

College of Aberdeen, i^g6'iS6o.

Edited

by P. J. Anderson.

No.

1901.

2. Records of Old Aberdeen^


3. 4.

1157-1891.

A.

M. Munrc, F.S.A.

Scot.

Vol.

I.

No.

No.
No.

1902.

5. 6.

No.
No.

1903.

7.

Place Names of West Aberdeenshire, James Macdonald, F.S.A. Scot. The Family of Burnett of Leys, George Burnett, LL.D., Lyon King of Arms. Records of Invercauld, 1547-1828. Rev. J. G. Michie, M.A. Rectorial Addresses delivered in the Universities of Aberdeen, 1835-1900. P. J. Anderson. The Albemarle Papers, 1746-48. Professor C. S. Terry, M.A.
J.

No.
No.

8. The House of Gordon.

M.

Bulloch, M.A.

Vol. Vol.

I.

1904.

g. Records of Elgin.

William Cramond, LL.D.

1.

No. 10.A vogadro and Dalton: The Standing in Chemistry of their Hypotheses.

A. N. Meldrum, D.Sc.
Vol.

No. 11. Records of No.


12.

the Sheriff Court of Aberdeenshire.

David Littlejohn, LL.D,

L
1902-04.

Proceedings
Report
J.

of the Aberdeen University Anatomical and President, Professor R. W. Rcid, M.D., F.R.C.S.

Anthropological Society,

1905.

No.

13.

on the Alcyonaria collected by Professor Herdman at Ceylon in Arthur Thomson, M.A., and W. D. Henderson, B.Sc.

1902.

Professor

No. 14. Researches in Organic Chemistry. Professor F. R. Japp, M,A., LL.D., F.R.S., William Maitland, B.Sc, Joseph Knox, B.Sc, James Wood, B.Sc.
No. No.
15.

,f

1906.

No.
No.

Meminisse Juvat with Appendix of Alakeia. Alexander Shewan, M.A. The Blackballs of that Ilk and Barra. Alexander Morison, M.D. Records of the Scots Colleges at Douai^ Rome, Madrid, Valladolidt 17.
:

16.

Ratisbon,

Vol.

I.

P.

J.

Anderson.

18,

No.

19.

Roll of the Graduates of the University of Aberdeen, 1860-1900. Colonel William Johnston, C.B. Studies in the History and Development of the University of Aberdeen^ P, Anderson
J.

and others.

No.

20.

Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire,
Ramsay, D.C.L., and
pupils.

Professor

W. M.

No.

21.

Studies

in Pathology.

William Bulloch, M.D., and others.

PLATE

IX.

Thk Great Hittite Altar, Eski-Kishla

(T.

Callander).
176.

To face page

^y

Studies in the History and Art

of the Eastern Provinces of


the

Roman Empire
WRITTEN FOR THE
QUATERCENTENARY OF

THE UNIVERSITY OF
ABERDEEN BY SEVEN
OF
ITS

GRADUATES

Edited by

W. M. Ramsay
Professor of

Humanity

in

the University

v^'

ABERDEEN

MCMVl

PRINTED FOR THE UNIVERSITY


AT THE

ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY

PRESS.

De&icateO
TO THE SUBSCRIBERS TO THE

ASIA

MINOR EXPLORATION FUND


AND THE

WILSON TRUSTEES
IN

THE

UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN.

PREFACE.
This collection of papers was planned less than a year ago and the writers have been occupied in other engrossing and
;

which alone might seem to require their undivided attention. The leisure which could be given to
inevitable

work,

this

book was
it

scanty,

and

in July

it

seemed hardly possible

to get

ready in time.

Only by the hearty co-operation of


been possible to

the Aberdeen University Press, and by the lavish use of the


right of correction of the proof-sheets, has
it

complete for the Quatercentenary this specimen of the work of our students. Nine writers began seven only have finished.
:

A. Souter, M.A., 1893, g^^^ much time


Christian Inscriptions of Lycaonia (which
longest paper in the volume)
for three
;

to a collection of the

would have been the

but in June he had to go abroad

months

to collate

MSS.

of Pelagius.

By prefixing and
:

appending some English, Latin and Greek verses, I have been able to add W. Blair Anderson, M.A., 1898, as an eighth
his omission

from the seven was due


the
first

to the loss of a letter.


in the

The Proodos and

Epodos were published

Book-

man, and are reprinted through the courtesy of the

editor,

VUl

PREFACE
Robertson Nicoll, M.A., 1870, Hon. LL.D., 1890.

W.

The

Cambridge. British research in Asia Minor from 1880 to 1894 was carried on through endowments in Oxford aided by the Asia

others

were prize epigrams

in

Minor Exploration Fund, which was mainly

subscribed there.
^'

From 1894

to

1896

it

nearly ceased.

In 1897

revived with

the election of the

first

Wilson Fellow

in this University,

and

it

has since depended chiefly on the Wilson Fellowship, supple-

mented by various benefactors and


Carnegie Trust, and

to

some extent by the

by considerable private expenditure of

some of the

explorers.

From

first

to last a

very large part

of both exploration and publication has been done by Aberdeen


graduates

who

also studied in

Oxford.

in

Four of the seven writers have taken part to some degree the exploration which furnished the raw material for this
.That opportunity
is

and other books.


have been the
since

not given to

all.

Such

difficulties, chiefly

1883 the present


in

through lack of funds, that writer has only once been able to

any year the prospect of travelling in the following year, and to lay out a plan of exploration extending over two seasons. But in one way or another the work has
contemplate

gone on,
continued
years.

frequently
for

seeming

to

be

at

an end, yet always

one

more journey, throughout twenty-seven


for

Real research in ancient literature


our knowledge of ancient
life

the enlargement of

has not been

much encouraged

PREFACE
or approved by public opinion in Scotland.

IX

The

researcher

is

supposed to be wasting time which he should employ in the The very name of research is teaching of elementary pupils.
in popular use degraded,

and endowments

for research are ap-

plied to aid pupils to complete their education

foreign Universities

an
It

by studying

at

excellent thing, but not research.


it is

In
that

France and Germany,


for research there

but not in Britain,


needed,
will

known

are

not only brains and learning,

but also money.

probably be the penalty for the

production of this volume that exploration has to be discontinued for a year.

We
its

venture to lay before the University and the distin-

guished guests, both strangers and graduates,


entrance on the
fifth

who come

to greet

century of work, a sample of the re-

search that has been performed in one line alone of classical

study by

its

students.

It

was the

writer's

wish to compile a
last

bibliography of Asia

Minor

exploration during the


is

twenty-

seven years

such a bibliography

real

desideratum on

account of the mass and the dispersion of the recent writings about that country, but this volume could not have appeared in time
if

the compilation had been included.

The

bibliography would

show

in

statistics

that,

notable as have

been the writings in that department of a


scholars,

series

of excellent

many

of whose names are

now

household words in the

world of learning, the bulk at any rate of the work of Aberdeen graduates in the department equals the bulk of all the

X
rest,

PREFACE
even taking into account the stately
etc.,

German

folios

on

Pergamon, Lycia,
Myrina.

and the beautiful French volumes on

The

sketch

map

facing p.

362

illustrates the

first,

fifth,

seventh, eighth and ninth papers.

The
the
first

index gives a conspectus of the information here for time accumulated about the society and life of a little

know^n country, which played a leading part in the development of civilisation for more than 2,000 years, which was once the
wealthiest country in the world through the skilful use of
soil
its

and

may

again
its

become one of the

wealthiest through the

re-creation of

agriculture.

W. M. RAMSAY.

CONTENTS.
Proodos
To face page
I

By
I.

A.

Margaret Ramsay.

Isaurian and East-Phrygian Art IN THE Third and Fourth Centuries After Christ
Introduction
I.

3-92
3

The

Isaurian Hill

Country
.

II.

Dorla (Isaura Nova)

22 59 63
91

III.

Southern Lycaonia IV. Northern Lycaonia (Proseilemmene)

Summary

....
1903.

By A.

Margaret Ramsay, M.A.,

1904,

Croom

Robert-

son Fellow.

II.

Smyrna

as Described by

By W. M. Calder, M.A.,
Ferguson
III.

the Orator Aelius Aristides 95-116 Robertson Croom Fellow, 1903,

Classical Scholar,

Epitaphs in Phrygian Greek By A. Petri E, M.A., 1903, Ferguson

119-136
Classical Scholar, 1904.

IV. Inheritance by Adoption

and Marriage

in Phrygia, as
his

Shown
tives

in

the Epitaphs of Trophimos and


1903, Ferguson

Rela137-153

By John Eraser, M.A.,


1905.

Classical Scholar,

Xll

CONTENTS
PAGE

V. Explorations in Lycaonia and Isauria, 1904


I.

157-180
161

Savatra

II.
III.

Kaiina or
Sidamaria

Kana
in Isauria

163
,

IV.

An

Excursion

165

V. Salarama
VI.
VII.
VIII.

170

Psebila or Psibela,

now

Seuerek

172 176 177

Bardalcome or Barda-etta
Barata

IX.

Laranda (now Karaman) X. Dagh Euren

XI.

Emir Ghazi

.... ....
1898, Wilson Fellow.
in

177
177

178

By T. Callander, M.A.,
VI. Paganism

and Christianity Valley I. The District


.

the

Upper

Tembris
183-227
185

II.

Topography

(a)
(6)
(t)

General

The
.

Imperial Estate In Christian Times


.

.186 .188

^9^

III.

The

Inscriptions

IV.

V.
VI.

The Formula
Inscriptions

Early Christianity tov 6eov aii


.

.......
firj

-193 .196
.

uStKr](Ti<;

203
205

VII. Christian Inscriptions

.214

By

J.

G. C. Anderson, M.A., 1890,

First

Wilson Fellow.

VII. Preliminary Report to the

ploration in
I.

Wilson Trustees on ExPhrygia and Lycaonia 231-277


to Apollonia

Smyrna

....
. .

233
235

II.

III.

IV.

The The The

Defeat of Manuel, and the Third Crusade Imperial Estates at Pisidian Antioch
.

Imperial

Road
its

to Lystra

238 241

V.

Iconium and

Territory

244

VI. Verinopolis, Psebila and the Central


VII.

Trade Route
.

247
251

Northern Lycaonia and the Phrygian Frontier

CONTENTS
VIII.

xiu
PAGE

Southern Lycaonia and the Isaurian Frontier IX. The Thousand and One Churches in Lycaonia X. The Painted Inscriptions of the Golden Gate in
Constantinople
XI.

The Tomb

.....
in

267

By W. M. Ramsay,
VIII.

Phrygia M.A., 1871, Wilson Fellow.


Possession of

as a

Sanctuary

270

The War

of

Moslem and Christian for the


:

Asia Minor
bridge,

the

Rede Lecture

in the University

of

Cam281-301

1906 (by the courtesy of the

Contemporary Review)

.....
:
.
.

editor of the

By
IX.

the same.

The Tekmoreian Guest-Friends


I.

An Anti-Christian Society ON THE Imperial Estates at Pisidian Antioch 305-377


Estates of the

God

305

II.

III.

Imperial Estates round Pisidian Antioch Discovery of the Tekmoreian Monuments

The The

309 314
317 329

IV.

Inscription of

Gondane

V.
VI,
VII.
VIII.

Other Tekmoreian

Inscriptions

Meaning and Aims of the Tekmore; 01


Chronology Economics

IX.

X.
XI.

Zeus Eurydamenos Topography

.... .... ....

3+6

350 356 359


361

Property and Family Rights XII. The Deity and the Priests

372
375

By

the same.

Notes and Corrections


Epodos

377

....
By
A.

379-384

Margaret

Ramsay,

John

Eraser,

W.

Blair

Anderson.
Index

...

3^5

^>

LIST

OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PLATES.

I.

Fig.

B.

II.

Fig. 6 A.

In the Ottoman Imperial Museum Konia In an Isaurian Valley (T. Callander)


at

To face page

i6
i8

III. Fig.

B. At an Isaurian Village (T. Callander) 6 On an Isaurian Hill (T. Callander) IV. Fig. V. The Gravestone of the Blessed Papas (Mrs. Ramsay) VI. Old Turkish Embroidery at Dorla (Mrs. Ramsay)
6

20 22

VII. Sarcophagus of Sidamaria VIII. Door of Byzantine Church, Dagh-Euren (T. Callander)

IX.

The

.......
Inscription,

.....
.

56 60

Great Hittite Altar, Eski-Kishla (T. Callander)

Frontispiece
(see p. 178)

X. Block with Hittite Hieroglyphic Ghazi (T. Callander)


XI.

.....
5 B, 5

EmirTo face page 178 180

The Broken

Hittite Altar,

Emir-Ghazi (T. Callander)

CUTS.
In Paper
I.,

Nos. 1-60, with 3 B, 3 C, 4 B, 4 C,


^

C, 6 E, 6 F, 6 G,

13 B, 22 B, 35 B.

In Paper In Paper

II.,

No. I and niap. III., one inscription.

In Paper VI., nineteen inscriptions and map. In Paper IX., dne inscription and one map.

MAPS.
PAGE

Sm yr The Upper Tembris

IIS

Valley

Part of Pisidia, Lycaonia and Phrygia

....

184 To face page lb2

BION DEAD.
From Moschus,
Id. III.

mountain

glens,

O
O

rivers,

Dorian water

clear,
;

Now

mourn with me

for Bion, the lovely

and the dear


;

Blush red,

rose, for sorrow, grass,

O springing
Among

and thou, anemone woodland, lament for him with me.

the herds that loved him no

more he

sits

and

plays,
;

Fluting beneath the oak-trees through the long summer days But in the house of Hades another strain he sings

To

still

And

silent

the unquiet voices of half-remembered things ; is the hillside, save where, forlorn and slow,
his

Caring no more to pasture,

lowing heifers go.


is

Ah me

though

in the garden the mallow's life

brief.
;

Though

fades the fresh green parsley,


shall
live

and the curling anise leaf


in her train,
;

Yet tender Spring returning

bring them

And

in a second

summer they
die, shall

and bloom again


call

But we, the strong, the powerful, we mighty men and

wise,

When

once we
in

never at

of Spring

arise.

But lapped

Through

night that

heavy silence in hollow earth shall keep knows no morning an unawaking

sleep.

A.

Margaret Ramsav.

I.

ISAURIAN

AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART IN THE THIRD AND FOURTH CENTURIES AFTER


CHRIST.
A.

MARGARET RAMSAY.

ISAURIAN

AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART IN THE THIRD AND FOURTH CENTURIES AFTER CHRIST.*
INTRODUCTION.

Rome's
the

appearance in the field of Eastern politics had been as champion of the Greeks and of purer Greek culture against the
first

And only half-Hellenic power of the Seleucid Syrian monarchy. she steadily maintained throughout the period of her in the East the Romans identified themselves greatest ascendancy
this attitude
:

with Hellenic civilisation, culture and

spirit,

and wherever the

Roman

arms conquered,

this

Western or Hellenic

influence was superimposed

upon the subjugated countries. But In the sphere at least of art, the vigour of the pure Hellenic the Christian era. spirit had died away before the commencement of Greek
art in the service

of

Rome was

characterised by great technical

In the first three centuries after skill, but was no longer pure Greek. Christ, however, there can be traced a reincarnation of the artistic

which passes through a regular course of development widely art of the earlier age. differing both in aim and in form from the due this revival and To what were arises The then,
spirit,

question, this transformation of the artistic spirit


influence,

Was Rome
it

the centre of

and the motive power by which


following paper
is

was diffused throughout

The
of

my

father, especially in all questions

that he has given me anxious to give to others

to the suggestion, advice and guidance But he wishes me to say of date and period. has already given to many and is he that same the help simply

due entirely

still.

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
?

the subject countries of the Empire movement to some other source ?

Or must we

ascribe the

new

Two
older and
it

The entirely opposite answers are offered to this question. more widely accepted view is that of Wickhoff, who ascribes
The other view, which
is

Rome. altogether to the influence of


definitely

has been

most
and

advanced by Prof Strzygowski

in his Orient oder

Rom

Kleinasien ein

Neuland der Kunstgeschichte


It

due entirely to Oriental influence. moment and review the situation


tions between

may

that the change was be well to pause here for a

at the time, in respect of the rela-

dominating of Christian the commencement the before world of the shortly power is it after Christ the first But even during era. century possible to see the beginning of that gradual shifting of the centre of gravity

Roman and Oriental influence. The city of Rome had attained her zenith

as the

from West

to East

which culminated

at last in the establishment

of

Little by little, Rome the Byzantine Empire. heart and brain and seat of life of the Empire ".
especially

" ceases to be the

The

provinces, and

the Eastern provinces, grow steadily in importance, reassert their own individuality, and refuse any longer to accept unquestion-

And this new feeling, the tone of Rome. ingly the authority and this uprising and self-assertion of the East against the dominance of
the West, found its clearest expression in the spread of Christianity ; " in and re-created for Christianity the provinces conquered Rome It was during the second century that this new the Empire ".
as to attract the notice of contemporaries.* the revival and fresh lines of development of art synchronise, as Prof Strzygowski has pointed out, with this reaction Hellenic culture, Hellenic feeling, had against Western influence. been spread over the East, and superimposed upon Oriental feeling and civilisation ; but the Eastern spirit survived still, grew stronger
spirit

became so marked

Now

as

Western influence was dissipated and weakened, remoulded and


article by Prof. quotations in this paragraph are from an the Homiktic in the "Acts of the Apostles" Review, 1900, p. 4 ff.

The

W. M. Ramsay

on

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


Orientalised the vanishing

Grasco-Roman

art,

and

finally

produced the

and Byzantine art. And this new development was, early Christian as Prof. Strzygowski holds, the expression on the artistic side of the
same movement which was manifested in its religious, and afterwards the in its political aspect, as the growth and spread of Christianity

reaction

and

self-assertion of the East against the

West, resulting

in a

fusion of Oriental

coloured by both.

and Graeco-Roman culture, forming a new compound The Grasco-Roman art of the first century, i.e.,

art adapted to Roman feeling and serving Roman uses, grew weaker and poorer in the second century ; and in the third century new artistic forms can be traced as they established themselves in

Greek

popular use in the Eastern provinces. Now if, as WickhofF maintained, the

new forms

that arose and

formed the Christian


tion

art

of Asia Minor had really been an importa-

from Rome, one might naturally expect to find a more or less close resemblance between the artistic forms and schemes of ornament If on the other on the monuments of different districts.
hand
appearing it can be

shown

that each district has a definite scheme appearits

ing almost uniformly on

own monuments, and

differing radically

from

that

which was used

in

other districts, the theory of a native

origin would be strongly the monuments of certain districts of Phrygia

corroborated.

To show

that this

is

true of
is

and Lycaonia

the

object of the present article. It has already been observed, both by


others, that certain artistic

Prof.

Ramsay and by

In many Asia Minor. down almost to the present day. broideries woven at the village of Ladik

forms are peculiar these have persisted from ancient times places Thus on the carpets and em(the

to certain districts of

ancient Laodiceia

the middle of Katakekaumene), nine hours north of a vase of last century, when' the old manufacture ceased, there appears to the while another of a different form is peculiar one

Iconium, until

special shape,

carpets

made

at

Mudjur

in

Cappadocia.
is

In

another
a

village

of

Lycaonia, every carpet and embroidery

marked by

row of

little

6
houses.
places
:

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

The same
I

is

by Bunar are recognisable


of the

am

told

friends that
at

the case with the patterns used in several other the carpets still woven at Karaa glance

characteristic

district.

by those who know the pattern Similarly, we found and purchased at

Dorla (Nova Isaura) a piece of old embroidery, handed down for generations in a family of the village, which shows the same scheme
of ornament and several of the same decorative details as the sepulchral monuments of the place. I gave an account of these monuments
in a paper published in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1904, pp.
ff.,

260
art

and advanced arguments

to

show
in

that a native

and indigenous

can be traced in Asia


the

Minor
ii.

the Imperial time.

A number
*
as they

of

more

interesting and important of these Isauran


in

monuments
form

are republished

Section

of the present

article,

an essential part of the argument.

I.

THE ISAURIAN HILL COUNTRY.

district

The first series of monuments belong, roughly speaking, to the known as Bozkir. The name is given as Bozghyr by M.
in an
article

Mendel

on the monuments
it

in

the

Konia Museum,
I
it

B.C.H., 1902, to

which

gives

me

pleasure to

acknowledge that
its

am
but

greatly indebted.

M. Mendel

apparently regards
authority gives
1-3) are

as a village.

It is,

however, a large district.

No

precise bounds,

it lies

round about the great


first

city of Isaura Palaea.

The
at

three

monuments (Nos.

now

in the

museum

Konia,

whither they have been brought from different places.

and workmanship proves that they were sculptured in the same place and probably in the same The ornament of the front is very complex, and its workshop. But the
close resemblance of the decoration

character can be gathered better from the accompanying drawings and photographs than from a verbal description. The scheme is four fluted columns (with bases the same, identical in all three

* Isauran

relates to the city Is.-iura,

haurlan to the country

Isauria.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

but capitals varying in form), supporting a central triangular pediment flanked by two round arches, within each of which is a
shell-like

ornament.

The

the inner are round fluting, between them are occupied

outer columns are square, with straight and the fluting is twisted. The spaces

by

figures,

the central niche in Nos.

and

containing a representation of a funeral banquet, that in No. All are solid rectangular blocks, sculptured on all 3 a horseman.
2

four sides, the ornament on the short sides being in every case a single

are standing

pediment supported by two square columns, between which figures the arrangement being similar to No. 4 B and C.
:

This
at

class

of stone
ii.),

is

similar in

form to the monuments found

Dorla (see

a simple solid block.

The Dorla monuments

These are sculptured on all sculptured only on one side. four sides (No. 4 on three sides) ; and the ornamentation is of a more
are

elaborate type,
to the period

and of a

later age.

If the

Dorla monuments belong

260-340, these would have to be assigned to the latter but it is quite probable that the dates part of the century 340-400 should be placed earlier, Dorla 240-300, and these early in the fourth
;

or late in the third century. M. view about these three monuments

Mendel seems
{I.e.,

to take the latter

pp. 232-45),. though he does

not state a period quite distinctly.

This stone, which cannot be traced beyond Konia itself, has already been published, with photograph, by M. Mendel, Bulletin de
I.

It is, as has already Correspondanee Hellenique, 1902, pp. 225, 226.* been stated, a solid rectangular block, and was probably sculptured all round ; but one of the short sides is entirely gone and the other

much

defaced, though it is possible to see that it was decorated with The back, on the usual schema of the arch supported on columns.

which there seems to be some sculpture, heiva "^.T^i^avov tov avSpa [. fi


.

is
.

hidden against a

wall.

fjivqix,r)<;

[xa-pi'J^

kc]

Mefivova

Kc]

Maaovav
He
reads

Ke ^povrtova.
but the second

-PANONON,

should be Ree with T.

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
:

The

text cannot be certainly restored

woman honoured

(eKoa-fjir}-

crev or iTeCfJirjcrev) her

husband Stephanus and several

friends.

The photograph here published is too faint, but can be helped out the sketches. It had to be taken in side view, on account of the by position of the stone in the Museum, and thus the end distant from
the camera
is

somewhat

distorted.

'dh

^ ANO^

^,.

,_,^

J-

Fig.

A.

of opinion that the fish on either side of the central pediment do not in this case seem to be Christian. But the Christian symbolism of Lycaonia, which was almost unknown at the
is

M. Mendel

time he wrote, has since been much further investigated, and the fish, taken in conjunction with the name Stephanos, seem to show that
this

tombstone

is

of Christian character.

The name, which was

not

PLATE

I.

p[Q.

B.

In

the Ottoman Imperial Museum at Konia.


To face page
J

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


deciphered by
are

M. Mendel,

occurs in Lycaonian inscriptions which

undoubtedly Christian.

in

representation of the sepulchral banquet, a pagan ceremony not prove that the monument was of pagan origin. origin^ does M. Waddington has observed that the pagan ideas of the future
earlier Christian inscriptions,*

The

world are often embodied in the


this will

and

be exemplified in a number of the monuments published in There is, however, nothing openly idolatrous in the rethis volume.

presentation on the present tombstone.


origin
is

claimed for
to
in

it, it is

not asserted that the


Christian
ideas,

Moreover, while a Christian artist was working


but only that he was

specially

express purely

working
religion
sale,

a region thoroughly Christianised for a society whose was Christian. The artists made these monuments for

special individual or family ; t and they of thought only making good and ornate monuments. They used old pagan motives freely, and art only gradually made itself strictly and entirely Christian in appearance. mixture of Christian and

and not for some

pagan forms .marks the earlier Christian works.


Christian works have hitherto escaped notice,

Probably many
to the presence

owing

of pagan elements in them. defaced ornament hanging above the heads of the banqueters in the central panel may perhaps represent a bunch of grapes, a

symbol not uncommon on Christian tombstones it is however too much defaced to admit of certainty. In front of the table at which
;

..^s^

/^
M**

' .

the banqueters are seated is the small figure of an attendant, and beside him are a jar and a long-handled cooking pot standing on a smaller table. The table with vase and pot is an extremely common

ornament on gravestones of Lycaonia

(see

No.

Under
* Prof.
reference.

the left-hand arch are the figures of a


mentions
this to

and many in 4). woman and a boy,

W. M. Ramsay

me, but

is

unable to give the exact


Avircius, in Phrygia,

f Some exceptions
and No. 7
in this

occur,
at

e.g.,

the famous

monument of

paper

Dorla.

lo

A.
is

MARGARET RAMSAY
an object of uncertain character, possibly a

above whose heads

covered basket, or a basket with curved handle. Beneath the other arch, where the stone is broken away, there seems to have been represented a man leaning on a stick.

This stone, also described by M. Mendel, B.C.H., 1902, p. and now in the museum in Konia, was seen by Prof. W. M. 227, Ramsay in 1882 in a private house in the town, and was said to have been brought from a village in the mountainous region, about eight
2.

hours south-west from Konia on the frontier of Isauria and Pisidia.

When

the inscription on the stone, which mentions that one of the persons commemorated was a native of Kilistra, the owner, who was a Greek, said that the village still retains its ancient Prof.

Ramsay read out

had been brought from that neighbourhood. The remarkable Christian rock monuments of Kilistra were visited by
that the stone
Sir

name and

Charles Wilson and Prof.

Ramsay immediately
S. Sterrett,

afterwards, and

again in 1885 by Prof. J. R.

who
this

has briefly described

them

in

his

IVo/fe Exped., p. 159.


sides

Both the short

and the back of


all

monument
defaced.

are sculp-

tured as well as the front, but

are

much

The

sides

have single pediments supported by two columns, in this case plain instead of fluted. On Figures stand in the niches between them.
the back are a
scription framed
[17

man and
in a vine

woman

to the

left,

to the right an in-

/ce

Seiva iKOCTfirjo-ev ' AvTOiVLov K 'AvLav


<f>L\ov

with leaves and clusters of grapes. tov avSpa. .]


.

dB[e\<f)]ov<;

kol

ArraKov

KiXicTTpea

tov dj/Spos
^apiv.

fivqjJL'r]';

There
is

is

gap between

A
fill

and

in the

name

'Atrtav,

which

Prof. Sterrett

and

M. Mendel
now

gap

caused by the

up by reading 'A7ria[vo]v. defaced ornament which crowned the central

But the

M. Mendel restores \\ov\ pediment, and no letters have been lost. at the end of line i, not observing that these letters were added at the end of line 2, where he places them again unexplained. There

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


is

II

no

visible

room

for the

exordium

as restored here

but

it is

neces-

sary for the sense (as

shown

in the following paragraph).

On the back is the inscription in four lines, not explained by the previous editors, TpoKovSa? ks OvavySi/SacraLv to. dpenTa, i.e., the foster children (or adopted children) Trolcondas and
Vangdibassin.

The second name

is

typically Isaurian,

and would alone be almost

C\< I^ANTLONJIONK AniA/-'\N A IC /kI rPEA4^1^0N/ i^OYANAPOC

ATTA

^ONl

Fig.

2.

enough to prove the Isaurian origin of the monument Cronin's remarks in J.H.S., 1902, p. 345.
:

see

Mr.

The adopted sons are mentioned as joining in the making of the tomb there was no room for them on the front of the stone. The text cannot be restored exactly, but it stated that a woman made the tomb for her husband and two brothers and a friend of her
husband.

There cannot be many words missing, and therefore no

12

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

children can have been mentioned, which (considering the custom must be taken as a proof that the pair were childless of the

country)

and adopted two sons.


Published with photograph and description by M. Mendel, B.C.H., 1902, pp. 227, 228, and said there to be from Kawak, five hours south from Konia, and one hour east of Khatyn Serai (Lystra).
3.

Fig. 3 A.

however, several villages of this name, and the stone may come from another in Boz-Kir, distant about eighteen hours from Now in the Museum, Konia. Konia.

There

are,

The

central space

is

occupied by the figure of a horseman, his

In each of the cloak flying behind him. right arm raised and his side niches are a man and a woman, the former leaning on a staff.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


On
the back of the stone
is

13

a curious

ornament

(Fig. 3 B), a standing

rtr;

i^'"'"'

figure, probably winged, having instead of arms two long wreaths which are not suspended from anything at the ends, but turn down

*'

}f^

'^

"^"HP

in

two hooks.

With

this

rude figure compare Fig. 4 A.


is

On

each of the two short sides

a single

pediment supported

Fig. 3 B.

wreath hanging from the capitals.

by two columns, between which stand a man and a woman, under a In one pediment is the name ANTwNIOC, just under it, and above the wreath, NANNIwC.
the other side are the letters

On
left,

TAC

beside the man's head to the

TATA

above the wreath over the woman's.

One column

is

decorated with a trailing branch (Fig. 3 C), and a scrap of similar

ornament appears on one of the columns of the opposite side. The other two are greatly defaced, but probably bore the same decoration.

power to give drawings showing the arrangement of the sculpture on the short sides of these gravestones, as we did not make sketches of any of them. They agree in general arrangeIt is

not in

my

14

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

the short sides of the following monument, though small details differ in every case ; and the agreement confirms the proof that

ment with
this class

of monuments belongs to and originated in the Isaurian hillcountry. Especially the attaching of names to the human figures in

No.

3 appears also in
4.

No.
*

4.

Figs. A-C, which are from three


Kilisse in

sides of a stone

found

at

Uetch

Isauria

by Prof. Ramsay,

are here given for

com-

FiG. 4 A.

parison.

The work on

this

poor gravestone
;

is

coarser than that of

monuments but the disposition is the same. The grotesque human figure with wreaths for arms, which occurs
the three preceding

on the back of No.

forms here the central ornament of the prinIn No. 4 A, the wreaths which form the arms of the cipal side. are figure suspended from two columns, and above each is a head of Medusa, surrounded by extremely rude snakes. In Fig. 3 B
3,

"Three Churches"

it is

about

five

miles north-west from Appa-Serai.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


the columns are not indicated,

IS

explains Fig. 3 B. the defaced gorgoneion on the left was an inscription there with C cannot have been letters so that lost, ending many a name was here personal probably only engraved.

port

Fig.

and the wreaths hang from no sup-

Above

the two sides. Figs. 4 B and 4 C, and the of the names above the figures, are exactly similar to the placing sides of No. 3 and doubtless also to the defaced sides of i and 2.

The carving of

F==(

TA

TA

^
Fig. 4 C.

Fig. 4 B.

The back of
5.

the stone

is

left

plain

and not

evfen

smoothed.

Sarcophagus found in 1905 by Prof. Ramsay, at Appa-Serai This should be compared with a sarcophagus (Fig. 5 B) from Dondurma,* near Lake Tatta, far away to the north-east of
in Isauria.

Konia, which

i^s

now
says

in the

Konia museum.
east side
is

*M. Mendel
correct,

Kotch-Hissar on the
us.

of the Lake; but

this

is

in-

on the information given

Dondurma

the west side of the Lajje, Herkenli in Turkish. the east side would be Dondurma is under the government of Kotchvery difficult. The official statement is that given by M. Mendel, but Hissar, hence the error.

Kurd name of a village on To bring the monument from


the

when one

enquires closely, one finds that

it is

"

Dondurma

of Kotch-Hissar ".

i6

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
less

The
a

resemblances between the two are no

striking than their


figures, a
relief.

differences.

On

the front of each are

two seated

woman,

between them

facing one another, and in very high is occupied on the Dondurma sarcophagus

man and The space


a carved

by

k
rirr\
Si'

"')

Q=k
Fig. 5 A.

t
filled

ii

tablet
relief,

by a representation, also in very high of a table on which are several jars or pans of different shapes.
it is

on the other

Both sarcophagi are ornamented on the ends, that from Dondurma by a large medallion with a head, in high relief, that from Apa by a

Fig. 5 B.

simple pattern in incised lines, within which is a bird (Fig. 5 C). Each of them has a projecting rim round the top, and a similarly
projecting base, from which rise short pedestals or bases supporting Of these, the male figure is at the right, seated the figures in relief*

*The

supports are almost wanting in

A, and this adds to the uncouth look.

<

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


on
a chair with

17

rests

on

his

curved legs ; one hand is slightly raised, the other knee and, on the Dondurma monument, holds a book.

The

female figure

who

faces

him occupies

a round drum-like seat.

Of these two
in character

and
as

sarcophagi, that from Dondurma is purely Greek style, and is clearly the work of a trained sculptor.
;

The

other

is

obviously of native and quite unskilled workmanship


in unusually

the figures,

which are

high relief, are excessively rude,

heavy and lumpish ; the raised hand of the male figure is not even clearly cut out, but the rough stone is left projecting between it and the knees of the figure instead of being cut away to the level of the

background ; and this gives at first sight the impression of a child the knee. The carved tablet on the Greek sarcophagus is sitting on

by the purely native ornament of the table and the household utensils
replaced in this

'

a type

of decoration very

common on
of
this

the

monuments published
(also Fig. i).
It
is

in iv.

paper

difficult

to avoid the conclusion


is

{^
5 c.

^1

that the one sarcophagus

an imitation of the other.

Fiq. copy or at least The resemblances between

them

the

high relief, the position and character of the figures, the projecting bases which support them, the similarity even of the different seats

which the

man and

the

woman occupy

is

are too close to be fortuitous.

We
artist

must suppose that the Greek sarcophagus was made by an properly trained in Greek sculpture, and probably made at
;

Iconium (Konia)

for

such a work

scarcely likely to have been

There, no doubt, it was bought, and carried by its purchasers to the Kotch-Hissar district,* but before its removal it was seen by some unskilled Isaurian craftsman who afterwards carved a sarcophagus in imitation of it,
executed except in a town of considerable size.
* Prof. W. M. of this part of Ramsay points out that Iconium was the capital the Province Galatia in the second and third centuries, and that intercourse was therefore frequent.

i8

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
of native decoration between

putting in that incongruous piece the Grecian figures.

The Dondurma sarcophagus has been published by M. Mendel, B.C.H., 1902, pp. 224, 225, who dates it about the end of the second
century.

Both of them are

and belong to a time when century, was still an insignificant


trained artists which, as will be

certainly distinctly earlier than Nos. 1-3, Isaura, which rose to importance in the third
place,

without the school of native


later, it

shown

In

the

mountain-district

second century, therefore, is seen to be almost wholly under the influence of


art,

afterwards possessed. the artist in the Isaurian

models from Greek

not possessed of sufficient skill to imitate the style but only rudely reproduces the motives (interpolating the brazier and pots of his native rustic surroundings). On

though he

is

the other hand Figs. 1-4 show a totally different style of monument in the Isaurian country during the early part of the fourth century. new epoch and style have begun during the third century. This

we take to be native to the country, and not imported from Rome. The examples which we have seen of it as yet are not conclusive they belong to Kavak and Kilistra, on the extreme northern skirts of the Isaurian country. Even No. 4 is not very far south in the heart of the mountains. It would therefore be possible (so far as we have gone) to suppose that these monuments belonged to Iconium and had been carried to the Isaurian hill villages. But MM. Radet and Paris describe a monument at Appa-Serai
style
;

in Isauria,

which

is

distinctly of the

same type.*

At Appa-Serai we

are right inside of the Isaurian hill-country. Prof. T. Callander in 1904 made an excursion further south into the heart of the Isaurian

mountain-land and the upper Calycadnus valley (described


*B.C.H., 1887,
saw
in
also a
p. 63.

in

this

They

call

the village

Apa

but Prof.

W. M. Ramsay
is

There Appa-Serai one of the monuments described by them. from The two or three miles Appa-Serai. village Appa, away
is

said to be

village

name

Appa
Prof.

common

in Anatolia,

and

is

probably the survival of an ancient name, as


i.,

Ramsay

says in Ciliei

and Bish. ofPhr.,

p.

347.

<

< J
0.

-<

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


volume by himself). ments lying on the

19

Here he saw and photographed


hill-side,

various

monu-

showing the

same character which we


briefly noticed in the

have concluded to be Isaurian.


It will

These are

be observed that they are following paragraph. undistinguishable in arrangement from the whole group which we call Isaurian, though generally simpler in character and earlier in date.
the arrangement of the design differs from Figs. 1-3 so far that the central space is covered at the top with a rounded
6.

In Fig. 6

^^^

J:
Fig. 6 D.

.^^
(After Prof. Callander, p. 168,

^
44.)

No.

arch (in which


a pointed

the already familiar shell-like ornament) instead of pediment as in those three monuments. But the columns
is

(the middle

two with twisted

fluting, the outer

two now broken),

the side arches with shell-like ornament, the figures in the spaces, and the general style, are unmistakably the same. The monument 6 A comes from the same school as 1-3. Figs. 6 B-G are added to show how closely the monuments of
this district

approximate to those of Dorla, which are given

in the

20

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
is,

The scheme of ornament they display following section. will be observed, that especially characteristic of the Dorla

as

monu-

ments, namely, a row of columns supporting a central arch flanked

A Y PAn^\niCnAIK COYNlCKAlTIPOYCANtC tANTONn AniTONTANkAl


I

Fig. 6 E.

(After Prof. Callander, p. i68,

No.

43.)

by two pediments.

ii..

No. 6

closely resembles the stone of Indakos,

No.

8.

With No.

6 E, in which the two side pediments are

Fig. 6 F.

(After Prof. Callander,

No.

40.)

suppressed,

No. 30.
siderable

we may compare a very similar stone in the Dorla series. No. 6 F is rather different from the rest, but has a conresemblance to No. 27, which diverges somewhat from

a r. <
<

OS HI

J
a.

O
I

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

21

6 B and 6 C have an individual character, the ordinary Dorla type. to the Dorla type is evident amid a certain the analogy though
diversity,

inscription.

B being like No. 14 with human figures With 6 G compare No. 16 but figures (as
;

instead of
in

No. 23)

are here substituted for the swastika symbol.

looking at these monuments, one is struck over and over the love of decoration for its own sake which they indicate. again by

On

^(L\

CANeCTHCCNTONYONAYTOY

Fig. 6 G.

(After Prof. Callander, No. 46.)

They

are variously

and profusely ornamented,

as far as

one can

see,

of the stone merely because the engraver objected to leaving any part This love of ornament for ornament's sake is plain and unadorned. and always has been characteristic of Anatolian, and indeed of all Asiatic bear art. It is seen even at the time, when the coarsest sacks
present

ornamental patterns, and the very paper in which shopkeepers wrap their parcels is often adorned with coloured patterns or pictures.

22

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
DORLA (ISAURA NOVA).*

II.

1890 Prof. Ramsay, in company with Messrs. Hogarth and Headlam, came by accident to Dorla, mistaking it for another village where they intended to stay the night. The sun set as they reached Dorla, but they noticed a number of inscriptions, and copied a few of
In

hurrying on to their camp at the of two and a half hours distant. To this fortunate Almasun, village accident is due the discovery of this site. Though Prof. Ramsay

them

in the fading light before

has been collecting information for five years in the Konia district with regard to ancient remains, no one of the hundreds who have

given him reports about ancient


1

sites

ever mentioned Dorla.

90 1, remembering the uncopied inscriptions and found about fifty inscribed stones, with remains of other kinds sufficient to prove the site and reveal something of the history
to Dorla

But in of 1890, he went back

of

Nova

Isaura.
is

There

no clue to the form of the monuments

at Dorla.

All

the inscriptions and reliefs or patterns which are here published are on single blocks of stone, and though several of these blocks seem to

be incomplete in themselves, and merely parts of large built tombs (as for example the tomb of Bishop Theophilus, where several other fragments of sculptured stone were found near the block which bears
the inscription), probable that in
it is

not clear whether this was the case with


instances, particularly

all.

It is

many

when

the relatives of the

deceased were poor, the monument was simply a single block of stone. Above the ornamental part of R. 1901 and 1904. 7. Dorla.
?]tXXa eKoafirjo-ev rov ixaKapiov Trdtrav t(^v y]\v/cvrarov koI irdvTOiv ^ijXoi'. the part Nonilla, if that was the name
lost

the stone

Nov

must have been only three or four

letters

was probably the wife

of the bishop.
courtesy of the Council of the Society for the promotion of Hellenic me to use the blocks of the illustrations in ii. (except Figs. 8, 1 2 17, 18, 19, 31, which are new).

The

Studies permits

PLATE

V.

Thk Gkavestone of the Blessed Papas

(Mrs. Ramsay).
To face

pitj^e 22.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


Prof.

23

one of the most interesting and important sepulchral monuments ever found in Asia Minor. The stone, a massive rectangular block 5 feet li inches in length by

Ramsay

considers that this

is

3 feet 9I inches in height,

90

on the
I

hill

on the

was discovered by Prof, and Mrs. Ramsay left or western bank of the stream that
\^r'

AAA6KOCMHC6NTONMAKAP10N'JTAT1AN'T'0
"TUINKAI llttNUuN

KVTA

flows through the village. ornament which takes the

one of the long sides is an architectural form of four columns supporting a round

On

arch and two side pediments.


are

The

pillars

arch supporting the central

ornamented with a pattern in incised lines, and above the arch are two branches with leaves and bunches of grapes. The shape of these leaves is doubtful, as the stone is very much worn. They seem to

24 be
trefoils,

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
:

but whether rounded or pointed it is impossible to say they are probably intended for vine-leaves, but if so, the delicate Below the arch is an open book, or points have been worn away.
rather a set of tablets opened ; and in the central niche between the columns is a wreath tied above with a ribbon, and surrounding the

the letters inscription (/)tXTaTos o /AaKapios TraTras 6 deov ^tXos, and has a round of the for Each side X, fivt^fj.7)s x'^P''^pediments

boss in the centre

and beneath
relief,

and a garland hangs from the supporting pillars, ; All the ornament is in the representation of a fish. with the exception of the ribbons supporting the garlands, and
it is

the fins of the


fish

fish,

were not

visible

which are merely incised. The fins of the left on the stone, and have been restored from com-

The larger part of the epitaph is inscribed parison with the other. above the ornament, close to the upper edge of the stone. Several other examples of this simple style of monument, found in Lycaonia
and
that
Pisidia,
it is

and published
is

in the course

of

this paper,

seem to prove

of purely local origin.

In the expression 6 evidently that of a bishop. /taKa/atos TraTra?, TraTra? must be either the name or the title of the person buried there, probably the latter. Judging from the general
character of Anatolian inscriptions, Prof. Ramsay came to the conclusion, in view of the stone in 1901, that it was not later than the

The tomb

second half of the third century, and that TrctTras was the title. But this epitaph shows the remarkable peculiarity that the title supplants
a priest

the actual name, in imitation of the pagan custom according to which who became lf.pu)vvjxo<; (like the principal priests at Eleusis

and in various of the great Anatolian cities) dropped his own name and was known simply by his title. This peculiarity is suggestive of a very early date ; and that the stone is an early one, prior to the
time of Constantine, is shown also by the lettering and by the general The natural human feelcharacter of the epitaph and the ornament.
ing shown in the wording of the epitaph, tov yXvKVTaTov koI TrdvTOiv ^Ckov, points to an early Christian period ; the epithets applied to

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

25

such persons as bishops afterwards became much more religious and Compare the tender expression stereotyped in character.
:

died at the age of seven, in a Christian inscription of Rome, dated by the consuls of a.d. 238. The phrase ttolvtcdv (f)C\o<; is here used in an inscription which is

applied by Aur. Xanthias to his son

who

undoubtedly Christian, and such moral sentiments are found on many Christian tombstones, but (as Prof. Ramsay remarks in Cities and
Bishoprics of Phrygia,
ii.,

p.

" be taken 495) they cannot alone

as a

In some cases similar sentiments were proof of Christian origin. inscribed on non-Christian tombs as a counterblast to Christianity.

Thus

at

Temenothyrai, C.I.G., 3865, MdpKov UoXcijtov (f)iXo(T6^ov


Cilies

irdvTOiv (f)CXov clearly belongs to the

which compare

pagan philosophical reaction (on and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., p. 506 f and an
,

"

It seems that they were 1904). originally and their occurrence on stones is a Christian, pagan proof of the strong influence which the new religion exerted even on its opponents.
article in Expositor, Oct.,

Another example is found in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., p. 386 f., No. 232. The expression TravTcov (^iA.os occurs in an inscription of Tarsus, which may perhaps be restored rS alavi ^fj. [17 rjjvxv iv]
4>a)cr</)dpo5

6 irdvTOiv <^i\o9 k.t.\.

The

inscription continues in the

ordinary style of epitaphs, though with some unusual features (published with some difference by Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm in

Wiener Akad. Denkschriften, 1896, p. 5). It is evidently either Christian or of the reaction, when the aim was to show that paganism was
superior to Christianity on
its

own

lines.

At

Salonika

rw

woivTcov ^i\o)

MvXayo)
is

is

probably pagan {Mitth.

Inst. Athen.,i%<)6, p. 98).

Ocou

the bishop. c^iXo? The fish, the common symbol of the Christians in the early centuries, passed out of use at a comparatively early date, and the

probably a play

on Theophilus, the

real

name of

same

This true of the open tablets which appear on this stone. which Prof. occurs also on several symbol North-Phrygian tombs, Ramsay published in the Expositor in 1888.
is

26

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

character of the ornament on this stone also points to an It seems at first early date, probably the third century a.d. sight to be an earlier stage of the elaborate decoration common on Byzantine

The

and Roman sarcophagi of the fourth century, a row of figures standing in niches, with highly intricate and elaborate tracery and architectural ornament.

Here we have
schema
which
is

the semi-architectural schema,


is

without the human figures.


covered,

But, as one stone after another


a traditional type in

dis-

we

see that the

Nova

Isaura,

characteristic of the place,

likely to have lasted for centuries, The fact that it is a simpler but never varied, essentially changed. stage of the fourth century sarcophagus style would not, taken alone,
is

But this monument is very much larger prove anything about date. than the other Dorla monuments, and represents an attempt to imNew elements are introprove upon and elaborate the native type.
duced on
in
this
;

tomb which
it is

Dorla

and yet

unknown on any of indubitably among the very


are

the other stones


earliest

of
is

all

the

examples found
that

in the village.

This more ambitious

style

a proof
It

the

more money, care, and work were spent on this tomb of an exceptional person (either through

stone.
his

was

wealth or

through his rank), and it represented the highest stage of which local art was capable, elaborating the native schema by imported additions, especially the fish, that widespread symbol, which was certainly not
invented in

Nova

Isaura, but introduced there

from outside.

Now,

had

this large
it

and ambitious monument been

built in the fourth cen-

tury,

would probably have shown some of the Grasco- Roman forms


;

most

taking into consideration the entire absence of those characteristic fourth century forms, and the fact that
in the

characteristic of that time

Dorla

series this has all the appearance

of being

among

the

it belongs to the third century. scattered liberally over the surface of the stone contains various elements ; but none of these are necessarily borrowed

earliest,

we must

infer that

The ornament

from a formed Grasco-Roman not as an artistic element, and

art.
is

The

fish

was taken

as a

symbol,

placed on the tomb to be

significant.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

27

and not merely to be ornamental. We have in this stone a simple development of the native art, and not a mixture of an indigenous
and an exotic
art.

Other elements in the ornamentation, besides the fish, are The vine branch above the central almost certainly symbolical.
pediment indicates that the bishop was a branch of the true vine, and the garland symbolises the crown of life. The open tablets, as
has been pointed out by Prof. Ramsay, Expositor, April, 1905, p. 296 f., are to be taken as representing" the record of the covenant between shows that the idea of the tablets is derived from God and man.

He

Rev.
a set

and that " the book," which is there mentioned, is really of double or triple tablets, with a document or covenant written
V.
I

fF.,

one inside closed up, witnessed and sealed by seven witnesses, the other open and public on the outside (according to the usual Roman custom in regard to important business documents
in duplicate,

or

wills).

of the

He has also shown that the Revelation is the one book New Testament which is often referred to in the Lycaonian

inscriptions (x/>oj//or, Dec, 1905, p. 443, Feb., 1906, p. 143) ; and that John is next to Paul and Mirus (Wonderful) the commonest

male name
It
is

in those inscriptions

during the fourth century.

probable that the six-leaved rosettes are also symbolical.


this

The frequency of
and the way
in

rosette
it

which

is

on Lycaonian Christian monuments, sometimes employed, suggest that it is

a modification of the early Christian

monogram

>f;,

originally repre-

The book should be compared with senting '\(ri<Tov<;) X(picrTds). the mosaic inscription of Naro in Africa (Hammam-Lif), instrumenta
servi tut

on an open diploma this inscription was in mosaic in a room beside the church, in which were kept the sacred books, etc.
:

{Rev. Arch., 1904,

p.

368).

employed in this inscription is extremely interIt esting. proves what was before probable, that this title was at first employed much more widely and was gradually restricted in use.
title TraTras

The

Heraeus, Archiv.f.

latein.

Lexkogr.,

xiii., p.

157, says that the use of

28

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

Papa to indicate the bishop in Roman inscriptions begins about A.D. 300 (quoting from de Rossi, Inscr. Christ. Urbis Rom., i., p.
cxv.
is

= Anth.

Lat.

epigi-.

656, 2) and that from the sixth century


aet.
tit.

it

990, points out that in the West Papa was, in early times, used only in Rome, but was there employed as the ordinary term for bishop, either of Rome,
p.

confined to the Pope (quoting from Caesar, de Prof. Harnack in Berl. Sitzungsber., 1900, 65).

Christ., p.

or of any other place. Tertullian uses it sarcastically of the Roman In the East Harnack thinks it was used only in bishop Callistus. and of the Bishop of Alexandria, so that 6 only Egypt, /xa/fa/atos

was the recognised title of that bishop alone, while other In the pre-Nicene Egyptian bishops were styled vaTrjp i^/awi/.
TTctTras

period, as he says, the title TrctTras


:

is

not

known

to have been used

of any other Eastern bishop but it was customary for the Alexandrian bishops from at least as early as 250. Only in the letter of
Pseudo-Justin to Zenas and Serenus the
phrase 6 fxaKapLos iraTras
is

title

6 TraTraq occurs.

The

found several times during the third century In Egypt, and was a recognised title of the Bishop of Alexandria. This Isauran inscription shows that it was used also in
Asia Minor during the same period. Thaumaturgus,* which implies that
it

Dr. Sanday also quotes Gregory was used in the province of

Pontus about 250.

Though

a bishop

is

mentioned

in this epitaph, the

name

Isaura

never occurs in the Byzantine lists of bishoprics. Prof Ramsay has shown in an article on Lycaonia, published in the Austrian Jahreshefte, 1904, Part ii., that the two neighbouring towns, Isaura

Nova and Korna, were

bishoprics in early time, but were merged in the great autokephalos bishopric of Isaura Palaea, called Leontopolis, some time after 381, and probably at the same time that the name

Leontopolis was given to Isaura, namely about 474.


*
/. Canon
iii.,
i.

Basil himself,

ov ra ySpul/xara

17/x.as

/Sape",

lepl

(I'.l.

U/owTare) TroTra (Routh,

Rel/. Sacr.,

256).

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


Ep.
1

29

villages

" for the small states or 90, dreaded this loss of independence an seat from ancient which possess times," and in Episcopal

order to prevent it when the bishopric of Isaura Palaea was vacant about 374, he wrote to Amphilochius of Iconium and recommended
the nomination of officials called irpoiaTdfiivoi for the smaller towns Prof Ramsay or cities before a new bishop was appointed for Isaura.
in

90 1 discovered the grave of one of these officials at Alkaran, between Korna and Nea Isaura, with the inscription yiivrj/trj? ^dpiv
1

K6va)vo<; [iTpo]icrTa[iJievov].

The name
Acta
S.

TrctTras,
is

Theodoti,

applied to the priest of Malos Galatiae in quoted by a writer in y^na/. Boll., xxii., p. 327,

Fig.

8.

as a

proof that the document was not written by a contemporary, but belongs to a later age. In view of our inscription this argument
falls
is

to the ground, and the use of the term TraTras in that document rather favourable to the view (advocated by Prof. Ramsay many

years, ago,
S.

and recently by Prof. Harnaclc and others) that the Acta Theodoti is a good document of early date. 8. In the wall of a house at Alkaran, one hour north of Dorla.
is still

The scheme

on the preceding stones, but a little more elaborated. Whorls of curved lines are inserted in the spaces between the tops of the pediments, and beneath the rounded central
the

same

as

30

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

arch appears a shell-like ornament, which, in a more developed form,

Below this is a garland very frequent on Byzantine sarcophagi. like those beneath the side which, pediments, is of a more hanging The conventional type than those on the bishop's tomb (No. 7).
is

name Indakos is a lengthened form of Inzas, Korna (12 miles north-west) in a.d. 381.*
9.

the

name of

a bishop of

Dorla.

R.

1904.

'O ayvoTaTOi; Koi rjSvenrjs


eTTicTKioTros.

/cat

Trdcrrj<;

dpeTrj<;

KeKO<Tfi7]fj.euo<;

Sicra/ii-da?

proportions of the ornament on this tombstone are almost but in the one case the inscription is identical with those of No. 10
;

The

placed in the space above, in the other

it is

written across the orna-

KAIHAY7H
KAlTTACHCAPC

THCKe
CiCAMi

Acemciconoc

IL

Fig.

9.

ment.

The columns

are a

little

more Greek and

exotic in shape in

No. 9 than in No. 10. workshop and belong to made in the shop, and bought before the

But the two evidently come from the same the same period. They were standing readyinscriptions

them, according to the custom observable in No. 7 was perhaps made by special order to suit Bishop Theophilus. It is difficult to decide whether this pair or the three, Nos. 1 3
to

were placed on many other cases, whereas

The language of No. 9 is more earlier. 15, should be placed artificial and elaborate than that of No. [5, but on the other hand it
*
this

Z and

are often interchangeable

in

Anatolian proper names (see

p.

366 of

volume.

rSAURIAN AND EAST-PKRYGIAN ART


differs

31

from the formulas which were already accepted and stereoabout 360, and must represent an older local growth of tertyped minology which was afterwards abolished by the general custom of
the

might very well be that Sisamoas succeeded Mammas, and the deacon was a younger contemporary of Sisamoas, while the two sets of stones came from two rival workin

Church (seen

No.

14).

It

shops.

an old epic and poetic word, applied to Nestor in Homer, also to Muses, Apollo, a lyre, etc. It is characteristic of the Greek used in the rural districts of the plateau to employ old
qSveiTT]';
is

OY,

CT"

XY"

MHCCNTONAAeA*ON0FTHClN

Fig. 10.

poetic words, as Prof.

Ramsay
:

has pointed out in the case of TeK^cap

and others.*
bishops in

seems to have become a standing epithet of Nova Isaura cf. No. 39 in the inscriptions of Nova
y)SveTTrj<;

Isaura, published

by Prof.
R. 1904.

Ramsay
Au^a.
.?

in

the Journal of Hellenic Studies,

1905,

p.

167.
Dorla.

/ATjo-ei"

] Ova\df{i}; '^yTvx'^}>v [iKoar}The last name is the Latin Tov aSek^bu 'Oprrjcnv fiv. ^a. Hortensius. Aur. used as equivalent to a praenomen is inserted at the beginning, as one or two letters seem to have been lost there ;

10.

but the name

may have

been a shorter one.


See
p.
3
1

Praenomina began to

8 of thi? volume.

32

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

They were impass out of use in the third century, after a.d. 212. portant before that time as proving Roman citizenship ; but when
all

of the provinces had become Roman, the value of the praenomen disappeared and it was gradually disused. The Latin On character of the names also favours a comparatively early date.
free citizens
it is

the other hand


into Isaura

Nova
all

probable that the name Valerius was introduced Aur. Valerius was proin the time of Diocletian.
;

bably born about 290-300

350, when
account.

and the stone may be dated about 330the circumstances of name and style are taken into

^. -W p

i\

N A

J s^

v^

/^^

>

v-

Fig. II.

Greek church, Agia Metamorphosis, The stone had been worked over within the R. 1904. at Konia. much last few months, and defaced, but most of the details can be
II.

In the cemetery of the

recovered with certainty, except the ornaments in relief between the columns.

in the spaces

dvSpa tiavvacrov. In passing through the cemetery Prof. Ramsay saw this stone, and recognised it at once as being of the fine Dorla limestone and as having come from the same workshop as Nos. 9 and 10. As the grave
iavTrj<;

Avp. 'Ndvva iKoaixrjacv tov

was a recently made one, he inquired

to

what family

it

belonged.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


and was
able eventually to trace
it

33

back to a village called Tchumra,

Further he could not about half-way between Dorla and Konia. trace it, and it remains uncertain whether the stone was brought to

Tchumra

recently or not

but there can be no doubt that his


it

first

impression was correct, and that

Nos. 9 and

10.

The ornament

in

was cut by the same workman as the central space between the

Those in the evidently a representation of two birds. so much is defaced that it side spaces are unfortunately impossible to the outline is certain. what are, though pretty they general say
columns
is

the only one of the three which has been drawn to scale. It was impossible for various reasons to make measured drawings of

This

is

the others

by

my

and for them the ultimate authority lies in sketches made But he recognised the same heavy proportions in this father.
;

which he knew the better from having drawn and from them, having already observed the difference in their proportions from the other monuments of Dorla.
as in the other two,

R. 1905. Avp. /^6[jiva[vTriv]'Y\vKVT(iTr)vdvyaTpa ^LcvevKovaav TrapdeveLo. koL (fnXepyia Avp. 'Opecrriat'os Kvp^ov 6]
12.

Alkaran.

traTrjp.

The scheme of ornament

is

the usual one characteristic of the

district, with the addition of two doves, one of which holds a leaf in its beak. While the rest of the carving is in relief, the doves are

incised,
Pj-'

and were probably added by the purchaser. The swastika occurs frequently on stones both on the frontier of Pisidia and on

the borders of Lycaonia


tion,

and

Isauria.

Prof. Sterrett {Wolfe Expedistele


;

No. 220,
this

cf.

also

Nos. 56, 93) mentions a

with grape-vines

and
is

symbol, which he recognised

as Christian

and

his opinion

certainly correct for this Isaurian district in the third

and fourth

centuries after Christ,

Here

it

though the symbol is elsewhere usually pagan. was treated as one of the varieties of the cross-symbol.
circular

The

ornaments

in the

pediments are hollows

like patera?

or cups, with bosses in the centre.


3

34

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
officially

That Domna was


necessarily implied in

a Parthenos in the
;

Church

is

not

her epitaph

but the words imply a state of

feeling in society

of

official

which would support and encourage the institution The reference to her domestic activity (^i\cParthenoi.

of family life, and lends meaning to the pyia) gives a pleasing idea household utensils so often represented on Isaurian and Lycaonian "the works of Athena" in No. 38 graves ; these utensils are called mention of pagan (which is probably Christian in spite of the
goddesses).

AY
TT

pAo

MN

ak;/!w)iiiiii

TAY kytathn ey tat e p a a e n e n koyca n


I

Apee

KjeiAKAi<j)iAepnA

AYpopecTiANOCKVpovoirATHP

ifyh

^lA

Fig. 12.

The

date ot this inscription


it

is

fixed in the third century

by

another stone found beside

in a field a mile east


:

of Alkaran and

it is the tombstone evidently belonging to the same family sepulchre of a relative (probably aunt) of Domna (to whom the more ornate monument Fig. 12 was dedicated) ; and is inscribed

A.

?]

XeTTTifJiiav A^jjLv]av T^rjv ykvKVTa.-

T^fjv

KoX

crnjL.voTa.Trju

yvvoiKa avTc^v Avp.


Leaf
Leaf

'OpecrTr)<;

Kvpov
Leaf

6 avrfp avTrj<; iivrnir)^

^apiv
Rosette

Rosette

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

35

The name Septimia Donina belongs unquestionably to the early The family sepulchre was surrounded years of the third century.
by many other graves (among them Nos. 17 and 18), and evidently formed part of a large cemetery, which would well repay excavation as it is covered only by two or three feet of soil all or most of the
:

stones in Alkaran have been brought

from

it

unpublished yet,

as
:

family was probably

late

as

904-1 905).

(about a dozen, chiefly The relationship of the

Cyrus

Cyrus
I

[Aur.] Orestes

[L.] Septimia
A. D.

Domna

born about
Aur. Orestianos
I

190-210

Aur.

Domna

the praenomen Aur. by the family, which took place about a.d. 212,* probably happened between the birth of Septimia and that of her niece ; but the restoration of the praeno-

The assumption of

mina

in the earlier inscription

is

uncertain.

There seems not

to be

room
ing

for Xvp. in the case of Septimia,

and A(ouKia)

after the reign-

Emperor 193-21 1 imposes itself as almost necessary in accordance with widespread analogy. On the grave of Septimia see also No. 18.
13.

Jn the wall of the


'Ai{c(j
.''

mosque
y]

at

KoX 'Oa[? KpX

.'']is

aSek(f)rj

Dorla (R. 1904). Ma/ce/)os iKocrfJiyjcrav tov iracrt <J)l\ov


also

iwia-KOTTov Mdixfiav.
left

It

is

doubtful whether certain marks to the

of

1.

indicate

a letter.

This stone

shows the scheme

characteristic

of the

all supported by form of wreath which here appears is very common on tombstones in one on the this district, as are the two implements below it. The

pointed ones,

two district, the rounded pediment flanked by The more conventional four columns.

* See

p.

355 of

this

volume.

36
right
is

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
:

evidently a hammer, while the other apparently represents some sort of knife or sickle it appears in complete form in No. 26. Under the right-hand pediment is a complicated ornament repre-

more correct sented in the epigraphical copy by cross lines. Each representation of a small part is given below (Fig. 13 B). is indented with sides sloping to a deep point in the centre, lozenge
is separated by a ridge, viz., the general level of the surface, from the surrounding lozenges. This is probably intended to represent a fisherman's net and, if so, the ornament is significant and

and each

not purely decorative.


/\

It

is

unfortunate

that

the

corresponding

MAKCPOCKAIOA
I

AtAN

AlCH^AeA4>HeK0CUHCAN
ONlTACl45(AONfT/CKorToN
M.

A M.

M.AN

Fig. 13 B.

Fig. 13 A.

symbol or ornament under the

left

pediment has been completely

defaced, probably because its character offended Mohammedan taste. With regard to the date of this inscription I quote the following " If this were it be

from Prof Ramsay


' '

inscription

late,

might

argued

has perhaps here become a single epithet, and is that nacrt(/)iX,ov no longer felt to be a pair of words, as it is in many second and third But on the other hand this epithet does not century inscriptions.

belong to the

later stereotyped

Byzantine phraseology

and nothing

in the inscription suggests the ecclesiastical system as it can be seen almost fully formed in the writings of the three great Cappadocians,

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


Basil

37

and the Gregories.

The

first

half of the fourth century seems


It

to be the latest allowable date for this inscription.

might possibly

be assigned to the third."


crosses placed so inconspicuously as part of the ornamenThe earliest position of the cross on tation here should be noted.

The

In this situation it gravestones was probably above the inscription. might pass for a sort of ornament, and thus it would not draw attention too prominently, while
it

would be

significant

to those

who

could understand.

As

and

Bisk, of Phrygia,

has been pointed out by Prof. Ramsay, Cities ii., p. 502, that is the characteristic of third

An inscription (probably of the third century Christian epitaphs. a found few miles west of Laodiceia Katakekaumene in century)
Galatic Phrygia,

and published by Mr. Hogarth, J.H.S., 1890,


;

p.

165, No.

23, belongs to this class

the editor has omitted the cross

above the inscription (which was re-copied by Prof. Ramsay in 1891). Later than this are (i) the class of inscriptions in which the
developed symbol ;^ or -f is placed above the epitaph, as for example Jth. Mitth., xiii., 1887, 256, No. 70; (2) the class in which the
simple -f- is placed before the first word (and often after the last word) of the inscription, and in the same line with it. On this subject see the concluding note of this section.
14.

Dorla.
fJnqTTfjp

R.

90 1 and 1904. TovTeLfucoTaTovSidKovovTd^eiv


/cat 'Poi)</)OS ol

tidvva
crav
fi.

7]

koL OuaXyto?

dSeXc^oi avTOV

eKoa-fJir)-

^.

The
ornament
Lycaonia.

six-leaved rosette which appears here


in

is

a very

common
in

various

slightly

modified

forms on tombstones
also in

Rosettes of this kind are

common

Pisidia, but

Prof Ramsay has seen no generally have eight leaves instead of six. exception to the rule that the six-leaved rosette is characteristic of
but the Pisidian examples Lycaonia and the eight-leaved of Pisidia which he has seen are too few in number to justify any confident
;

assertion of this principle.

This tomb of the deacon

is

that of Bishop distinctly later than

38

A.
7).

MARGARET RAMSAY

Theophilus (No.
analogous to the Tov TeLfj-LcoTaTov

The ornament and arrangement are closely tomb of Bishop Mammas, but later, as the phrase
Sia/fot'oi'

has already the technical character of the But the general form of the inscription Byzantine church formulas. is still of the older and it can type, hardly be much later than the

middle of the fourth century, and may even be as early as the time of Constantine ; on the whole a date about the epoch of Basil, a.d.

most probable. It is quite probable that the tombs of Bishop Mammas and Deacon Tabeis were made in the same workshop, and are separated by only a very few years from one another.
353-370,
is

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


The tomb of
must therefore be placed

39

Rufus, No. 15, comes from the same workshop, and in the same period.

Fig. 15.

15.

Dorla.

R. 1901, 1904. Tavrrjv

Tf)v a-TTJX.rjv a-Tr)(rav 'Povffxp

40

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

It would not be natural that names of this type should persist later than the fourth century ; personal names of Christian character came into use gradually from the latter part of the third century onwards.

With Mos (which was common

at

Olba) compare Tas, Bas, Zas, Plos,


Pisidia,

also Dazas, Tetes, etc., in Isauria,

Lycaonia.
;

Thouthous,

Thiouthious, Sousous, Zouzous, are generally masculine


here
is

Thouthou

feminine.

17. Alkaran.

monument

R. 1905. -q heiva av(rTri]crev tov 7T{a)Tepa avTrj<sof simple character. The circles in the pediments

are hollow cups.

For the doves compare No.

12.

Fig. 17.

18.

Alkaran.

R. 1905.
in

Aofj-ua Kov,aiTov 6vya.Tr]p.


is

The ornament
early Christian
Its

the spaces below the side pediments

the

monogram of I X (i.e., 'Iijcrou? Xpto-rd?, see on No. 7). in this form goes to prove that the inscription can here presence fourth at the latest). scarcely be later than the third century (or early of this the resemblance that It is probable monogram to a six-rayed
star caused the popularity of the six-leaved rosette in Christian

tombwere

stones in this region. the cross and the swastika)

The

rosette

was an old ornament

(just as

which was seized upon by Christian

imagination as symbolic of the sacred name.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


With
this

41

gravestone should be compared one found at YurukKeni, three hours west of the cemetery where this and other stones of Alkaran were found ; it was probably carried from the Alkaran

cemetery to Yuruk-Keni (R. 1906).


Kouai'^ac^eou? dvdcrTrjcrei' dSeX(hw imcrKOTTO) Si/ce'w It avrov 'IfSaKW t
'Attcis
t t

dyac^r^rw

,(Sv

kc iavTov

fiv7jiJ.rji;

Rosette

Leaf

Crown

Leaf

Rosette

Fig. 18.

This epitaph is, evidently, earlier than Fig. 18, and stands the same relation to it as the grave of Septimia does to Fig. 12.

in
It

was probably made at the same time and in the same workshop as the tombstone of Septimia, as the likeness is exact, the only variation The date is therefore being the crown instead of the central leaf
about A.D.

210-240. The Dorla type had not originated when these two stones were carved they are very large blocks, belongtherefore the ing to monuments of considerable pretensions, and
:

reason for their simplicity was not poverty (as is the case with some of the Dorla stones). They belong to an earlier stage of Isaurian had not yet directed the development history, when the new

impulse

42

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
Dork scheme
of ornament.

of the local art and formed the

But the

to seek for some impulse was already beginning


I

way of

expression.

AOYKIO W~n
I I I

TA OC

"'//Hi,

llil/l'"H"i'i//in.. ,1

>ff<//n//i, -/III,

'

i-imi,

'iu,ni////f//J////0,f,/fg^/^/^^,y/y/,,/c^^y^0///^.

>//'/^/^^m

Fig. ig.

19.

Dorla.

R. 1904.

On

Bishop Theophilus.
N C T

The names
A-l

a large stone beside the tomb of Fatos and Aou/cio? are used here

WPK

y 4) OC A N

^y!^0N < O yW^^vJa^^^^I

it

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


ornate
simple,

43
is

gravestone occurs also in

No.

8.

The ornament

very

and the tomb

is

probably early.

20. Dorla.

R. 1901, 1904.

ful.

Kov[Xa Koi (^]pa[S]fjiojv fjiuyjfjirjs The forms of the ornament are simple and early, like No. 1 9. 21. At Alkaran, 1904. [6 Setva iKoa-firjcrev Ka.'jSSii/ tov

NeWw/a kol Vov<f>o?. av^^crTTjcray The restoration is doubt[^dpLv].

ffiov avToi).

has no pointed pediment and is much plainer in style, this stone so much resembles No. 8 that nothing more need be said about it. the 22. in the wall of a house at Dorla broken the difference that
it

With

inscription

is lost.

fragment We have here a

same schema.

concentric circles

In the pointed a conventional representation of a cup

further development of the pediment is an ornament of three


still

above

it

44

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

of grapes, and to the right


the shell also seen in

appears the whorl of curved lines occurring in No. 8, and a bunch is part of a rounded arch within which is

No

8.

One of

the

two columns supporting the

FlO. 22 A.

pediment is twisted, and between them is a male figure wearing a This monument probably had, as in the cap and a flowing mantle.
KAI8A/\6IOAC*W*f!!COY

KA

ITA PACiCtATAKAIKP AC

COCKPACCOY FA AAIKOC

MNHMHCXAPIN

Fig. 22 B.

under the right side pediment, similar to the Pisidian inscription found at Kyr Stefan near Colonia Parlais by Prof. Ramsay in 1 886, which is here added for comparison (Fig. 22 B).
restoration, a female figure

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


The
text
is

45

The published by Mr. Cronin, J.H.S., 1902, p. 114. details were not drawn by Prof. Ramsay, who only sketched the
general outline

they are added here from his verbal notes, and therefore have no claim to be accurate.
:

here elaborated by the addition of someThis addition must thing of the Greek anthropomorphic tendency. be attributed to the influence of Greek education and knowledge,
is

The

Isauran schema

coming through the great cities like Iconium. The native architectural schema is here still the ruling element, and the exotic idea
is

subsidiary, filling up empty spaces, but the pillars are in shape Grasco-Roman rather than of the old native fashion. Compare with
this

what

is

said

on No. 25.
R. 1904.

23. Kara

Senir.
is

The

rudeness of the

letters, as well

as of the figures,

too great for exact reproduction.

The
left

stone

is

mutilated, and the reading remains uncertain.


inscription
is

The

half of the

given by Prof. Sterrett {Wolfe Exped.,


the letter after

p. 30).
cj)
;

In
letter

1.

I,

is

uncertain,

or

and the

last

seems to be N, but must be intended for H.


is

Possibly the
:

text

Ev/Au^t, 'Oircfii Koh^yj], ITaTTta for eu/Aoipet. evixvpi


is

/caXe,

ouSl^

yap dddvaro^
it

The
as in

figure in the centre

is

also

difficult.
is

Is

pagan, one of
often
in

the Dioscuri with the star over his head, or

the star a rude cross

No.

29

The formula

ouSets

d9dvaTo<;

occurs

Christian inscriptions, but also in pagan epitaphs. But the doubt as to the religious character of the relief is removed by comparison with the indubitably Christian inscription in C.I.L., iii., 143 15 (from

Salona in

Prof. Dalmatia), +evji.vpL "Ayovcrra- ouSt? dddvaTo<;. has use of of the dddvaTo<i ovSel<; by Syrian Ramsay given examples Christians in Expositor, 1895, ^o^- '> PP- 5^' 59Compare also

114 (from the Syracusan catacombs), which ends with the acclamatio evp.ope.1. As the horseman is imitated from the
C.I.G., Ital. Sic,

customary representation of the Dioscuri, it appears that in this case the Christians took over a pagan type and used it to express their

46

A.
ideas.

MARGARET RAMSAY
is

own

The

type

similar to

No. 30 found

at
it

Dorla, but not

Hence it is given here though exactly the same, of Nova Isaura. the side territory
24. Dorla.
is

perhaps

lies

out-

R.
in

1904.

'Ei/ddSe
;

/ce[t]rai

IlaTras Ok\vo)<;.

The

two parts one is built into the south wall of stone The sixth and seventh the mosque, and one into the north wall. This and uncertain of 2 are 1. letters very possibly a letter is lost.
broken
inscription
late in
is

one of the

latest at Dorla.

The

letters are coarse

and

form.

no reason why

It may be assigned to the fifth century ; and there is it might not be even later, except the analogy of the

TTATTI

OYAICTArf

\AeANAi
i

roc

n AC o

BAAOt^TAin K A-il <-oc

''^'iimw^mmaiSsw^^'
Fig. 24.

of the contrast between the given as a specimen The inscription is on the class and the later work. regular Dorla sunk tablet or panel within a raised border, resembling that in No. The use of the panel to frame the inscription is, at Dorla, a
other stones.
It is

25.

broken away, The former is in the cemetery on the opposite side of the stream. was found by Messrs. Ramsay, Hogarth, and Headlam in 1890, the latter by Prof, and Mrs. Ramsay in 1901.
is

the later period. In two parts ; the right-hand piece 25. Dorla. wall of the mosque, the other, from which all the top

mark of

is

built into the

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


HpcoMv
TjiBioiv

47

TvavTOiv
\e.v\

TXas

7rpo(j>epecrTaTo<;

'iyefj',

OS davev
8'

Tnqyfj ^ecr/ceXos d^az/arois

\o^ yrjv cvreL^ea valov "icrapa,

Zrjvo^Lo^ vp6(l>pev, et/ceXos 'AeXiw


ov iravre^ (fytkeov fjiepowe<;, aaToi re feVoi[T, Kai Kovpai c[t]ju.epat, KaK\o<; ayaarcrdyLevai,.
aXX.

o <I>^dvos /ca/<ds

icmv
,

os eKiraykov yeyao^Ta
[e]r*

i^avLvrl^] iTavva-^a)'

epvo^

rfVKOfJLOv.

TOVVK^a]

(faXeovcra tov vlea iroTvia p-rjTrjp HpaKkei^';) [(t]vi> TraLcrl{v) rev^e ol ayXatrjv.
/cat
KaTri[(}>L6](ov,

epp

aSi/ce 't>66v,

ct)9

otf)ek6v

ere

avTov [avT

epy?]ov addvaroi. oXecrat.

HPuiujN

NTWNYAACriPoStPZ

Hl WNi?J|ri-lAIYr IXdANA lONICA'flA ZHNOBioorrpooepeNe iKAocAAiuJi ON iTAMT(Sc4'i/\ONRtPorrec Ac to ta titNoy ' fe; KAlKOVP/uluiPAl KAAAOCArACCAMfNAl J?!"" AKAoffefiNQCKAKOCccr/Noc EKriArAON % re rA eiAniN HCtTANKCf PNO<T HYKOMON
:

roYN KlKAj't'lA.eOYCAroNYl ATTOT^^JlA) cAkAC iSVN nAici TYitOiArAAi HN {5

5i

-#r
wjo;;w!w

II
The
certain.

epptKATi//'''.

AVTOMi/;
';

'

'

';'';'Vf.,pY

AeANiS^TOioAecAi
^i^/^r

Fig. 25.

last letter

of

1.

may

The reading
:

at the

end of

be N, but only the upright line is lines 5 and 7 is also doubtful on

the stone

are as indicated in the epigraphic copy.

the restoration given above does not suit the traces, which This restoration was given

48

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
from the
first

by Mr. Souter
copy
in the

in publishing the inscription

imperfect
in
e,

Classical

Review,

i%<)l,

p.

96, and seems necessary,

though we cannot read it on the stone. The last letter in the gap 12 was either y or cr or e ; the second last was probably cr or 1.

but the traces are very slight and might indicate also p. The restoraSee the translation tion given in the text seems to suit the traces.
in verse

on

p. 92.

Prof.

Ramsay thinks

that the spelling Isara

is

not a mere slip


the native In

for Isaura, but rather an intentional

way of representing

pronunciation of the name, which was more like Isarwa.

many

words where a native sound, approximating to w, occurred, the Greek form and spelling vary very much e.g., Olba, Oura, Orba, etc.,
:

represent a native

Orwa

or Ourwa.

The epitaph is superior to t.he commonplace metrical forms which are very frequent on tombstones in the country. The comparison of the dead Zenobios to the hero Hylas is neatly expressed But his ideas of quantity are defective Hylas for a village poet.

in

1.

must be scanned Hylas, and

in

1.

10 he seems to think that

the omission of s allows the scansion of 'Hpa/cX,ts as a dactyl, v must be inserted after Traicri, in 1. 10. Hiatus is often disregarded. But these faults are venial compared with the crimes committed by

many village poets in those times. The ornament is a combination of two different and inconsistent The lower part consists of a sunken panel marked off by lines, types.
and
a border indicated

by difference of

level.

This form

is

found

Above this very widely, and has nothing distinctive of the locality. is ornament in the scheme characteristic of this district, many examples
of which
will be

found

in this paper.

consists of a central arch or

ments, supported on

pillars,

The fully expressed schema flanked by two narrower pedipediment but the lower half of this schema is here

On each side of the panel suppressed to make room for the panel. are five very conventional angular leaves, which also are usual in this
district

(examples perhaps in No. 24

in

No. 14 they are doubled).

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


Thus
the decoration of the stone consists of three parts
:

49
(i)

sunk panel to receive the inscription after the type imported into Dorla with other ideas of the Grasco- Roman education ; (2) above
the panel the established and traditional type of Nova Isaura on each side of the panel an Isauran ornament repeated in a
less
;

(3)

meaning-

way.

There

is

no single

idea,

The

parts are inconsistent with

no plan, no true design in the decoration. one another. The combination of


:

elements from Greek and native art

is the artist quite unintelligent thinks only of decoration and orniment. Ornament for ornament's sake is the ruling principle in all Anitolian art ; but ornamentation may be intelligent. Here it is unintelligent, and yet the result

looked at as a whole has a distinctly decorative effect. Vine branches are represented trailing from a vase in the central arch, but the leaves
are not vine leaves,

The
makes
it is it

and the branches have not a natural appearance. native and Isauran character of a large part of the ornament certain that this stone was carved by a native artisan ; and
in-

an important observation to start from that there are two

fluences apparent in

Nova

Isaura, the indigenous

custom and certain

borrowed forms learned along with the general Grasco-Roman civilisation, which came by way of the great cities on the main lines of imperial communication and trade, especially Iconium.

The device of the sunk panel to receive the common in Iconium. A very ornate example is
Cronin
"
tury.
in J.H.S.,

inscription

is

quite

published by

Mr.

1902, p. 361.
to the date
I

With regard

quote Prof. Ramsay's opinion

This Isauran inscription probably belongs to the fourth cenI cannot think that so much command of Greek existed in
Isaura in the fifth century,

Nova

when

a bishop of Hadrianopolis

Phrygiae (a city not very far distant and exposed to similar influences, but more educated, as had to get being close to a great thoroughfare) to write another person to how for him because he did not know
sign
(a.d. 449).

The

reason for the degeneration in knowledge and cul4

so

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
lies in

ture between the fourth and the fifth centuries


ditions

and

is

almost universal
is

in

Asia Minor.
than No. 7
;

On

the general conthe other hand,


is

this inscription

apparently later

the lettering

much

the same in form, but the art seems later and


influence.

more under external

The end of
is

the third century

is

fourth century
trict

of the Greek language


;

the most probable date. is shown in the metrical epitaphs of this disif this epitaph and those in Nos. 41, 69, from the same

not impossible, but the quite unusual command

neighbourhood, published in J.H.S., 1905, pp. 169,* 176, are compared with most of those found in such numbers in Central Anatolia,

OYATlAAICeKOCMHCeN

AHTPIONYIONAYTHC

Fig. 26.

observed that these are composed at home in the Isauran and command of the language." territory, with superior knowledge text in Sterrett {IVolfe Exped., R. 1904 26. Armasun. p. 36).
it

will be

drawing is given here for the form of the curved implement. The name is Detrios, OuariaXi? eKoa-iM-qcreu ATJrpLov vlov auTTjs.
not Demetrios.
27. Dorla.

R.

1890,

1901, not seen in

1904, and presum-

ably destroyed.
"Aj/Soj?
e/fdcr/i-rjcret'
is
1.

Ma^ijaai/ rrjv dvyarepa.


in Expositoi; Feb., 1906, p.
,'

The copy

ot

1890

*No.
as last

41
in

much improved
l

word

(e
1.

lengthened by accent
I

153, where read ({[pjc'iui' or perhaps 'fpt[i\Mv), and ->/tos o^'


in
1.

api[<rr]os cv u/xvois in

8,

and

dJcryuaTa

xaXa

[i^pjdo-ovo-i

20.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


has 'A/aSw?, a
;

SI

was taken

after sunset,

name which seems probable in itself but as that copy when the light was fading, the other reading

ANA60CeKOCKH/\CNMASl/VIAN T6 PA THNeVrA
\i:7


^^=7

/ \

\=7

Fig. 27.

Here the ordinary schema has disappeared must be preferred. an No. 28, and arrangement in two parts is preferred. entirely,
which
is

from Almasun, about

six miles

south on the frontiers of

non

AcovANgjA evrATPiAviov

Fig. 28.

Derbe and the Isaurian country,


Dorla stone
;

is

more

like this than

any other

hence possibly this has been imported to Dorla.

A.
28.

MARGARET RAMSAY
IloTrXaq Ovavo)){C]dvyaTpl avTov
fi.

Almasun.

R. 1904.

Prof. Sterrett has published the text (PFoIfe Exped., p. 36), but XIt is quite possible to take the w as the crowning reads Ovavia. member of the pediment ; this was observed on the stone, but the
letter following
is

and

fH).*

Hence

between it A, not A, and there is space for a letter in later spellor Ovavoi\i<;, a by-form of OuavaXt's,

With the variation in the vowel ing I3ava\i<s, seems preferable. Asia p. compare the many examples quoted in Histor. Geogr. of

M,

437, TaTTa9-TdTTrj5, 'Arpwa-'Or/Dota, Halala-Loulon,

etc.

The form

YPC
MUJJ
I

Z'"^h,

KOVeKOCM HCNAOMN
ANTHNrAYfe \YTATHN.:%
Fig. 29.

_\.

OYCYrveiOh/MX

that the penult in Ovavaki<; is This long. stone, though not belonging to Doria, is given here for the sake of
Ouai/a)Xi9

would suggest

comparison with No. 27. R. 1904. 29. Dorla.


certain.

In a dark stable

details

sometimes un-

KXeo[vC]KOv iKocrfirjcrev Aofivav Trjv yXuCrosses approximating in shape to crvv^Lov KVTa.T7}v [avjroi) fx,. -)^. This is one of the rare cases at the Maltese cross are here used.

Avp.

'S,tfiwvC[8rf\';

Dorla where the two side pediments are suppressed. The name of of in is like that Nestor No. 20, Simonides, probably due to the
* Prof. Sterrett shows
this space correctly in his

epigraphic copy.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


study of Greek literature
;

53

but Nestor became popular in this region

owing

Pamphylian martyr Nestor. R. 1890 and 1904. MdpKo<; iKoa-firfCre 'Ndvvav Side pediments KaiKiktov TTfv ykvKVTaTTqv avrov yvvaiKo. fj.. ^. in No. 29. as suppressed,
30. Dorla.
31. Alkaran.

to the

R. 1905.

This stone was brought with many

It is others from the cemetery described in No. 12. unique in style among the Dorla series, being evidently an imitation of the Dorla

scheme of ornamentation by an extremely rude and untrained village workman. Its relation to the better specimens of the Dorla scheme

may

be compared with the relation of Fig. 4

to Fig.

4B

it is

an

M APKOC6
KOC MHCfe NANNANKAt
K
A

lAIOVTHN

rAYKVTATHN VTOVrvNAI KA MX
Fio. 30.

example of ignorant imitation, and therefore later than the better class of Dorla monuments.. Yet it belongs to the same locality, and
not removed by a very long interval of time. On the other hand the relation between the two pre- Dorla gravestones described in Nos. 18 the and Dorla monuments is that of simpler and earlier work 12,
is

to

more developed and later. The additional ornament with which Fig. 31 is loaded debased and vulgar kind such as might be expected from a
mason.

is

of a

village

The

elaborate

zigzag ornament immediately below the

inscription is quite in the style of in the fourth It is

many rude Lycaonian tombstones

century.* very similar to the rough work in linepatterns seen on many late Roman stones along the Wall of
Examples may be seen below,
Figs. 36, 42.

54

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

Hadrian

in Britain, which- is explained as intended to give grip to the plaster laid over the stone. There are many traces of red colour on this stone about the edges of the relief work.

the spaces below the zigzag and between the pediments can also be paralleled from the Lycaonian monuments, as Prof. Ramsay reports, though no exlittle

The

round knobs or bosses

in

ENA^E:rHK^TEXlAYPTTP|CKOts/El HTPoNi EONTAElOXONHMKlKlETTlETfD ExWKOlsr ANECTHCENA E A.YT=>NT MOG f C X (C


1

AYToYCYNTHlAlAUYM^l^AAEIANAPIHTIMl

Fig. 31.

The rough ornamentation on amples are reproduced in this paper. the columns also is of the fourth century Lycaonian kind.* The fishes between the columns are rude imitations of the dolphins or
porpoises that are seen leaping in the Mediterranean, and are evidently copied from works of art carried from the West.

The

only explanation that suggests

itself

of this complete change

See below, Fig. 48.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


of
style

55

and character

in the

same

locality

is

that the Dorla school of

trained

workmen had

perished in the interval.

Yet there

is

no reason

to think that the interval was very long.

Some

great catastrophe

happened, probably, which destroyed art, made education worse, Prof. and spread the barbarism to which Fig. 31 bears witness.

Ramsay has shown what


duced
in

a ruinous effect the great and systematic massacres of the persecution by Diocletian and his co-Emperors pro-

Phrygia

{Cities

and

Bish., chap. x.).

The same

cause sug-

for the gests itself

same phenomenon (which

will be exemplified in

every
it

monument

described in

iv.) in Lycaonia.

If this be correct,

would give a date for the Dorla sculptured monuments. They are all earlier than a.d. 303 ; and on No. 18 it has been shown that
they are all later than the two monuments which have been assigned This entirely confirms the chronological to the period 210-240. reasoning stated by Prof. Ramsay in the conclusion of my paper on
the Dorla monuments in J.H.S., 1904, where he assigned the period of the Dorla art as 260-340, but showed a decided leaning to the earlier part of that period. Subsequent discovery and study have

now made him definitely prefer the period a.d. 250-300. The grave of the physician Priscus must then be placed during
the fourth century ; and in Expositor, Feb., 1906, p. 158, the date of the class qf metrical epitaphs describing first the virtues of the

deceased and at the end


A.D.

sicians in the

340-360. Anatolian Church of that period is described. 32. Fig. 32 shows a piece of embroidery which Mrs. Ramsay purchased in Dorla, where it had been handed down for many generations in a family resident there.

naming the maker of the tomb is given as In the same paper the importance attached to phy-

a variation of the design characteristic of Isaura Nova, adapted to suit the different material, and repeated as often as the width of the cloth permits. There are three pointed pediments, that in the middle considerably larger than the other two, and all

The

pattern

is

having a boss above the point.

The

pillars

supporting the central

56

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

pediment have been transformed into palm trees, which rise above The the spring of the arch and incline over the side pediments.
side

columns have disappeared to make room for a fanciful ornament of little cypress trees and large round flowers, apparently roses. Beneath each of the side pediments is a design in squares, seemingly a modification of the net which appears on two of the monuments.
(Nos.
1

mon

in

and perhaps suggested by the latticed balcony comthe country. Immediately under the central pediment is a and
1

4),

the Isauran design, this time with repetition on a smaller scale of in Nos. pointed side pieces, of a form similar to that which appears

6 G, 14, flanking a low round arch

below

this again are a flower

of some sort and a long garland hanging from the columns, or trees, very much like the garlands on the tomb of Bishop Theophilus,
except that
it is

fastened

to each

pillar

in

two

places,

instead of

merely by

the ends.

To what
is

period the set of

monuments

just given should

be

But the following a complicated and difficult question. ascribed, of some use in deterarguments, taken from Prof. Ramsay, may be
mining
it.

In the

first

place, as

was remarked

in

there were no bishops of Isaura Nova tombs of the three bishops, Nos. 7, 9,
that date,
rest.

connection with ii.. No. 7, after about 474 hence the


;

13,

must be anterior to

and so furnish

a definite standard

by which to judge of the

For the majority of

same period.
is

The

these stones clearly belong to much the style of the lettering on the sculptured monuments

or development even on quite uniform, and shows little change Had they covered a long period the latest monuments of the series.

of time, external as well


selves

as internal causes

must have contributed

to

modify the style. Moreover, a number of the stones afford themsome indications as to date (remarked on in the description of each), all of which point to the period between a.d. 250 and 400.

By far the larger number of the names occurring on these monuments are purely Anatolian such are Oas, Mammas, Tabeis,
;

"1

<
OS

a <
CL,

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

57

Nanna, Sisamoas, [Ka?]ddis, Thouthou, Nios, Balaththis, Papas, Okluos ?, Ouatialis, Detrios. And though most of the stones are certainly Christian, distinctively Christian names scarcely occur at
all.

It

has been pointed out by Prof.


ii.,

Ramsay

(^Cities

and

Bishoprics

of Phrygia,

p.

492)

that personal

names of obviously Christian

type begin to appear in inscriptions not earlier than the middle of the third century, Paulos, as is to be expected, being the earliest and

But it is scarcely possible that in Nova Isaura, a Christian city possessing bishops, deacons, and various other Christian officials whose titles occur on the monuments, there should be so
most common.

marked an absence of

distinctively Christian

names

later

than the

Even
the

third or, at the outside, than the first quarter of the fourth century. in the fourth century the majority of the names occurring in
lists

of bishops are distinctively Christian and Greek.


are

The Roman names, which

much more

frequent than Greek

on these monuments, point also to the same period. The names of the reigning families were widely adopted in the provinces thus the
;

not occur except on one very plain monument, one of the earliest and not published in this paper, goes to obviously Aurelius, used prove that the inscriptions are later than a.d. 150.
fact that Julius does

as a

praenomen,
It

is

especially characteristic of the period

between
is

and 300. ever found


in y.H.S.,

did not

come

into use until after 212,

and

scarcely

later

than 350.
p.

1883,

30, and

{Cf. Prof. Ramsay's hypothesis advanced confirmed by numerous examples seen

since that time.)

Valerius (see No. 10) probably came into fashion under Diocletian about a.d. 300. On the other hand the name
Flavius
is

not found at

all

on these monuments, and


earlier
;

this indicates

that they are as a


as certain that

for it may be taken than 350 some proportion of the persons who died between 350 and 450 must have been named Flavius after the family of

whole

Constantine.
Finally, the entire absence
acteristic

of the Christian symbolism charstill

of the fourth century points to a

earlier date.

The

S8

A.
;^
,

MARGARET RAMSAY
form
-P
,

monogram

its

later

and the

letters

w, are not

found

on any of the obviously Christian monuments of Dork, though they are all common in the neighbouring towns of Lycaonia* {cf. % iv.
of this papsr, Nos. 56, 59). The Christian symbolism found at Dorla is of a veiled and almost cryptic kind which seems to belong rather to the period before Constantine. These Dorla monuments
to the period 250-300 ; and they may be between a.d. safely placed 250 and 340. " We are here in the presence of a distinctly Christian art. It

might perhaps be assigned

is

not meant that every artisan in Nova Isaura who worked on these monuments, or every person who used them, was a Christian ; but

that the development arose during the inspiration and quickening of mind and activity caused by the general acceptance of the new religion in the city. It is no isolated phenomenon, but the invariable ex-

perience of history, that the spread of a new faith is accompanied by an invigoration of the spirit and character of the people witness the Arabs of the seventh and eighth centuries under the inspiration of
:

Mohammedanism.
or by force, Nova Isaura
it

the religion is spread by external causes does not so touch the spirit. In this sense the art of
a Christian art,

Where

is

and

its first

development cannot be

placed earlier than the third century. already existing in pagan use ; but

It
it

used, of course, older forms, used them with freedom and

novelty for

its

own

purposes."

stones (specimens of which are given in y.H.S., 1904) adorned with scraps of the typical Dorla ornament. These are cheap or later tombstones, and show the same degradation

[There are in Dorla

many

and degeneration of

art

which

is

the most striking feature of the

monuments

to be described in iv.]

* Mr. Cronin has published a good example of a complete series of inscriptions of a village of Lycaonia in J.H.S., 1902, pp. 358-367. They may be placed roughly between 350 and 600 ; but not one of them could be considered earlier than any but
the very latest stones at Nova Isaura, and the latest stones there do not belong to the class which has just been described.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


III.

59

SOUTHERN LYCAONIA.
this region as a rule

The monuments of
tions of

are either

mere imita-

in Iconium), or very poor and debased but there are two remarkable exceptions in the most southern part of the country, both imitated from the Isaurian On the geographical division between southern and northern style.
(as is
;

Greek

common

(as in the villages)

Lycaonia, see Jahresheft d. k. k. Inst., 1904 (Beiblatt), p. 57. 33. One side of the sarcophagus of Sidamaria, in Lycaonia,
in the Imperial

now

Museum, Stamboul.

When we come

to the sarco-

phagus, found in the same district, and so nearly resembling in scheme of ornament the stones just given, we can scarcely doubt that it is a
the native schema has been development of the same principle embellished and added to through contact with Greek artistic ideas.
later
;

columns supporting rounded pediments or arches, a series of figures in the niches between the pillars, and within each arch an elaborate variant of the shell which has already appeared
still

Here we have

several

in a simple
is

form on Nos.

and 22.

The

lower portion of the scheme

partially suppressed to make room for the figures, and both the capitals of the columns and the pediments are decorated with highly elaborate open-work tracery. The columns themselves are twisted,

a style already appearing in

No. 22

(also

No.

10).

But the Greek

sculpture has

now become

only appears in

the ruling element, and the native scheme the background. The two elements are, however,
:

a hunting scene of the Greek quite inconsistent with one another fashion is placed amid the columns and arches of the South Anatolian

schema, and wherever the latter interferes too much with the Greek On two other sides of the same sarcophagus figures it is suppressed. This pointed central pediments appear flanked by rounded arches.
style

must be attributed to an Anatolian

city

where Greek work was


the

well

known

but there
Anatolian

is

probably too

much of

Greek element

for a central

city, like
is

Nova

Isaura or even Iconium, and

the scale of the

monument

too great for the humbler workshops of

6o
those cities. In

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
des. Etudes Anciennes,

Revue

1901,

p.

358, Prof.

Ramsay pointed out that two great examples of this developed art had been found, one in the Lycaonian city Sidamaria, and the other in the maritime Isaurian city Seleucia, and that the sculptural ornament on
prove their origin from a single workshop, and hence he inferred that the point of common origin must have
sim.ilar as to

both was so

Thence one example was carried over the great Roman road through the Cilician Gates into Lycaonia, and the other by sea to Seleucia. This hypothesis suits all the known conditions. the Tarsus attracted aspiring youth of

been the great city of Tarsus, where alone an ducing such works is likely to have existed.

atelier capable

of pro-

" Tarsus " in l.ycaonia and Cappadocia (see article Hastings' Diet, of the Bible, iv., p. 685), and was itself influenced by them while it
influenced their development. 34. This stone lies on a slight rising ground, about two or three miles south-west from Gudelisin (the site of Derbe), close to the road

There are leading to Laranda, and on the south side of the road. traces here of some later foundation, a church. including large
NoCi'i/o?
fi[v7]iJ.rj-;]

Koi 'OuaXeptos eKoa-^irjcrav


is

Tlav\ov

tov

fidpTvpau
of the

x[apiv).
clearly that characteristic

The scheme of ornament


Dorla monuments.
not made
It is to

be noticed that this stone was obviously to order, but must have been bought carved and ready in

the sculptor's workshop,

and that the inscription was added

after

purchase.

The

buyers, wishing to put the epitaph in large letters

on the most prominent part of the stone, cut away part of one of the columns supporting the central arch in order to make room for the
lettering.

The

material
in

have been purchased

and the stone may possibly Dorla and carried ten miles to Derbe.
is

limestone

The
Greek

accusative form jjudpTvpav is quite common in Phrygian See pp. 132, 153, 224, of the present volume. inscriptions.
is

the only stone of the exact Dorla type which has been found except at Dorla or the neighbouring village of Alkaran.

This

We

PLATE

VII.

Sarcophagus of Sidamaria.
To face page
60.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


must suppose that
it

6i

was purchased at Dorla and brought thence to It seems at first Derbe, ten miles away. strange that the Christians a small place like Isaura for their gravestones. of Derbe should go to
following reason suggests itself as probable. As has already been pointed out, a new and definitely Christian style of art had its origin at Isaura Nova (Dorla) ; this art had become known to the surround-

The

S"
Fig. 34.

10'

ing country, and the desire to have for their martyr's grave a monument of the type clearly recognised as Christian might have prompted the friends of Paulus to make their purchase in the little town where such monuments were known to be made, and convey this large and

very heavy stone thence to Derbe.


stone has the appearance of having formed part of a wall at some the back, with the It is thick, period. quite unwrought on

The

62
sides roughly cut to

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

fit a place in a wall of squared blocks, so that the was front That seems to have been the only exposed to view. case also with the principal monumental stones at Dorla, but the

latter are

not so thick in proportion to their height and breadth as the stone of Paulus the Martyr.

The formula with

the verb

iK6a-fJir)cra.v

is

common
;

in the epitaphs
it is

of Lycaonia about the third and fourth centuries

and

natural

to infer that this stone was, like the rest of the Dorla

monuments, a

gravestone, and not a mere honorary inscription in a building erected On the other hand, the at a later date to a martyr of former time.

stone seems to have formed part of the \vall of some building, and the possibility must be admitted that this may have been a fourthPaul, century chapel in honour of a martyr of an earlier period. unless he suffered under Julian, which is improbable, must have belonged to the times before Constantine, and if the stone was part of

a true grave erected soon after his death this would suit the view here taken of the period to which the Dorla monuments belong.

The
it is

inscription
later

shape from and

is engraved in letters which are different in than the letters on the Dorla monuments ; and

possible that the inscription

may have

been cut in the fourth

century on an old stone, regardless of the ornament. This inscription has been published by MM. Radet and Paris in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellinique, 1886, p. 509, with the
omission of the
final

N
;

sculptural decoration of the stone.

in jxaprvpav, and without any mention of the but in these lies all the interest and importance

Both these monuments belong to places on or close to the road from Dorla to Tarsus through the Cilician Gates. From about a.d.
137 onwards southern Lycaonia and Isauria were united with Cilicia in a province called the three Eparchies, of which Tarsus was the
capital.

Trade and intercourse moved now towards Tarsus from

Isauria generally.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


IV.

63

NORTHERN LYCAONIA (PROSEILEMMENE).


on the north
side of

This

district,

Boz-Dagh, was

originally

It was afterwards included in Galatia under the part of Phrygia. name of the Acquired (Land), Trpoo-etXij/A/xeVTj (^copa). Its history is extremely obscure, and it is not even mentioned in the index to

Forbiger's Handbuch d. alten Geographie, or Cramer's geographical Description of Asia Minor. Ptolemy is the only ancient authority that gives the name, which is corrupted more or less in all the
*

manuscripts

he mentions

it

as part

of the Province Galatia.

In his study of Lycaonia in the Jahreshefte des k. k. Oest. Arch. Instituts, 1904, p. 65 IF. (Beiblatt), Prof. Ramsay explains the origin of the name and the extent of the district. The Galatian tribe

Trokmi acquired possession of the name originated. Celtic

the country about 164 b.c, and thus personal names often occur in the

epitaphs of the district, which was a part of the Roman Province Galatia from 25 b.c, until the Province Lycaonia was formed in

was incorporated in this new Province. following series of monuments, which are fair average specimens of several hundreds of gravestones found in the district Proseilemmene, are of quite a different style from those above deit

372, when

The

scribed.

They

are Stelai or tall slabs of stone, the top of which

is

cut into a pointed (or less frequently a rounded) shape, and sometimes very elaborately ornamented, with carved work or tracery along
the edges,

and

figures,

or household implements of various kinds,

Horizontal lines separate this pointed occupying the central space. from the rest of the part stone, giving it the appearance of a
pediment.
to the lower part of the stone, there are two main types of decoration. In the first, the inscription is placed between two

As

columns,

which support the


*

pediment-like

upper

part.

These

Jrpo<riXrifi(viTai, Trpo(TtpXj.fj.evLTau, Trpos ipXi/jLtviToi,

64

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
;

columns are indicated with varying degrees of completeness. Somesometimes they are repretimes they have capitals, and even bases sented merely by vertical lines running from the lower edge of the
pediment to the foot of the stone and occasionally they disappear in Nos. 43, 44, being replaced by a tablet or panel altogether, as
;

bearing the inscription. In the second type, the lower part of the stone represents a The lintel and doordoor, divided by cross lines into four panels.
as the door itself, and the whole is surposts are indicated, as well mounted by the pointed or rounded pediment seen in the other type

panels of the door are generally ornamented a basket, a mirror, a comb, with symbols referring to ordinary life often represented. knockers are or forth and one two and so ;

of decoration.

The

In the

two

classes

of monuments described

in

the earlier part

of this paper there is clearly shown a certain artistic progress as time New motives are added, and more complicated devices in goes on.

The workmen decoration were employed during the later period. who made those monuments felt a certain love of and pleasure in decorative work ; and they tried to make the monuments beautiful
by lavishing
is

a great

amount of minute ornament on them.

In the third class, examples of which will now be given, there no progress to be discerned. The monuments grow poorer in
in

the later period, yet a continuity in character is clearly The process was always the same older types were preserved, seen. Parts and fragments of but in a degenerate and broken-down form.

design

the older types were preserved and repeated, but the later workmen had evidently forgotten the original meaning of the forms which

they were carving, and in several cases they show unmistakably that new meaning had come to be attached to the old forms. The new

meaning often had a Christian character some fragment of an older was found suscepttype, separate from the original accompaniments,
:

of being interpreted in a symbolic religious sense, and was made more and more distinctly suitable in form to that new Christian
ible

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


sense.

65

A good

example

is

the old Phrygian type of the door.

This

had

the old Phrygian religion a meaning, which was explained by Ramsay in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1883, p. 254 f. " According to Phrygian ideas there were two necessary elements in
in

Prof.

life and the world was the place on which the living deposited the Of the various types of sepulchral offerings due to the dead ". which are in the pages quoted, the most described monument,

the sepulchral monument, an altar and a door the passage of communication between the world of
.

the door was

of death, the

altar

elaborate and complete is the sepulchral temple here the altar and " In other the door are parts of the whole. cases the rock-altar is the
:

most important part (or even the whole) of the monument." * Very " a slab of marble or often, also, the monument takes the form of
other stone carved to imitate a doorway ". In these two classes one is either the door or the But on a certain element, altar, suppressed. " " number of Phrygian altar-stones bearing sepulchral inscriptions, " the word " Door {6vpa) is engraved by itself on the lower part of
the stone ; and one gravestone " the Altar and the Door" it,
is

called, in the epitaph inscribed


ciL,

on

{loc.

p.

253).

These examples

pressed,

" the fundamental prove that, even when the door was suppressed, idea was the same," and the altar was understood, though not exas The of the " fundamental idea ".

part

religious belief,

" " Door on gravestones in the inscribing of the word Western Phrygia, as seen in the examples given in that article, is

which determined the idea of the sepulchral monument, was that " the dead man has returned to his divine mother," he is " identified with the divine nature," and his grave is the monument of a deity.

Now

analogous to the East Phrygian custom, seen

in

the

monuments of

the district which are published in the present article, pt. iv. ; the door is indicated on the stele, not by inscribing a mere word, but by

carving the representation of a door.


*
I

The

stele

is

itself a

degenerate

quote from

copy of the

article,

annotated and improved by the author.


5

66

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
"
;

" and broken-down indication of the entire monument, the Home of the dead and the temple of the god, including door, altar and house and on the stele the door at least is shown. As the lines dividing the panels on the door form a cross,* on
Christian stones they are apt to lose their original significance and come to be regarded simply as the symbol of the cross, while all the

accompaniments and
suppressed.

details

which mark the subject

as a

door are

the original Pagan type appears in a reduced form, as in No. 56, where the ornament has disappeared and only the cross is left. This is a good example of the way in which the

Thus

new

religion adopted

the older faith.


religion.

The

and gave a different meaning to the symbols of inscription there leaves no doubt as to the

In other cases, as in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1883, p. doubtful whether the cross is merely a degenerate indication 424, in that place of the pagan idea, or is used as a Christian symbol
it is
;

Prof.
Cities

Ramsay was disposed to regard the cross


and Bish. of Phr.,
ii.,

as Christian

but in

p.

705, he changed his opinion and rebe described, though

garded the

monument as of pagan origin. The group of monuments which will now

so poor and inartistic and degraded in character, forms an essential They belong to a region which part of the argument of this paper.

was

in

much

easier

communication with

Rome and

the

West than

Isauria

could possibly be.

Many
:

of them are found at Serai or

places on the great trade route leading from the east others belong to places lying to the direct to Ephesus and Rome

Ladik or other

north of that route but in immediate and easy connection with it. Yet the monuments show no trace of Roman influence, so far as the
art

they were mere variations, growing poorer and more degenerate as time went on, of old native types. Isauria had much less opportunity of receiving influence from Rome than north
is

concerned

* See Fig. 34 A.

and

Mittheil. Inst. Athen., xix., pp.


is

Examples may be seen in Cities and Bish. ofPhrygia, ii., p. 661, 315 ff., where the cross formed by the divisions

of the door

clearly

shown.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

67

Lycaonia had ; and therefore the development of new forms which we found to occur in Isauria, on this as on other grounds already
stated,

cannot reasonably be explained by Roman influence. The drawings here reproduced make no pretension to accuracy

on hasty sketches, made during the few minutes which could be devoted to copying an inin detail.

They

are

founded

in

most

cases

AAAMoI
KAiXPHi

THK

rPlON

KAIIAPoN AOYAOiE AYTOiL

ZCDnTEZ

MNHMHL
0ENtKfN(5

LA
Fig. 35 A. Fig. 35 B.

lA
stone.

scription

and making a rough representation of the

But,

though they are not exact, they are sufficient to give a idea of the general character of the monuments, though

fairly correct
in

some

cases

they are not so rough and coarse as the originals. 35. Serai-Inn (R. 1905). 0a\a)u,o9 kol Xprjo-Trj
KaL(Tdp(^(o)v SoOXoi eaurois ^wi'res
/xj^ij/at^s

Kvpi{oi)v

eveKev.

68

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

The pediment, which rests on an of elaborate .design. architrave ornamented with a rude form of the egg-pattern moulding,
stele

In the more elaborate has two side-pieces and a round akroterion. the columns and the of this stelai pediment are in relief, and type
the space between is a recess in which stand the figures carved in In the simpler and cheaper stelai the forms are merely inrelief lines incised on a plain surface, giving the appearance of dicated

by

an arch.

On

this stele are the figures

of the dedicators Thalamos

The bases of the supthe not capitals. though porting columns The position and probable duties of Thalamos, an Imperial of the mines at slave, are explained by Prof. Ramsay in an account.
and Chreste.
Beside the latter
are indicated,
is

a basket.

Zizima near Ladik

{Classical

Review, 1905, pp. 367

ff.,

429).

His

wife was also an Imperial slave. under the reign of conjoint Emperors, such as

The

date of this

monument was
sug-

Marcus Aurelius and


in the gen. plur.

Verus or Diocletian and Maximian.


gests a late date.

o for

36. Tcheshmeli-Zebir (R. 1905).

The

inscription

accurately engraved.
Zot'St tSias
fjLvrjixvrj

MapKos koI Soucrous ihiuiv The engraver has omitted OvyaTpdcriv ? )(apLv.

very inck tS)v MapKia Kai


is

and transposed e/c t(Sv, which should come before l8i(ov. Sousous must here be the name of a woman, wife of Markos. Beneath the In the pediment are two very rude female figures.
after iSiais

The capitals of the columns a brazier. inscription are a basket and The six-leaved rosette in the akroare indicated by vertical lines.
see on No. 7. probably a Christian symbol Small braziers of the kind here represented, or something apMinor they hold charcoal, and proaching it, are still used in Asia These braziers are frequently depicted on stelai, serve instead of fires.

terion

is

sometimes with a pan placed upon them,

as in

Nos. 38, 42.


tij

'A/LA[a .'']i9 Tet/xeiou 37. Serai-Inn (R. 1905). Kol Ka[p]i];. ^wcr(a) fj.i{T)\jn]<; avrfj TepTvWri

tSta dSeXTr^

The

akroterion

is

of a more elaborate and an earlier form than

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


usual.

69

The

with tracery in incised


indicated.

but the edges decorated capitals of the columns also are Under the inscription are two spindles with distaffs and
is

centre of the pediment


lines.

plain,

The

two
in

baskets.

The

variation between

<f)

and

ir

in aSeX(^o?, dSekfjyy], in

is

common

Phrygian epitaphs, and many similar examples

other words

might be quoted.

AAAAAAAA

II

mapkockaT-^ MAPKOCKA COYCOYCIA OJN 6KTC0N MAPIC lAZO/


/illAIAlCRWr

AM/f CTIMI
YTHIAIAAAC A1THTPTYA

MNHXAPIN

AHKAIAYTH

^
Fig. 36.

ZUJCMN MHCK
Alnic

Fio. 37.

38. Sinanii (R. 1905).

Koi

oLiDpo)

iivr]\iJ.vy]cr]fir)<;

BeoSdrij <I>pot{t/u,]w av^pi y\u/<[u]raT(U ws y^dpetv kol Tvpavihi p.r]Tp\ dyvfj pkv

"Apre/xi?
eTroir](Tev.

pya he

'A^t^vo,?

ivOdSe kltc

TvpavU

koI eavrfj

t,(Scra

The
are

top of the stone

is

broken away.

Below the inscription

on

two distaffs and spindles, then a small pan with a handle resting a brazier, between two tables on each of which stands a large
vessel.

round

70
It is

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
:

doubtful

8e 'Xdr)va<i

may

the inscription should be punctuated epya refer to Tyranis, or may be the beginning of a new
/cire.

how

sentence and the subject of

would be an epithet balancing ayvy fxev &>? "Ayare/xts pure " in the as Artemis, and her occupations (were those) of Athena latter, ipya Se '\drfva<; iv6d8e kItg must be taken as a sentence by
;

In the former case, the phrase " who was

WAMAPl

^/^

V K

TATojkaiawPOjM

KHMNHcMHCXAPg
INKAlTYPANIAIM
C

HTPlArNHMCNU) APT 6 MIC eprAAt

eHNAceNeAAC

KlTeTyPA1MlCKAl

A VTH ZOJCA^n OtHC6N

AAIC
HI

II

TOCT

AN
I

YM
A N

(|)HIOYA

AN6CTH Ce
N

AaNH

MH

CXAPIN

Fig. 38.

Fio. 39.

itself,

and the word


is

/cire

must mean "

are carved on this stone

"
;

to be understood as referring to the articles represented Ipya In either case the construction the lower part of the stele.

on
is

the illiterate character lof the utterly ungrammatical, betraying


poser.

com-

The former interpretation seems preferable. .]70? 'A[/i.aVTios 'AXi[. 39. Azak (R. 1905).
.

tt7 iSio,

vu/a^t;

'louXtai^'^] avia-rqaev

jjivrjixi]^

^dpiv.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

71

stele

of simple character.

and two
in-law.

tall vessels,

Nymphe
As

In the pediment are two baskets of some kind. possibly jars in the epitaphs of Phrygia seems to denote a daughter-

the father erects the


it

tomb

to a'

Nymphe

in

this

and

many
their

other cases,

may

probably be understood that the sons with


re-

wives lived in a great household along with their father,

/////// /'///'/////>'// *'/^/^/^^A*V<'''^'*'-6(

TATe\C9P

mm

OK

tACAAoMNH

lAfel

OCmI

PlJ

MNHMHC
XAPIN

HATPei

K6A0 AHAae
<pHMNH

MHCXA
PfeIN

Fig. 41.

Fig. 40.

maining to a certain degree under of the present volume.


40. Kara-Bagh-Yaila (R.
Ao[v]Xij a.8^X]<j)7J
fivyjfjLtj^

his authority.

See pp. 121, 150,

1905).

'O/ciacios

Mipw

Trarpel

Ke

^dpeLv.
is

The upper
self

part of the stone

more

elaborate, the

pediment

it-

a plain architrave being raised on two short pillars resting upon Other examples of this form occur. supported by the usual columns.

72

A.
as in

MARGARET RAMSAY
see the

Here too

No. 35 we
a very

curved

line

giving the pediment

the appearance of an arch.

Miros was

common name
it

in

this district,

and

in

many
the

cases the epitaphs in

which

occurs are clearly Christian.


vol.
i.,

On

meaning of the name see Expositor, 1906, 41. Tcheshmeli-Zebir (R. 1905).
fjLVTJjj.ri's

p.

149.
Bpeij/acra

Tctrets

Aofivy

-^apiv.

Stele erected to an

up.* the egg pattern is used unintelligently to ornament the capitals of the column. Degeneration has gone here almost to the utmost ex:

The form

of the side columns

alumna by the foster-mother who brought her is simpler and ruder than usual

treme, consistent with retaining the character of the part is broken.

stele.

The upper

42. Tcheshmeli-Zebir (R.

1905).

narpot^iXos etStw iraTpel

y\vKVTa.T(p Auyoi^crjroJ avicTTiqcrev

iJ.vrjfji\r]]<; ^dpiv. of columns and architrave with eggrough representation almost as and pattern ornament, degenerate, quite as rude, as the The top of the stone is broken away. Between the columns last.

a very rude figure of a man wearing a short tunic, and a cap ; beside him a two-handled vase standing on a brazier, and a large oinochoe on the ground. The columns are here seen on the way to
is

disappearance

at the base

of the stone they have

lost

the character

of

pillars,

and

are joined

by a cross line, so as to look like the sides

of a panel.
occurs several times in Christian inscriptions of the district, and probably Augustus also was Christian. The use

The name Augusta

of Augustus, Augusta, in this way could not begin before the triumph of Constantine and doubtless originated in the exultation of the
;

Christians in

their

Christian Augusti

during the fourth century.

dative (for Opttj/dayj),

* In Phrygian Greek it is possible that 6pt\j/acru. should be regarded as a Dorizing and that the tomb was erected by Tateis to her foster-mother

Domna.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


'

71

43. Serai-Inn
y\vKVTa.T(t) [Jiov
t,a)i>

(R. 1904). irarpi IlavXa) Ke


fji.vyjixr]<;

hvpir^kioi)
Trj firjTpi fiov

Mtpos

dvia-T-qa-a
/ce

tw

BacriXicrcnj

eauTW

rrjv IcrTrjkyjv Tavrrjv

^dpiv*

and the next, the columns supportiiag the pediment have disappeared altogether, their places being taken by a slightly sunk
this stele

On

AYPoJMiPoC
ANf<^

Thca

TiorAYkVTA
T'^MoyTTATPI

nATAtOKeTH

HA
T p o

HHTPiMovBAfi /\|CCHK6AY

AO
A
I

4)

Tu)2c;3NTWic

C El Lo Tl

THAhNTAYThN

YKYTAT

ATPeiTA

WMH^XAPIN

cuAr ro V

rujANEC

C)

THCENMNHMK
CXAPIN
Fig. 42. Fig. 43.

ornamental panel bearing the inscription.


In

The pediment

still

remains.

many stones resembling this in type the last lingering traces of columns at the two sides of the stele have disappeared, and the panel
is

at

Here there is only tracery surrounded by tracery on three sides. the top, and the lines at the side of the panel may be regarded as
*

By

a slip I

have put T for

in

1.

5.

74

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

survivals of the lines indicating the inner edge of the columns, while the curves at the foot of the upright lines are variations of the pedestals.

44. Dedeler (1905).

'Aup(r^Xto9) MvTjo-i^ets uto? Aio/xrjSoi>


tco

cri{i']

T^

crvvfiioi

^ov Kupa/CTj aveart^aafiev

yXvKVTOLTW

rjixcov

vlu)

'^pfifj

it is

^apiv. the pediment scarcely retains its proper character ; The cross placed no longer clearly divided from the lower part.
/Avry/LiT^s

Here even

AYP5MNHCI6&IC YlOCAlOMHAOYCV THC YN6I tOHOVKV PAKHANeCTHCAM


6NT^rAYKYTATtO
HKCONYlcOe PM.H

HNHMHCXA.PIN

QJ

19

7HJ.AV5I
Fig. 44.

in

it

shows the stone to be Christian

its

slightly unusual

form

is

probably due merely to purposes of ornament. pagan divine name, Hermes, two thoroughly

The mixture
Christian

of a

names, Mnesitheos and Kyriakos, and a name from pagan epic literature, is characteristic of the mixed character of Lycaonian Christian society
in the late third

been
left

no attempt seems to have of conduct, but much room was compel uniformity for individual freedom and a large spirit of tolerance prevailed.
or early fourth century
:

made

to

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


The same was
Phrygia
the case in the western and

75

more

civilised

parts of

in the third
ii.,

century (see Prof. Ramsay in the

Cities

and

Bish. of Phrygia,

Kyrake

for

pp. 485, 503 f.). Kyriake shows a pronunciation akin to modern


in

Greek, in which Kyra for Kyria is common Mnesitheos is treated like a noun ending in -ios.
45. Kozlu

vulgar

speech.

(R.

1906).

Aup(iyXta)

efcXa TvydrTjp "^tcrivov

dveaTTja-a tw dvSpl /j.o[u] Mevveov evXaySecrTaTo(v) TTpeafiv0e[pov. stone not unlike the preceding, though a step further from the original type. The top of the stone is square, and the pediment.

AYP0KAATYrA
THPCICINOYANec THCAT6UANAPIM0 M6NNe0YeYAAB6C
TATOCTTPeCBVGe

Fig. 45.

represented only by incised lines, forms the upper part of the tablet on which the inscription is placed. The name Thekla was very common in Christian families in

Lycaonia during the fourth century.


46.
avexpLa)
p.vrip.y^'i

Besh-Ishekli
yxvT^/xTjg

(R.

^dpiv.

Budvcop koL 'H\ia9 <^ikdv6co Koi <i[i\]avdo<; 'PoSottt) ^i,k\dv6a) di^ei/ziw 1905).

^dpiv.
is

door-ornament on the shaft of a The inscription, as is usual on grave-stele, with pediment above. stelai of this is on of the door in this case. the lintel typ)e, placed
a fair specimen of the
;

This

76

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
last

however, owing to lack of room, the

words are on the door

itself.

The

circle

on the upper left-hand panel probably represents

a knocker.

Vv

98 BB
MHcA PIN

Vi//

BlANU)PKAlHA\AC<p.tAKtJ9U)

ANCtKLUWNHMHCXAPiN
4)1A

ANeoCKAlPOAonHc|) ANGUJANfctltUMN

Fig. 46.

In the pediment appears the six-leaved rosette within which may be taken to indicate that the stone is Christian *
*

a circle,

(see

on

The name

Elias also

is

proof of Christian or Jewish (probably Jewish-

Christian) origin.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


No.
7).

77

of uncertain character, The curious ornaperhaps implements connected with some trade. of the ment just under the point pediment seems to be purely
Just beneath
it

are four objects

decorative and without any symbolical meaning.

47. Sinanli (R. 1905). [ [r^ cr]vi'/8i(y koX AovSa dvyaTp'i. The upper part of this stele
.

]\etos Ta[/D]eXX[tav]6s 'E/iiXT^aSt

is

broken off

the lower represents

AflOCTA CAA

lOCMIAHAAl

YNBIUKAlAOVAAevrATPl

ll

ll

llliil J

iiiiiiiiin

'/'^'/ffr^y^.^y.

.v*'c.'i^'''^v^

^!<<- /-fr^-^^"--

Fig. 47.

the door with


lintel.

four panels. The inscription is written across the In the upper left-hand panel is an ornament composed of
its

elaborthree concentric circles, which is perhaps a knocker of more ate form than that on the it is preceding stele ; possibly, however, Whether the object in the corresponding rightmerely decorative.

hand panel (which


district) is

" in this of frequent occurrence on " door-stones remains it some is symbol, only ornamental, or whether
is

78
uncertain.
It

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

be compared with a similar though more elaborEach of the lower ate design on a stone found at Dork (Fig. 28). distaff with the wool panels contains a looking-glass, a spindle and kind common on Greek of the a wool-basket attached, a comb, and

may

stelai.

'EfiiXrjdSL

is

dative of the Latin


defaced.
also

inscription

is

much

The

native

name Aemilia * but the name AovSa is common in


;

this district,

and appears

on No. 48.

Tarellianus

is

a possible

Fig. 48.

name

but perhaps Garellianus, metathesis of Galerianus,

is

more
?

probable.

48. Kadi-Oglu
ajvopt
[Kttt

(R.

1905).

AovSa

NeiK[77](^d[p]w

rw

[iSiw

eavTT).
is

In the pediment

a female figure, probably the

Meter Zizi-

mene

(the great goddess of this part of Lycaonia from Iconium Several dedications to this northwards) accompanied by a lion.
in

goddess have been found

Iconium and the neighbourhood


as if it

cf.

* Declined

were Aemilias.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


Class. Rev., Oct., 1905, pp.
is

79

367-370.
is

At one
star.

side of the

pediment

an incised

circle, at the other a spindle attached

to a distaff with

wool, and a basket.

Above

double

This type of the goddess with her lion appears, with variations, on a whole series of these monuments. Sometimes both goddess

and

lion are represented,

sometimes one of them alone, and some-

times merely the head and shoulders of the goddess. It has been pointed out above that in the old Phrygian custom, the erection of
a grave

was an

act

of dedication to a deity.

Hence
the

the formula for


as that for the

the dedication of a

tomb was very much

same

dedication of a votive tablet, and the type suitable for the votive The Mother Zizimene offering could also be used on a gravestone.*

form of Cybele, and the forms used in reliefs dedicated to her were of the kind usual in the worship of Cybele. The comwas a
local

monest type showed the goddess, either enthroned or standing, between two lions ; and sometimes small figures, representing the
dedicators and worshippers, were added. Many stones in this region, proved to be sepulchral by epitaphs, bear reliefs which are parts of the full scene as it appears on votive reliefs in many Phrygian towns.

The present relief is one of them. It is evidently a gravestone both the epitaph and the epya 'A^T/i'a?,! work-basket with spindle
:

and

distaff,

prove that.

The
;

figures

imitated from the votive reliefs

larger than the female figure. whether the female figure was intended by the artist to be the goddess or only the deceased woman, whose grave was to be adorned with
this stone.
It

in the centre are evidently but only one lion appears, and it is doubt might be felt in this case,

tion

would be impossible to say what was the exact intenof the artist, and it would be equally unnecessary, for, as has

been pointed out already, the dead person was worshipped as identified with the divine nature, so that the making of the grave was an
act

of religious worship and the grave was the temple and home of the god. The artist intended the female figure to be the represen* See
p.

70 of

this

volume.

Cf.

No.

38.

8o

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
Mother-Goddess.
"

tation of the dead person deified as the dead man returns in death to the mother

The

goddess's

own country every dead


is

who bore him." In the person, man and woman alike,

goes back to and

of the goddess. why a female figure appears on this gravestone, which belonged to a man, or to point out that in (as is proved by many other examples) the gravestones were kept

merged

in the nature

Hence

it is

not necessary to explain

stock ready for sale, and were used without much regard to the suitability of the relief to the person or persons buried in the grave. In this case Douda purchased the gravestone, and if she thought at

Fig. 49.

all

all life,

about suitability, she saw in the relief the goddess, the mother of to whose bosom her husband had gone back in death.
49. Ladik (R.

1882).

A
The

stele

without
is

much ornament, and

inscription

quite obliterated.

considerably defaced. In the pediment is the figure

of the goddess, standing between her lion and a smaller female


figure, possibly an attendant or a worshipper.

Beside the latter

is

a basket.

If the religious ideas,

which

originally underlay such representations, were still alive when the relief was placed over the grave, the central figure would have to be

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

8i

interpreted as the dead, deified in the form of the Mother-Goddess, and the small figure on the right as a survivor worshipping at the grave ; but those ideas had certainly grown vague and faint ; and

such representations as this were probably used as mere survivals of old forms, which were hardly understood.

KOVillTOCrAlLUrUJ Y

LU

2\AAANYN<t'HrYNAIKI.AY

MNHMHCXAPIN

Fio. 50.

50.

Tcheshmeli-Zebir (R. 1905).

Kou[t''}ros

Taiw tw uiw

[/caij

Aaoa vvvi^rf yvvaiKx ai{Tou] fiuy]ixr]<; ^dpt,v. The dedicator of this stele was apparently poor for, though the scheme is almost complete, the amount of work expended on it has been reduced to a minimum. The panels of the door are with;

out carving, the pediment absolutely plain, except for the extremely rude representation of the goddess and her lion. 6

82

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
is.

The word
case

vvfi<f)y]

often used in
:

Phrygian and Lycaonian

epitaphs in the sense

of "son's wife"

see

No.
his

39.

In the present

Quintus made the grave for Gaius daughter-in-law the wife of Quintus.
51.

son

and Dada

his

Azak

(R. 1905).
stone,

Aio/AT/Sr;? T[

tjj

ISlo.

yvilaLKl.

A simple

now much worn, with very

little

rude figure of the goddess occupies the centre

carving. of the pediment.

Aiomhahct
THIAIAfYN

Fig. 51.

without the lion which accompanies her in the more complete schema. The form leaves no doubt that the goddess, and not a mere woman,

was intended

in this case.

52. Serai-Inn (R.


[)(a/5]ij'.
I,

1906).
stone.

Nava?

Ba/Bei

Tjj

Ov}yLTpL

fi-vrJiLTfi

not

a,

on the

This Christian gravestone is a proof how far the old religious meaning of the type had been forgotten in the late third century. The type is here reduced to the head and shoulders of the goddess,

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

83

The placed under a round arch supported on two short columns. * that the difference from the ordinary dress of women proves goddess
is

here meant.

The

spaces between the columns and the edges of

X^^::;^^^^^^::,:^^^

NAN ACBABe \TH6


WiMmmlix
|\(

Fig. 52.

Beneath is an oblong with sprays of leaves. horizontal panel, which, like the arch, is decorated with a pattern in curved lines. little cross in the left-hand corner is the only sign
the stone are
filled

A
is

* This dress

shown
d.

Ramsay

in

Jahreshefte

best in the drawings of tombstones published by Prof. K. K. Oesterr. A. Instituts, 1905 (Beiblatt), pp. 93, 95, 98.

84
that the stone
is

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
;

be evidently intended to attention only of such as looked for inconspicuous, and to catch the This shows that the grave belongs to the period when Chrisit. was still proscribed and a cause of danger to its confessors,
Christian
the

symbol

is

tianity

ANTirO

Nl

/>

TYXLANHMHTWrAVK VTATH >-LNHHHC6NfeK6N

KAI<|)UJTIUJNEY

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


53. Siiianli (R. 1905).
iveKev.

85

ykvKVTdrri

fivijixr)^

The

'Avnyovta Kal^aTCcovlLvTvx^Lavjj jXTjrpl stone was in an inner stable (which

was perfectly dark and very


to the stone.

filthy), and was hurriedly copied by the of of chips pinewood, lighted one after another and held close light

The ornament

differs

slightly

from that on the other door-

0AYAATriK0CM6IP6)Ttoi AltOTTATPlMNHMHCXAPiN

86
tian

A.
symbolical
7).

MARGARET RAMSAY
as in

ornament,

the

tomb of Bishop Theophilus

(No.

54. Sinanli
fivqfi'q'i

(R.

1905).

'OXu/xttikos

Metpw tS

i8tw

irarpl

-^dpiv.
is

The pediment

Meter Zizimene occupied by the lion of the

tMlKJNA
iviAKOjyiON

0NYAAB'
AtONTIKOY

EMeAAert\
ocnACHCAPE
NOCHNE-NIBIOO

KAAYHTI
rWCKEKoCHHKE

KEeEEIKHNCo

4)iANEKtEAECA

CENSAAeKlie
YKEPoMfit/W^
"^iMotATAeoi:

TBvAArTovrA
CYNKATAKITElh
KAA(DCBlONE|e

rEAECENTWNA
oYCANECTHtEW

A&t\4>HTT0-E

T0hETjr\0N

XA

HAPIAMNHHHC PIN

KONGO N9I
^ H

H^NOV
/V
Fig. 55.
Fig. 56.

AN6CrHC/^

along its upper edges does not seem to have any be purely ornamental, and may be comsymbolical meaning, but to ornament on No. 46. On one panel pared with a somewhat similar
the decoration

of the door

is

knocker very

like those already noticed

on several

monuments.

As

to the object in the other panel, see

on No. 47.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


55. Yaila
avecTTrjcra,.

87
*i\->;/j,eVou

of

Agha-Beyli
a

(R.

1906).

K6vo}v

This

stele

is

good example of the types of

the goddess and

the door-stone in a very

much reduced form.

The

stone

is

divided

by horizontal lines into four parts ; in the uppermost of these, which is still pointed at the top and represents the pediment in the more
complete
goddess.
vival

type,

very rude representation of the head of the In the next division is a large cross within a circle, a suris

of the divisions between the panels of the door-stone, the Below this original significance of which has been entirely lost.
again are two smaller circles, each containing a cross, and in the The stone is evidently Christian ; lowest division is the inscription. and the presence of the head of the Meter Zizimene can only be

explained as the survival of a

Pagan

type,

whose

real

meaning has

been forgotten.
56. Serai-Inn, in a

mosque (R. 1905).

Mtvveav tov evXa^^dcrTaTov) SLa.Ko{vov) vlov Acovtukov ivddde

yea
K deeiKTjv

/caXuTrrt,
/ceKocr/i.'>7[/A]ci'os

OS ndcnr)'; dperrj^

rjv

evi fiCat

cro(f)iav

e/creXecras ivddZe. kItc.

TOV

S'

avTov yXuKc/Dos dSeX<^[os] (TvvKaToiKiTe,

Tp6(j)i[xo<;

dyado^ Kokois
7ro[^]eoi'cr'

fiiov i^ereXecrep.

Twv

8'

d8e\(f)r]

dvecTTrjcrev Tooe tltXov

The panels of the again very much reduced. door are kept as in the original scheme, but they are reduced in form In some to a simple cross, and were doubtless regarded as a cross.
ornaments disappeared and the stone showed only a large cross and an inscription arranged as here. In the upper part of this stele the customary form, seen in Nos. 2^, 36, 39, 40, is modified into a rude resemblance to the human figure. Above the inscription is a circle containing a cross between the
cases the side lines

MapLa fj.vrj[Mr)^ The same type,

^(dpLV

and

all

letters

and

co

beneath

it,

in the

two lower

panels, another cross

88

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY

of a shape resembling the Maltese, and the six-leaved rosette, each The cross and the rosette here correspond to one within a circle. another, and it seems not open to doubt that the latter was felt to be

The little cross with a Christian symbol as much as the former. which the inscription begins is common on Christian monuments of
the fourth century or later.

APTEMLUN MOVNATY
NeKirAV/"///

/'/ATH

Fig. 57.

The

inscription

itself

is

curious.

The

carver has evidently

imitated older metrical formulae and

inserted, without regard to metrical considerations, the names and appropriate epithets of the deceased persons. In 3 and 5, the aorist of rcXew is used as if it

were spelt with cro-. Kolu-Kissa 57.

(R.

1906).

'ApTeficov

Movva

yvveKi

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


An
Instead of the large door with

89

interesting variation of the ordinary type of door-stone.


its

four panels, a small doorway, with door-posts, threshold, and lintel crowned with an akroterion, is carved in the centre of the stone. With this be a

may

compared

published by Prof. Ramsay, Cities and Bish. of Phr., ii., the door is not actually represented at all, but the where p. 380, word 0TPA is written across the middle of the stele.
58.

monument

Suwarek (R. 1905).


''

Copied

also

by T. Callander

in

1904.

\\vp. 'AXefai'8/D[os 8ts


cA.7rt(ras
iirll

al <f)povcov f^areaKevacrev

Trj?

eircL-

aural kolixtjtt^lov tovto


kiJLvrjix.rj<;

Ta

i,orj<;

^apa[<; re

^wv

^df^iv.

AYPAAiANAl
eATTlC AC
TT!

TAZOHCXAP/
Al4)PONC0NI< AVTCOKOlUH' M/N H M-< C X A
Fig. 58.

The may
in

restoration of this really important and remarkable epitaph be regarded as practically certain, as made by Prof. Ramsay

the

the Expositor, has restored, exempli gratia, February, 1 906. name of Alexander's father as Alexander ; but any short name

He

would be equally suitable. This and the following (No. 59) are like one another in style, but differ from the rest. They are examples of the only kind of
gravestones in this district in which there appears any attempt to The ornadevise new artistic forms and new style of decoration.

The inscription is placed in a panel, very simple in both. on either side of which is the six-leaved rosette framed in a border of
ment
is

straight lines.
clearly expressed

That of No. 58, evidently


example of the hope

Christian,

is

the most

in a future life

on a Christian

90

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
The
rosette in both
is

memorial stone of
early

this district.

probably an

of the Christian monoexample of the use of this modification form of the inscription in both, gram of IX (see on No. 7). The

where the name of the person who erects the tomb is placed at the the tomb is not likely to have been made beginning, is early, and later than the middle of the fourth century, and may be earlier
though the symbolic of Christian devices.
letters at

the top are not of

the earliest class

The

this stone was broken ofF and has been right-hand part of

restored from the remaining portion.

00

AYPHAIOCMIPOC

AYPMAPK6AA
TCOTTAT PIMlPCa

YlOCrCA^PiO
l^"R>vTPIKrPI
)^T<rsAA6A4>ffO 6iC AtTd pr&
I

ANCCTHC A TYNftON It CT

Ahnmnhhhc
X

APIN

Fig. 59.

59. Eurek-Yaila (R. 1905).


T(u

'Au/ar^X-ios
717 plyjjrpl

Mipos

'A.vp.

MapKeka
dSe\<f>w

vaTpl Mipo)

via) EicrtSupq)

kc

KvpL[\r)] kc

tw

k aTrjkrjv p.vrjp.ri'i ^(apiv. EicTiScjpo) avea-TTjo-a tvv^ov is Christian That the stone is proved by the cross above, between

the letters

and

to.

with Marcella (his (and) his son Isidorus,

The meaning is uncertain, probably Miros his father Mirus wife) made the monument for
etc.,

but some words have been omitted.

ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART


60.

91

Suwarek (R. 1905). of ornament exemplifying the piece

fact that all

attempts to
It
is

devise new forms of ornament in this district were Christian. on a stone which evidently formed the top of a doorway.

Fig. 60.

SUMMARY.

are

1
.

The

conclusions which seem to have been reached in this paper

land of Northern Isauria, accessible only with difficulty from the west and showing little trace of Gra;co-Roman influence, was the place of origin of a new kind of decorative art,

The mountain

which spread widely over the Roman world. 2. This art can be traced in a simpler form

in the third

century

and

in a
3.

more
It
is

elaborate

form

in the fourth century after Christ.

mainly Christian in its origin, springing up through the vigour and initiative imparted by the adoption of new thoughts and manners.
4. No trace of the Isaurian scheme of ornament has been found North Lycaonia or Phrygia or anywhere on the land-road to Rome.
in
5.

The

Isaurian ornament

is

traced along the road to the pro-

vincial capital Tarsus.

92
6.

A.

MARGARET RAMSAY
called the
its

This Oriental Province,

Three Eparchies,

Cilicialine

Lycaonia-(south)-Isauria,'was following development during the third century. 7. From Tarsus the Isaurian scheme

own independent
made
its

of

way

to

Rome

and

this
8.

must have been by the sea-road. In North Lycaonia little trace of new
;

artistic

forms can be

detected
9.

but such as are found are entirely Christian in character.

In Isauria the artistic impulse is attested by the artists' custom of signing their works.* This habit is hardly known in any other part of Central Anatolia.

As the epitaph of Zenobius the following of work rhythm may be permitted


Appendix.
village
at

is

much above
attempt

the level
it

that

time,
:

to express

in

Fairest

was Hylas among

all

heroes of ancient story,


;

Fair as the deathless gods, young Hylas who died in the fountain So, 'mid his peers who dwelt in the well-walled land of Isaura,

the radiant sun the boy Zenobius fairest ; was he, to his townsfolk alike and to strangers. And dear to the gentle maidens who loved him admiring his beauty. Envy, alas, the accursed, unpitying suddenly laid him

Shone

like

Dear unto

all

Low,

in the pride of his youth,


his

Therefore did Herakleis

and withered the branch yet in blossom; mother, along with her children.

Raise for her darling a beautiful


! !

tomb

for greatly she loved

him.

Envy, away go hide thy head ah, would the immortals Utterly might destroy thee thyself, for the ill thou hast wrought
*
Examples
:

us.

in

this

volume,

p.

169; J.H.S., 1904,

p.

279

1905, p. 175

Sterrett, IVolfe Exp., pp. 23,

511 ; etc. Paporinda, Porinda.

41, 49 {cf. Hist. Geogr., p. 382) ; B.C.H., 1886, p. In several cases the artists mention their Isaurian home, Astra, Lystra,

II.

SMYRNA

AS DESCRIBED BY THE AELIUS ARISTIDES.


W. M. CALDER.

ORATOR

SMYRNA AS DESCRIBED BY THE ORATOR


AELIUS ARISTIDES.
(Map,
p.

115.)

The
at

city

of Smyrna

lies

its

eastern end.

on the southern shore of the Gulf of Smyrna, The modern city slopes down from Mount
its

Pagus, and extends, with


*

tepe
*

suburbs, beyond the hill called Deirmenon the west, and close to the Caravan Bridge River on the

The name " Corypheum " which some


a passage in

be derived from

Pausanias (535)

eiro^^j; 8c kox

have applied to this hill appears to Kar e/tc 'S.fj.vpvaioi's Upov

to

The temple referred fitra^ Kopv(f>rj^ Tt opous Kal OaXdcrcrrj^ d/ityovs vSan dWotw. was a temple of Asklepios to which further reference is made in Pausanias, 172

aTTo &f Tov Tlfpya/xrjvSiv S/iupvatoi? yeyovfv


It

has been usual to take the word Kopv<jirj " " Mount name, and Coryphe has been identified with Deirmen-tepe. " has accordingly been placed between Mount Coryphe and the sea at
it

iff)' rj/j-uiv 'A(TK\rjTn(ioi' to iirl 6a\d<Tcrr). in the former of these passages as a proper

The temple
a

point where

from admixture with water from elsewhere," Deirmen-tepe, between it and the sea.
is

free

i.e.,

on the northern slope of


surely

Two
Pagus only

difficulties arise
;

on

this view,

(i) opoi at

Smyrna could

mean the

and

(2) the

Greek words

OaXda-a-rj^ daiyoCs vSari

dWoto) can scarcely

Such an expression is inapplicable to the sea at any The force of the adjective point round the eastern part of the Gulf of Smyrna. "a salt spring ". The exbe must rather be "that will not mix," and OdXaa-a-a must will not mix with other water ". pression would then mean "a salt spring whose water
bear the translation given above.

A temple of Asklepios might well be built beside such a spring. On this view, the words Kopv<j>ri opov^ will mean "the summit of Pagus" and the form "Corypheum
will rank
salt

with "Grampian
is

".

It

is

no proof of the
;

falsity

of

this hypothesis that

no

now known at Smyrna it may have disappeared (as the Fountain of spring in the Roman Forum disappeared and its site was unknown until the recent Juturna Of excavations), or it may still exist, and be incorporated in one of the drains.
course, the ultimate test
is

excavation, and discovery of the temple.

If Kopu<^i7

is

proper name,

it

must mean Deirmen-te'pe.

96
east,

W. M.
occupying
natural
all

CALDER

The

the intermediate space close up to the sea- shore. features of the site are well marked, and have not

changed since the early centuries of our era. Then, as now, the city mantled round the two hills on the west and south, and nestled in the Then, as now, the city gave slope between them and the sea-shore. the impression of a beautiful and harmonious divine figure, whose
feet rested

on the strand and whose body rose by harmonious gradait

tions until

Aristides, extended above the throughout its whole length ;

culminated in the wall-crowned Pagus. sea, and the bloom of

The
its

city, said

beauty shone

but looked as

if it

uniform was

it

in

it was not like a town built bit by bit, had sprung of a sudden into being, so full and The sea seemed to creep yearningly all its parts.

up and seek

pression " and the havens After the city had been restored, he says again The attitude is that represented in the enjoy the city's embrace ". f Gaia and Thalatta in the pediment of the Athenian Parthenon ;

Speaking of Smyrna after it had been destroyed by the earthquake of a.d. i 8o, Aristides uses the ex" O ye havens that miss the embrace of your beloved city ".*
to

embrace the

city.

group
tude.

a coin-type of

Smyrna shows Dionysos and Semele

in the

same

atti-

high knees of Semele are intended to give the idea of a high steep hill rising above the temple of Dionysos. (Fig. p. 97.) The imagery is elsewhere varied, and the sea is said to float bestiff

The

neath the city like a pedestal J on which the feet of the city rest. over all, and attunes the whole city into harbright sheen swims

*
xviii.,
f

6 (Keil)
:

Xi/xeVtg iroOovvre^ toi? r^s

^(Xranjs

TroXetos dyicaXas.

xxL, 2 1

Kol

Sr]

XiyucVts TE KO/j-L^OfTai Ta's

TTJ's

<^iXtut7js ttoXecos flyKaXas.

In

xxi., 5,

Aristides speaks of Xi/xevas

Trj fJ-h' KVKXovfj.evov'S Tr;V TrdXir,

ry

8c vtto

ttj's

TrdXeus

ufo-ovi \o/xeVous.

The form
\ifx.riv

Smyrnaeans

their

of expression used here would no doubt suggest to the KXcto-Tos (Strabo, 646), which could be said figuratively to lie

in the city's arms.


if

xvii.,

19
3
:

r;

St

daXarra TVaparuvd Kaddirtp

(id(n^.

xviii.,

TrdSts /xev

kiu ak(ru>v ipeiSofievoi. rjiovtav Kai Xt/j-fviav


vol.
iii.,

Cf.

Men-

ander Rhetor (Spengel, Rhetores Graeci,


T<3 Xt/itV(.

351, 23), uxnrep

irocrlv eTria-Trjpi^fo-Oai

SMYRNA
mony with
"
itself

IN

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES

97

Smyrna was a from the bay in The modern


This stream
is

and the beautiful country around.* The " beauty of commonplace in ancient Ionia,f and Smyrna, as seen front, is still one of the loveliest sights in the Levant.
city stops

west of the Caravan

Bridge River.

mountain torrent rising near Sedikeui, about twenty miles south of Smyrna. It drains a long upland valley, and is fed
a

by

several hill-torrents
is

on both banks.
;

river

subject to violent spates

in

dry weather

In the rainy season this it flows with a tiny

stream, or

is

dry.

Its

course

lies

round the eastern

side of Pagus,
It

and then towards the

sea, in a

north-easterly direction.

meets
river

the sea in an estuary a few


*
xvii., 9.

hundred yards long.

Of

this

Aristides, /<;///>/.
iv.,

C/^ Lucian, xxxix., 2.

Cor/). Inset:

Gt:, ^zoi.

Philostratus,

j^poll. Tyaii., bk.

ch. 7.

Strabo, 646.

Prof.

Ramsay

has discussed this subject in


in detail the

his Letters

to the

Seven Churches, pp.

254

fF.,

where he explains
(see p. 103).

comparison

to a sitting statue of the

Smyrnaean goddess 7

98
Prof.

W. M.
Ramsay
writes
:

CALDER

"I went to see the lower course of the the 30th April, after a wet cold spring, Water on Caravan Bridge when the rains had just recently ceased. Half a mile above the mouth there was a tiny streamlet trickling in the deepest part of the bed. Near the mouth there was plenty of water, a considerable deep pool extending two hundred yards or more up from the mouth.
But
this

was not

really the river water.

Sticks

thrown into

it

drifted

up-stream away from the sea under the impulsion of a very gentle morning breeze which was blowing straight up the stream. You
could not say that the river to the mouth of the river.
'

meets the sea

'

a tiny

stream trickles

On

the other hand, as this river drains

the whole of a considerable upland valley, and the slopes of an extent of mountains, it carries a big torrent after heavy rains, a roaring

turbid mass of water.


far

It

has numerous sources and heads, some as

away

as twelve miles south,

and there are many small springs


it.

in

the

hills, 1

am

told,

which feed

The

water

is

now drawn

off to

in ancient times there can be help the water-supply of the city, but * little doubt that this was done to some extent."

few hundred yards to the east of the Caravan Bridge River another body of water enters the Gulf of Smyrna. Some thirteen

hundred yards south of the


fountain called

and copious the Baths of Diana, and the overflow from this
rises a splendid gulf, there

fountain
in
its

is

conducted

in

an

artificial

canal to the sea.

The

canal

The ancient cutting construction. present form is of modern the water overflowed and conand silted become to was allowed up,
Modern engineering has verted the plain around into a marsh. ancient what the for engineering had done before place again done the time when Aristides lived.
This canal
* Weber
is

the famous Meles, the traditional birthplace


"

of

in a paper entitled
xiv.,

arch'dologtichen Instituts, vol.

" in the Jahrbuch des Wasserleitungen von Smyrna that an shows aqueduct led water from p. 215,

Akbunar, south of one source of the Caravan Bridge River, down the valley of that Doubtless the water of the Caravan Bridge River was also utilised. river.

SMYRNA

IN

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES


his
.

99

Homer, whence he derived

very considerable by the fountain of Chalka-Bunar, or Diana's Bath,


in

" name " Melesigenes It carries a body of water to the sea. As it is fed exclusively
it

never varies

volume like the Caravan Bridge River, which rises or falls after Its temperature likewise varies little each season of rain or drought. In its very short course, there is no time for in summer and winter.
either hot or cold weather to have

does straight out of the earth, it the gods to men and was supposed to possess healing progift of Aristides describes a bath which the god Asklepios bade perties. him take in the Meles in mid-winter when he found the water mild

Rising as it was regarded by the ancients as a

much

effect

upon

it.

and warm.*
Bridge River.

The water
is

meeting with the sea

Of

flows with a strong steady current, and its markedly in contrast with that of the Caravan " this meeting, Prof. Ramsay writes Diana's water
:

flows with a steady, strong, deep, perfectly calm, noiseless stream not a ripple on the surface. Sticks or other light objects floated

rapidly

and evenly down and out to


:

sea, in spite

breeze blowing nearly up the water. The was well marked the two waters were clearly distinguished by the character of the waves, and the ripple caused by the meeting was very
distinct.!
it is

of the very gentle meeting of sea and river

Standing on the bridge and looking down at this water, so still that it seems motionless until some stick moves down

with a rapid course." This is the only stream (except the river " " Hermus) which meets the sea at its mouth with a full current.

The

total length

of

this

stream

is

thirteen

hundred yards.

Its

whole course can be taken

in at a glance.

character, distinct *
xlviii.,

Each of the two streams has thus a strongly marked individual from the other. There are other streams in the
21
:

wo-irep iv KoXvfjijiriOpa.

koi

fxaka.

rjirCov

koI

KKf)afiivov

wSaros

i\fmixriv SiaTptftrj.

f
avpa

C/C

Aristides, xvii., 14.

Philostratus,

ciKwes, 413.
Trepi)(i<;

Kv/;ia

atpuiv

Xeirrr]
rj

Kv/ia vtroSpafiovcra fpya^erai avTO Kvprov koX

Koi avOrjpov

tri,

yap

avravytia tov rjKiov

vSari. )(pS>ixa 7rpo(7/3aA.Xi. /xT<opa) T(o

lOO

W. M.

CALDER

plain of Smyrna, entering the gulf on its eastern side. At the southeastern corner the gulf is joined by a long torrent rising beyond Kabakli-dere, similar in character to the Caravan Bridge River.

Two

other mountain torrents flow through the plain, the streams

of Bournabat and Hadji Moutzo. A little to the east of the point where Diana's water joins it, the shore-line bends northwards at a right angle, and follows this direction
for about

two

miles,

when

it

bends westward, again


little

at a right angle.

The

outline of the coast here has undergone

or no modification

since the early centuries of our era.

northern side of the gulf,

This does not apply to the where the river Hermus has encroached on

the sea to a great extent. This river brings down large quantities of mud, which threatened so effectually to bar the entrance to the harbour of Smyrna, that a new channel was cut a few years ago, diverting the

Hermus

into an ancient bed of

its

own, and leading

it

into the

Gulf

of Smyrna at a point further west. before the town of Smyrna itself.

Nor does it apply to the shore-line At this point the accumulation of

rubbish which has always been a feature of the streets of Smyrna from * time to our own has gradually pushed the shore out conStrabo's Strabo speaks of a " land-locked siderably beyond the ancient line.
f as being one of the features of the Smyrna of his time. This harbour was in use until a.d. 1402, when its entrance was blocked

harbour

"

by Tamerlane, during his siege of the Rhodian knights. It was never attended to after this, and finally became choked up. Pococke +
says that small boats could enter the harbour in 1745 ; Chandler, who visited the city before 1775, tells us that even then the harbour

was

sufficiently
site

well-marked to become
is

The

of this harbour
646
:

now

with water in heavy rains. in the middle of the city ; it has been
filled

Strabo,

ti/

8i IkarToy/Mi

twv apxiTCKToviai' ov
to,

/xiKpov,

on

ras

oSous
v

cTTopi'WTes VTTOppvatis OVK iBiOKav avTOL'S dX\ iwnroXa^ii


TOis o/jifipoii
(Tta'fuifJi.ivtDV Ttuv a.TrotTKfv!ov,
ibiii.
:

tTKv^aXa Koi

/j,dX.i.aTa

t Strabo,

XifjLrjv

KXeto-rds.
ii.,

I Travels in the Easl, vol.

part

ii.,

p. 35.

Travels in Asia Minor, p. 63.

SMYRNA
built over,

IN

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES


it

loi

and

all

trace of

have been quite close to the jected in front of the town.


breeze which blows

has disappeared. As it must originally it is evident that the shore-line has prosea,

But on the eastern shore of the

gulf,

and

at its south-eastern corner, there has

been little change. The steady the almost up gulf every afternoon, sets up a surface current which causes a bottom current in the reverse direction ;

and

this has just sufficed to carry off the slight

accumulation of

silt

carried
its

down by
is

south-eastern corner.

the rivers entering the gulf on its eastern side, and at The ground at the south-eastern corner of
;

the gulf

the water
disrepair,

as has been said, the ancient cutting leading very marshy from the Baths of Diana to the sea was allowed to get into

was made over


marsh.

and the water spread over the adjoining country. A road this marsh forty or fifty years ago. This road crosses

its mouth and then traverses the worst part of the the road was projected, it was feared that the marsh would be a serious difficulty, but the engineer found that his natural

Diana's water near

When

line, close

to the coast, towards Bournabat, led along an ancient cause-

line

way, obviously that of the ancient Roman and pre-Roman road. The of the road to Bournabat is also marked by Roman milestone
to the

five, close

Bournabat.*

modern line, a quarter of an hour before reaching Remains show that Bournabat was a large town of villas
as
it is

and country mansions, just


Aristides describes a

to-day.

walk along this very road. After a de" " scription of the Meles, a cutting from the Springs of the Nymphs to the sea, flowing past the very doors of the city, he goes on to
this milestone in 190 1. column, beside the road from Mersinli to Bournabat.

* Prof. Ramsay copied

It

was inscribed on
in
its

a small

It

was standing

original

position, he considered, a

few hundred yards from the station


Tois 7ri](^ai/eo-[TaT^oii K.ai(ra[p](TLV

in Bournabat.

diro ^f/LVpvrj'i

This

is

M(t\ta) E. milestone of Diocletian and Maximian Augusti and Constantine and


:

Galerius Caesars

the top of the stone

is

broken

off.

I02

W. M.
* "
:

CALDER

say

tract

and when you have crossed the Meles you are met by a of country which Poseidon, I imagine, presented to the city,

like to

and yet different from his reported gift in Thessaly. For there he cleft the mountains asunder, and turned Thessaly from a

lake into a stretch of plain, sending the Peneus out through a cleft ; but here he withdrew the sea from the mountains, giving the city a
to correspond with that of the he did not leave the plain a miry marsh, nor did he bake it all hard, but the spade discloses signs of its ancient character, even if this was not proved by a glance at the surrounding country, on which the sea formerly rested. As you travel through this reclaimed plain, you find it full of springs of water and sweet fertility from end
fitting
sea.
Still,

adornment on the land-side

to

end.

A
on

little

further

on the

city,

which seems

to escort the

It is now at a shorter way, again bursts on the view. distance, and its fair features can be counted and measured off. No

traveller

his

is in such haste as to keep his eyes fixed on the road in front, and not change his position, placing what was before him on his right hand, and what was on his left, before his eyes."

man

The

course of this walk

is

clear

and unmistakable.

The

travel-

ler leaves the city, crossing the

bridge f over the Meles, and followfor a short distance the above-mentioned road to Bournabat. ing Where this road forks, he keeps to the left, and follows the shoreline through the fertile plain of Smyrna first northwards and then westwards as he turns westward, he again comes into full view of Smyrna, for, though his course lies westwards, he cannot resist the
:

impulse to turn his head slightly to the left, and feast his eyes on the beauty of the city, which "masters him by willing constraint as the magnet does the Travellers in all have iron-filings".
ages

been struck with the beauty of Smyrna as seen from anywhere near
*xvii.,
(li.
1

6,

17

It

was by

this road, too, that Aristides travelled to

Pergamus

2).

t Aristides'

reference in

xlviii.,

20, koI irdvT

^v KaToirra dn-o t^s

yt<l>vpti's,

is

doubtless to this bridge.

SMYRNA
this point.
It is

IN

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES


point that
its

103

from

this

resemblance to a sitting

statue

most clearly marked.* See p. 97 n. The Smyrna of the Roman period must have extended consideris

ably further eastward than the modern city. Strabo, Pausanias, Aristides, Philostratus and Himerius are our most important authorities
for the

topography of the Smyrna of the early centuries of our


city as
it

era.

These writers knew the


turies.

stood

in

the

first

four cen-

It had through many a hill on the northern side of the gulf, originally been situated on but this foundation had been destroyed by King Alyattes about the

Smyrna had

passed

vicissitudes.

year b.c. 600. Alexander the Great formed a design to refound the it was city on the southern shore of the gulf put into execution in the third century b.c. by Antigonus and Lysimachus. The walls of
:

Lysimachus encircled a city lying between the hills Pagus and DeirTheir circuit has been traced, and the remains men-tepe and the sea.

show

that the wall descended the eastern side of Pagus,


site

and then

ex-

tended north by the


delphia Railway.

of the modern station of the Smyrna-Philaset to the city

by the walls of Lysimachus ; but a place which formed the outlet of one of the great trade-routes of Asia Minor was destined soon to burst those
narrow bounds, and, by the time of Strabo, the foundation of Lysimachus formed only a part of Smyrna. He speaks of the Smyrna of
even his day, about the beginning of our era, as " having a fortified part on the hill, but its greater part in the plain beside the harbour

Such were the limits

and the temple of the Mother-Goddess and the Gymnasium".! The city now extended over the plain adjoining the- Pagus, first up to the Caravan Bridge River, and later across it, on the ground between
it

and the Baths of Diana.

Numerous remains of

ancient

in his Hieroi Logo},

*This walk coincides with the first part of the journey which Book v., at the beginning, and which is fully
in J.H.S., 1881, pp.

Aristides describes

discussed by Prof.

Ramsay

44

ff.

Strabo,

646

jixepos /neV rt

ixP^aa tV

opu.

TiTti-)(L<Tft.lvov,

to S vXiov iv

irc&'cji

irpoi Tu) Xififvi

Kal irpoi

tw

ixrp-ptfw koL irpoi yvp,vacTita.

104

W. M.

CALDER

around buildings have been found in modern times on the ground the hill Tepejik, between the Caravan Bridge River and the canal

which joins Diana's Baths with the sea. These remains belong to the centuries immediately before, and immediately after our era
and
if

we

are to understand certain statements in our authors,

it

will

appear that the city of which they are thinking included a large and populous part to the east of the Caravan Bridge River, and extending
close

up

to Diana's

Water.*

of Smyrna, mentions as one of them a magnificent street which leads you, as you walk from west to " from a The east, temple to a temple, and from a hill to a hill ".f only satisfactory identification of this street is that which makes it
Aristides, in praising the beauties

from the temple of Zeus Akraios,:^ to the temple of the MotherGoddess Sipylene, the fn^rpc^ov mentioned by Strabo. The former
lead

Fontrier, the best authority on the topography of Smyrna, with certain remains on the western slope of the latter is generally believed to have been situated on Pagus

has been identified by

M.

Tepejik.

Aristides

Tepejik when he

seems "

to
as

says

imply that it lay somewhere near you descend from the Acropolis you

next enter the eastern district (ra ewa eKSe^erat), and next you see that fairest of temples, the temple of the goddess whose the city is.
Indeed,
all

gymnasia, nature vying with each other


is

the space from this point to the shore is resplendent with squares, theatres, sacred precincts, harbours, man and

in the creation of beauty, and there no spot that is not turned to account for ornament or for use." The words to. ewa are literally correct if we place the fi-qrowov on

Cf. Aristides, xx., 21

When
/xiv

the city has been restored after


/lit)

its

devastation
fYii'.

by

the earthquake, he says, koI


{"Xvii.,

tuJ

McXt^ti i>v&ev e^TroSwi' to

tovs irpotTocKovi
I'twi'

10: avo iuirtpai


Street ".

wpos

tui fia^i^tov

(k itoj t eis

^^cis xai (k
street

Koktovaiv irpo's Koktovov 81* Cfos artvmirov

kuWiovo^

r/

Kara Tovvofia.

The

was

called the
1

" Golden

See Prof. Ramsay, Letters

to

the Seven Churches, pp.

260, 443.

gxvii., 10,

u.

SMYRNA
Tepejik, which
Trpo 7rdX.&Js (as
lies
is

IN

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES

105

The goddess was nearly due east of the Pagus. stated in an inscription), and this term must mean

the east side of the city. And further, the words which follow prove that the ground between Tepejik. and the sea was covered with important buildings in the age of Aristides as in the age of Strabo.
ancient city-wall, once built, was not necessarily fixed in its for ever ; at Ephesus, and elsewhere, we find the original site position of the city-wall changed to suit changed conditions. And alpriori certainty that a large and valuable suburb a in the city adjoining peaceful time of the Roman imperial regime should have been walled ; though, further, no traces of such a wall

An

though there

is

no a

round the eastern suburb of Smyrna have so far been found, we yet have sure indications in Aristides, that in his the walls of day, firstly, had been and the extended to Lysimachus extended, secondly, city-wall
the east of the

Caravan Bridge River, which flowed through the city. * In one Aristides refers to the death of a Roman genepassage

near Smyrna, and his burial " within the This present gates ". event took place the Mithradatic a date which Wars, during places it between Lysimachus and Strabo, in whose time the walls of Lysiral

machus may

still

have been the sole defence works

at

Smyrna.t

The

Roman general, according to ancient custom,| was buried outside the walls of the city, doubtless by the side of the road leading to Tepejik,
alongside which

many

ancient

tombs have been found.

But

his

" within ihe The only grave, Aristides says, lies present gates ". possible inference is that the wall was extended sometime between
the burial of the

general and the date of Aristides' letter, The extenpossibly after the date at which Strabo visited Smyrna.
XIX.,
1 1
:

Roman

eicro) tcui'

vvv TrvXwv.

f But

see pp. 114, II 6.

Ad Fam., iv., 12, where Servius Sulpicius tells Cicero of I Compare Cicero, " Ab the death and burial of M. Marcellus. Atheniensibus, locum sepulturae intra urbem ut darent, impetrare non potui, quod religione se impediri dicerent ; neque
tamen
id antea

cuiquam concesserant."

io6

W. M.

CALDER

sion of the city-wall to include the grave in question enabled Aristides to credit the city with having done the general a greater honour

than had really been done him ; the significance of the word vvv in eio-w Twv vvv TTvXwp, may have escaped the readers of the letter, just as it seems to have escaped all those who have written on the topoAnd if the general of whom in modern times. of

graphy

Smyrna

in one of the numspeak, as is reasonable to suppose, was buried erous graves turned up by the spade between the Caravan Bridge River

we

and Tepejik, round which a large suburb of Smyrna was established beyond a doubt that the wall which included
within
its

built,

it is

circuit

his grave extended eastwards to near the Baths of Diana.

* rivers at Aristides in another passage mentions two Smyrna, " in front of the city ". one " flowing through the city," the other

With

reference to the

first his

words

are

t "I must do as follows

city,

First mount the carriage and go to the river which flows through the I have come to the point where it is just outside the city, and when I must oflFer trench-sacrifice ". Speaking of the second, his

And at the same time he bade me go down to the river of the city and bathe. ... It was midwinter with a temwere so fast bound pestuous north wind and frost, and the pebbles
words
are
:

"

in front

*The

third river, to

which he

refers in

xlviii.,

50

{i.:ei

8i TropevOevra Trpos

Tas Trrjyas ras Offi/xa^ rio /xlv dtpn^o iJSaTi fir] ^prjcrOai, Tiio 8i irapappiovTL TroTa/to!), was a stream near the Otpp-aX 'Ayapffivoieioi some miles to the west of Smyrna. Cj.
Philostratus,
Otpp.al
iv

Heroicus,

300
cti

xai

Xovrpa rois TiTpwfiivois fiavTevTa iytvtTo,


Ayafj,ep,vov(iovi

TTrjyal

Itavia,

as

kiiI

vvv

Kakoxxriv ol '^p.vpvav

oikowtcs.

oMiyovcTi 8e, oT/xai, TCrrapaKovTa iiraSitt tov acrreos Koi avTJTTTn ttotc auTOis ai)^p.dX.urTa
Kpcivrj

Mva-ia.
j"

See also Strabo, 645.

xlviii.,

27

(IXXa Sciv ovTo) TToicir, TrpCyrov p.iv ava/3dvTa


TTji

Itti

to ^evyos iXOiiv hrl

TOV TTOTiifWV

Tor' Sici

TTokiui^ piovTa,

ytv6p,ivov Sc ov <TTiv ^St; e^u) Ttji TToXeois

Upa. Spa<Tat tTrifiodpux.


J xlviii., 18,

19, 20, 2

Kai u/xa xtXcu'et


. .

Karapavra (h tov
)^fip.u>v

iroTap.ov

tw

Trpo

T^S TToXcus piovTa Xovcruo'dai


Kpv/xoi,

^v 81 Kal /itVos

Kai ^opta^ ju,eXas koX

Koi

at

>j/rj(f>i8f<;

outods vtto toB Trayov Trpbi dXXjjXas i8(S(VT0


. .
,

waTt

ioiKtvai

(TTdO' mfTTTtp, fV KpVCTTaXXlO <TW)^tL, Koi TO vSlDp OlOV CtKOS V T0l01JT<p aipi Kokv/ji^-^Opa Kal /ittXa ^iriov Kal KeKpa/xivov uSaTos (xpiap.rjv SiaTpt/Sr".

SMYRxNA IN THE ORATOR ARISTIDES


with the frost that they resembled a continuous sheet of rain was as cold as usual in such a temperature and
. . .

107
ice,
I

and the

bathed in

water as mild and

warm

as a

swimming-bath."

these passages is interesting as being the only reference in Aristides to the Caravan Bridge River. Obviously, no " " " " river flowed through the city if by the we are to undercity

The former of

stand that part of it enclosed by the walls of Lysimachus. And the Caravan Bridge River is the only stream that can have flowed through
the extended city, as a glance at the map (p. 115) will show. It is further evident that the river in question passed through the extended
city-wall referred to in the other passage we walls of Lysimachus reached quite close to the

have quoted for the Caravan Bridge River,


;

and any extension of them must have carried them across it. " The " could be either the point where the river is just outside the city
point immediately south of where it entered the city, or, supposing that it passed through the city-wall again before reaching the
the point immediately north of where it issued through the wall. The former is the more likely ; the water here would be clean and
sea,

could be used for the sacrifice which Aristides was

commanded

to

perform.
than probable that a wall, perhaps only a rough defence work, stretched from the eastern ridge of Pagus across to Tepejik, and thence to the north near the course
it

These indications make

much more

It may be that Dio Chrysostom was referring to this extension of the city-wall at Smyrna when he said to the men of * " Prusa man must shape his shoe to suit his foot, and if he find it too But a city must never be docked or large, cut it down.

of the canal.

stunted to one's individual standard or measured with reference to


one's

own
It

of this

have examples principle in the cases of Smyrna, Ephesus, Tarsus, Antioch." has been necessary to lay stress on the existence of this large
soul, if that soul be

puny and mean.

You

*xl.. II.

io8

W. M.

CALDER

and populous walled suburb in the time of Aristides, in order to clear away a difficulty with regard to the identification of the ancient Meles. Strange as it may appear, modern Smyrniots cling to its identification

in spite

with the Caravan Bridge River, as a point of local patriotism, of the most convincing proofs that the Meles of ancient
the water

Smyrna was

from the Baths of Diana.

The ancient Meles, after having been unquestioningly identified with the Caravan Bridge River until a couple of centuries ago, has subsequently been considered identical with no fewer than four
running into the Gulf of Smyrna on its eastern and south-eastern shores. Besides the popular view that the Caravan
distinct streams

advanced by Truon in 1 8 13, and ably supported by Slaars (1868),* applying the name of the Meles to the water from the Baths of Diana, one must record, in
Bridge River was the Meles, and the view
first

order to refute in a sentence, the opinion of Michaud (1830), and of Hamilton (1842), that the Meles of Aristides was the river beside Bournabat, and the alternative suggestion of Hamilton that it might be the stream running through the plain of Smyrna from behind Kabaklidere and entering the sea in the very south-eastern corner of the gulf.
Aristides speaks t of the sea as " stretching far enough to the east of the Meles to form a bight". glance at the map will show that this excludes from consideration any river entering the gulf on its

eastern side, even

if

view that the Meles was one of those


that the

there were a shred of evidence to support the rivers. On the view of Weber

Meles of the Homeric poem, beside the Aeolic Smyrna, was when the city was refounded on the south side of the gulf the name Meles was transferred to a
the stream beside Bournabat, and that
river close at hand, viz., the * See
Prof.

Caravan Bridge Water,

it

is

not neces-

Slaars,

E(ud( sur Smyjtie, appendix.

Ramsay

in his Historical Geography of Asia Minor, p. 115,

This view has been maintained by and Letters to the Seven

Churches, p. 263, almost alone

among

recent scholars.
(<a

xvii.,

19:

TotTiivTov Tov

McXt/tos TTpoi

TraoaXXjiTTOva-a. ocrov

th

xa/xirnv

jrapt^tKOtiv.

SMYRNA
sary to

IN

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES

109

comment

here.*

We

are concerned only with the

Meles

known

to Strabo, Pausanias,

Aristides, Philostratus and Himerius,

the Meles of the refounded

The only two

rivers

Smyrna. whose claims to be

identical with the

Meles

of Aristides merit serious consideration are the Caravan Bridge River and the water from the Baths of Diana. After reading the descrip-

Meles in Aristides and Himerius and comparing them with the accounts of the Caravan respectively Bridge River and Diana's Water given above, one can be in no doubt as to the correct
tions of the
identification.

Indeed,

if

one were

at

a loss for

words to describe

the

tions of Aristides

Water of Diana, one could not do better than borrow the descripand Himerius. Speaking of the Meles, the former
"

the ornament before our doors, which we call the Meles, and which guards the entrance to the city as Apollo guards the streets, is a cutting from the springs of the nymphs to the sea, giving them
says f

a bathing-place of flowing water, and a spot not far from the sea wherein to welcome the daughters of Nereus. The Meles flows alike

from houses, and from under trees it wells up too in the midst of its own bed, and flows onwards to the sea. At its source
grots,
;

from

it

is

circle-shaped,

and might well be likened to a necklet

the rest

of

its

course
;

is

like a canal.

noiseless

it

smooths down

meeting with the sea, it is almost the surge, and mingles quietly with the
its

At

forming a bore if the sea is advancing under the impulsion of the wind, but following it if it is ebbing, raising river and seasea- water,
It is extremely likely that the canal from Sipylos, pp. 103, 104. Baths was always the Meles. It was within easy distance of the Aeolic as well as of the Smyrna of Alexander. And although it was common for Smyrna

Weber,

Diana's

Greeks to carry their old place-names with them to their colonies, it is very unlikely that they should have transferred the name of the Meles from one river to another
within two miles of
stream.
it.

This would have been


to

to

tamper with the sanctity of the

In Sir Ch. Wilson's Handbook

stated about the Meles,

on

his

own

Asia Minor (Murray) the right view is the rest of the account of Smyrna was authority
:

written by

Mr. Weber.
14.

xvii.,

no
ing takes place."

W. M.

CALDER
tell

water into a single ridge, so that one could not

where the meet-

This passage shows that the Meles was outside of and yet near
the
city.
It

flowed

in

an

artificial

channel

(SiojpvxTJ,

evpLuo^)
"

" which carried a body of running water from certain springs to The nymphs of the stream, who dwelt about the irrj-yai, the sea.

could receive a

visit

from the Nereids of the


(8t'

sea, for

the distance be-

tween was not great

shaped like a necklet [cf. It was noisethe rest of it resembled a canal. Chalka = kvkXos) less where it joined the sea, gliding quietly into union with it,
;

The head of the stream was oXtyou). the modern Turkish name Chalka-bounar ;

raising a tidal

wave

if

the wind blew from the north-west, but if the

This coincides exactly with Prof. swell was receding, following it. of the mouth of Diana's Water, quoted above. Ramsay's description * " The praises of the Meles I now leave to Again, Aristides says, others to sing ; indeed, the sight of the river itself is its own greatest
praise.

For

it

never varies

in

summer or
it

winter, and never behaves

insolently as the result

of spates nor yields to drought, but, like any

other of the things that change not,

complexion throughout.

Nor

is

the Meles a

keeps the same aspect and wayward stream, or apt


city, that

wander away stray from her


to
in the

it

is

like a lover

of the

cannot bear to

side, but cherishes unending love towards her, and keeps unending guard over her ; so that it rises and ends its course

were, by the city's side." This passage shows us that the Meles had an equable temperature in summer and winter, being subject neither to spates nor to
it

same small

spot, stretching itself, as

was quite imperturbable in all seasons, maintaining the Like a lover of the city it never same appearance throughout.
drought.
It

wandered away from her, but took its rise and joined the sea within a Philostratus f also alludes to the shortness of short distance of her.
*xxi.,
14..
:

oparai to! OcaTy o\os, iKtl fK^aXXuiV oOev ap^erai (philostratus, tiKovc;, 413 tiKot Tov '(j'vy)^op(Viv Tas 6tas ctti to) MtAiyri irape^^Ofitvia Tas Tnjya^ ov iroppia

SMYRNA
the Meles, and
its

LNf

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES


"

iii

The proximity to the sea in all its length. see it in its whole length, can it does, and as rising, spectator joining the sea in the same place ... it is natural that the goddesses should
close

beside the Meles, whose springs are close to its join to dance estuary." * elsewhere of " the grove of Smyrna, in which the Meles He speaks

the form of the expression suggests, that course of the Meles the whole lay within the grove, it is a further its of with Caravan Himerius disproof identity Bridge River. " of of the banks the Meles as speaks blooming with cypress and reed," doubtless belonging to the grove mentioned by Philostratus.
flows
:

"

if this implies, as

There

is a further reference to this grove, which proves that it must have lain low in the plain, near the sea-level, and just outside of

Smyrna.
the

Aristides, in a passage quoted on p. 96 (note ), speaks of of the city resting on the strand, on harbours and groves ". The grove referred to can only have lain to the east of the city,

"

feet

where

it

slopes

down from

the Pagus to the level of the plain.

The

reference in another passage of Aristides, f where he speaks of the Meles as " rising from under trees," is clearly to the same grove.
is equally clear and " for one " This he Meles," says, may not lightly pass over in silence a stream that has given birth to such a singer, rises in

Himerius' reference to the Water of Diana


+

indubitable.

the suburbs of Smyrna, and


*
TTtpi

is

born of a multitude of springs rising


vii.,

Philostratus,

Life

of
iv

Apdlonius of Tyana,
(0

9, p.

132: 8te\eyTo

TO ve'^os T^9

'Sifi.vpvq's,

6 McXt/s.

f xvii.,
\

14.
xiii.,
Sr]

Himerius, Ecloge

31 (given as

xviii.,

31, in the Diibner index)

yap

8^ MtA.i;s ovTos, ov yap


avl(r\(i
ttXtjctiov

Oi/jui crtwirj; iraptX-Ouv


{sic)

yXSxrcrav Toa-avrrjv yei'vijO-avTa,

p.iv

iv trpoacTTtioiv

i-^s
atji

^/xipviQi,

tiktovcti 8

aWrjXiov j3\a(TTavov(rat

mv

irX.rjp./ji.vptov

avrov fivpiat. injyai Kai 6 irora/xoi TreXayi^fi t wiis K


6)($a.';

mjywv

Kol 7r\a)T09 Kai bX-Kaai Koi

Kiairrj

yiviTat

Trapa/xuxj/a^ Si Tas eKarepioOa'

KmrapLTTia KO/xiocras Koi SovaKi,


(Kfivo KaXeiy

Trj irXr^KTiov

ov yap rj)(ovvToi

a.KOv<rri,

OaXaTrrj KoivovraL to pevfjLa, (I ptvfia dtfiK oiSi So^eiev av aoi to v8<op <^ipi(rBai, aXX

UMTTTtp Tiv (pa<TTrj<i TTatBLKoiv

(Twovaiav

kXci/'oi )8ouA.oju.cvos,

XaOpa Ty daXaTTrj

Kipvarai,

Xfaivuyv TO Kv/ia T(p pivfiari.

112
close to each other.

W. M.
The
river

CALDER

forms a deep channel immediately after issuing from these fountain-heads, and is navigable by merchant

And when it has flowed past its banks, hulks, impelled by oars. which bloom with the cypress and reed, it unites its current with the
neighbouring sea, if current it may be called ; for you cannot hear a sound it makes, nor does the water appear to move at all, but like a lover seeking stealthily to join his loved one, it blends furtively with
the sea, smoothing

down

the

wave with

its

flow."

It is fed by a very suburbs of Smyrna. its close beneath of number source, together. Just springs, rising large it forms a deep body of water, which can bear big barges, and is wide

This Meles

rises in the

enough
is

for oars to be used.

It

moves

noiselessly

on to the

sea,

which

close at hand.

Pliny too mentions that the source of the Meles

was

close to the

town of Smyrna.*
out of a reference to the Meles " The river Meles at
its

No

real difficulty arises

in

Pausanias, f as has been supposed.

he says, "

is

a very beautiful water, with a cave at

springs,

Smyrna," where

There is now no cave poems." at or near Diana's Baths, but there were remains of ancient building there, which doubtless comprised an artificial grot from which the

Homer

is

said to have

composed

his

Meles or some of

its

springs issued.+

But various caves

in the vicinity

of Smyrna have led to the identification of this or that river with the " cause any difficulty. Nor need the mention of " springs Meles. This has been supposed to favour the opinion that the Caravan Bridge

River was the Meles

that river, as has been said,

number of springs

in the hills.

of the Meles " rose close

is fed by a large But Himerius says that the springs " and this could scarcely be said together
;

of the widely scattered hill-streams which feed the Caravan Bridge


*
Pliny, Hist. Nat.,
v.,
1

18

Restituta ab Alexandre in ora

Smyrna amne Meleti


kolXXkttov, koX

gaudens non procul or to.


j"

Pausanias,

vii.,

v.

12

S/xupvotois St jrora/xos Me'Ai;?

ilSoup Icrri

ra arrj \fyovaiv. (nrriKaiov tVi rais Tri^yais IvBa. "'O/j.ripov Troi^crat


J avTpov, (nrrjXaxov, are

applied to buildings

see the lexicons.

SMYRNA
River.

IN

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES

113

Moreover, those who hold that the mention of several springs points to the identification of the Meles with the Caravan Bridge River are involved in a much greater difficulty with regard to the cave,
" beside the For how any one which, Pausanias says, was springs ". cave can have been beside the various springs that run into the

Caravan Bridge River requires some demonstration. On the other if we the that there was an artificial grot at hand, accept hypothesis
the Baths of Diana, the difficulty vanishes.

reading the descriptions of the Meles which have been quoted from ancient authors, any one can affirm that the Caravan Bridge River is the modern representative of the Meles, it is difficult to conceive. The language exactly, and word by word, fits the Water

How,

after

of Diana

no single expression is applicable to the Caravan Bridge River. But Smyrniot prejudice clings to the view that the longer river nearer the city was the Meles, the birthplace of Homer, and
;

Smyrniots are hard to convince that the evidence is all in favour of Challca-Bunar. Tsakiroglos* indignantly excludes the latter from consideration as being " not a river at all, but a mere group of
springs, and yet, forsooth, is thought worthy to bear the world-famed and adored name of the Meles " Some of Tsakiroglos' arguments
!

Meles is the Caravan Bridge River are ingenious, but they will not bear examination. He attempts to explain Aristides' comparison of the Meles to a canal by reference to an ancient channel of the Caravan Bridge River, traces of which have been found not
to prove that the

But this explains present course, east of the Pagus. an that arise in infinitesimal of the difficulties fraction away only this view. It does not how the Caravan satisfy us, for instance,
far
its

from

Bridge River can ever have formed a deep channel, capable of bearing " barges, immediately below its springs ; nor how the words, rising

and entering the sea in the same spot," can be applied to a river rising Moreover, beyond the hills twelve miles away in an upland valley. " " can the " whole course of such a river " be taken in at a glance
.?

^fivpyaiKo., vol.

ii.,

p.

44.

114

W. M.
Tsakiroglos
to
fit

CALDER

when he is involved in even greater absurdities the walk described by Aristides* into his view of the In order to do this, he has to conduct Arissituation of the Meles.
tries

imaginary walk from the Baths of Diana up the road to Kukluja, a village high on the hills to the south-east of Smyrna.
tides

on

his

would be walking straight away from Smyrna, and from what point in such a walk could the traveller be said to see the city 8t' eXaxTovos 17817 ? Further, the change of position indicated by Aristides would not enable a man walking in
But
in this case

Aristides

man, instead of placing what was before him on his right hand and what was on his left before his eyes," would have to face about. Aristides was, in fact, thinking of a walk in an entirely different
direction, as has been

this direction to get a full "

view of the

city.

In order to do this, a

the traveller on crossing it was reclaimed not a wide piece of ground, but a large suburb of Smyrna. But the opinion that the Meles was the Caravan Bridge River

shown above. Bridge River, what would have met

It

the Meles were the Caravan

seems to receive stronger support from a difficult passage of Strabo. Strabo's evidence for the topography of Smyrna, it must be noted, is The description of a visitor to not so valuable as that of Aristides.
Aristhe city cannot be preferred to that of a dweller in the city. and was one of her most distinguished tides lived much in Smyrna,

and honoured

citizens.

He

spoke to people well acquainted with

and proud of their local features, and, despite the poetical language in which he clothes many of his descriptions, we feel in reading the Smyrnaean speeches that they are the work of a man who thoroughly

knew

much
"

the place he was describing and praising. of Strabo.

We

cannot say so

Strabo speaks of Smyrna and the Meles in the following terms

the fairest city earth, having a fortified part on the hill, but its greater part in the plain beside the harbour and the temple of the Mother-Goddess, and the Gymnasium ". Further
is

And now (Smyrna)

on

*See page 102

f.

Strabo, 646.

SMYRNA

IN

THE ORATOR ARISTIDES

"5

ii6

W. M.
says,

CALDER
".

on he

" and the river Meles flows close to the wall

This

statement that the Meles was close to the wall, following as it does his mention of the " walled part on the hill," gives a prima facie plausi-

of the Caravan Bridge River to be the Meles ; for it flows close to the line of the walls of Lysimachus, which formed But it must be the fortification on the hill to which Strabo refers.
bility to the claims

observed that Strabo's mention of a fortified part of the city on the hill does not preclude the possibility that there existed, even in his

His words show that day, defensive lines round the enlarged city. some of the buildings supposed to have stood on the ground east of
the Caravan Bridge River existed in his time ; and he might well " fortified " without prejudice to such speak of the Acropolis being
fortifications as

may have

existed in other parts of the city.

It

may

of course be objected to this, that if by the TV)(o<i beside which, according to him, the Meles ran, he meant a wall between the Caravan Bridge River and Diana's Water, he would have specified the existence of such a wall separately. But the objection has no weight. Strabo in his brief description of Smyrna had to omit much, and he could
not include in
it

a full account of the walls


:

and of the different parts

constructed at different times

of their construction
It
is

probably he did not know the history certainly he thought the subject unimportant.

a pleasure to thank Prof.

given help in writing this paper. fountains in which many of the Anatolian rivers, like the Meles, have their source, rise, as a rule, in a large number of springs gushing

W. M. Ramsay for much readilyHe informs me that the great

out of the ground near one another. There are two such large fountains in the Smyrna valley, Bunar-Bashi, the ancient Periklystra, Such streams were sacred ; but and Chalka-Bunar, the Meles.
variable rivers, which waxed and almost disappeared in the cycle of the year, were not sacred, for they lacked the divine character of uniformity and continuousness.

III.

EPITAPHS IN PHRYGIAN GREEK.


A.

PETRIE.

EPITAPHS IN PHRYGIAN GREEK.

The

following inscriptions is based on the epigraphic Some of them have been published by Le copies of Prof Ramsay. Bas and Waddington, and by M. Perrot in his Exploration Archeolotext ot the

gique ; and most ot them have been revised at a comparatively recent date by Mr. J. G. C. Anderson, of Christ Church, Oxford. The
restorations in the text, unless otherwise mentioned, are those of the * and restorations transcription given me by Prof. Ramsay ; suggested

by him, when not printed

in the text, are indicated

by the

letter
;

Of

the other letters in the apparatus criticus, A.


;

= Anderson

R. L. =

Le Bas
self are

IV.

Waddington

Per.

Perrot.

Readings due to my-

denoted by P.

I.

FIVE EPITAPHS

FROM ALTYN-TASH.
(0

Copied L., Per., R., 1881, yf. 'EvOdSc -yrj Kare^^i ("ieohwpav
Kal /caXXt Kal jxeyeOu
^(s) <f>do^
*
/cat

rrjv nepi] ^cjtov

iiJi.(f)po(Tvvr)

8e /xaXicrra,
Xa/A7rei.

-qeXiov ykyKepaiTepov ovkctl

be prepared for [This transcription (except of the last two) was begun to of other the in in work, and 1 88 but was left unfinished pressure publication 1-4,
I made much use of M. Perrot's to Mr. Petrie in its inchoate form. of and tender several of the my best thanks to him. I did publication inscriptions, This last work was not in Mr. not then possess Kaibel's Epigrammata e lapidibus.

handed over

hands (owing to my forgetting his very useful collection), but I have taken the liberty of adding some references to his readings, which are derived from older A complete statement of various and often the text on the stone.
Petrie's

copies,

disregard

readings seems needless.


has been invaluable.

W.

Mr. Anderson's

revision of the texts

on the stones

in

1897

M.

R.]

I20

A.

PETRIE

dvdea iravTa
5

<f>vov(Tiv,

/caXXo? Se to crbv fiefjidpavTai,,


[eSfr)]crev.

Kal y^

are

xare^^ei koI dveK^aTO<; oIko<s


oXrj ttjv crrfv yvcLfi-qv

TeCfirjcrev

varpU

KadopcovTc^.

&eoSa>pa, K:\aSos eXeas, Ta)(v ttw? ifj.apa.v0y)? ; KkavcraT 'ikaip.ova TrdvT<; eoSw/Da? veoTrjTav,
rfju
(T(a(f>pova

Kal evyeviSa,

rj

tyjv iraTpioa Trpo\t\\iev.

'OvrjcrijLto?

^ikipoiTO? Irt 4>iX7yrw Kal KaXXiycfeta

t,o}v

crvv toI<; TratStot? [jlov


'Ovr^crvprf,

/cat

(tvu

tw yafifipa
p,vrip.r)<;

EuTvxiw, /Acra tov iyyovov BacriXtou,


Xdptv.
3.
5. i5(s),

inoLy](rajji,ev

p.

; ;

rj,

Kaibel,

/J.

Xa/^7ret,

^.
Kaibel.

oTkos,

^.

0|>k]os, L., ir.;


i.e.

o[p//,]os,

8.

eXaLfWi'o,

cXtj/xoi

a for

i\erjfji.ova.

The

reading

is

certain, R.,

A.

[8]ai/i.oi'a,

Kaibel.

9.

TrpoiXitj/ev,

A.

Here wrapt
sun's light

in earth lies

Theodora
all

Theodora
:

renowned for
shines not the

beauty and stature and above

for prudence
she.

now

on aught more fair than but thy bloom is faded, and earth none may 'scape hath bound thee
thee to see thy wisdom.

All the flowers do spring, laps thee, and the house whence fast. All thy country honoured

untimely withered
dora,

.''

Theodora, thou olive bough, why thus Weep all for Theodora's pitiful youth Theo-

the discreet and

the

noble,

that

hath prematurely

left

her

country.

Onesimus son of Phileros the surviving father, with my children Philetus, Calligenia and Onesime, together with Eutychius my sonin-law and Basilius

my
in

grandson, erected this to her memory.

The name was


beginning with deo-

probably pronounced Theudora, like


later centuries, cf.

many others
an inscripii.,

Theuprepia

in

tion of Orkistos, Ramsay, Cities

and

Bishoprics of Phr.,

p.

736,

and note

there.

EPITAPHS
Copied A.
]8vo
uvv(f)ai.

IN

PHRYGIAN GREEK
(2)

121

. .

'AfifjiLa

[kol

ZcjcrjifiT)';

dot8?]ijU,ijs
.

avTa^iov

afioL^rj<;

k Zwtikos iyyovo^.

and two daughters-in-law, Ammia and Zosimes (honoured) one who was worthy of the recompense of a memorial in verse and a grandson Zoticus. The conclusion of an epitaph dedicated to the
;

head of a large household

see pp. 71, 82, 150,

373

f.

(3)

Copied

-Z,.,

Per., R., 1881, J.


crrjfjia

'Aeveof rdSe

irarrfp eiSpucre Ovyarpi,

adavaTrjv TeLfirjv, fivrj^iocrvvov 8aKpvo)v MiqTyjp Se r) fiapvTTevda<; eirl Tkuov Ta^vfioipov


ep.avT'qv
5

^wcra (TvyKaredriKa

Td<^<i>,

LVKov IcTTopyrj^ SaKpvaL p.vpop.eva. Xatpot9, alcrdXk oSeira, (TO(l>a) vol p^dwe retfiav

UXovTOJvo'; /SacrtXTjo? iTn')(dovL(x)v dvdpcJTrov,


(o

ea-TL

^w/at? fiaKapcov TrdvTe<s 6(f>eLX6fie0a. yd^p) Kal iv (jjOcp-evovi Neyaecris p.eya, ecrri
fiXjdxI^rf^ Tvv/3ov

cttI

rvv^oi?,

10

fiyj

dXXd dvayvov<;

TrdpiOi.

Tet^ea? kol Noj/a yovels3. 5.

MrJTTjp 8e
la-Topyrj

/3.,

L.
a popular

is is

no doubt
Kaibel
/xtTo.

form of

o-Topyjj, illustrating

the same pro(p. 152).

thetic

tendency
6. 9.

as

seen in French "esprit" as


a/.
; ;

compared with Latin "spiritus"


;
o'fj.',

Heimsoeth
fi-iya,

01 /xcivve, If^.
(

avv, Per.

Kaibel

iari

= s'attache

aux tombeaux), Per.

before tvv^ov are completely lost in the copies of R. and Per. ; the latter has only the last two words of the line. ^. has VAiPIE and re10.
.

The words

stores as above.

aAAa

i/jiov TrdpiOi.,

L.

raised to his daughter this imperishable and I, the an honour monument, undying, a memorial of his tears mother, grief-stricken at my child's untimely death, laid me down
;

'Twas a father that

122
alive

A.

PETRIE

with her in the tomb, pining with tears for my love of her. with prudent mind to blessing on thee, good wayfarer, and fail not
*

show her

such reverence as pertains to Pluto, king of

upon the earth, to whom, saving only the immortals, For even 'mong the dead hath Nemesis great power, even amid Wherefore do no despite to this tomb, sepulchres holds she sway. Teimeas but read and pass by. and Nana, parents.
(4)

men that live we all are due.

Copied by L., R., A.

On

"

door-stone
is

".

Above

the door, in larger letters,

TpaTTTr] 'lauovapiov [^ yvvrj /couptSia 7]pw[i)<;, )(aLpe. In the usual place is the epigram.

Kow/3tStous daXafLox^';] TpaTTTr) Xvcracra

T7p[o]\et7rc<)

']avovdpLi' TOP ifjiov ^py^aTOTaTov yajxerav, 6v crv, dea K[v\Trpi, [/a]oi (^iXe'ot? crw tm Tzarpl kol Xapl[T(i}VL In right lower panel,

TeKva Se
5 TOVTOV<i
1.

/aoi

/cat

avTOV crw {o ire


U7rot[y]co

i/fereu&j,

yap

Trpoknrova-a
;

ttolvtcov

virep avTwv.
vp->^s (R.,

HPiiTC///, R.

HPvTOHPC,

L.

HP^TC,
I (R.).

4.

J.)

is

certain,

copies being an engraver's error for Kaibel adopts ; but it is utterly unjustifiable. 2. xprjaTOTarov, L., A. ; -rarai', R.
in
all

W.

suggests TrpoiTo/xopo?,

which

3.

eta K[v]Trpi

[ji.]oi,tV.;

0f AKOPIAA,^.
R.;

AKHPIA, JJ.
L.
;

0(

L.
I.,"

"

The

letter after (
d'.,-

AK

AKPHIM,
(rvv

is

like TI, placed so close that the cross-bar

of T touches
Kat
is

R.

Hm'Ma,

KAIXAP,

XAIXAP,

KAIXAPi, J.;

often used in Phrygian Greek practically in the sense of avv simply. Wilamowitz aj>. Kaibel.
4.

Xap[iTEcro-i],

o-M^otTf, L.

confirmed by J.
is

(^oire)

cwZojtc, R.

Before iKerei'w

If',

inserts

[OeoQ, ("for which there

no room on the stone,"

R.).

Grapte, Januarius' wedded wife, of blessed memory, farewell. Casting off my bridal bonds, I, Grapte, leave behind me Januaris,

my

most worthy husband *The honour


of Pluto
is

whom

pray thee, goddess Cypris,


ff.

given to the dead, see pp. 271

EPITAPHS
to follow with thy favour,

IN

PHRYGIAN GREEK
my
father Chariton.
I

123

and likewise

My

children and him,

beseech you, protect. For these and go beneath (the earth) on behalf of them all.*
I

leave behind

Copied Per.
'ApTC
fie yevofxeurjv {wtj? fip4<^o<; rjpTracre haifioiv ovno) rpUTLV yjSr) iTp^<f)ev] iv o[t'/cw]

Tpvcjico

fjie

vyjixrjOia

fx"

p,aTpcJva dSeo^ra] o[k]/3iov Hvat.

[TLdT]]i'r]

17

h4a{-rroiva\ fie

Molpa

KaOrjpTTaa-e Kai p[e\ 7re8a[io-]i

Trj<; fiefivr)a[o] [/cat TrapeXd]ov irdvTa aya6o<; koI evTV)^'q<;. Separately in lower left-hand corner,

fieya Xvirel.

oJu/(
2. 3.

olSa

e[t]Te

i^a\K(ov o^t^jmu etre

dyaOwv.

o[iKa)], F.

dSiOv[Ta] [nOrjjvrj, P.
vqfi.r]6ia, if right,

4.

must be

compound from

vrj-

and

rt.

jxrfioixai, cf. 7rpo-yu.r;6?;s,

and the

infin.

clause appears to be epexegetic of eTp[<^ev]

"

brought

me up

in

thoughtless bliss ".


5.
e.g.,
17

8eo-[7rotva], P.

Se(nroiva

was often joined with the names of goddesses


;

EKdrr/, Aesch., Fr.,

was a
in

374 ; 'Aprt/xis, Soph., /., 626, etc. at Athens especially it name of Persephone, and so might easily pass to MoTpa, the goddess of death
//.,

Homer,
6.

4,

517

18,

19.

17

Si o-[f/uv^], Kaibel.

fi.efj.vr]a[o]

[koi TrapeXffjov, P.

that had but begun to taste of life seized me, or ever my third year was told. The lady
child
I

was

when death
Trypho was

my nurse and brought me up in her house, well filled with cheer, to a life of Fate, imperious queen, snatched me away thoughtless bliss.
and grievously afflicts me with and all good luck go with thee
fetters.
!

Remember me and

pass by,

(My
*

birth

!)

know

not whether 'twas the cause of good or

ill.

The
all

behalf of

grave and the funeral are here represented as an atoning sacrifice on her family. This idea is characteristic of the Phrygian religion see p.
:

273

f.

of

this

volume.

124

A.

PETRIE
"
:

On

this epitaph

M.

Perrot remarks

Sculpture et ornamentaArch., p. 126).

tion, le tout est

d'un travail detestable"

{^Ex.

Two

or three hexameters can be distinguished, but the arrangement of the rest of the lines is very doubtful. The last line is a Greek proverb.

II.

TWO

EPITAPHS FROM ZEMME.


(6)

Copied R., A.
IlatSeias [i-iTO^o^ k\ avdyuodt tovto [t]6 arjjxa, Tivos xapiv fJivyjiJ-y) ypoLfjufjiacrLV ei{Te]ru7r[co]r7^.

ZwTi/fos ivddBe

Kelixy)

vtto -)(d6va Trjvhe i^akxnrT\p'r)\y


[TrakdfJi.r)cr]i,v

ovK
5

e(f>vyov TrarpiSas /BovX'^

[ovr/cra?,

dWd
el

deov ySovXais /c[e] dv \tYXo<; rjXOov [d]Tj[dv]rQ)v. Be ^eXis to dX-qdi], ^elve, TTvOecrdLv,
d['rr]6Kei,Trj

crdp^ ev yfj
xjtv)(r)v

[6]6ev Ke ek7]<f>6r],

Se 0eos (Tcoaev ovpavioi^ ivl [Qaxriv.


o'
ifjLrjv
7)

Xeii/za

yap,eTr)v

XV PV^

^'*'''

ot[K]w

10

KpLfjiiav,

^wv

[ev(f)]pdi^dyjv kc ve/cu? a)v eTaip^rj).

KaWnra
7}

Ke \0\J^^Tpav, ^O^o^Trdrpav, ovvofxa ^pTjcTTOi', ikwLOa CIS yrjpa<; Ke avciTrau^a TeKovcrrf, Ke TVfjL^ov
2.

ifiol

fjLVTJixy)<;

^a/3tv ISpvcrev evda.

(Garland beneath.)
ev[T] Tv;r[<o]Ti;, P.
3.

K[aXwrT]p7/[v], P.
[7raXa/xijo-]iv,

4. 10.

P.

II
;

MI

IN, R.

[oi'Tjtras,

P.

\iv(f>\ftd.v\ff\riv,

P.
;

iTaip[rj),

fTaip-qv, R.

11. ^iXoTTaTpav, P.

<j>iX(,

irdrpav, R.

The

letter after <1>IA

is

C.

12. eXxiSo, P.; 'EXiri&a, R.

Thou
learn

why
*

that art schooled may'st also read this monument, and it is that my memory is here engraved in letters. 'Tis I,
lie

Zoticus, that

here beneath this veil of earth.


"

did not escape *


with the

plural, townships," refers to the scattered a of Greek citizen. single /<J//w

The

villages, contrasted

EPITAPHS
although
I

IN

PHRYGIAN GREEK

125

had helped my native townships with heart and hand, but by the counsels of heaven came I even to the end appointed for all. If thou art fain, stranger, to learn the truth, my flesh is laid in the
ground, whence also
it

was taken

but

my

soul hath
I

God

saved
in

among

those that live in heaven.

My

wife

left

widow

my
I

house, even

Ammia,

a helpmeet with

whom

in life

and death have

A daughter, too, I left behind, Philopatra, auspicifound pleasure. ous name, a hope for old age and a support to her mother she it was who raised a tomb here to my memory.
:

AKYAANKA0OpACK'*-^6X///

N0CrTOCOTYMBOCAI "OYf roNoeoYAN re AOlCTnO0HTON AAOY


A\KeA4>F0HQNHPQetP,eA0

TTPOCTAMeNONNOMCIJT^
MAeeoYMerAcrAiMAici
ANATTArCIN*'NA/OMO(C fAinONKVPlAAANnAPAKOlw TOYTCON AAYHH AC T FO/m
MOCTenATPIKIOCTKYPI/// A0CMecC(r2)NMA0lCeOC A(n)KfeNKA0CA4>dlT0NeN
^///P0TTCC/^OY.T0IMNCA M 6 N c Y ^M-) T p Ke (si.r(M4>HC
(

AMMAICTTOIHCANMsJtKKA
(7)

Copied R. Surface defaced and hardly legible. 'AKvXav Kadopa<; [KaT}ex^h [fJ^X^j' ovto<; 6 tv^^os,
XiTovpyov deov, dvyeXots Te ttoOtjtov,

126

A.

PETRIE
to.

Xaov TrpoaTd/Mevov,
ripOi [rje [8]a)ju,a 5 iv he Sd/AOi? iktvov

vofjioj

Si/cea (f>povcov(Ta).

O^ov

)u,e[y]as Taiixalcri

avaTravcTLV.

KvpuXkav
ScoKev

TrapaKoi^jLV.

TovTMV
p-ecrcr'

S'

av

TT-^Se? Tpd[<^i]//,ds re
deo<;
KiXe'o?
/ce

rTarptKtds re Kv/3iXjXo,
a^di/rov iv (jLepoTrecrcnv,
vvvcfirjs

cjv

vaois

ovTOi

fii^rjjcroiiJLei'oi,
jjivrjjji-r)<i

crvp.

prjrpl

'A^/^tiais

iiroty)(Tav
I.

^dpiv.
better restoration of the line

v6' for [^]V[]

is

possible.
is

4.

ripOe for rjXOf.

needed.

The grave thou


God,

beholdest, stranger, is of Akylas, a minister of dear to the angels ; a chief of the people, who gave heed to the

came to his rest in the house of God, just precepts of the law. In left I in honours. house my my wife Kyrilla. great Their sons Trophimus, Patricius and Cyrillus, in whose hands
the temples undying glory among men, along with their mother and the Ammias, their wives, erected this to his memory.

He

God bestowed on

On

the date and meaning, see Anderson on


III.

p.

201.

(8)

(A. Souter in Class. Rev., 1896.) " Avp. Mvav8po<; Tlpd/cXou kc ATnrrj<; TeKvco ^ikraTw YlpoKkta K iavTOL<; ^a)VTe<; Ke [r]a TCK[va] avTwv Tp6(f)ip.o<; Ke MeVai{Sp]os

Utch-Eyuk.

R. 1884.

K KvpiXXa Ke AofjLua vvv^rj


evT

p..

^.

kc TaTiai/'rjs 6vyd.Trjp.

[(^JatSpdraToi/ ^upiov aTrjcra^v] a-rjpdvTopa Tvp^ov.

dv vSwp re

/5[e]ei

Kal SevSpea

paKpa

TeOrjXj],

Kol TTOTapc^l] vaiovfjLV, dua/3pvi^y) Se 6d\\a\a[cr)a, avro) TwSe pevu) iroXvKXavTa) enl tv/jl^o).
5

irapLova^iv on] HpdK'Xo? wBe TeOaiTTai, TfodrjTov eovra koI ev yStdrw TravdpLcrTou. [e]iK[o(TL /cat 8v] erSiv eXttrov (f>do^, aixjja Se po{l)pa

dyyeXXw

Tracri

KapnaXLpo}<; eSdpacrcre Kal (at)cra Xvyprj [i]TT6povcre.

EPITAPHS IN PHRYGIAN GREEK


aiiro? S' 'FiVi'ocriyaLO^ cj^wt'eV y^^CpecrcrL TpCaivau

127

10 KTelue
7.

/A

Tov fieXeov Tevfipoyiov napa peldpa.


on stone.
[]"K[oa-i

OIKETwN
This
line

km

8u'],

R.
setting
as a i)
is //., xii.,

9.

10.

which appears in a somewhat incongruous The Tembrogius is mentioned by Pliny (N.H., vi.,
See p. 188.

27.

tributary of the

Sangarius in Phrygia.

Aurelius Menander, the son of Proclus, and Appes, the surviving


parents, with

married daughter

memorial to

Trophimus, Menander, Cyrilla, their and her daughter Tatianes, erected this Domna, the memory of their dear son Proclus and to their own.
altar

their children,

A splendid
flows and the

they raised to mark his tomb.

While water

tall

trees
I

here on this spot will


passers

burgeon, and rivers glide and the sea swells, abide by this much-wept tomb. To the
lies

by I proclaim that Proclus here desired and most excellent in his life.
I

buried

Proclus of

all

seen

when

I left

the light

and twenty years had forthwith did Fate quickly subdue me

Two

and

a baneful

doom o'erwhelmed me.

The Earthshaker
v/ight,

himself with

his trident in his

hands slew me, luckless

by Tembrogius'

streams.
(9)

On a rock

to the south of the

Tomb of Midas.
'

"

M. Mordtmann

thinks he can recognise in it an invocation in honour of Apollo, which would have been engraved on the rock par quelque pa'i'en zele,' at the moment when the emperor Julian, marching against the Persians,

was traversing Asia Minor


R., 1881.

"

(Perrot).

Copied Mordtmann,

Per.,

Xaipe
TTaTpLS
2. 3.

fjLOiKap,

Trv\vo\/3e deutv, 'TTrepetove \dvva)v,


e'cr^Xo? TraTprjt; Trp6p.o<;

rravTcov

yap
ifir)

(f>LXo<;

ivddSe

vqei,

BevveveKT) XdjJi^ave. TrkrjcrLa Kaprrovs.

TTarpX KoX

irpofjLO';,
is

Mordtmann.

BecvcvcKj;

the land of the god Bennis, on which see pp. 200, 211, and
14.4.

Hist. Geogr. of As.

Min., p.

128

A.

PETRIE

Hail, shining Hyperion, immortal, supremely blessed among here dwells a true friend of his country, the foremost of the gods
:

all.

Benneuece,

my

neighbouring native land, receive thine offspring.

(lO)
Altar. In the cemetery, Yaliniz-Serai. Copied /?., 1884. Xu/Afta^os 'Ai'TvX[Xou] Ke ol viol avTov 'Avt{uX]\os ce 'AXe^auKara ;^tjo-]/aov K\apia> AttoWcdvi. diJ[e(T}rrj(Tav. [kc] SyfifJiaxo^
'

8/30S

XPHtMOt
ryS' ivl X^PV' CIS auyas ddpeovra TrdkvcrKOTrov iJe'Xioio cuayias 8' eVl Tovhe Te[X]eieTe ixr)vb<; iKaaTov,
fjiot

Elcrare

ftcjfiov n[av]drjea

6(j)pa

Kv dXKiJTCop T^X]6cou

TO.

o"ut'[wp]ta rew^^ci).
[/AJepoTreo-cri

Tcjy] KaptTO)v

yap eyw
re
;

TreXo[iJ.]at
/cc

irapeKTo^p,

ows] iOiXoi
4. (Tvv[o'>p]ta,

<TO){crrj)

[ots]

kX4o% otSa

(j)ope(TKeLv.
o.
k.

A.

Mr. W. R. Paton suggested an


on
stone.

engraver's error for


iii.,

a.

T[\c]6u)v (o-)Ta(x)w wpia tv;^(u, f^ reX-tOti Kapirov, Or. Sib.,


6.
cr(il(o->/),

263.

^. for

(TUirji

Erected by Symmachus, son of Antyllus, and his sons Antyllus, Alexander, and Symmachus to Klarius Apollo, in accordance with an
oracle.

The Oracle.
an altar of fragrant incense (.''), looking and holy sacrifices offer theretoward the rays of the far-seeing sun on every month, that so I may be your helper and make your fruits
Stablish
in this land
;

me

to

grow

in their season.

For

am

he that provideth the fruits for

mortal men,
glorify.

whom

wish to preserve and

whom

know how

to

EPITAPHS IN PHRYGIAN GREEK

129

TWO
II.

INSCRIPTIONS OF TCHAKIRSAZ.

Copied R. 1888, revised A. 1897.


el
jxr)

ovSis [a0a\i'aTo<;,

fiovov I? ^eos aurds,


Tracri
to.

6 TTOLVTcov yi\Trj\;
o'Cti[v<;

/ce

iravTa

iJ.epi^Q)v.

efJ^aSe Kivrat, Siv Tovvojxa

ypafjilfjuacri

Xjefw /y

vpcoTov p.ev Tp6<f)i.iJ.ov, fJLeTeTTLTa 8' 'Avreyaws vi6<s, 5 Ke dvyd.Tr)p TXvkt], 'AXe^avSpCa 8e i'Vja(^i^ /ce rourois ^cDt'res iiroCyjaav TavT7)<; utos Euru^^iai'o?.
X^ipi-v

fivtjfjLT)^

eri

^(Si-Tes

pH'
/ce

'Ypo4>iyuov

crvfi/3Lo<s

'HXtav^

xe Ke
/ce

tovtwu
rj

to,

TCKva Ma/ceSdvi?
avTcov
Stye/Dis

jK
/ce

Av^dvcov Ke KvpiaKr) OvyaTrjp /ce ra eyyova. avrcov Tp6^ip.o<;


/ce

vvp.^'q

(/ce) Ma/ce8di'(,5
I.

Zwrt/co?
t

Ma^/ciat'i)
t.

/ce

'Avrepox; Ndi'va ivoLrjo-av fi, x-

vaios R.
First

A. saw that

was a broken

z.

9.

The

n above the line, read N in 'Ai/Tc'pws, and K

by
in

J.

G. C. A.
:

Ma/ccSow? are inserted above the line

seems to have been omitted by error.

The common
:

expression on gravestones (especially Christian,

but sometimes pagan), ouSets dddvaTo<;, is here expanded into two " No one is immortal lines except only the one God Himself, who is father of all and gives all things to all ".

mos and two dead

Heliane and three children living, erected the tomb to Trophichildren, and a dead daughter-in-law with her son.
also

Another daughter-in-law of Trophimos and Heliane


as an

made

the

grave. Apparently afterthought, with a new verb, the six grandchildren (children of Alexandria or Sigeris) are added. 12. Copied A. Short marginal additions to 11. 6, 8, 11.

Four epigraphic
o)

lines obliterated
^^[1/]

eV^ajSe

/ctrai

Euru^tai'd?
5'

/c[a]ra/ciTa[i]

xfiovov

'^fiiT[eX'fj

CAC
e/A
/Aeipd|7reo-(rii'

^
7

XOPMO

i/wvu/AiT^s

/ce^aptcr^eVJo?

6,

o[9] e7rd[Xeu]cre de6v,\ \lttou tov Kocrfiov dvavT\a.\

J, 8

130
5
TloXi^(f) ?]>^/u,tos
poiv\T7)

A.
evddSe

PETRIE
crvv

/ctratl

KovptSiy t

d\6)(a>

Afia9,

lO

vlS KvpCXkxol Ta^vfioipoi o]s [e]^a[j'e] Sc Xvirrjo-ev yovt<i k rqv (xvvyeviav aTrdcrav dvSpa jmlXC^iovI k evKXea [7r]at8as [rje
crefivoTaTr) Ke

vio<;\

ll, 12

13
I3>
1

6 Se naTTTTiKios Ke eoSoros
iirot'qcrav k\avTol<; (tvv rats

en

{wv|res jxvrjiJiocrvvou 14, 15. 16

yw7^[f t

^Attttt; ?]

Ke Marpcovrj,
[ft]

16,17
18,

dWa

Ke T[a
/ce

T]'K[v]a

avTlatj/j

Ku/aiXXos kc

Evru^tos
-^dpiv.
all

19

IlaTpiKtosI

naTTTTiKios [e7r]oii^crav

jiai/tj/at^s

20

This
district.
6.

is

the worst in metre and sense of

the epitaphs of the

Perhaps -rtXijarai for Te\etrtras.

6, 7.

who

tended

X. (some personal name) satisfied with want of reputation among men, God and deserted the whole world viow/iLriv in a Christian metrical
:

epitaph of Phrygia, see Ramsay, Cities and Bish, ofPhr., chius explains irokivtiv Otpaireveiv,
II, 12.

ii.,

p.

743, No. 681.

Hesy-

The
is

hexameter which

is

imitated
last

is

spoilt

by an unmetrical proper

name, and by
1

a gloss

appended to explain the


A.

word

Taxvfi.oip(o.

7. 'ATTTrrj

inserted merely to
(t(i)k

show the

construction.

18.

TO. riKVOL,

a copy).

A.

The Zemme
Of

Epitaphs.

the inscriptions, the two from Zemme, Nos. 6 and 7, are The phraseology of the latter, e.g., clearly Christian in character. the New Testament, while line 7 of recalls that of XiTouyayos deov,

the former affords a remarkable parallel to Gen. iii. 19, "till for out of it wast thou taken ". thou return unto the ground
. .

Christianity appears to have been introduced into Phrygia at an early See p. 196. date, and to have made rapid progress in this district.

Two

inscriptions read
;

Tash (783, 785

C. 3857

by Le Bas in the neighbourhood of Altynp and 3857 g) end with Xp-qa-TLavol


;

Xpr/crTiavM iTroirjcrav and X^'^crTiai/o[i Xyaiycmjav^ respectively while the tombstone in another case (780, C. 3857 /) shows the

EPITAPHS

IN

PHRYGIAN GREEK

131

" These a cross. inscriptions, from the shape of the charfigure of acters and the style of the sculptures which accompany them, can

Thus, several scarcely be later than the third century of our era. decades before Constantine, in this part of the empire, the adherents
of the new religion were sufficiently numerous, and felt themselves to take publicly, on a stele exposed to the eyes of sufficiently strong,
the world, the
title

of Christian

"

(Perrot, Expl. Arch., p. 126).


B.

The Language
The language of
referred probably to the second

of the Inscriptions.

the foregoing inscriptions, which are to be and third centuries after Christ is,
;

on the whole, comparatively pure still there are several noticeable of even when we have made due allowance for the symptoms decay,
idiosyncrasies (i)

of the engraver.
exhibits

The vowel system

striking

modifications.

Some

classical

of these are traceable in their beginnings even in the language of the period, while others must have developed rapidly in the

opening centuries of the Christian Era.


e

Thus we have

= ai at = e
= at

/ce,

SiKea.

aicr^Xos.
:

ly

Keijxr].

From
engraver
to

this

e, -q,

remarkable interchange we must conclude that to the and at were identical in sound, and we have evidence
" confusion was by no means local. Pompeian such as ivdaSau ix-qSkf etcrtatra), and Egyptian

show

that this

wall-inscriptions
papyri,

show

the confusion of at

and

in the first

and second centuries


Inschr., S. 27.
et

of our era" (Blass). also we have t = et


elSpva-eu.

Cf. Meisterhans, Gr. d.


:

att.

So

^eXt?,

koXKl,

fMeyeffi,

and

retiMrfcrev,

To

^eXt5

we may add

irvdecrdiv,

which

illustrates the

same change, though


intermediate stage
:

in this case the result has been arrived at

by an

of the

infin. active,

and from

the infin. ending has become -eiv this comes the form vvdeadiv.

on the analogy

132
(2)

A.

PETRIE
veoTrjTav.

The forms OvyaTpav,


all

Of

the influences that have been at

work

in transforming the

to which the language, perhaps the most potent is that of analogy, The third ace. of the third decl. in -v is doubtless to be attributed.

compared with the ace. in -v, was felt to be bare and endingless, and v was suffixed to make it like the other, giving
decl.
ace.

in -a, as

etc. TraTipav, rr^u jxrjTipav, rrfv iXniSai', nominative From this ace. again was formed a new r) fjirjTepa, rj The same explanation holds good in the case of veoTrjTav, ikuiSa. from which, in like manner, was formed a nom., -q veoTrjTa, with
rise to
toi>
:

such forms as

numerous

parallels in
etc.

Pontine Greek

17

7rX.ouo-idT7jra,

rj

ixeyaXoTrjTa,

ayadoT-qra,

See also pp. 60, 153, 224.


is

a strong tendency forms and the of anomalous the expulsion uniformity through This tendency is responsible creation of new and regular elements. for an enormous number of new futures and weak aorists active,
to

(3) The aorists eXen/;a, KctXXtTra. In the case of the tense-formations, there

where the future of the middle and the strong aorist were the only forms recognised in the best period of the language. Thus we find
to take only a

few instances, the futures acrco, a/jiapTTJa-w, d/coucr&i, and the first aorists yprjaa, aTToSpdcro), aTroXavcra), ttXcuctw, pev<r(t) ;
ifiCcoaa, eiXfa, etpxpa, rjpda {epxop.cLi), iXetxpa
Xi.-rrwv is

rffjidpTTjcra,

(though quoted from Aristophanes' Andromeda). KoXXiTra is an analogous form from the first aorist, and illustrates the levelling which took place in the person-endings, not only the second aorist
Xeii//as for

but also the imperfect and perfect having their

first

person singular

and third plural formed on the analogy of the corresponding forms of the weak aorist, e.g., elSa, tlhapiev, ^hav e<^i;ya, i(j)vyap.ev,
and
first
;

i(f)vyau

'y

elxa,

il\aji.V,

ei^ai'

TrapeiXrj(f>av,

C.I.G.,

3137;

dire-

(TToXKav, etc. (4) Several Doric forms remain to be noticed, chiefly in (3)

(Altyn-Tash)

^apvnei'dd.';, fjivpop.eva, p.a.vve, etc.

These

are

some-

what

peculiar, for, as

M.

Perrot remarks, there

is

no trace of Dorism

EPITAPHS IN PHRYGIAN GREEK


in the

133

language of this

district.

It

that the forms in question are from the ancient authors, and

due

seems best to suppose, with him, to the borrowing of hemistichs

makes more pretensions

to

it is noteworthy that this epitaph smoothness of metre and literary form

than almost any of the others.


C.

The Forms
The double form of

'lavovapLv-'lavovapCov.
the proper

noticeable in (4) (Altyn-Tash). are frequent in Greek (and Latin) proper names on stones of the Roman era, and of -is for -ius in Roman inscriptions from the earliest
date.
/.

name, -apt and -a/ato?, is Examples of -is for and from -los

(J.

H. Wright, Harvard
lat.

Studies in Class. Phil., vol.

V.

MOTSAIS for MOTSAIOS. He quotes Benseler,


und
Gram.,
iii.,
;

vi., 1895, Curtiui Sludien

z. gr.

pp. 149-183, for examples in -ais from


in -ts (ei?)

-aios, e.g., 'Adiji/aL<;, EipryVats

from

-etos, e.g., "HXets,

and adds

EPMAI2,

Here we have an

gen. -lOT as having been seen by Prof Ramsay.) instance of the two forms standing side by side.
p.

318) observes that the great bulk of the examples collected by Benseler are Italian proper names, and supposes
Hatzidakis (Neugr. Gr.,
the Greeks, hearing the IJomans address each other as Juli, Petroni, Aureli, etc., formed from this vocative a new nominative
that
'louXts, IleT/aaJt'ts, Av/arjXis.

He

also

official and other names in -a/atos, Greek with Roman administration he quotes )8tKoi;\a/3io9, and some others.
:

of

remarks that a large number -apis, would be introduced into


<^povp.yTdpio<i,

kov-

D.

The Metre
The metre
classical canons,
is

of the Inscriptions.
cases

in

some
fair
it is

tolerably

correct,

as

judged by
something hard to

and a
in

guide to restoring the text with

like accuracy

others

crude in the extreme, and

it is

134

A.

PETRIE

discover on what system, if any, the engraver has proceeded.


points, however,

seem

clear

Two

(i)

That pronunciation according


e.g:

to the accent will frequently


:

give a line the necessary smoothness,

TclfJ-ijaev waTpl^ 6\r] Tr)v arjv yv(i)^'r]V Ka6opo)VTS. In general it may be said, that probably, if the pronunciation of the place and period were known, the metre would be more recog-

treated as long through From this point of view it is easy to see why emphasis in (i) 1. 5. V ephelkystikon seems to be treated as negligible for position length. that the (2) The first line is uniformly correct, suggesting
nisable.

So,

e.g.,

Theudora

in

(i),

and

o-e

lines which were engraver had at his disposal a stock of commonplace " in universal use, and would do duty as exordia," so to speak, in all

epitaphs alike, e.g., iuBdhe yrj /care^^ei (tov Setva) ; aeveov rdSe crrjiJia When, however, he departs from the (6 Seiva tSpucre tw Selvi). beaten track to give details as to the age, character, or occupation of Thus in (5) the deceased, his metrical powers are apt to fail him.

(Altyn-Tash)
rjpTTao-e

the opening line "Apri


is

fie

yevofj.evrjv

^wijs fipe<f)0^

^aip,o)v
{cf.

of a type which can be

easily paralleled

from the

3715, "Apri yeveidtflVTOi p.e ySacr/cai'os rj. 8.) ;* but in Further the second line we are brought up with outtw rpUriv tJBt].
C.I.G.

down we
/xe

recognise once

more the
and

dactylic

rhythm

in

17

8ecr[7roti'a]

which Molpa would be part of the stock-in-trade of every tombstone versifier. it In this district Greek can hardly have been much known
KadrjpTraa-e, k. t. X.,
this again looks like a line
;

was learned

Ramsay has frequently pointed out that, apart from the Hellenistic cities, Greek was not the home language in Phrygia, and that it was spread chiefly by Christianity, which killed out the native languages of Anatolia. Teachers are menas

an alien tongue.

Prof.

tioned almost exclusively in Christian inscriptions.


* OVK
[Kaibel quotes CJ.G., 6257, apri
;u,e

See p. 140 n.

ytvofxtvov ^was fip(<j>o^ rifmaxn halfinav,

018' (iT

KaKwv

aiTioi' tiT

aya^toi/.]

IV.

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE

SHOWN IN THE EPITAPHS OF TROPHIMOS AND HIS RELATIVES.


IN PHRYGIA, AS
J.

FRASER.

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE IN PHRYGIA, AS SHOWN IN THE EPITAPHS OF TROPHIMOS AND HIS RELATIVES.
The
text of the following

two

sets

of inscriptions

is

founded on the

The restorations also epigraphic copies furnished by Prof. Ramsay.* must be understood to be his, except where otherwise assigned. The
second set was published by M. Perrot in Exploration Archeologique, but the present text is much fuller, and I have only In a few cases
reported
Perrot's readings. facts in the discussion of the bearing of the inscriptions the Phrygian laws of inheritance I am indebted to Prof. Ramsay.

M.

For the

on

In the apparatus criticus restorations contained in the transcripme by Prof. Ramsay (when not printed in the text) are denoted by R. ; those of Perrot (in so far as they differ from R.
tion given
:

text, of course, P. and R. agree) by P. many Readings marked J. are due to Mr. J. G. C. Anderson of Christ Church and my own I have marked F.

in

easier parts

of the

in 1884. They were transcribed for publication but amid masses of work immediately, lay half-ready for printing until 1898, when Mr. Anderson took the transcriptions with him and compared them with the stones.

[These copies were made

text rests

Except where he is quoted as disagreeing with my copy, it may be assumed that the on this double authority. Where he is quoted alone for a reading, this indicates that he read more than I did. Monsieur Perrot's copy of II. is not

so

good

as

his usual epigraphic


it

work

he must have seen

it

in failing light, peris

haps regarded

as

too worthless for the minute study which


interest

needed

in this faint

and badly engraved text. The sole with I., which was unknown to him.

and value of

II. arises

from comparison

Kaibel's edition of

II.,

therefore, contains

many

blanks {Ej>ig?amma/a Graeca e lapidibus conlecta, 1878, p. 145 f.) ; but these differences are for the most part left unnoticed. See also note p. 1 1 9. -W. M. R.]

138

J.

FRASER

I.

EPITAPHS OF AURELIOS TROPHIMOS AND HIS DAUGHTER AMMIA, FROM KURD-KEUI.


Au]/3.

A.

Tpd(^t/Ao? EvTU)^ou9 ev0[a KaraKiT}/}

irpos irarepav alXv6ov v6[a yeueT]rjpav e[j2o

TOP

(ro<f)L7)i

e/AC

Si8acr/(aXo[v] ivofMov ev6a

\dj3e TeX[os] davoLTOLO koI nXovreos ouKia vrjo>v 5 OS TTOLVTav vKvoiv xjjv)(^a.<; irapeSefaro )(y]po}v, ovS' dv Tis ^i']a[T]ojv eXicrcrd/ievos eVl Koa-jxov naXiv ekOy,

ouSe

^eyx[or

i^

.]

A"I-INnCIC

ou8' aiektov \yXv]Kv


<f)evyo<;

ei8e(r6r)v,

ovK dcTTptov Spd/Aos icTTLV, ovpavodeu oe Be vv^. (^]cVyos ouK Icropdrr), IcrKOToecra
lO aXXa
7rai;cra[cr]^e

creXit'Tjs

Sa/cpuwv

k'

t?

AiSa

ju[i7]

Tjf/aojtere
^/3171'OU?,

/xat8[e T7]^a]i,Te i//u;^as

8aKpvoL<; /^[atS' dT]a/Dy8[cri


/ce

^pr^'jvois,

wv

7ra[i'T&)i'
i(iJb)rj<;

rJeXos

e'trTiv
[fxr)

[dv]a7ra[ucrts.

dXX'

(j[To]p'yri<;

fjLvijp.7]^

TrpoiejvTcav,

T17S' [Tp<f)ov TraiSJas k SwSe/cctT&j Xu/<[dy8ai'Ti


1

alXvdov
Tov
d]X'

is

'AtSao
(TO<f)iT)<;

Sd)u,o[vs]
ijJLe

t[/3as]

tov d^ivyea -^a)pov, 8v8d<TKa\ov o<s 7i[o]r' eKXiqdrjv,


^ ^dve
'n-evT[8]eKae[Ti7s.

dyofiTjv Ad/LAi{ai/]

e'y[y]dt'7;i'

crrjfia

8e /iot reO^av 'A/i/xta dvydrrjp, dpTTTo<; Se


TeXecrc^o/Dos

w
2.

knrojjirjv

Kovpihiy)v [dXa^ov] 'Ajxp-Cav


his father

ifjilo

dvydrpa.

by nature, not by adoption, F. 6p(.Trr\ripav, R., yeverj^pai', i.f. below with III. the remarks on it, and understanding " my comparing inscription who me in his house ". fsther, brought up 4. XaKC, P. ; \a[;(]e, Kaibel. vrjwv, F. ; vr]m, Kaibel ; oIkLov giov, R.
6.
6[v]a[T](ui/,

F.

0a[v6vT]Q}v, R. A.,

no gap between B and a

^afi/aTo]!/

XwT<T6it.ivo<i,

Kaibel.

7. R. suggests, "as a counsel of despair," ovSe ^/i[p]a & Ivoxnq, which follows the tone closely, only taking the symbol -I- between a and i (which both he and A. read) as an engraver's error for ; he noted in his copy that 6ev or ^c/u, was possible
:

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE


" nor
is

139
"
:

there marriage allowed there, nor the light of the sun pleasant to see
cru^evfis,

cvwo-ts,

Hesychius.
is

[^oCs] ^rjv{ov)a-(r])s
9.

Christian touch, compare Matt. xxii. 30. ou8' tOev and suggested by Kaibel. [y^ujict', J^.

[v]6o'

Kaibel. [^J (TKOToiaa, 10. 7r[po]teT, -/^ ; 7r<o[s]rcT, R.


11. T^KOlTt,
i.e.

T-qKiTf,

R.

D/^aiT,

i.e., TI^fjJTC, !>.


is

2.

[dv]a7ra[vo-is,

F.

1(tov after

Icniv

common

in the epitaphs

and would

improve the metre.


13.
/".,

AAenerTPHe,
F.

vt<j>v,r.

14.

\iTpi<f>ov n-ai8]as,

16. TTpioT iKXr/Oriv, P.

B.

Aup. TaTia[v] Xiirofirfu ai^j-v-qv o-vv/Blov ifilo ddvev avTW XvKoi/SavTL c/SSo^ai/fovTaeTTjs ^
dX'
e'/i'^s

(o")TO/oy7}s ei{e/c]a ir/ao?

nXoureos TJ\v6e
iknia-L ravrrj^

o&)/x[a

KvpcaKov yap eyw


5

knrofirjv

icfi'

NdwTjs
yavl3po<s dX' ifiol

yafierrju (rvv^ev)(^9rjvai daXdfjLO)

yap ovtos
iJLVT]p.7j[<;]

KLvot)vo<;

/ca/xoi

avviopvae Tvvfiov

-^dpLV ySco/xov ihpvcrav ev6a

So^av
10 Ke
I.

6vr)To\l<;]

fivt^p.oo'vvov 6v oi[d ^]toi,

)(aiyDois,

^cr^X[e]

oSIra, koI dvayvoix; \a\rrWi

ijxol

crvvV)(ov ttjv iv 'AeiSt p.al [fi]apla6rj kovlv.

ToTta, P.
v[K]a, JF.
;

3.

l^^a, R.

A.

So/x[ov,

P.
to

4.

iKma-i,

not

uncommon

according

Meisterhans,

Gram.

d.

Att.

Insch.,

p. 86.
6.
Ki[/x]ci)vos,

Kaibel,

"son of Kimon," seems hardly


R.

possible.

10.

[j8]apZ<r^J7, JF.;

/i[o]i [^]api(7^;,

C. Au/3.

Te\e<T4>opo<;
A/A/i,ia,

Ke

Avp.

A/x/Ata

T17

[e]a[uTwi']*

dvyarpl

Ke
di/8/3i

Novva dvyaTTjp tw eavT^s


D.
'A/i/Ata

Ku/aia/cw

L'S/3iicr[av]

to ye

crrifia

dvydri^p irivvTrj irws 6dv<; yjSr) ; TL a-irevSova-a ddve^ ; r) ti's iKLxricxaTO Moi[jo]wv,
TT/siV

ere

vvv(f)t,Kov

lcrT<jiavov
/J.

KOcrfJi.rjcrafj.ev

rjv

OaXdfioicnv,

*TH[A,

THDA,

J.

I40
5

J.

ERASER
;

TTaTprjv ere
/cjXr^i

XtTrii^

TTV&a\eov<; 8e rofcrja?
/ce

ere

Trarrjp

7rao-a iraTpr)

Ke iroTVLa

lJ.riTy)p

TTJV o{ou] dcDpOTTjTav


TTjs
8'

K ada\dfJL1^TOv] rjkLKlTjV.

ava(l)6v^ap[ey'r) \pv)(y)v 'A/x/Atao

^avovoT^[s

SoLKpva depp.a )(eovcra, TraplcTTaTO Trarpl aloe TeKOvay,

lO

Tr)v

olarpo^ 6ava.TOio XdjSev,


Ka^' utti'ovs

[]vv'rjfx.ap

8e

davovaa

X]e^a)u,]eVr^
fir]

[eTrirXTj/Aocrui'jr^v

davaroio.

/cXtjc,

TTOLTep

voXvcohwe,

firqhi crv,

p.rjTr]p,
.
.

ev re'Xos eo-riv to 77{a]o{i]i' 6[(^eiXd]/i,ei'ov, dc!)pa[v.


3.
l<TT<f}avov,
is

ornament,
{<r)Tff>,

construed with two accusatives, the person and the found in the Anatolian epitaphs, see p. 278 of this volume ; I o-tc^., P. ; t?

F.

Koa-ixiio

Kaibel.
atapOTTjTav, F., Kaibel
; ;

7.

^^^XwpoTqrav , P.

dwpoTciTT/i',

Wilamowitz

ap. Kaibel.
.

II. \]^[a/;l]el'7;,i^
iiriT\rjiJLO(Tvvrjv,

8t^[a/i].'r? (Attic Sei^a/^cVi?),;?.^.

HAnrOC

y,v

R.

F.
;

13. o[<^iXd]/tevo', F.

SmpaT[ai, A.

a.u>pa\y,

F.

Trophimos who appears to have composed was evidently employed by the state (Jvofiov)
is

these elegant epitaphs to teach croe^ta, as he

careful to point out, in his native village (tt/oos vaTepav alXvdov).* The character of his le/ao. a-o^ia is indicated in the half-theological,
It obviously did not half-astronomical speculation of I. A, 5-9. brace a knowledge of Greek syntax and metres.

em-

A. Here
to the father

lies

who

Aurelios Trophimos, son of Eutyches. Here I came begot me, and here the doom of death overtook

me, the public teacher of


Pluto
*

who

dwell f in the house of receives with joy the spirits of all the dead, nor shall any
;

wisdom

and

The SiSao-KttXos

or ypaywynaTiKos

who

is

often mentioned in the longer metrical

epitaphs {e.g., note there], Ramsay in

Kaibel, No. 402, Ramsay,

and Bish. ofPhr., ii., p. 386 [?see footExpositor, Feb., 1906, p. 153) may be assumed to have composed
Cities

them

of the bereaved. Also p. 180, B.C.H. 1886, p. 511. If we read oixiac stone certainly has oiKiarijwv. fThe ^luv with R., the mean" I was on the way to the ing will be (taking ^wv as a Phrygian false imp. of ?fii)> house of Hades ". I have suggested below an explanation of v-qwv.
for the use

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE

141

mortal * with the evolution of a cycle come back to the world. nor the light There

of the sun pleasant to look on. The stars do not pursue their course, and the light of the moon does not shine from heaven, but there is

dark night.
Cease weeping and do not waste lamentation on death
;

weary

not your souls with tears nor with endless f lamentation to all those things there is an end that brings release. Only let them not
;

forget

my

love.
I

Here

reared

my

children and after eleven

years went to the

house of Hades, the lightless land, I who was once called teacher I took of Sacred Wisdom. charge of Domna, my granddaughter who died at the age of fifteen.

My
wife.

monument was

erected by

my
left

daughter Ammia, and

my
for

adopted son Telesphoros to


B.
I left
||

whom

my

daughter

Ammia

behind Aurelia Tatia


;

my

revered wife,

same year
*
It
is

at the age of seventy

through her love

who died in the for me she came


:

" dead

".

The whole
ipaaiv
.

not necessary to suppose that T. used dyrjTos in the proscribed sense of line seems to me to be a hit at the Stoic cosmogony cf. ot 8
.
.

STcotKOt

T<av

aa-rip'ov 6/notcos

Trakiv

<j>tpofi.(.vu>v

iKacrTov
ttoiA.U'

iv

Trj

irporipa

TTfpioSm

yfvo/xfvov airapaXXaKToii

aTroreXtla-Oai,.

f<r<T6ai

yap

'SiiOKpdmjv
c.

Kal

nXdroiva kul (Kaa-Tov twv


Matthaei.
[6vj]t6':

avOpiLtruiv,

k.t.X.

Nernes,
Pers.,

de Ntitura Horn.,

38, p. 309,

of the dead Darius, ^sch.,

632, J.]

f
I
it

take this to be the intended sense of ttT]ap;8t[o-(, if the restoration is right. He means in the twelfth year after his coming to the place. But
I

presumably
or 55.

is

perhaps more probable that the meaning


either

is

"

in the twelfth lustrum

of

my

life,

i.e.,

44

Trophimos

in

that

case

married a wife

who died in the same year at the age of seventy. she was married to Trophimos, and she brought with her her young child Domna, who soon died at the age of 15. Trophimos survived his marriage probably about
himself,

much older than She was a widow when

seventeen to twenty years, for he left one daughter married and one betrothed marriage doubtless generally took place early in life in Anatolia, as it still does.

There appears

to be

no doubt of the reading here

we must suppose

that

T.

made

a slip in syntax.
II

Or

lustrum.

142
to the house of Pluto.

J.

FRASER
I left

Kyriakos

become the husband of Nonna.


others took part in erecting

with this hope, that he should For this son-in-law along with the
It

my monument.

was

in

memory of

that they placed this altar here, such as brings mortals fame, and Hail, will be a memorial of me to them during their lifetime.

me

honest traveller
dust
lie

lightly

on me

read and go thy way, and pray with in the grave.

me

that the

C. Aurelios Telesphoros and Aurelia

Ammia

to their daughter

Ammia, and Nonna erected this monument.

(Trophimos') daughter to her

husband Kyriakos

This side of the epitaph (together with D) belongs to a later date Ammia and Telesphoros were mentioned in A. than A and B. Nonna was about to be married to Kyriakos, when (A and) B were
composed.
In

she buries her dead husband.

Though Trophimos

and temple, and long dead, the family grave is his house " " of the master of the house. daughter speaks of herself as " have D. Ammia, wise daughter, why you died already ? Why such haste to die.? what fate overtook you before we had decked

now Nonna
is

you

in

your chamber with the bridal garland, that you should leave
city
all

your native mother and


bloom.

and sorrowing parents.

Your
that

father

and lady
voice

the city

weep

for you, for your youth

and unwedded

But her

soul, the soul of

the sting of death had upraised and hot flood of tears, taken, nine days after she died,* stood by her father and mother, Do speaking to them in their sleep of endurance of her death t
' :

Ammia Ammia whom

died, with

not weep,
*

much

which comes
The

suffering father, nor you, " .' to all ; the young J


.

mother

there

is

one end

writer had evidently intended to write \e'|aTo or some such

word

after

Oavovira.
hopeless, but the meaning must be something such as I suggest, . or whether k(i[aft](vr] l-mTX-q)ji.o(Tvvqv is read, does not much matter. 8e|[a/i]ci'i; . I take to be the beginning of a new sentence. The sense then would X dtupai/

fThis

line

is

be

One end

awaits

all

if I

died before

my

time,

it

is

but an anticipation of the

inevitable.

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE


II.

143

EPITAPH OF AURELIOS MENANDROS FROM A STONE AT

AKTCHE
A. Middle.
which a cross
is

KEUI.
is

Between

11.

and 2 there

"

neatly incised

"
(R.).

Garland, inside

ivddSe Tvv^o<; e\i [kvp. M4v\iv^pov XItt^ 05 ^]a[o]5 aieXioto TecraapaKOVTa yap ^rjcras TeXeiorarous iviavTov<;

aikvOov

[t]9

AiSa tov a^ivyea

)(0)pov.

fial yap to davlv oKyLvov, tovto Traofi 7r]/30Kirai, 5 aKd fjie Tlkovrev^ rjpTracre KOvpihirf<; ya/ter^s Ar)iJ,7]TpLavrj<;
rj's

IcrTopyrjv ovS' iu (v)eKVcn \adoLfvqv,


/xe 77[d]crtv

Ke ya.{p) <^i\ai(riv
rj

Ida

IiaiVkoTrr)(y))<i,

Trokv7revdd<; ifilo,

\iT^6p]qv drapfiea dprjvov, iravcrrj SaKpoju ov fjiolpa ydp.ov SUXvcre ra^os.


p-e

dXa

10 /cXaucre

KacnyviJTr) 'A^yu.ta? Tpo<^ipov


d.8[ii']d

rj pot TriT^ff]rj AiSt (TweTrev^tv.

[y]a[v)8/D]o9
I.

ydp Ipos
IC, ^.
;

TXe(r(f>opo<; [/cacriyJvT^roio

AppCa<s

7ro[(ris

OS, i^.

AC

\\\C, R.

J. read

\t7ro[i' <^]a[o]<;.

4.

eVei ToSe, the usual

form of

this tag,

would give
such

better metre
as

and syntax.

This

is

imitated from a line


it is

where

/i^
all

was

suitable,
".

"

Do

not think death

terrible, since
7. 9.

the lot proposed for

men

naii'eA.07n;(r;)s, J'.

sorrowing in But possible genitive form. the word appears to be cut on the stone in smaller letters, and as Trophimos does not affect acephalic verses it may have been inserted later without regard to the metre.
this author,

respect of

The construction of tro\virv6a<; is curious for me ". Perhaps we ought to read irokvn-tvdao, a

"

10.
I

VAAAiA, A.
Taking

ah[iv\a.,

F.

d[t']S[t]a,

R.

'A/;t/ii'a(s),

see p.

272

n.

I.

-yai'/?pds in the sense

of brother-in-law.
as
is

In A. II, means "sister" unless, [Kao-(y]v77Toto apparently


the

barely possible,

word should be

restored as a proper name,


w.is

i.e.,

that of Telesphoros' father by

nature (by adoption Telesphoros

son of Trophimos).

B. Right. ^]Se Kc aXos ya[i'/8/3os AJtr/cXT^Tra? tS]iav i8a)Ka di^yarepau] 'Apptav

<a

e^pav

144
o? wevO^l] TTevdifj-a KXaCcre Se /i, /ce
'IcrKOfMatvoL,
.

J.

FRASER
/ai{')7]/aijs

Swpa a
^X&i/oo?

\a.piv \a/3ov woe.

Trevdepo<;

Ke

'A/x/Aia?

irevOepa

wv
S)\v

/C

TO,

TCKva TOP

i/Jiov

voTfJiov

wSvpovTO,

Ke Siopa Xafiwv

ts

A[iSa]o

Kop.tt,o),

ov haKf^o^Jcra
Sojpa
TrdTpr)<;

ird-Tprj

KaTe^a[i//]aTO Trv6ip.a Oprivy]aauT^.


d<f>V')^r].

iXafiov Koa-ix-qcna tvv^w

dXXa TeKva
lO
IlaT/aifct?
/ce

Trar/aos [/aou] p-vqcrdivTa ykvK'VTTfjoi;,

'A\e^au8po<; Ke

ArjfjirJTpLO?

ov re vat-mov acra,
['A]/>(,/Aias

TreVre Se Ovyarepe? Tpo4>L[v)iJH,ai>rjs Ke Ke Aofiva Ke Kvpi\\\]a /ce AXe^avSpia,


01 KC

Tvv^ov

ifjiOi

p.vT^jxrj<;

-^dpuv

ISpvaav evda

fidpfiapov
1
.

[l\(TTT]\rjv,

oTkov jSCou eXTTtSa ravnqv


whose name
cf.

y[av/8pds, ^.
is

4. lo-Ko/iaivoi

an ethnic name, " natives of Iskome,"

a village

occurs also in an epitaph published by Prof.

Ramsay

in J.H.S.,

1884, p. 259,

p.

188 of this volume.


8.

TH

on stone before

rvvpM

a.<j)(v\y]ri,

f?'om end of line,

9.
1

[/AOU],

F.
;

2.

Kvpi/xa on the stone

Kvpi[\X]a, R.

See footnote

later, p.

50.

C. Left.
a>

TO KoKov

(f)dos

o Xiirov iv fiepoTrecraiv,

eyoi

yap

Kip-aL Trokv^ivOe'i Tvvfiat.


(f)dLfievoL<;
p,e,

KdWiTTov ev
dindL,
5

Ke 'AetSos oucia vaicav.


Ka\(i><;,
e-)(iv.

dvayvov<;, Sta ySiou irpd^as Kafiol (Tvvevxov rrjv kovlv kov^tju

Avp. Mevav8po<; Kapt/cou

air'

'E7riot/cio[u] rrjv

dvyarepav
'AfjifiCap
rj<;

p,ov Tr]{v) Trpoyeypap,p.evai.(y)


ttoo-is
'Ao-KX['>^]7ra[s.

A. Here the grave keeps Aurelios Menandros who has left the After having lived forty full years I went to the light of day. of land Hades. Think not that to die is bitter this is lightless
the fate of
all

but

Pluteus snatched

me from my wedded

wife

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE


Demetriane, whose affection
for she loved
I

145

shall not forget

even

among

the dead,

husband of Penelope * was loved. To her I left ceaseless lamentation, but rest from weeping in sorrow f for me whose + wedlock fate dissolved so soon. My sister Ammias, Trophimos' daughter, wept for me and sent unceasing lamentation with me

me

as the

to the grave, and

mv

brother-in-law Telesphoros, husband of

my sister

Ammia,
B.

and another son-in-law Asklepas, to


daughter.

whom

Ammia, my own
law and

His

are those gifts

gave the other of sorrow which I


I

have thus received to be memorials of me.

Florus too,

my

father-in-

Ammias my

their children too bewailed

mother-in-law, people of Iskome, lamented me ; my death, and their gifts I take with me to

Hades.
tions,

My

and from

native city buried me with tears and woeful lamentamy city I received gifts to deck my lightless tomb.

But

my

children, mindful of their father's fondness^

Patrikis
five

and

Alexandros and Demetrios

whom

1 left

an infant, and

daughters,

Trophimianes and Ammias and


they erected here a

Domna and
hope.
||

monument
life,

too, this

Kyrilla and Alexandria, marble slab, in my memory,

which

is

C.

my home, my Ah for the fair

my

light

which

I left

among

the depths of the grave. in the house of Hades.


life

They

left

me among

the living, for the dead and


all

I lie
I

in

dwell

Read and go thy way prospering and pray with me that the dust may lie light on me.

through

* R. compares a Christian inscription from the catacombs in Syracuse, restored

by Biicheler in RA. Mux., 1896, p. 639.


X/Mo-tavijs
o-efJivrji

ayavocfipovo^

K^]'

^lAai'Spcui' [sit

.')

'Acr((r)taK^s rvfi^ov etcropa?,

<^tA,, kci/jlcvov [looe

^]tis criixvocTvvrj(TLV [epL^ejTO Tlr/veXoTTLrj.

Chrisiana was a stranger from the Province Asia, perhaps from Phrygia. In the translation -jroXvirtvOds is taken with i/uo dependent on f
I

it.

This appears

to be the sense

one would

like to read ov //.olpa yd/xov.

Ammias,

by-form of Ammia.

The two
(p.

names,

Ammias and Ammia,


this.

are used

almost indifferently here and elsewhere


I
j

272

Kretschmer, Einleitung,
is

Expansion of the

common

o pio^ ravra, life

p. 339.)

10

146
Aurelios

J.

FRASER

Menandros son of Karikos from Epioikion (to) my above named daughter Ammia whose husband is Asklepas.* These two inscriptions are closely connected with one another. In inscription II. we notice that Aur. Menandros was son of Karikos
and Tatia, but
his sister

Ammia

was daughter of Trophimos.

This

twice married, first (as the other conditions implies that Tatia was to Trophimos. and afterwards Karikos to Ammia, the halfshow)
sister

of Menandros was married to Telesphoros

she

is

therefore

identical with

Ammia

in

I.,

who

also

was daughter of Trophimos

and wife of Telesphoros. Menandros in II. distinguishes this Ammia from his own daughter {IBCav) Ammia, whom he gave in marriage
to Asklepas.

In

I.

it is

stated that
;

Domna

at the age
is

of fifteen

but

in

grand-daughter of Trophimos died the subsequent account of his family, there


left

no room

for her.
latter

Trophimos

two daughters,

Ammia and

was promised but not yet married to Kyriakos (e<^' eXTTicriTauTT^st ^6vur)<; yajxeTrjv (rvv^ev)(0rjvai 6aXdfJLCo,ll.B. ^ f.). Ammia and her husband Telesphoros commemorate their dead

Nonna.

The

Theredaughter Ammia, and make no mention of the dead Domna. fore Domna must have been grand-daughter of Trophimos through his marriage with Tatia, not directly through either of his own
turn to II. then, and we find daughters Ammia or Nonna. that Tatia and her first husband Karikos had a grand-daughter Domna, who must be the child brought up in the household of

We

Menandros and

The
epitaphs

treated by him as his grand-daughter. relationship of the various persons mentioned

is

indicated in the following


last
is

stemma

in

these

*The
daughter,
family grave
offers

sentence

is

a later addition, after the death of


still

Ammia, Menander's
as in I.

who
is

described as
as

living in the beginning.

Here,
;

C, p.

142, the

thought of

the house and

home of Menander
3
f.

and he though dead

welcome
is

to his daughter,

when

she comes to her father and to the divine nature


i

in

which he
j-

merged.

Compare

II. B.

Probably for ravrais,

and not

to

be connected with

Ndi'vi;?.

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE


Eutyches
Florus

147

= Ammias
I

Demetriane

II
= Aur.

Karikos

=
^1

Tatia

=
I

Trophimos
I

Menandros

Amraia

Telesphoros

Nonna = Kyriakos
Kyrilla Alexandria

Asklepas

= Ammia

Patrikios Demetrios Alexandres Trophimiane

Domna

Menandros, evidently, died in middle age. While he left eight children, one son was an infant (II. B. 10), and a daughter Domna was also very young. Tatia, his mother, who had married again,
took charge of
In
II.

Domna
I

but the child died

at the

age of

fifteen.

B.

f.,

irepav ISiav

dvyarepau

'KfLfiiav

must be under-

stood as a second

Ammia,

"

my own

daughter by nature," with an

emphatic meaning of Ihiav, and not the mere weakened meaning


often has in these Phrygian epitaphs {tneus, or suus, according as the epitaph is expressed in the first or the third person). It is noteworthy that Telesphoros, the alumnus (son by adoption
it

which

and upbringing) of Trophimos, married Ammia, daughter by nature of Trophimos. The quasi-relationship between them was therefore not felt in Phrygian circles * to be a bar to marriage. Yet it is

Phrygia there was a certain intimate family tie acknowledged between alumni and parents. This is proved by many inscriptions, which allow a place in the family grave, not merely to
certain that in

children but also to alumni.

Still

there

is

always a clear distinction


;

drawn between children by nature and alumni


tainly did not

and the

latter cer-

adopted sons in Roman law as entirely on a This agrees level with sons by nature in respect of the marriage law. entirely with the Greek law ; and throws light on the obscure subject

rank

like

of the law of inheritance in the parts of Asia Minor which, after


being long subject to the Seleucid rule, passed into
Prof.

Roman
the

possession.
to

Ramsay

in

his

Historical

Commentary on

Epistle

the

* These inscriptions are, indeed, Christian (as. will be shown below) ; but it may be safely assumed that the ordinary custom of society would not be violated by
the Christians at this period (third century).

148
Galatians, p.

J.

f'RASER

has treated this difficult topic, and shown that the law of inheritance through adoption, which was assumed for pur-

340

f.,

poses of illustration by St. Paul in Gal. law as it existed in his own time, but the

iii.

6-9, was not the

Roman
Greek

Greek law

(or rather
it

law as modified in the Seleucid Empire to adapt He also points out that " in Oriental population).
to

to a Grasco-

Athens the

adopted son was permitted and encouraged thus saving the dowry which she would otherwise require," and keepand that in Asia Minor, ing the property undivided in the family " where some traces of succession in the female line it is

marry the daughter,

persisted,

highly probable that the same marriage custom prevailed, on the theory that the adopted son acquired the daughter's right of inheritance by marrying her ".

He could not give at that time any example

to prove in actual fact that this marriage custom existed ; but the inscriptions here published furnish the proof. Trophimos has no

son by nature

therefore he adopted Telesphoros, and gave

him

his

daughter
C.

Ammia in marriage. An epitaph copied close to Bey-Sheher (Parlais) by W. Wilson bears on the Anatolian law of inheritance,
Avva
lovofrjr;? kX[7^]^o[i/o]/u,os Ka\

the late Sir

and may be

given here for comparison.

[Ba

koI

No. dvyaTepe<; ttjv eavTwv dp\\iaa\a.v

'I-

ovaTC^

The
heiress,

[Ji]vi]fjir]<; yapiv. circumstances are

here

obscure.

Justa

had only one


Either the

and two daughters who do not rank as word 6vyaT4pe<; is used here inaccurately in
(which
is

heiresses.

the sense of alumnae

highly improbable and in our opinion incredible), or used in the sense of " mother who herself nursed and dpexjjaa-av tended them," which seems natural and in accordance with analogy,
is

as dvyarepe^

implies p.riTpav.* Apparently, therefore, Justa had three daughters, and only one of these (presumably the eldest) was

The

reading of R. in

I.

A.

2, irarlpav \dpTrT\ripav,

corresponds closely to this

use of dvyaTfpi Ttjv Opiij/aaav.

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE


heiress.

149

When we remember

that, in the primitive

AnatoHan custom

of priestly families, it must necessarily have been the case that only one daughter could inherit the right of priestess, and transmit to a

husband the right of priest and representative of the god, it seems quite possible and even probable that this should have become a

and that only one daughter was heiress. This would explain why only one son-in-law was the wife of the other son-in-law was not an adopted by Menandros
:

universal principle of Anatolian custom,

heiress-daughter according daughter's inheritance.

to

the traditional Phrygian custom

of

Even
stood that

if
it

we admit

this conjecture,

it

must

certainly be under-

was only the old Anatolian custom, and must probably have been regarded in Hellenised city-life as rather old-fashioned and
non-Hellenic.
that the

Greek

Especially in regard to sons, it must be presumed law of inheritance was observed in all those Hellenised

Grasco-Asiatic cities of Phrygia. No trace of any non-Hellenic system of inheritance for sons is known in the wide range of Phrygian

of course, quite natural that the old fashion should persist longer where the female right alone was concerned, i.e., in The ancient custom precases where there were no sons to inherit.
epigraphy.
It
is,

sumably was that


the inheritance

all

inheritance passed in the female


it

line.

When

was necessarily non-Phrygian, began, and was certainly adopted under Greek influence and of the Greek The inscriptions show, indisputably, that the usual and legal type. times was regular custom of inheritance in Phrygia in Grajco-Roman
of sons

modiaccording to Greek custom and law, though with certain slight On these modificafications to adapt it to Anatolian or Oriental life.
tions see Histor.

Commentary on Galatians, pp. 338 fF., 352 ff., 374. The inscription from Bey-Sheher probably belongs to the Colonia
it

was carried from a distance to the large town, which is quite possible) and in that case it shows that the Anatolian custom was sometimes retained even amid Roman surroundings.
Parlais (unless
;

But Parlais was

in

close connection with the great Imperial estates

I50

J.

FRASER

round Pisidian Antioch, on which old Phrygian custom was very * and all evidence affected suggests that it was not deeply strong it is certain by Graeco-Roman civilisation. In the Tembris valley These are the that Graeco-Roman education exercised little power.
;

Anatolian custom surroundings in which the survival of primitive might naturally be expected.
evidence suggests that something like the modern Armenian custom prevailed in the household of Menander and of Karikos.

The

The

father's

house continued to be the home of the married children,

or at least of the married sons.

married daughter went to her husband's family, but in order to keep an heiress-daughter in the so that he and his wife family her prospective husband was adopted

should remain in the house, which was a large patriarchically ruled establishment. In such a household it is easy to see how the Phrygian " bride," usage (exemplified in many inscriptions) arose, that vvix<])rj, " ". The son's wives was practically equivalent to daughter-in-law

and became part of his household.f Christian character of these two inscriptions is shown not merely by the symbol of the cross in II. but also by the names. Nonna, Kyriakos, Kyrilla,;}; are distinctively Christian possibly one
lived in the father-in-law's house

The

alone might not constitute an absolute proof, but merely afford a the conjunction of the three however in one strong presumption
:

family

is

conclusive.

Several of the other

names

are, at least, favourite

names among the Lycaonian and Phrygian Christians of the third and fourth centuries, though used also by pagans. The cross in itself could
it

not be reckoned a conclusive proof, because, being incised, might have been added later and it was probably added later
;

f-

* See the paper on the Tekmoreian Guest-friends in this volume. See the remarics on the subject in this volume, pp. 71, 373 f. I Assuming the alteration made by R. in II. B. l 2 ; he points out that the

common form
it

of in the Phrygian and Lycaonian inscriptions of this period makes very liable to be confused with AA, and that it is often impossible to say which was intended by the engraver. KvpiXka is a very common name in those regions,
is

but Kvpifta

unknown.

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE


in the sense that
it

151

was not part of the ornament on the stone when it was purchased from the stone-worker, but was inserted after purchase to meet the wishes of the family of Menandros see a similar
:

example published

in

this

volume
(I.

" " teacher of sacred wisdom


this conclusion agrees

A.

The 83) by Miss Ramsay. was a therefore Church official 6)


(p.
;

and

with the
1906,

facts in

Lycaonia, stated by Prof.

Ramsay

in Expositor, Feb.,

p.

155.

Language.
These epitaphs,
it is

obvious, are the

work of people but


:

half-

such phrases as acquainted with the language in which they wrote are n\ou7eos oiKia vaiav probably modelled on Epic endings like
TT]\6dt,

vaiwv imperfectly understood. And the use throughout of the classical terminology in referring to death makes it difficult to On the other hand, say how far the expression is of Christian origin.

the epitaphs have some interest from the linguistic point of view. They exhibit strikingly the breaking down of the vowel system,* though doubtless among peasants who knew the language but very imperfectly, the process must have been more rapid and less regular

The variations in the representations of country. the vowel sounds are the following
than
in the

home

= et = t ct = ai 77 ai =
I
7]

iyiio,

e^t,

^X*-^'

^^vlv,

Kifiai.,

aXeyivov,

[0\a.p2(Tdrj.

elhicrdriv, 'AeiSos.
:

xVpiav, elheadrju, luopaTr), TavTr}<;,

[fi]np'L(rdrj,

travcrq.

alkvOov,

p.aC,

aiSe,

^tXaiaev,

vaimov,

Trpoyeypafi-

p,vai\y],
t

aleXiOLO,

\(TKop,aivoi,.

= = =

ot

Kivo)vo<;.

7)

ai
e
:

K, passim.
rjv.

is

chief point of interest is the equivalence of r) and at, which contrary to what one would expect from the respective values of

The

* These be inscriptions cannot be exactly dated, but cannot

later

than the third

century, a.d.

152 these signs in

J.

FRASER
The
ordinary view about the protill about 350 B.C., when,
identical in

Modern Greek.
7)

nunciation of
it

is

became

close.

was an open sound After 500 a.d. it became


that
it

sound with

i.

Traces of the open sound of -q are found elsewhere in Pontine Greek, and it is evident that to the writers of the present epitaphs t), e and at

must have been


;cai

identical in sound.
ktj.

Kai however

is

usually written

or kc, rarely

Another point of
before
ctt,

the development of a prothetic t exactly parallel to the / which arose before similar coninterest
is

sonant combinations

in

Late Latin,

e.g., iscelesta,

ispeculator.

The

V which apparently can be added to nominal

and verbal

forms indiscriminately is difficult to explain. The case of t-atW for vaiw, as has been said above, may be due to confusion with the participle.

Forms
from the

tions
etc.,

one

may

iSeV^at) may be analogous formawhile ; ^vxy]v (nom.) and irarepav, dvyarepav, suspect to be merely the devices of an unskilled but
like elSead-qv
(

active

resourceful composer.

Metre.
not safe to attach very much importance to In peculiarities of versification in such compositions as the above.
It
is,

perhaps,

the majority of the lines the dactylic

rhythm
D,

is

and though Perrot arranges,

e.g. I.

as partly elegiac,

quite clearly marked, all the epi-

taphs are evidently intended to be hexametrical. Now, it is quite fair, I think, to assume that the very worst of composers, Trophimos
the village schoolmaster, for example, would aim at correctness in the most prominent part of the hexameter, the last two feet ; and we
that in a large number of cases where, according to the rules of versification in the classical there is no semblance language,
shall find

of hexameter or any other metre, the verses close very respectably indeed if we pronounce according to the accent, as in modern Greek.
It

may

be observed that in the Scazons of Babrius, the verse always

INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE

153

has an accent on the penultimate syllable, and Nonnus never allows an hexameter to end with a proparoxyton word.*

following are the principal instances of what appears to to be the effect of accent on metre
:

The
1.

me

Final

'Acr/cXijTras

irepav

eXa/3ov &Se
,

SteXucre

Toi)(^o<;

e/3SoiJiaLK0VTaeTr}s

ov 8ta fiCov
IcTKOToccra Se vv^.

2.

Medial

acc
.
.

yap
.

(fjiXaicrev

fjie

ov p.vrj fioavvov
T/3d(^(,/Aos

Avp.
3.
Initial
:

EuTu;)(0U9
. . .

\d/3e reXo? OavaTOio

This appears to me to suggest that wretched as is the versification of the poor old Phrygian schoolmaster, it is not so wretched as
it

seems.
Note.

The

accusatives Trarepav, etc.,


is

may

gian forms.

In the Phrygian language n

very possibly be modelled on Phryrepresented by an as in Marepav on the


;

monument of Arslan-kaya (Ramsay,


Forms
ment
in Phrygian declension.

J.H.S., 1884, 285

Kretschmer, ^iH/^'/awf,

p.

218).
ele-

like daXafjcetv (dat.), rpoKovSiv (gen.) indicate that final v

was

prominent

On

the other hand, Brugmann, Grieckische Grammatik,

as well as

forms like -rarpL&av Ovyarepav, etc., common on late inscriptions, the Cyprian iia-rfipav, Thessalian Kiovav and other similar formations, are For other explanations see Bezzenberger, B.B., simply modelled on the vowel stems.
255, suggests that
7,

74, and

J.

Schmidt, K.Z., 27, 283.


Blass, Aussprache des Grlech., 34.

EXPLORATIONS IN LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA,


1904.
T.

CALLANDER,

M.A.

EXPLORATIONS IN LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA,


The
inscriptions published below represent
in in

1904.

part the results of

journeys made

1904 under the direction of Prof. Ramsay.

The

routes were planned in such a way as to supplement his own observations, and thus they form an episode in a prolonged study of central

Asia Minor rather than a piece of independent research. Furthermore, both as a beginner in actual travel and in the editing of what

having drawn very freely in every the vast stores of possible way upon special knowledge of which Prof. is Ramsay possessed, knowledge which is at the service of all workers
follows,
I

am

to be understood as

in this field

without grudge or

stint.

I.

SAVATRA.

One
Prof.

of the exploration in Lycaonia carried out in 1901 by and Messrs. Cronin and Wathen was the determination Ramsay
result

of the

site of Savatra To {cf. Cronin, J.H.S., 1902, p. 367 fF.). meet the requirements of the case as inferred from the Geographers and the Notitiae, a site had to be found on a Roman road somewhere

in the district

Yali-Baiyat, a settlement

between Lake Tatta and Boz-Dagh, and a visit to on the eastern edge of Boz-Dagh, produced

the conviction amounting to practical certainty that the modern Yaila here occupied the ground once covered by the ancient city of Savatra.

The

conclusions arrived at on the strength ot evidence published by Mr. Cronin have been borne out by the finds ot 1904. That aRoman road, the " Syrian Route," ran from Laodiceia Combusta by Savatra to Herakleia-Cybistra and the Cilician Gates, as was inferred

158

T.

CALLANDER

by Prof. Ramsay,* has now been proved by two milestones discovered and stones inscribed with the name ot along the route indicated
:

Savatra have appeared. On the 7th of June

left

Konia

for Yali-Baiyat with the object

of searching for traces of the road which ought to run along the north side of the low range of hills called Boz-Dagh. My route was the same as that followed in 1901 on the return journey described of the by Mr. Cronin (I.e.). Yali-Baiyat was reached on the evening east side of the range. 7th, and next day I began to work, along the a rising ground to the round north The road from Yali-Baiyat led some east, then turned south-east and in forty-five minutes passed by

The followof Ennek. standing-stones in the vicinity of the village at Ennek and Alsakli a village near, ing inscriptions were noticed In many cases, where the lettering is besides No. i at Yali-Baiyat.
rude and could only be reproduced properly
needless to give epigraphic text in type.
1.

in facsimile,

it

seems

Yali-Baiyat.
'Apr) 'Enr)k6(o
Xiai'os (TTpa-

TiMTTjs euX''?"

AevKts

FaTTts KopuT]Lucius Gattius Cornelianus was the Latin name ot this soldier.

The worship of Ares


was so strong
as in

is

natural in a

town where Roman influence


"
Syrian Route ".

The

Savatra on the important is frequent in Anatolia. epithet eVr^/coos

2.

Ennek.
'louXtav
Matcrai'
'S.ifiaa-Trjv
ciiP
7)

ySou-

X17

/cat

8tj/aos

lEaovarpe* See
lOI.
his arts,

on " Roads and Travel

in

New

Test.

Times "

in Hastings'

Dia.
1904,

of the Bible, v., p.


p.

" " in Jahreshefte Lycaonia 390, and on

des Instit., Beiblatt,

EXPLORATIONS
3.

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA


Taurd-

159

Alsakli.

Tai'TaXiai'os

\ov

TTj

elBia yvvaiKL

Tantalos, Tantali

filius,

of Savatra

is

mentioned

in C.I.G.,

4034

(Ramsay 4. Ennek.
Ennek.

in Jahreshefte,

On

1904, Beib., 90 f.). rectangular block in large


Kaicrjapt

letters.

ew

5.

Small

stele,

roughly square section.


TO)

AiofiT]OTjs Zrjvoivt,

narpl

fjLVTJjjLr)!;

ifw]

X*/"''

yXvKVToi6.

Large stele. [tov Selua Kol 'We^]av8pov Tovs 'AX.e-

Ennek.

Fine lettering.
[rpecou
[kr]

^i^v6 Srjkoi]
-q

^duSpov

irat[8]-

i"(o]?

irCfjirj-

as '!Tavape\Tous 2ao]ua7.

<t(.v

Alsakli.

Marble

stele.

Good work.
Eagle.
/cai

M. Ow7Ttos
Te/DTia
8.
rxj

Ntye/o

yvvaiKi

[(^jtXooropyias jejufotas eveKev

Ennek.
Avpr]\to<;
ptvo<i

2a-

iavrfj [koL T(o

yKvKV-

TctTw aBeXif)[^] AioyevT)


fj.yyjfj.ri'i
i*

yXvKVTaT(0 utw Meve^VH-V f^^l^'


'*?5

x4/"'

X"/^'*'

[^'''"

iiToirjcrev [kol

"H'*?]''"^*']

i6o
9.

T.

CALLANDER
doorway of
hut.

Ennek.
AiaSovfJ-evo<;

Built into

ivopKoi rpis 0\ov<i\


M'rji'as

eavrqi kol

dveTrtXi^TWS

'HX.iaSt Trj (TVV^C\0)

jxyjSeua irepov iTTtKrf.Ptxdrjvai


'

TOP

^(Djjiov

rj

Kol TT)v cTTrjkrjv Koi TO. TreXra

fjLOVfjv

ApTefj,eL(TLav rfiv

/cat

ifjLTjv

should probably not read rpts for T/aets, but should rather understand that Men Ouranios and Katachthonios are thrice adjured dveTrtXvros is (see below, No. 30) and thus are bound indissolubly.

We

quoted only from Galen


a negative
10.

as

compound. Ennek.
Imp. Caes.

compounded with the prep. avd. Here it is word (dvyarepa ?) seems omitted at the end.
et

M.

Jul.

M.

Julius

Philippus P. f. Aug.
1 1
.

Philippus Caesar
filius eius

by

Prof.

Another milestone with obliterated inscription was copied Ramsay at Ennek in the cemetery see No. 58.
:

lOP

VCIVM RV CM

UM
R
12. Alsakli.
Tlarij/aas
po<;
eV(t.)

Long

stele

thrown across

well.

npea^vTeStaSo^ijs
6fiia)i;

yjuvij 'A(f)(f>yja
crTr}<Te

rw

TTaTptKrj^

[avSpl yXvKv-]
TaTO) V)(v
[jjiu-qfnr)';^

KC avTO<s wibs Trpea-fiVTepo^ IlaTrjpa<; kol rj


op.icD'i

X'^P''^

with

for 01.

Patcras

is

a remarkable

name, not

in

Pape-

Benseler.
is

son succeeds his father as presbyter ; but the Greek rather mixed up, and the son twice calls himself a presbyter.

EXPLORATIONS
13.

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA

i6i

Ennek.

Large
QepaTTMu

stele in hut.

X(pta'To)i)

Hoi[v]

-Qideo^ KaaLyvrfjr)

X09 iv rwSe TVfx^0)


/carct/cijjLiJe
fJLOL

Mapia
elveKa

fjiV7]iJ.rj<;

crrj-

[a]efjivrj<;

jxa Se

oiw KacnyvrjTOi rev^ev Paul was buried by his young sister Maria an only brother.

14. Alsakli;

Rough Tara NeWo/ao?


dvecTTrjcrev vi(o

stone.
Neo-ro/at
-5 xo-pi-v stele.
jMvijfiy)-

15.

Alsakli.

Square

Ho-U^O? 'Ok^LOV t[oV


Koi Aopvfjievov<;
"Yia-v^co
Tft>

XcJV WpOfJioCpCO? 0.770-

davovTL
koI

tei/at;?

uiw avhpl

ixvyjixr)';

)(dpcu

yevvaiay koX (fyCXw (f)L16. Alsakli. On architrave block.

KvpL ^Orjdi TW VKb)


cross in circle
17.

tow[t(w

Ennek.
[i}/0dSe
8-q

voi[p](o7TOi<;

[K]ara/ceiTe
OjoecTTT^s
(^CkTOLTr]

'Hpa/(X[ei-

iXaos
5

d.vT][p\

a] efijs

ravT

i-

^(uos yajya]

15 Treypaxfjev
/xtj?

/ai{'*?'

wv
dv

ttoXik^iXt-,
^ei*

aros

df
seems to be a
local

-^dpLv reXecracra
dvdpu>TToi<;.

vadpcoTToi,<s

rendering of iv

II.

KANNA OR KANA.

of the obscure Lycaonian town, Kanna, a bishopric in Byzantine time, was placed by Prof. Ramsay in his study of Lycaonia " on some road {Jahreshefte des Inst., 1904, Bbl., p. loi) leading from it or so that should fall from Laodiceia Katakekaumene, Koropassos
site II

The

i62

T.

CALLANDER

The NotitiEe always mention it immediately after near Hyde. Kanna. These Savatra, while Hierokles has the order Savatra Perta
conditions are satisfied by any site in the district between Savatra, In accordance with these indications we found Perta, and Hyde."
in the village

of Genne on the road between Savatra and

Hyde (now

a city Kana Kara-Bunar) the following inscriptions, which prove that was situated there, and that the modern name preserves the ancient

name.

pronunciation.*

but several of the inscriptions have the form Kana, with the modern Byzantine authorities give Kanna in agreement Prof. Travelling by different routes from Konia,

The

Ramsay and
1

met there by agreement.


in. company.

8.

Genne.
is

The

text

Copied by Prof. Ramsay and myself complete and certain.

AvTOKparopL Nepo[ua]

tov vaov kol to aya\/i,a


[Kjave'wi/ fiovkr)
[t]ijs

TpaLavM Kaio-apt Se;S[ao-]TW TipixavLKO) Aa/fiKQ),

Si^/ao?

eVt

r)yefioi'La<;

UottXlov

iraTpl TrarptSos, Srj-

KaXovLO-Cov 'Povcrajvo's louXiov ^povTetvov

/tapviK^s e^oucrtas

the form eTnjjLekr}6ivTo<; Perhaps the intention was to end with in that ever no letters were engraved) T-^g di'ao-Tacre<i)? (though case Julius Frontinus would be the official of Kanna who was charged with the erection of the monument, and a stop would be needed
:

however, as is most probable, the text has been correctly engraved, Julius Frontinus must be part of the name of P. Calvisius Ruso, who is known to have been governor of the two His father, Provinces Galatia and Cappadocia, a.d. io6 and 107.
after 'Povcrwi'o?.
If,

P.

Calvisius Ruso,

mother may the famous

was Proconsul of Asia under Domitian, and his have been named Julia Frontina, perhaps a daughter of
Julius Frontinus.

S.

The name
as Prof.

Galatian personal nomenclature, Laodiceia Combusta {Classical Review, 1905,


* Kana Not.
III.,

Calvisius passed into Ramsay has pointed out at


p.

369).
Kannos VIII., IX.

Kanna

X., Kaina XIII., Kanos

I.,

VII.,

EXPLORATIONS
19.

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA


also

163

Genne.

Copied by Miss Ramsay and

by Prof. Ramsay.

AvTOKp-

Kavewj/
rj

dropa KaCaapa M. Avp. Upo^ou


Se^acrrou Dedications to Probus are rare.
erased was copied at Comana 20. Genne Tchiftlik.

/3ovXr]

/cat

6 S^/xos

with the name imperfectly of Cappadocia by Prof. Ramsay in 1882.

One

o}v

{jJivrj-

V p^\j\p.r)<i

/ia ir[a-

^a-

rpos dvea-

pw

" son and Perhaps y may be read after 'XdrjuCwu, meaning grandson of Athenion ".
21.

Genne
CrVV
cr

Tchiftlik.
TOi X^lCTTOU

Traye

(^epdnovre? iTv^ci[v

KacTiyvr)-

22. Genne.

Limestone, badly weathered. Tov loSorepo? opoi Kol @vpcrov dyiov


evBo^ov
1.

The

reading in

is

hopeless.

III.

SIDAMARIA.

the ruins at Ambar-arasi or Serpek (both names are used) was discovered by Prof. Ramsay from an inscription pub-

The name of
by him

lished

in the

Revue

des Etudes Anciennes, 1901, p. 279.*


it

He

pointed out that in this very rudely engraved inscription


*
:

is diffi-

The lines are wrongly divided in the printed text the arrangement in his (which was published as an article) was wrongly taken by the printer as corresponding to the epigraphic lines, and the author saw no proof.
letter

i64

T.

CALLANDER
whether the
first letter is

cult to decide with certainty,

c or
is

e, the

third

or A, the

fifth

AA

or

A A

but the above form

the most

probable reading, and since then,


p. 88,

in the Jahreshefte, Beiblatt,


this.

of Ambar-arasi

he pointed out analogies confirming is Kale Keui, with important ruins on a

1904, few miles west


hill.

These

two

sites

may

23. Kale Keui.


'

be classed together. Heavy stone 6


koX Nei-

ft.

x 2 x

used as doorstep.

Ps]6y}va\io<;

Nei/caKOfirjBr)'; uio[t]

va<;

evopKL^w 8e M-ijtov re OvpdvL-

vopos Nei/cavopa 'AdrjvaLov tov iavTwv

ov kol tovs Kara^doviov<;


fj.r]

e^[ci]-

narepa
Te'oi{s]

/cat

Tarriv Ta-

vai Tivi

Trw\.rj(jai

'^ecKOfnjBov;

to Trepu^okov tov
tci[<^]ou /ATjre
t,(.LV

TTjv p.y]Tepa
01,

avTwv
to.-

ayopd-

KTicravres tov

KT(^<;\

To[l)]

^ov

evvoia^ eVe/ccf

[d.de\(j)0v ?]

here interpreted as a of Smyrna, in contrast to the pair of gods (like the two Nemeseis there would be three Mens, case in that ordinary single Nemesis) ; But it seems better to understand the as perhaps in No. 9 above. Mens here as a vague plural conception, " the gods of the underIt is possible that

Katachthonian

Men

is

The conception of world," and to read rpt's, not T/o{e)ts, in No. 9. Men as the god of the world of death is strongly confirmative of
Prof. Ramsay's opinion that the resemblance to the Greek word fiijv was purely accidental, that the identification of him with the Moon-

god was an error made under Greek

influence,

and that the name

Men

is

an Anatolian word, perhaps connected with Manes, the name


at

of a deity

Akmonia.*

24. Ambararassi.
17

Under

hearth in house.
?,

Selua dveaTr}ae\v tov ea[urTj? dvBpa Arjixi]TpL0<; .^] 8e tov eai^TOv Trarepa
ArjprJTpiov
?

Tolu lepea

Tyj'i

['A^r^i^as
ii.,

* Cities and Bish, ofPhrjgia,

p.

626.

EXPLORATIONS
25. Kale Keui.

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA

165

Inscribed on rock, on south side of Acropolis.

t K[u/)t]e jBorjdi @eoS[w]pou


26.

i66

T.

CALLANDER

shed between the central plains and the coast valleys of Asia Minor, Here we came one of the lowest passes over the Taurus ridge.
(Djeulessi
Jailasi)

to

the

"

"

pretentious

monument

described

by

After copying the inscriptions on Sterrett,* utterly wrecked. of the lion statue we went ahead through the large stone and the base

now

the village of Eshenler, the mud huts of which at a distance reminded me of a collection of huge swallows' nests plastered on the side of
that point we turned sharply up a steep bridle path round the end of the topmost ridge of Ala-Dagh ; then after a short descent
a
hill.

At

we scrambled on

foot along the slope of the Calycadnus valley. Half an hour later a fragment of a lion came in sight along with various cut stones, and round a knoll the debris of a church apd part

On the of yet another lion statue, making the fourth that day. we came opposite side of the cleft from which the church protruded on the remains of a second church used at the present day as a
quarry.

Some of

the stones were clearly

in

situ,

and very

little

of stones inaccessible at the digging would have turned up a number moment. There was barely time to copy the few exposed stones
before we had to retrace our steps to Hamzalar and thence Our main purpose to report as to the epigraphic prospects

to Konia.

This rugged part by of the Calycadnus valley abounds in remains of ancient life and in But the inscriptions are of the inscriptions of the late Roman time.
the accounts carried to Konia
fulfilled.

was

suggested

smallest interest,

of collective

and only in a large collection, through the observation results, do they promise to reward the labour of copying.
In the

30. Jijek.

Mosque. AuXo?
'Poi}[<^]os
/<[e]

yvv'n

31. Jijek.
Ta/aacris

In the

Mosque.
voi

vicu
)({a/)it')

Aovyei*
IVo/fe Expedition, p.

ix(vrjfir)<;)

EXPLORATIONS
32. Jijek.
In the

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA


irav dSeX^o[i']
iM(yTjfir)<;)

167

Mosque.
a-^{dpiv) sickle

Avp.

[No]i)i/cos

vecrTr]crev 'Att-

Nounnos,
33.

p.

60, fern.

Nonna, pp. 129, 139.

At

Jijek.

In the Mosque. [HaTT


.^]tas

a[i']e[crrr^]-

(ref TloLU^Lav]

Tov Trarepa

double pickaxe and sickle


34. Jijek.

In the Mosque. Rough stone. IlacrLwv iKoaprjcrev TOV dhf.\.TTOv avTov

for

(f>

is

common

in Pisidia

and the central regions generally

of Anatolia.
35. Jijek.

In Mosque.

TPOKONAaC
Poor
stone.

Very rough.

36. Jijek.

In Mosque.

[Ouaji'aXi,? [eKdcr]ja7jo"[e]
riaJTriai/

tov dvhpa

pickaxe and pruning hook


37- Jijek.

AvpyjXia
701*

K.vp[i.]\[X.a

^OX.Vfinav
X*/'*'

/xi'Tj/xrjs

a8e\(f)ov avTrj[<;]

sickle

and pickaxe
o-VTbiv
)^(^dpLv)

38. Jijek.

In

Mosque.
W^'p*

ASA.OS Kal ToT/a}acris


iKOcr/jir]fXTj-

fji(^vrjfir)<;)

crav TTjp

39. Jijek.

In house.

KOAPATOC
In the Mosque.

Rough

stone.

40. Jijek.

The

stone, broken right

and

left,

i68
is

T.
'

CALLANDER

carved to show a series of columns supporting a sort of frieze which carries the inscription. Illustration, p. 20.
[6

Selva

e/(dcr)U,]r/o-ei^

ttjv jjiiQTepa

avTov

['Po ?^c[Trr)V

?]

fi.

)(.

41. Jijek.

In the Mosque.
^]a[']as
iK6cr[fJir)cri>)

Ovdvakiv aZek^rjV

42. Sari-Oghlan-Bunari. [6 Setva] KoX

KovXa

[17]

o"u[)Lt])8ios

auTou

or KovXai^l]?

(cr)v/Li;Sios.

h.vp.

43. Sari-Oghlan-Bunari. Ai'i'is Koi Ki/cat

Illustration, p. 20.
T17I'
ju,.

/Aa^)L([i^]j/
;^.

Avp.

Si^

o-oui'i?
-T^Jcrai'

Vipov<; avea\T-

rov TraTTTrov Tav koX


is

AvpavvLi;
"Avi'ios
is

perhaps not an impossible reading

but *Avvis for

more probable.
Illustration, p. 19.
avecrTTjcrev

44. Sari-Oghlan-Bunari.

AaiSaXo? ZeuSS,

Zeuda
45.

is

ZevBau TTorepa avTov probably Isaurian for euSa.


atv
viov
Illustration,

At Hamzalar.
Me[j']j/ea[i'
a.\nr\<;

A^p\rj^\]ia Na[i']a Kao{cr]t[ou dvy-

t]o[j'

aTTjp

di{e]cr[Ti7-

46. Hamzalar.

p 21.
avTov

Tapd ?]o"ts
47. Hamzalar.

dvecTTrjcrev tov vov

Ae&j[t']tS[7^S

dvecTTrj-

(TV Tri[u

48. Hamzalar.

MouTou
TOI'

dveo'Trjaei'

[ Jr^i/ecroi'

UOt'

aVTOl)
letters,

The

son's

name wants only one or two

but seems unique.

EXPLORATIONS
Kai
/ce

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA


'ivSoCf

169

49. Eshenler Baghlari.


'Ijxcrav /ce
/ce

Movcreau Ke OwSlv
ke Te'ySeiv
/ce

/ce

/ce

07ypa[v]

'I80C1'

^dvvav

MiSwrav

to[us]

tSiov? TToivTa<i evvoCa^ /cat reifirj^

The
50.

list

IJi.vrjfi7)<; ^apiv of Isaurian names

is

remaricable.

Eshenler Baghlari.
[6

Seii/a

eKOcrfJi.rjaei'

tov SeLva\

Tov

viov ? or [yXvKVTaTov vlop i[Sioi/ avTov Kal [tov Selva d.8e\(f>Tra[Avp. avTov Kal Tepa [Avp. 'OXvp.o[ur]oi)
/cat

ov

Trat"

TpoKOvSa

[^etoi'

auTou

51. Eshenler Baghlari.


B. Avp.' 'ATTTTtts ratou
Te)(veLTrj<s

C. iiravecTTrjcrev 'HpaKXetSr^S /cat tou? yoI'eis

Tlopiv/ca-

Seiis
TO.

anjjpTLcrev

avroC

T17I'

dTre'ySocrii/
is

Iloptj^Seus
in Sterrett's
:

probably a shorter form of the ethnic nairoptvSevs,

Wo/fe Exped., No. 69 (on which see Ramsay, Hist. Geogr.,

Sterrett alters his reading to lia-mropovhev^). p. 382 Compare Salouda and Salsalouda, Pasa and Paspasa (///. Geogr., p. 451). of this inscription, now lost, told that Heracleides made Part

the

tomb

(for himself.'').

Part

is

the artist's signature.

Heracleides as an afterthought honoured his parents also, and C. haps died in "the interval between aTreySoo-ts must be a

Then who perp. 92.

variant of eKSocrt? in the sense of contract, Lat.


52. Eshenler Baghlari. KafCKas OuaXe-

locatio.

See

rrjcrev

avTrjv 6 ttoj-

pCov Ma/c(a/c)eSoi{o]9

r)p [/cat]

AaXas

p.rj'i[7)p]

dvyoLTrip

iv4<T-

Here we have

faults

of engraver for Ma/ceSdi'o?

avea-rrjcrev.

I70

T. 53. Eshenler Baghlari".

CALLANDER
koL Saret-

AapovfiaSe'wv
fxr]
17

KO)-

-pav Kav8iS]ou evepyecrtas eveKev

ecTTTjaau rei-

jx-qv

'IrTca TejSeL

Rude
Itteus

figures of

man and woman.

taTelpav perhaps for tanTJpav (on the form see pp. 132, 224). was son of Tebeis. The double accusative with eaTrjcrav may
Koa-fj-eo),

be compared with the same construction after


54.

see p. 278.

Eshenler Baghlari.
[Aapovfjiy
ahecou
Tf

crios reifi-qs

Koi evepye\v<Tia<;

KOip-rj

yav
Perhaps
necessary.
'Ii'Sai'

'AiTivij-

eve/cev
is

or

X'^P'-^

'^

^^*

^^

^^^ ^"^

'

^^^ neither

is

'Ifyau or Iv^av.

either a dialectic variety, or a fault of copy, for

V.

SALARAMA.
on the road from
in

This was a

village of the Iconian territory

Iconium to Archelais Colonia and Caesareia Mazaka,

the plain

before the road begins to ascend the ridge of Boz-Dagh.

On

the

name
Prof.

see

Mr. Cronin

in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1902, p. 368,

and

in Expositor, 1905, ii., p. 292 fF. An old Turkish Kutu-Delik-Khan or Dibi-Delik-Khan * is built largely Half a mile from it is a poor modern Khan, of ancient cut stones. built between 1901 and 1904, called Ak-Bash-Khan.

Ramsay

Khan

called

*
Min.,

Wrongly
401.

called Djindjirli-Khan

p.

The

mistake

is

often

by M. G. Cousin, Kyros le Jeune made even by muleteers, who have


Sindjirli-Khan
is

en Asie

recently

begun
south.

to travel

anew on

this long-deserted route.

few miles

EXPLORATIONS
55.

IN
:

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA


copied by Prof. Ramsay.
to

171

Kutu-Delik-Khan

Fttios 'Attwi'Ios <I>t/3yaos aTpaTevafajjievo^ 8Kaooip-)(r)<;


7)fjielov

1X179

KoXdvcju kol

oJittlcov

fxv-

eTroLrjcrev iavTO) re koI <I>X[aouia Ovtcre-

XXia
LKOV,

Trj

yvvaiKL avTov

jxavrj
yJToj

iff)'

co

fx.evel

TTpoyov[77X171'

fji7]8ei>L

dWco i^ov
rfj

elcreveyKelv

tw

'Airwvtw Kal

OvLo-eWia tov Se

ATI

oIko\v earea-

OaL

S)v

av otarafw/Aat Keixpava

/caret

Si,a[dT]Krjv

This inscription has been published very incompletely and without transcription by M. G. Cousin, Kyros le Jeune en Asie Min., 1905,
engraved is a very large block of quite complete, which must have formed part of a mausoleum. The inscription was continued on an adjoining great
p.

403.

The

stone on which

it is

fine limestone,

block on the right. The farnily of C. Aponius Firmus belonged to this village of Iconium, and the gravestone of Aponius Crispus,* who was duumvir

of the Colonia Iconium somewhere about a.d. 135-170, has been carried some miles south across the plain to another old Khan, called
Sindjirli.

this

This family evidently possessed property and wealth in corner of the Iconian territory and it is interesting to observe
;

proprietors of the old Iconian population became thoroughly Hellenised, speaking Greek, but bearing Roman names, and engaged in the military service of Rome and the municipal service

how such landed

of Iconium.

The

history of the family

is

treated

by Prof. Ramsay,

Expositor, Oct., 1905, p. 294.

mentions (Ect. i) onorum, and it was


:

The Ala Colonorum was in the Cappadocian army, as Arrian its full name was Ala I. Augusta Gemina Colstill

stationed

on the

eastern frontier at Chiaca

in

Armenia
*

in

the fifth century (according to the No(. Dign. Or.).

Sterrett, E/>igr. Journ., p. 226: Cronin in J.H.S., 1902, p. 369, No. 142. here Spelt Apponius this epitaph also is in Greek, not in Latin. Sterrett does not restore the title h[vavhpiK6<i\ ; Cronin hesitates between it and several others ; but the
:

restoration

is safe.

172

T.
at

CALLANDER
(ijTT\i(iiv tLkrfs

A stone
d)i'0)v

Perga mentions L. Rutilius Varus,

a ko\-

(C.I.G.,
56.

4342 If). Kutu-Delik-Khan

copied by Prof. Ramsay, and published


p.

by him

in Classical

Review, 1905,

416.

L. Sjeve. Pius Perti[nax A]ug. Arab. Adiab. Parthicus Maxi. Pont-

Imp. Cae.
ni.

M.

Aur. Anto-

Aug. Cons. Parthic


[r]e[s]titueru[nt]

max.

per
le[g.

Maximus TribuVI Imp. njicia potestatis XI Cos pr. pr. procos


ifex
:

10 C. Atticium SJtrabonem

Aug.
et

p]r.

pr.

milei[a] pass.

annotation there.

see the repeat the text for comparison with No. 58 below On the peculiarities of this milestone, which is
:

extremely rudely and ignorantly composed, see Classical Review, It has been 1905, p. 415. published in an inaccurate copy by M.

G. Cousin, Kyros
erased in lines 8

le

in an unintelligible
f.,

and defective form.

Jeune, p. 402, the last lines being there presented The name of Geta has been
instead.

and Cons. Parthic. Max. inserted

Prof.

one misapprehension in his publication. Ramsay In his transcription he took the letters Ayc in line 8 for the last three letters of the name Antoninus (very rudely engraved, like the
asks
to correct
rest

me

of the inscription), but they are really for copy given there shows clearly.

AVG,

as the epigraphic

VI.

PSEBILA

OR

PSIBELA,

NOW

SEUEREK.
article in this

On

this identification see Prof.

Ramsay's

volume,

also in Jahreshefte, Beiblatt, 1904, p. 94. p. 248,

57. Seuerek.

Revised and confirmed by Ramsay in 1906.


Mvyjcridiov
ev^rjv

All
[

*i\AAnOT
^Kav
Bust.

Understanding

that, as frequently in these inscriptions,

and

B are interchangeable, we may conjecture perhaps but this is not on the stone. ^iXak-qStL
;

^i}^aL^rj\dv for

EXPLORATIONS
58. Seuerek.

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA


by Prof. Ramsay
in

173

Copied

also

1905.

restituerunt per C.

Atticium Strabonem

leg.

Aug.
C. Atticius Strabo,

Pr. Pr. Mil. Passu.

PE
Galatia in a.d. 198,
is

who governed

known

from three milestones of the Province, one found between ApoUonia and Apameia in Phrygia, one in the territory of Iconium, and this
which alone gives the name distinctly see No. 56 above and Prof. Ramsay in Classical Review, 1905, p. 416, and in his paper in this volume, p. 234. T. Atticius Strabo Romulus, clarissimus
at Psebila,
:

puer, mentioned

in

must have belonged

an inscription of Capena {C.I.L., xi., 3882),* to the same family. This inscription may be

restored in accordance with

No. 56.

It

is

possible that [Attijcius

should be restored in the milestone of Savatra, No. 10. The number is probably to be read P E, but the P is very The number of miles must be the distance from badly formed.

Ancyra, the caput viarum for the Province. At Psebila the road from Ancyra to Iconium intersected the roads from Cassareia Mazaka

and from Syria and Cilicia to Ephesus. The real distance from Ancyra to Suwarek corresponds fairly well to the number ; but certainty as to the exact measure is not possible, because the milestone may have been carried to the cemetery from its original site, which

may have
that

been at some distance.

Still

there

is

some
this

probability

the milestones here formed a group close

to

important

road-knot.

59-61. Three other milestones were copied in the cemetery at Seuerek by Prof. Ramsay in 1905. Two are in a very fragmentary
condition.

*In Pmopographia
Atticus
:

in the

called Imp. Rom., i., p. 178, No. 11 14, the boy is wrongly is used from the gentile name Attici the form genitive inscription

Atticius, not

from the cognomen Atticus.

174

T.

CALLANDER
DIVIV

is

the earliest of

all,

as

is

shown both by the

finer

form of the

letters

and by the name Divi V[eri filius or nepos]. Another belongs to the early fourth century between a.d. 308 and 337.

COCTANxiNO AUC ET
ET

The

third bears the names, rare in epigraphy, of Carus, Carinus,

and Numerian.
Imp. C.
et

M. Aur. Caro
Aug.
Carino

P. F. Invicto

M. Aur

Several lines blank

or erased
et

lu

Nomeriano our

In the

The
was
still

r perhaps m.[p. i][i while Carinus was Cassar and Carus inscription was incised

last line

alive, in the

end of 282 or the

first

half of

283 a.d.
;

The
the

name of Numerian was


became known,
ian as Augusti.
a

doubtless added in the lost lines

but,

when

death of Carus in Persia and the accession of Carinus and Numerian

second inscription was added to Carinus and NumerOf this second inscription we possess only one line.

The number of

miles (expressed both in Latin and in Greek) which had been engraved previously left no room for the titles of Numerian. few days later news reached Psibela that Numerian was dead. Two

years later, after Carinus gave place to Diocletian, a partial erasure of the names was made. The letters that remain are faint. 62. Seuerek. In

Khan

very R. (also copied 1906).

NecTTO/iio? Trpecr^vrepo?

evOdBe

kItc,

aarrjAjto/xifST^s

p OS iuekaiMwev iv
iKXrja-Ucnv deolo

iv-

0a[8]e KLT[e]

PLATE

VIII.

Door of Byzantine Church, Dagh-Euren

(T.

Callander).
*ace

To

page

174.

EXPLORATIONS
63. Seuerek.

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA

175

In Well (also R. 1905). dprjTrjp icrOko^ tov eou /cteUpev^ wv iSLOirpaeo)Te ivOdSc TTaihoiv dpeav (^iK6deo<; <f)t,\ivvo-

Tos

/cat

Oeov <^iXy)KO?] TTOLVTOiv

05 TTpavs OS ['!Tpav(TTo<;

owdcjv XpicTTOv, iy\KTo<; Se TOV eoO.


ju,o?

Koi Tovvofj-a 'AvCktjto^

There are which I cannot


decipher.

difficulties in

this

tvv^ov Se tovtov re/cva and the following Christian

texts

solve.

All are poorly engraved and

difficult

to

64. Seuerek.

In

Djami

(also
/cat

R. 1906).

T\up.^ov Vevvaheiov Trarrjp


iroTvia firjT-qp igcTeXecrcrav 6 ydp yet'os TraTpr)v t dKd)(7]crev
TTOiixev
5. 6.

Tap dveTkr) olktco-tov 6i^y]](rKwv Koi


poTpa<f)

Svap-evecov dvocr(e)twi'
yjiTLOS

0)v
8'

cratwv yavwdd-

ovTa

7ro[^ee]tvo[j'

Setos

ereXeura

TenoccciNoi, *C HNFA, R.
350).

r.

65. Seuerek.
latest, after

Probably of third century (not, at Published with illustration, according to copy of

In house.

R. 1905, above

p. 89.

66. Seuerek.

Fragment of
-^dSev,

pillar in

house.
/3tT{o]s

yjata TepovTLOv
Tjoe xyTTj

eVt yatT^s

^wos

idiv

vvv av
[/lijot-

OS irept irdvTa?
dv6p<i)Trov<;
jote-

6duaTo<; /cat

pa Ki\ave
house
;

fiekrjTo 6eov

^a-

67. Seuerek.

Stele in

worn

at

edges and letters poor.

AT ACTniKHNOC NEO*nTlC in

TOC

<&IAA

rPIOT MHrpl

K AAAHC TH
;

Aur. Lupicenus was a newly baptised Christian

the epithet was

common

use in the third

and fourth
baptised

centuries.
?

Was

Philagrius

his father, or the bishop

who

him

Kalliste his mother.

176

T.

CALLANDER
BARDA-fiTTA.
article in

VII.

BARDAKOME OR
Ramsay's

On

the

name

see Prof.

this

68. Dedeler.
large letters,

very much

In Djami (R. 1905). defaced.

A great

volume, p. 251. block of stone:

Avp. (PlXtjixwv Kol P[ov^etvo<;]

dSeX(f)ol Trarpl
ttj

[Avp
jXTfTpl

TTpea-^vripoj koI

av-

Tcov] y\vKVTa.Trj [Kjacrcrta

koI Tet-

Koi aBeX(f>M IlaTrfioff]E(t) dSeXc^w a (7\rpwrevcra^ivo) koX [Ae]ov[T]ia


(f)r)

A^o^TLKov rj vvvUaira koL rfj iSia 0vavTrj<;

ya^rpl

K[a]crcria

H,vy]fjL7)<;

eveKev

69. Dedeler.

In Djami (R. 1905).

avepa Kv8d\ip.ov ayavd^yoovos rj8' dyadolo oXjSiov Trare/Dos yaiTjs t' ipL^wkov dpovpr)<;
o-yjfJia

iv Trar/DiSt yaiy <f)t\Lr) kXvtov dvhpa fiporciv dyaOojv re toktjwv, OvapeXiavov

rdSe Kcvdi

elepeojv d^' dptcrTov

rj<;

ivl Trarptoi yairj

TOVveKa ot rdSe
eaTTjcrav
yafji/Spos
/ai'tj/at/s

arjfjia

er)

OvyaTrjp koi aKotris


Trdvra reXecrcraTo, ^
dp,OL^r\<;

itn.Tvp.^iov e/creXecravres

8'

17x01 (or 87J tol)

ra^a

iravre?,

'A<f)d6vto^

TOKeet,

yXvKtp(o

Swpa
avoid hiatus.

reXecrcra?
'A<f)66vi.o<;

was the son-in-law.

ei^s,

5, for irj to

70. Dedeler.

Small stone in house.


[6o-]iw

IlouySXtos

* $-

Hov/BXlov
*
0U-, in

w
copy 0fc
.

ev)ci]v

EXPLORATIONS

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA


:

177

The correction ocrtw seems almost necessary common in Anatolian religious epigraphy. O and c
instead of

the epithet is are often read


is

&

and

here the case

is

vice versa,

^eiw (9ew

im-

probable, though

my

copy shows no mark of doubt


VIII.

as to the reading.

BARATA.
:

Bin-Bir-Kilisse, or
this

Maden-Sheher

see Prof.

Ramsay's
:

article in

volume, p. 255. 71. In hut built into church.

Christian inscription

iv0a KaraKiTe
Tlaj3[X]iva

ATra

Pavlina shows the modern pronunciation, see p. 75.


IX.

LARANDA (NOW CALLED KARAMAN).


Entrance of Khatynia Medrese.
fieyicTTov hrjfi.apX'-'^V^

72.

Karaman.

AvTOKpaTopa Kai-

aapa ^epovav
Tpacavov SeySacrTov Tepp.avi.Kov

efoucrias

irarepa TraTpiho<; croiTrjpa ttj? oIkovpevr]<;

AaKLKov dp)(Lepea
6 SrJ/Aos

'iXLcrTpecov

This stone has been brought from


of Karaman), which retains the
X.

name

(four hours north-west of the ancient Ilistra.


Ilistra

DAGH EUREN.

At
sites,

on the long ridge of Karadja Dagh are three fortified that to the north known locally as Mennek and the most
intervals

The third site lies midway between these southerly as Sagh Kale. two and seems to be spoken of simply as " mountain ruins ". To
this I paid a visit,

making the ascent from the yaila of Yalma, four hours east- north-east of Kara Bunar. A climb of three hours by a
12

178

T.

CALLANDER

track leading south-east right across the range brought our party to the place, a gently sloping spot on the summit of the mountain covered with ruined dwellings massed together in the form of a rough

To the south-east square. the lower courses of the wall

is

a rocky acropolis
intact

crowned with

a Kale,

still

and

The Kale well put together. west and again to the south

commands
and

built of large hewn blocks a wide view to the north-

east over the plain

towards Bor

and Eregli, the wall of Taurus forming an impressive background. More accessible apparently from this side, it afforded protection especially to

the dwellers
is still

on the eastern

slope of Karadja

Dagh, a

district

which

under cultivation

in the northern part.

On

the south-

west side of the town a spring furnishes the indispensable water supply. Although no inscriptions were visible the general character

of the masonry and the patterns (see illustration) on a number of doorposts and lintels, some of them still in position and measuring as

much

as six feet long,

the city to

two and a half wide and one foot have been Byzantine and of a good period.

thick, prove

As

is

usual

in such cases the stone employed is dark and coarse-grained, much of it basalt, which does not lend itself to fine work. Clay was probably used as mortar but is now washed out.

XI.

EMIR GHAZI.

My
village

best find

nameless city at

was made two days after the discovery of the " " Dagh Oren. A written stone was reported at the

of Emir Ghazi seven hours north-east of Kara Bunar, and proved on examination to be a Hittite altar of the type already known from monuments discovered at Eyuk and Fraktin {cf. Ramsay

and Hogarth, " Prehell. Mon. of Cappadocia," in vol. xiv. of Maspero's There can be no doubt that the objects discussed there Recueil). are representations in relief of a common kind of altar identical
with the present. The stone is a cylinder of black
basalt,

forty-two inches high.

PLATE

X.

Plock with Hittite Hieroglyphic Inscription, Emir-Ghazi


(T.

Callander).
To face page
178,

EXPLORATIONS

IN

LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA

179

with expanding top, diameter twenty-five and a half inches (PI. IX.). The inscription runs round the edge of the wide top and the shaft underneath in six parallel rows, all well preserved and legible with
the exception of small portions of the fourth, fifth and sixth. reading and interpretation have been given by Prof. Sayce in the
Proceedings of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., vol. xxvii., pp. 21-31 and 43-47. After photographing and making an impression of the stone,

proceeded to Konia whither Prof. Ramsay had gone by another route. Recognising the significance of the find and confident that
I

other stones were to be seen not far away from the altar, he arranged a second visit to the neighbourhood, with the result that two additional texts appeared, both in the village of Emir Ghazi. One

found by Prof. Ramsay

is

inscribed

on two

sides of a large block

on

converted into a trough, and the other, discovered by Mrs. Ramsay, a broken altar similar to the " (Pis. X., XL). great altar ". The modern village of Emir Ghazi encroaches upon a low

mound

of considerable extent on

its

northern edge, and here the

The villagers have procured their supply of old worked stones. indications point to this mound as the Forty minutes original site.
north-west is Eski Kishla, in which the great altar stands. there should be a second inhabited site so near is peculiar.
district
is

That

The

poor and water scarce


it

so that there
i.e.,

is

no apparent reason

for the existence of Eski Kishla,

we understand

" Old Winter-Quarters," unless as an instance of duplication due to an ancient

The intrusion of a Mohammedan race cleavage in the population. here as in other cases led to a The Christian village consplit.
tinued to exist after the Turkish The Moslem nomads conquest. made their permanent winter-village three miles away. The Chrisvillagers gradually died out or became Mohammedan in the course of generations. This double habitation can be observed all over Anatolia.* When Seidi Ghazi at last had become entirely
tian

Mohammedan, Eski
* Ramsay,

Kishla had no longer any reason for a separate


and
Bish. ofPhr., pp. 27, 303, 576, 581.

Cities

i8o
existence
its

T.

CALLANDER

and

it

is

now

people gradually settled in the older and better site, uninhabited except by a few poverty-stricken nomads.
in

These monuments, taken


squared stones
considerable

conjunction with
here.

the

numerous

among

the debris at Eski Kishla, are evidence that a

Hittite settlement

once existed

Unlike other

Hittite remains they


lines

do not stand on any of the recognised main

country near the south end of the Arissama Dagh, a lofty mass of rocks projectOn a conical peak an ing from the plain north of Karadja Dagh. ancient fortress named Arissama Kale is plainly visible about four

of communication.

They

lie

in

the

flat

miles from Eski Kishla in a direction slightly south of east. Thus a road from Tyana to the west passing along the southern edge of

Hassan Dagh by way of the modern villages of Arissama and Emir Ghazi, would pass Eski Kishla and then at Kanna near the south end of Boz Dagh would naturally divide, one line running south of
range to Iconium and the other north-west by Savatra to The difficulty of striking a direct track to Savatra at Tyriaion.
that

present day inclines one to draw the line from Eski Kishla From Kanna probably straight to Kanna and thence northwards.
the

the ancient route to Iconium branched


73.

ofi^

likewise.

At Kut-Euren, two hours

S.E. of Emir-Ghazi, at N.E. end

of Karadja Dagh.

t inrep avecrecos

5 ypafifj.aTi.Kov

K6vo)vo-

in the

This may be added to the list of monuments of schoolmasters Church of the fourth century (p. 140 note and Ramsay in Ex1906,
p.

positor, Feb.,

153

f.).

It is

inscribed on a stone

ornamented

58, p. 89, but in the present case the left-hand ornament is suppressed and only the panel with epitaph and the right-hand ornament remains (containing a double cross of The left edge of the panel is continued later character than No. 58).
line pattern similar to

with

No.

up and ends in a leaf. The whole looks like an imitation of a of modern form (whether such form of flag was in Byzantine
I

flag
use,

cannot say).

PLATE

XI.

The Broken Hitthe Altar, Emir-Ghazi

(T.

Callander).
To face page
i83,

VI.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY IN THE UPPER TEMBRIS VALLEY.


J.

G. C.

ANDERSON.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY IN THE UPPER TEMBRIS VALLEY.


years ago, in the course of my earliest essays in exploration (1897), I turned my steps to the district which forms the subject of the present paper, following the track of three previous explorers,

Nine

Philippe Le Bas,* M. Georges Perrot,t and my friend and old visit produced some new docuteacher. Prof. W. M. Ramsay.j

M.

My

ments of considerable importance, which were supplemented the


following year by fresh discoveries
friend,

Mr.

J.

W.

Crowfoot.
lain

made in conjunction with my Some of them have been published,

but

many of them have


which

books, waiting for the third


of Phrygia,
I

buried in the obscurity of my notevolume of the Cities and Bishoprics circumstances have delayed longer than we

hoped.

now
of

interesting

take the opportunity of editing some of the more these documents and reviewing the whole district.

impulse to travel in Asia Minor and, in large measure, the means I owe to the University of Aberdeen, which is known to the

The

world of learning as the apxr) KLUTjcrea)^ of British exploration in Anatolia, and it is with a sense of filial obligation that I take a part
in celebrating

been to

me

the Fourth Centenary of the University, which an a/ma mater in the fullest sense.
inscrr.

has

* See Le Bas-Waddington, Voyage Arched.,


+ Exploration de la Galatie, p. 121
1 1
fF.

Nos. 774-792.

am

which have

led

indebted to Prof. Ramsay for some criticisms on the present me to modify my views on certain points.

article,

84

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON

Meiros
Haltia

Sketch-Map
'
'^;-

of

the

Upper Tembris
Valley.

J
'

X
I

Scale
I I

t_

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


I.

IN N.

PHRYGIA

185

THE

DISTRICT.

The district with which we propose to deal is the upper valley of the chief tributary of the Sangarios, the river Tembrogios * or Tembris, now called the Porsuk Su, in the basin of which lies the whole north-western corner of Phrygia towards Bithynia. Rising on
the south of Mt. Dindymos, the modern Murad Dagh, the river skirts the mountain side for some miles and then bends sharply
eastern slopes. The valley is narrow for a distance of eight or nine miles north of the bend, but near the village

northwards round

its

of Besh-Karish Eyuk, " Five-span mound," it begins to open out into an extensive plain, through which the river flows for some
twenty-three or twenty-five miles in a north-westerly direction before
it

enters the long,

narrow gorge

in the hills

which separate

this plain

from that of
called

modern Kutaya. This large plain is now Altyn-Tash Ova, taking its name from its most important
Kotia'ion, the

village,
five

" the stone of Altyn-Tash, gold," situated on the river about miles north of Besh-Karish Eyuk. The scenery, though unrois

mantic,

vegetation to diversify the landscape, except scattered clumps of trees rising here and there like green islands from an ocean, around the mud-built villages ;

not unpleasing.

There

is,

indeed,

little

but the geographical configuration of the valley saves

it

from the
all

dull
it is

and heavy monotony of the normal upland


girdled by

plain.

On

sides

hills. On the south-west towers the lofty mass of Dindywhose mos, spurs run northwards, reaching their highest altitude in Abia Dagh, along the west side of the valley to meet the hilly rim

of the charming and romantic Monument country which borders the while on the south they melt away in gentle slopes. plain on the east
;

Within the ring of


the
hills.

hills

the

ground
and
and

is

along in gentle undulations, or

rises

gently

but rolls rarely a dead level, up from the river to

The
*

soil is fertile

to a peasant yields an easy livelihood


See p. 188 n.

Pliny (H.N.,

vi.,

i)

inscr., p.

127.

i86

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON

in numerous villages dotted about the plain population concentrated but it is only partially cultivated, and here and and along the slopes ; The plain contains no town Altyn-Tash there it has run to marsh.
:

is

merely

centre of
fact.

a village, although until recent years it was a governmental a survival perhaps of an ancient the lowest class
is

Kutaya

{mudurlik) the metropolis of the district.

II.

TOPOGRAPHY

{a)

GENERAL.
Minor,
life still

Here

in truth, as so often in Asia

moves on the
:

ancient ways.

it has plain has never had a real city centre The ancient name of the district as always looked towards Kutaya. * a whole was ITpaiTrei'tcro-ds or II/DeTrei'ta-o-d?, a Gra;cised form of the

The

native

name, which is probably more nearly represented by the The first mention of UpvTTviaa-a or UpvTrviaa-a-a of Hierocles.f
the

name occurs
classes
it

in Ptolemy,;];

who

calls it

" an inland city of Great

Mysia," but the

real fact

is

who

show

as a 8^/to? that the district was, in Strabo's phrase, " inhabited on clearly " the village system (oiKovfievov Kcofj-riBov) by a backward agricultural

more accurately expressed by Hierocles, and is justified by the monuments, which

population.
separate and

Some of
distinct,

the villages were associated in loosely organised

unions [kolvo), but each maintained

and

that

is

territory and its individuality the characteristic of the Anatolian


its

village system.

The only town


:
||

and that a small


Abia, which

immediate neighbourhoodone was Appia, known to numismatists and to


in the
it

readers of Cicero's letters


lies

some way
first

represented by the village of up a lateral valley at the foot of Abia


is

now

*The

identification,
is

made by Ramsay
*Bk.
I.e.,

in J.H.S., viii. (1887), p.

510

f.

{(/. Hist. Geogr., p. 144),

generally accepted.
v.,

\Synecdemus, 678,
^Hist. Geogr., p.
llCic, ad Fam.,

7.

2,

13.

146; J.H.S.,
iii.,

p.

514.

and

9.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


Dagh.
longed

IN N.

PHRYGIA

187

But

it

lay just outside the borders of our district.

It be-

to the

province of Phrygia Pacatiana, while the Tembris


:

the frontier line passed somewhere between Appia and the Tembris valley * and between Aizanoi and Kotiai'on.
valley belonged to Phrygia Salutaris

older evidence left the topography of the district enveloped in an obscurity which later additions to our knowledge have un-

The

fortunately failed

to dispel.

The

largest

site

lay at, or in

close

to, Altyn-Tash, where ancient remains are by far the most numerous and important.! Altyn-Tash lies on the Roman road from Prymnessos to Kotiai'on,;j: which joins the road from Akmonia by Appia to Kotiai'on near the entrance to the Tembris gorge at the north end of the plain. This site has generally been identified with Soa on the strength of two inscriptions now in the village and

proximity

that

is

the natural inference, which

it

would require strong evidence

to disprove. An inscription found in a cemetery three and a half miles to the south with the legend opot ToTTorfvwv was regarded by its discoverer as proof that Tottoion or Tottaion was the ancient
II

undoubtedly
f

name of the village at Besh-Karish Eyuk,


* See below,

a mile

and

a half further south,

a reasonable identification.
p.

These two
122.

villages were,

193 n.

Cf. the description of

M.

Perrot,

op. cit., p.

" in via \ C.I.L., iii., 14200, where read and iii., 7169 (one hour east of Altyn-Tash).

Prymnesso Cotiaeum

"
{cf. p.

2328*^),

On the false Perrot, pp. 123, 124 (one in C.I.G., 3857/= L.IV., 774). form Bennisoa, see Hist. Geogr., p. 144, where it is suggested that the name Soa may be identical with Carian Soua, "grave" (Stephanus, s.v. SovaycXa). Below, p. 365,
Ramsay doubtfully
I ]

identifies

Soa with Esouakome of the Tekmoreian

lists.

occurs in p. 513. Bithynia in the forms Taraiov and Tottuiov, and is formed from the old personal name Tatas or Tottes, like Kotiai'on from Kotys, Midaion from Midas, etc., cf.

Ramsay, J.H.S., 1887,

He

points out that the

name

Hist. Geogr., pp.

240

f, 182, 189,

and Kretschmer,

Einleitting, p.

183.

He would now
lists

and would connect our village with the ethnic Taraijvos in in an with it the mentioned inscription of Altynidentify village [T r]atou-kome
the Tekmoreian

Tash,

p.

370.

i88
as

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
On
the west side of the river,

we

shall see, united

in a Koinon.

Aictche Keui, on the north-east of Appia, seems to bear the


inscription reproduced below (No. 4) ; distance further north Yaliniz-Sera'i represents a village

name

Kereura

in an

and some

Abeikta,
as

which was one member of a


other

Trikomia

or union of three villages, the

members being perhaps Utch-Eyuk and Zemme,

Ramsay

other villages of the Praipenisseis are mentioned suggested.* in inscriptions, both of them lying in the hilly country which forms the eastern boundary of the plain, Iskome ('Io-ko/litj) at Karaat Doghalar, agatch Euren,t north of Altyn-Tash, and Zingot(?) three hours north-west of Altyn-Tash. J

Two

{b)

THE IMPERIAL ESTATE.

Further light was thrown by the older evidence on the general condition of the district, or part of it. Two Latin inscriptions found in the northern half of the plain, one at Yaliniz Serai commemorating

an imperial dispensator,% and the other further north, a boundary stone erected by an imperial procurator on the long ridge running out from the western hills and narrowing the plain opposite the villages of Nuheuren and Ha'idarlar,|| led Prof. Ramsay to the conclusion that an imperial estate existed here, and he identified it with the royal domain
called

Tembre

or

Tembrion of which we hear


justified

in the tenth century.^

This view has been


view expressed

by subsequent discovery.
.''

What

were the

limits of this imperial property

The

earlier

in the Hist. Geog., p. 177, which, if


p.

evidence pointed to the I rightly understand


p.

*J.H.S., 1887,
J
(c<0|u,r;s

514.
p.

-[J.H.S., 1884,

259;

.ibove, p. 144.

ZtVyoTos,
iii.,

Hit/,,

26 1.
|1

C.I.L.,

7002.

Ii)ii/.,

7004.

ITtoi) xuipLov Tov TefjL^pY],

the Opsikian
{Hist.

Theme

Const. Porph., de Caerimotiiis, p. 488. It was in and supplied fishermen to accompany the Emperor on the march
called

Stephanus Byz. gives the forms Tc'/xySpiov, T/j,;3ptioi' and Tembris and Tembros on coins, Tymbris (Liv. 38, Tu/xySpiov. 1 and Nicetas 8) Thybris by Kretschmer, quoting (p. 89) and Cinnamus (pp. 81, 191). other analogous names, shows that the series belongs to the Urbevolkerung (p. 193).
Geogr., p.

213).

The

river

is

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


it,

IN N.

PHRYGIA

189

separates the estate


it

limits

from the Praipenissos district round Soa and of corner to the territory between the Praipenisseis, Appia,

Aizanoi and Kotiai'on.


far

An

epitaph of a saltuarius subsequently found

away on

the south side of

Mt. Dindymos was regarded

as

proof that

the estate extended far to the south so as to include " the upper waters of the river Tembris and the slopes and glades of Dindymos on east,
north-east and south-east".*
to the
years a.d. 244-6 Yapuldjan, a village a few miles west of Altyn-Tash, seemed to imply that the Soa-Tottoion district also was included, so that the estate
Finally, a long inscription belonging which I was fortunate enough to find at

embraced the whole valley of the upper Tembris, with the slopes and
Further study leads me to believe that this view glades around.f is near the truth, though it cannot as yet be certainly proved. may make a slight modification and admit that the epitaph of the

We

hardly sufficient evidence for such a large southward extension of the estate. J But it is still a debatable question whether the Soa-Tottoion district was imperial property. It might be argued
saltuarius
is

that Soa cannot have been part of the estate, since an inscription of the second or third century shows that it was a self-governing community with a fiovXyj and 8->j|u,os, and that the early Christian
inscriptions are inexplicable if

they are erected by imperial coloni. But the existence of a Boule and Demos may be interpreted as an
indication that a municipal

organisation was beginning to be developed on part of this estate, as it was developed on other estates (see p. 307 f. of the present volume) ; and the spread of Christianity,
as

we

shall see,

need only imply that the


is

coloni

were

less loyal to the

imperial cultus than they were elsewhere.

Unfortunately the evidence


It is a petition

of the new inscription


*
Cilies

inconclusive.

addressed to

and Bish.,

p.

61

5.

The

inscription was found at

Gumulu, south-west of
2).

the head waters of the Tembris (see J.H.S., 1897, p. 421, note

fSee

C.I.L.,

iii.,

14191

J.H.S., 1897, p. 418


alien Geschtchte,
1

if.,
ii.,

1898,

p.

340

f.

XCf. O. Hirschfeld, Beitrdge zur


Perrot, Exploration de la Gal., p.

note p. 301,

5.

24.

I90
the

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON

imperial owners, the elder and younger Philip, by Aurelius Eglectus on behalf of the inquilini et coloni Casaris, [inrep tov kol\vov 1 TOiv 'Apayoxrqvan' TTapoiKwv Kol yewpycju tS)v vfieTepaiu [. 3 to
. .

14

letters

.]

avr) S-qjxov

KOINOMOTTEANQN
at the critical point
is

tor)va)v tS)v

Kara

^pvyiav ing, and


[.
. .

tottcdv.
it

The gap
all

peculiarly exasperat-

has defied

attempts

at restoration.

My

suggestion

was accepted by Schulten, who inserted before it This supplement is too long, but the sense Trpecr^eta? yeuop-evr)?.* intended may have been that the expense of the mission was defrayed
haTT\a.vri

whole or part by the neighbouring community, the coloni being too poor to meet the large expenses which such missions involved. This
in

community
even

is

probably the

TT, lapidary having engraved Ramsay suggested). But if the sense intended were that the people of this district conto the tributed expense (which is entirely doubtful), it would still be
for
as

Sij/aos koivo<;

of Tottoion and Soa (the

most natural to suppose that they formed part of the estate and, apart from theories about the mutilated clause, the fact that kolvov is
;

a technical term for the

commune

in

which the

coloni

of an estate

were united and the special appropriateness in


phrase ol

this

connexion of the

Kara
coloni

<t?pvyCav tottol point to the conclusion that the Soa-

in the imperial domain. ' sent the petition are called ApayovqvoL that an estate (or, in the case of large estates, each saltus) bore the name of the chief usually village within its limits, which formed the administrative centre and contained the official bureau. f
district

Tottoion

was included

The know we

who

Now

(or Aragoue) was the principal village either of the estate or of a sahus of the estate ; the inscription shows that it lay on the side of Appia, and we may suggest that it was one of the three villages united in the Trikomia already mentioned,

We

therefore

infer that

Aragoua

possibly
*

Zemme

or Utch-Eyuk.

Schulten, in Mittheilungen des Inst., Roem. Abtheil., 1898, p. 239. aided by Wiiamowitz, found no solution ; he prints vfirrkprnv \jo\) cc
.

Mommsen,
.

.]

av.

C/T 01 Trepi "AXooTTo^ r&Koi {Cities


sa/tus {ibid.,

and

Bish., p. 302),

(cul/ir;

Tvfiftpiavaa-crov

representing a

322), saltus Burunitanus in Africa,

etc.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


(f)

IN N.

PHRYGIA

191

IN CHRISTIAN TIMES.
prove that in the
latter

The

Inscriptions

half of the

third

century Christianity was strongly rooted in the southern and eastern but the literary sources make no parts of the upper Tembris valley
;

mention of a bishop till a.d. 451 at the Council of Chalcedon, where the metropolitan of Synnada signs on behalf of several absent bishops

of

his diocese,
ttoXis

among whom
/cw/^oTroXis,

is

Auxanon
as

Here
was
as to

must be understood
that
;

ttoXcws YlpavTrepia-crov. meaning what in later times


rrj^

called

is,

group of

villages so

correspond to a ttoXis

and the

ecclesiastical centre

organised can hardly

have been other than the township of Soa (Altyn-Tash). Nearly a century later the old district name still survives in Hierocles (ca. a.d.

530) under the form Stj/ao? Tlpvirviacraa or Upyvviaa-a in the province of Phrygia Salutaris, to which the valley is consistently
assigned.

Then
is

it

disappears

and

is is

tKophacrnia or ^KopSamria, which

replaced by the bishopric the beginning of troubles.


:

The

evidence

best given in tabular

form

Epiphanii Notitia
{ca.

650)

192

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
we may hazard
the suggestion

the Praipenisseis. village of

In that case

double one, half of the double entry, that the bishopric was But the 6 S/coyoSaTTTTias Kal Soa9 or %6r]^ (?), having been lost. ninth After the here. difficulties do not end century Skordapia
really a

of disappears and in the reorganisation

genitive attached together with


the

Wise is replaced by which two bishoprics with equally obscure names, appear in the These are case as '%iropr]<; and FatouKw/xew? or TaLKcofiewi;.

Leo

the

Konna (probably Ayaz-in)

to Kotiaion, which,

after being recognised as

an independent church centre (^autokephalos)

eighth century, evidence of the episcopal


Leonis Diatyposis
(a.d. 900-7)

in

now becomes
lists
:

metropolis*

Here

is

the

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


raiKcifiecus
is

IN N.
It
is

PHRYGIA
only

193

a corruption of

Tpi,K(i)fiCa<;?

in the latest

Notitia that the final

form of the corruption, raiouKw/ir^s, appears.

We know

that Triicomia occurs elsewhere as the

name of

e.g., in Palestine

and Arabia.

Trikomia then

is

a bishopric, the bishopric repre-

senting the northern half of the Imperial estate.* These are some suggestions towards the unravelling of a topographical tangle, but many details remain obscure and can be cleared

up only by further discovery.

III.

THE

INSCRIPTIONS.

The Tembris
some remnants of
tombstones
;

of ancient monuments

valley has yielded a comparatively large number few of its numerous villages are devoid of
:

most of them

The inscribed stones are almost all antiquity. are pagan, but there is a fair number of

early Christian epitaphs of a remarkable type, to which there is no Taken altogether, the inscriptions of the valley form an parallel.
First as to the type of tombstone exceptionally interesting group. used. The favourite form of tombstone with pagans and Christians
alike

(which sometimes takes the form of the well-known The stele has "door-stone"), though the /Sw/laos is not uncommon.
is

the

stele

Hist. Geogr., pp. 146, 178, 213 n., the bishopric EuSo/ci'as placed by Hierocles (668, 7) in Phrygia Pacatiana between Appia and Aizanoi is identified with the Imperial estate. This identification is no longer tenable, unless we revert to

* In

the older view which limited the estate to the northern half of the plain. case the boundary between Pacatiana and Salutaris would pass through the
valley,

In that

Tembris

and the identification of rai/oo/teios and

Tptxtu/iias

would

fall

to the ground.

We

might then take Ramsay's ingenious suggestion that raiouKaJjLia)s represents [Tajraiou k(o/xi;s {Class. Rev., 1905, p. 427), which I incorporated in my map of Asia
forced to abandon as unworkable.

Minor but have been


difficulties,

But apart from other

later

what would then become of the bishopric representing the estate in the centuries ? An alternative suggestion {H.G., p. 146) would place Eudokias in
to the west.

the

MuraJ Dagh country

For the northern part of


ffi

this district, cf.

Annual of British

School at Athens, 1897-8, p. 52

13

154

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON

semi-circular pediment, or a pointed pediment generally a pointed or arched with an recess, round the lower edge of which the legend is
often engraved.

The

central field

is

frequently

filled

with figures,

which were supposed to represent the dead or some of them, but were really stock patterns which the stone-cutter reproduced in all with little variation except in regard to the sex and his
samples

number of

the figures.

The pediment

is

adorned with various dcT

with small vices, such as an eagle with wings displayed or dolphins fish in their mouths ; but in nine cases out of ten the subject is two
lions (generally in a sitting posture) facing each other, each with one form of a bull or boar or deer or other animal on the

paw

prostrate

this device being doubtless a development of the (or merely its head), old schema of two lions guarding the tomb, which appears on the rock, monuments not far away on the east. Occasionally when. the central field is otherwise occupied {e.g., by the representation of a

door or by the epitaph), the pediment is In the pediment portray the deceased.
also

filled

with busts claiming to itself, or in the main field,

or at the foot of the stone, or in any available

of toilet mirrors, combs, boxes, representations of articles or objects indicating the occupation of the departed, bottles, etc.

empty space we

find

such as spindles and distaffs for women, and knives, pruning-hooks, a team of oxen yoked to a plough, masons' tools and so forth for

From the edge of the stele runs a decorative border. an artistic point of view these monuments are worth study not as
men.

Round

finished products (for the

kind), but as

mostly of the roughest illustrations of the development of native Anatolian art.

workmanship

is

The

beginning of such a study was made by my former companion " Notes in travel, Mr. J. W. Crowfoot, in a paper entitled upon late " Anatolian Art published in the Annual of the B ritish School at Athens,
1 897-1 898, p. 79 ff., but Fortune, which has been so often unkind to the cause of British exploration, has withdrawn him to other tasks. The legends and reliefs on these stelai and botnoi throw some

light

on the

social

life

of the people

whom

they commemorate.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


In

IN N.

PHRYGIA

195

Imperial estate we find a rustic population engaged in agriculture and the ordinary trades and handicrafts, and * concentrated in villages which, while occasionally associating with

and around

the

some of

neighbours self-contained centres of

their

in

simple forms of union, were essentially

life,

looking to no larger world beyond.

The

the peasant's n-arpt? [cf. No. 21). village Though no local officials are mentioned in the inscriptions, these villages had of course
is

the usual rudimentary organisation found in other Anatolian Kw/itat ; but except in the case of Soa, which had a Boule and a Demos, there

of the Hellenic type to sharpen the wits and stimulate the intellectual development of the inhabitants.
existed
civic institutions

no free

In the third and early fourth centuries, to which most of the documents belong, the education of the people was very imperfect the bad spelling and remarkable constructions (or absence of construction)
:

which mark the inscriptions and often make it very difficult to divine the writer's meaning, show how inadequate a knowledge of the Greek language had then been attained. Yet there is a keen interest in

Greek

things,

growing with the spread of Christianity.


is

The

influence of the old poetry

names

like

Telemachos (No.

seen in the occasional assumption of heroic in the quaint metrical epitaphs i), and
successful.

which are more ambitious than


based on the ancient "
in the

One

Homeric

rock about 35 They disand in an talent new words abound for play extraordinary coining " metrical atrocities which justify the refrain of Franz, verba in
speciem orationis vinctae composita
".

epigram to Midas, whose miles distant, as the crow flies.f

"

of these epitaphs is tomb is cut

The

badness of the metre

is

obviously due in large part to the fact that they are made from models (of which there seems to have been no lack), or compiled out

of current formulas, which had to be adapted by unskilful composers to suit varying family relationships and intractable personal names.

We

may

quote,

for example,
largest, Soa,
is

aivaou rdSe
township.

a-yjfia

iraTrjp

elSpvae

*The

fC/afs. Rev., 1896,

p.

420, re-printed above,

p. 126.

196

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
or

"^ovravov avrjp eiSp. yvnaLKi, 6 and 'A/cuXai' Tvp,^o<; Kadopa,<; k.t.X. Ka0opa<; KaTc-^CL, ^eve, oStos One or two of the pagan epitaphs have a special interest in relation
arrjixa

dvyaTpi and aevaov roSe

to the great religious struggle of the third and early fourth centuries,

which forms our next

topic.

IV.

EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

The

early Christian inscriptions of the district, here for the first


full,*

time published in
pioneer in this

form

subject, three different streams of Christian Influence in Phrygia during the early centuries: (i) one coming up the Maeander valley from

series. Prof. Ramsay, the from the monuments, has traced working

remarkable

Ephesus and diffusing

itself

over the

cities

of south-west and central

Phrygia, (2) another starting from the churches founded by St. Paul and affecting south-eastern Phrygia and Lycaonia, and (3) another

coming down from the Bithynian sea-board


Mysia) into the
have been drawn
district

with which we

probably by way of are here concerned. The


(less

outlines of the history of Christian


in the Cities

development

in the first

region

The

Bishoprics of Phrygia (1897), pt. ii. second has recently been discussed, so far as Lycaonia is con-

and

The third district was treated cerned, in the Expositor, 1905, 1906. In the same eighteen years ago journal, vol. vili. (1888), p. 241 ff. and The additions which have been made since then to the ix., p. 141 ff.
little or no modification In the general conclusions there reached, and in one Instance they supply proof of the delicacy of the writer's feeling for those slight variations of sentiment and

evidence necessitate

expression which often constitute the sole difference between Christian

and pagan Inscriptions In the earlier centuries. The most cursory survey of the early Christian inscriptions of
*

Only two were known

to

M. Curaont when he

published his catalogue of

Christian inscriptions (note on p. 203) in 1895.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY

IN N.

PHRYGIA

197

the north-west and south-west districts- reveals a striking difference between the two groups. In the latter class, which belongs chiefly to the cities, the Christian character of the documents is so carefully-

only by subtle differences of expression and occasionally the use of by inconspicuous symbols and, in the later third century, by the character of the personal names, that they can be distinguished from the ordinary non-Christian epitaphs. The adherents of the old
veiled that
it is

and the new and the

religion

latter studiously

were animated by a mutual spirit of compromise, avoided giving offence to their neighbours and

provoking persecution by any outspoken declaration of their faith. But in the Praipenisseis district a very different type of Christianity There are indeed two inscriptions of the southern type, prevailed.
but in general we find a fearless profession of
fifteen early epitaphs
faith.

Nine out of the

begin or end by proclaiming to the world the of not the deceased, but also of the surviving members only religion " of the family in the formula " Christians to Christians or " Christians " and sometimes the formula is engraved apart from to a Christian ;

body of the epitaph, as if designed to the passer-by. There is no reason to suppose


were erected
in private cemeteries.
:

the main

arrest the attention of

that these gravestones


as

Such evidence

we have proves

the contrary in the ancient cemetery at Ai-Kuruk,* which stands by the side of the modern chaussie from Altyn-Tash to Kutaya and not

from the corresponding Roman road. Christian and pagan tombup together before our eyes. This group of inis scriptions quite distinct from others of an analogous type which are
far

stones were turned

subsequent to the State recognition of Christianity by Constantine.f The present series belongs to the second half of the third century.

One

of the earliest (No. 11)

is

dated a.d. 248-249, and another of

*The name
y In

The village is Circassian. perhaps represents Ayios Kyriakos (R.). other districts there are a few isolated inscriptions mentioning the religion,

which perhaps belong to the pre-Constantine period, e.g., at Apameia {Cilies and Bish., No. 393) and at ApoUonia (Sterrett, IVolfe Exped., 555, AtoyeVou XpT/crriai'oii,
according to Ramsay's reading).

ipS
a similar type,*
is

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
far

which occurs not

away

Flaviopolis), to the Decian persecution (a.d. 249-260) and perhaps others belong to the same period. None of them can have been erected during the

dated a.d. 278-279.

at Ushak (TemenothyraeThus one at least is anterior

years of persecution,
interval

and

it

is

clear that the majority fall within the

of peace which lasted till the fresh outburst of repression under Diocletian and his successors (a.d. 303-313). The character and ornamentation f of the stones, the style of the lettering, the employment in most of them of the older formula mentioning the maker
of the tomb, and the occurrence in

many

of them of the pr^nomen

in the fourth) leave little

Aurelius or Aurelia (mostly used in the third century and more, rarely doubt as to the general period to which they

examination of the personal names which occur in the In most of the epitaphs the inscriptions points to the same period. names do not differ from those in vogue amongst the non-Christian
belong.
population, but the combination in some of them (particularly Nos. 14 and 15) of names specially favoured by the Christians marks the transi-

An

which begins to develop the latter of the third The prePhrygia during part century. Constantine period is indicated also by the variation of spelling Xyoeicrnavos, ^prjcmavo^, and Xpi.(TTLav6<;, the second form
in

tion to a specifically Christian nomenclature,

the

being As Franz pointed out very rare. (C.I.G., 3857 p), while Tacitus has the form Chris tus, Suetonius

commonest and

the third

uses Chrestus,

and the spelling Chrestianus, which was

in

vogue among

Christians as well as pagans, was combated by the early Fathers of the Church, Tertullian (in a.d. 197) and Lactantius (in the beginning

of the fourth century). In our district Xyor^o-riavds appears to be rather later than X/Deto-riai'd? and earlier than X/Dio-Tiavd?, but
*
Cities

and

Bish.,
op.

No. 444
p.

L.IV., 727, C.I.G.,

3865

/.

Cy; Perrot,

cit.,

126, comparing L.Pf\, 727, with the inscriptions of

Altyn-Tash and neighbourhood published by Le Bas-Waddington and himself: Toutes


ces inscriptions,

iaprh
au

la forme des carac tires et le style des sculptures

ne peuvent

guhe

etre posterieures

troisiime siecle de notre ere.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


probably overlapping both, with 21.
cf.

IN N.

PHRYGIA
15,

199

No. 13 with Nos. 14 and

and 23
?

How

are

we

to explain this unique type of Christianity

One

striking point about it is that it is confined to the country district, while there is no trace of it in the neighbouring towns. Aizanoi and KotiDoryla'ion have yielded no early Christian inscriptions at all.
the civic (and in later times the ecclesiastical) metropolis of the * district has left us only two certain and two probable f Christian epiai'on,

taphs of the period, and these are of the veiled South-Phrygian type. Yet we know that there was a Christian community there, with a

bishop at
It is

head, before the time of the Nicaean Council (a.d. 32 5).^ clear that in North-west Phrygia the non-Christian element was
its

Was it weaker or more tolerstrong and vigorous in the towns. In the Or is there some other explanation ant in the rural parts
.''

.''

in interest. light of the recent evidence the problem has increased were the people who made this public profession of the

Who

On the view that the Imperial estate included proscribed religion } the whole of the upper Tembris valley, the answer would be that That seems, at first sight, they were largely the coloni of the estate.
hard to believe that such an open profession of Christianity could have been made by the tenants of the Emperor, men bound to his service in a special way and bound to be loyal
improbable.
It
is

above

all

others to the Imperial

cultus.

Nonconformity

to the

State religion was high treason, and it was precisely the repudiation of it that drew down upon the Christians the vengeance of the em-

Moreover, recent discoveries have shown that some at least of the Imperial domains were strongholds of paganism in the Prof. Ramsay has proved that the well-known third century.
perors.
*C.I.G., 3827^', and Class. Rev., 1897, p. 137. \C.I.G., 3827 r and 3827 k. \ He was a Novatian. Cf. Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, Eng.
p.

trans.,

ii.,

362.
Class. Rev.,

1905, p. 419

fF.,

and more

fully in the present

volume.

200

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON

Tekmoreioi discovered on the estates round inscriptions of the Xenoi Pisidian Antioch are documents of a religious character, dedicated
in the period a.d.

220-250 by

a brotherhood or society

composed,

in

of Imperial coloni associated in the joint worship great part at least, of the old native deities and the emperors who had succeeded to The TeKfjiojp was a sign of loyalty to the State their
heritage.
religion,

forming part of the pagan ritual, and the object of the brotherhood was to organise opposition to Christianity by a revival of paganism. Such revivals were most marked, naturally enough, during times of persecution the repression of the new faith breathed fresh life
:

In or near the Praipenisseis district we have into the dying religion. evidence of a similar awakening of pagan devotion towards the end of

of an astrologer Epitynthe third century in the metrical epitaph is chanos, whose sons carried on his profession after his death. apthe Akmonian as who took part high -priest, parently the same person

He

in the last persecution of the Christians, or at

any rate he belonged to

the same family. He extols the science of astrology, which played so great a part in the orientalised paganism of the time, and describes
the benefits accruing to men from his skill. is some evidence of the vitality of paganism

On
:

the estate itself there

one inscription f comApollo in obedience

memorates the erection of an


to'

altar to the Clarian

an oracle of the god,

fruits to

men,
was

describes himself as the giver of all ov? idekcj cr&)cr(ai) re /cat 019 /cXeos otSa (f>ope<TKeLv.

who

The

high-priest with a
;{:

Romanised name mentioned


in the

in another in-

scription

in all probability high-priest

Imperial cultus,

which here associated the Emperor with the native god, Zeus Benneus or Bennios, who is mentioned in several inscriptions of the district.
It

would be

possible,

then, in view of the fact that there

is

some

slight uncertainty as to the exact


it

bounds of the Imperial proestate that


Cities anil Bish., pp. 566,

perty, to argue that


* At Doghan
790.

was not from the peasants on the


C/ass. Ret'.,

Arslan

1897, p. 136
128, no. 10.

rf.

\ Ibid., 1897,

p. 31,

and above,

p.

t Perrot, p. 133.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


this bold

IN N.

PHRYGIA

201

from

their neighbours around.*

proclamation of adherence to the new faith emanated, but But the evidence as a whole in-

dicates that loyalty to the State religion

was much weaker

in

the

Tembris
is

valley than on other domains, and the most probable view that Christianity had made many converts among the peasants of
district

compromise Such boldness cannot have escaped notice in the great persecution of the early fourth century, and there is some evidence that the district suffered. The wording of an inscription " This of Zemme arrests attention tomb, thou seest,
with Imperial idolatry.
:

In any case it is clear that the people of this were deeply affected by the tenets of Montanism, f which insisted on the duty of confession and permitted no

the Tembris estate.

whole

stranger,

contains Aquila, a minister of God's service (XeiTovpyov Oeov) and beloved by the angels, a leader (president) of the people [Xaov TTpoaTdfjuevov), wont to entertain just thoughts ; and he came to the

mansion of God, great

in

honours, and to his

rest.

."

Aquila

was a
and
I

pastor, or bishop, who died amid the veneration of his people, feel no doubt of the correctness of Ramsay's suggestion that he
in a.d. 303. J

was a victim of the persecution which began


*This view would
been carried some distance.

Another

involve the assumption that a few of the inscriptions have

fThe
in

Montanist character of

this class

Tie
%

Expositor,

1888 and 1889, and

Cities

of epitaphs was pointed out by Ramsay and Bish., pp. 490-491, 536 f

The inscription is published in the present volume, p. 125, no. 7. The date not later than the early fourth century. The terminus ante quern may be determined Euwith an of Kotiaion, appositely quoted by Ramsay by comparison inscription
is
:

rv)(iavov tov

niJ.rj6tvTa.

Tovroi
L.ff^.,

/jLvrjp.rj's

xa.piv

r/

tov Xaov koI napa. eov ooiatrOivra, -rrapa. toC lepaTiov Koi to. TtKva av(<rTrjaav (C.I.G., 92"3> kI <Tvvfiio<; NtKoo-rpaTi;
distinction

828).

Here the sharp

between clergy and

laity

and the more

Yet formal and technical character of the phraseology point to the fourth century. the fact that the phrase Trapa Oeov 8o$a<T$. is modelled on a common pagan formula
aOavariav Oiuiv, Tunrfiivra xnro a-wTupr)^ 'EKarr;? (Kotiaion, C.I.G., 3827 q) or was vigorous and etc., shows that the inscription belongs to a period when paganism militant, and it is therefore to be assigned to the second decade of the fourth century.

wo

The

less

developed and crystallised phraseology of the epitaph of Aquila points to an

earlier date.

202

J.

G. C.
in

ANDERSON
2

bishop

is

commertiDrated

No.

earlier date than the former, in

which appears to be of a rather spite of the careless engraving and


1
,

He is described as apx^v iraTpiSo'; kaov, a form poor composition. of expression which is even less technical than Xaou vpoaTaixevosIn both cases the actual

which occurs

in

was perhaps irpeafivTepos, These another epitaph of the same period (No. 20).
title

of the

office

three inscriptions show us the beginnings of ecclesiastical organisation in the district towards the end of the third century or the opening

years of the fourth. can now discern a reason for the assignation of our district to Kotiaion on its elevation to the rank of a metropolis in the tenth

We

It seems probable that in this grouping we should recogwith a survival of the old nise, Ramsay, religious cleavage produced the Montanist movement which arose in the by (Kataphrygian) * northern region of Phrygia with and, blending Novatianism, dif-

century.

over the country. Kotiaion was from the beginning a hot-bed of " heresy," and this fact was the basis of its persistent claim to be recognised as an independent centre (^autokephalos) refused
itself

That claim was at last admitted, sponsible to Constantinople alone. probably by one of the Iconoclast emperors in the eighth century,t and its new dignity appears in Basil's Notitia ( a.d. 800-830). Kotiaion
had always been the urban centre of the Praipenisseis district and the attachment of the latter to it in the latest ecclesiastical arrangement

may

well imply a

sympathy

in religious views.

* Montanus himself was a native of a village on the borders of Phrygia and a Montanism conservative national movement opposed to the Mysia. represented and of the as a whole ; in the third Church centralising unifying policy century the " " homines as distinguished from the Kataphryges are called religionis antiquae " Christiani catholicae legis" (Harnack, ii., p. 363).

Hist. Geogr., p. 436.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


V.
It will

IN N.

PHRYGIA

203

THE FORMULA

tov Otov

(tv

fxij

aSiK^a-ti^.

be observed that this class of inscriptions contains no adjuration to the public to abstain from violating the tomb corresponding to that expressed in the southern formula ecrrai avrai Trpos tov " he shall have to reckon with God," or Swcrei tw 6e(u \6yov, 6ebv, " he shall account to God ". But there are some instances of a quaint formula tov deov cri) /j-rj dSiKJjo-eis, " thou shalt not wrong God,"

Two exgenerally engraved in any available corner of the stone. of it to where the of the PraiKotiai'on, amples belong gravestones were as is the fact that stones of the same made, penisseis proved by
type are exceedingly
the formula, which epitaph {C.I.G., is followed a of and then comes the by representation open tabellae^ main inscription containing the names Elpizon, Cyrilla (thrice),

common there. One is like 3827 j^'). The other begins with

an ordinary pagan

Zoilos, Tatianes (twice)

and Ammias

[Class. Rev., 1897, p.


at

An
The
Les

isolated

example of the formula occurs others belong to our district.

137). Pisidian Antioch.*

this class appears in M. Cumont's catalogue of In his earlier disChretiennes de PAsie Mineure. f Inscriptions cussion Ramsay, with these three inscriptions and No. 19 before him,

No

example of

decided that the series was Christian and intrepreted the tabellae in the second as an open bible ; \ and the combination of several favourChristian names in this inscription gave much probability to his view. In the Cities and Bishoprics (p. 499) his words are somewhat
ite

more guarded

while maintaining its Christian character to be highly " it is neither so obviously Christian as the probable, he allows that
:

Sterrett, Epigr. "J own..

No. 142 (wrongly

transliterated).
ft'.

\ Melanges

tfarcheol. et (fhistoire,

1895, p. 245

on X interprets the tabellae differently ; see his articles an Early Christian Symbol," in Expositor, 1905, p. 209 ff. and 294 fF.

He now

"The Book
Above,
p.

as

27.

On

p.

/xTjOeya aSiKrjaai

499, n. 4, a closely parallel foirmula is quoted from Kara tZv 6tu)v (Kaibel, Epigr. Gr., 772).

pagan inscription,

204

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON

formula Swo-ei tw 9eM Xoyov, nor capable of being certainly demonstrated by its varieties and accompaniments to be Christian, like the

formula ecrrai aural Trpos top deov ". The certain demonstration was discovered in 1898 when the villagers of Aikuruk dug up No. 20,

which gives

a rather fuller expression


fxr)

of the formula,

top deov

crol

= (

cru)

avayvoi)?

dSi/caicrts.

When we

consider that the

much

more obviously Christian epitaph of Avircius Marcellus has been interpreted very ingeniously by distinguished German scholars as

the epitaph of a priest of Cybele, it is no small gain to have indisputable proof of the character of our formula.

containing the formula were considered by Ramsay probably all of one period, and that period the third century," judging from " the style and the general similarity of the stones which are of the regular type of gravestones then eminscriptions
as

The

Prof.

"

ployed by the non-Christian population ".*

This view

is

confirmed

by the new evidence, which brings them into relation with the " " Christians The mention of the distinctively to Christians group.
Christian office of 7r/3ecr^urepo? in No. 20 might seem, at first sight, In other parts of Phrygia this would inconsistent with this date. indicate a post-Constantine date, but that criterion does not apply to

where people openly call themselves Christians, there could be no reason for avoiding the mention of a Christian office. This conclusion is supported by the style of the lettering, which seems
this district
:

to

me

clearly to belong to the third century (or, at latest, to the early

years of the fourth).

However
to have,
it

little

permanent value the present paper many prove


lost
if it

will

not be labour
little

serve to
fill

show how much


in

might be done by a

more

exploration to

up the gaps

our

Let us present knowledge of a most interesting corner of Phrygia. Nine the surface stones hope it will not be long delayed. years ago were perishing fast, and fresh stones were being dug up to be hidden
in

new

buildings or re-faced and destroyed.


*
Expositor, 1888, p. 257.

It

is

the

same every-

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


where
in

IN N.
is

PHRYGIA

205

being lost for* ever, needed to secure it cannot be found. The money find no more fitting way of signalising University of Aberdeen could her Quatercentenary than by the establishment of a permanent fund
because the
little

Asia Minor.

Historical evidence

for the exploration of the country for which she has already done so much, a country which from a historical point of view is perhaps the

most interesting and important

in the world.

INSCRIPTIONS.
I.

Abia.

Stele in the

pavement of the entrance

to the mosque.

The
is

right-hand half is concealed by flooring. represented a bird on a basket.

Above

the inscription

AYI'TAXICTY/-.

K-TI-I^6MAS.^A^

tT^"'

t s
?lS\(f>qi

THAfiMAXHA/ X / A N C KifO TPI K A ACA^'^ A


XAf'
2.

Tyj\efjidx(i>
)^et,avo';

Eirv-

Ke T^d[^i/x,os trar[fjLV7JfjLy]<;

Tpl Ke dSeX(^(U

xp[ LV.

Kara-agatch, near Appia.

In the gable of a house.

D.

M.
ox-head

ox-head wreath

C. Orfidio
Stratocle
patri fecit

Proculus

Augg.

2o6
Proculus
is a.

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
His
father,

slave belonging to the Imperial estate.

a freedman, had married a slave

woman and

the son inherits the status

of the mother.
Stele with a The first 3. Kara-agatch. figure in the centre. four hexameters are engraved on the left-hand side of the figure, and the rest underneath. The lower part is much worn.
VJ

>- -^ ^ 5 ? ^ c r <
'*'
IJ"

MMACI^AIAPOTATO/C .nCAVCeMeAlToCeTTAPXot

HAyeoNC<f HI' AJY<fA-AAilCTM6riCTAC ^HTOTtMo** T^'DANTg KA K0NZQllCrAOCHAe

7MTA"ITT6NTf ^oNoYCAIAINrcAMWeNlAYTorc

XeAA
X oc ^

^e

NoriVyi?KISlKoNICT6 4)oCCXON T A <> c P c A N^A K Po Noy ^.; r 1^


I
I

^YClA.-.|or rroAYC

roNo|-.!lZ..-.:AA

ic-

^'HTo

BAey.cQwo
^ APYC/.

o{ir)i7-ws

^/Jucro;(doi ;^pv[o-]w/)u<jia e/ay'


<f)L\tai

e7roi[i^]o-ai'

iv 8'
a]X.A.'

^/i[o]i

/xeya[X]ai kc Soipa fityicTTa

ore S^ kc

ravra

^ewi/ vpovoLr)^ irekecra-a,

J/A/xao-t

<f)ai.SpoTdTOL<; [a]n-eA,ucre /ac

aTwrJos eirap^^t^s,

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


qkydof
Br)

IN N.

PHRYGIA

207

es

<^[''?/^]'?['']

0Lvvcra[';

rjafts re fj-eyicrTa^

t6t

fJLOL

[o"]ruyt[o]i'

re

KaKov

^wjjs xeXos rjXde.

TrjeiTc^/cjt

Trevre [ju.joi'ous hiaiwardfJUQv iviavTovs,


(rT<^o<;
ju,oI[/3ai]
.
.

aj^A.a

ecr)(ov
[av]y['?

10 dXXa Ta];(os

reXos copicrav
7roXi;cr[T]ovo[i/

[/c]ai

Kpdi'ou

yov]eOcrt

/8a^v[^]aji'o[i

^iT\Spva\av.

This may be the epitaph of an architect who had been appointed by the governor (?) to erect certain buildings with gilded ceilings is intended, was specially or roofs, if )(pv(T(opo(f>a (^pvcropoc^a)

honoured by him at the conclusion of his task, and speedily advanced to fame and important posts before his death at the age of 25. But
it is

reference

perhaps possible that ^uo-wpv^a should be read and that the is to gold mines (epya) in or near M. Dindymos, yjivao^ooi

denoting the smelters and refiners

{cf, Steph., Thesaur., s.v.). be understood as the Imperial to probably procurator in charge of the estates of Tembrion, and not as the The latter would be the proconsul governing the Province of Asia.

The Eparchos

is

more usual
2.

sense, but the


quoting

former
vij/6po(f>ov
;

is

permissible in verse.
in

M. Cumont,

Tfjievo<;

an inscription of Amasia, pro-

poses [vij/]wp[o]rj>a (for vxpopotfia)

but the letters here were clear and can scarcely have

been thus misread.


5.
crT']/x/nacri

seems too long.


suggested by

6. dfvcras Tdf()i9,

M. Cumont, who

has helped

me

with the

restoration.
7. 8.

T for KOI, see no. 21,

1.

5.

Cf. iirrdKi ScVa, Kaibel, Epigr. Gr., 620, 7. 10. The reference appears to be to the baneful planet Saturn, whose influence shortens life, as M. Cumont suggests, quoting the declaration of Vettius Valens

(2nd cent,
f)

after Christ), tovs Ba,v6.rov<i d7r0TeA.tr


TTOtci

^uuov^

iv

vSan

8t'

ay^^ovrj'S

rj

Seo-ytiuiv

SvcrtvTcpios,

8e kox

TrroJo-eis

cTri

a-To/ia {Catal.

codd.

astrol.

g):,

ii.,

89, 35).
(see

Astrological ideas

may be expected

in the district

where Epitynchanos practised

above,

iv., p.

200).

208
4. Alctche

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
with
a

Keui.

Tablet

rude,

lifeless

figure

in

the

centre.

^9^
KH
Q
K*^

Pi

in

d8e\(f)S

iji.vrifir)<;

)((ipLV.

Avp. '^

^
per PI-NOCKI

TpO(t>LllL(l)V "^ ^

Kepevprjuo? k

^^ Tpo<^.>, Kk
TpOffillAOS r -r
r^

KC

N/lTPO<p

f^PK-

IpOr
Er^ri;-

<^i/xtav7,5

Ke

Cjxr/A
A'lA

TPocj>,p^oCK-rPo /VHCK-6YTV

x'''^o^-

NoC

Kereura was apparently the ancient name of the village. The tablet seemed to me to be late (probably fourth century) and the

name Beronice perhaps


BepoviKr)<;, Tpo(f)LiJiiauy]<;

indicates that the inscription


:

is

Christian.

the addition of a s to the nominative of


17

feminine personal names ending in

or a

is

a peculiarity of

N.W.

Phrygia (cf. Franz on C.I.G., 3856 add.) ; Nos. 6, 10, 15, 16 and at Kotiaion, Aizanoi,

other examples occur in


etc.

On a bomos. Almost correctly restored from Kuyudjak. a very bad copy by KirchhofF (Kaibel, Epigr. Gr., 384). "RXvdov Ik Kpy]Tr)<;, KtVa/xos vrdXts i{(T)Tl Trarpis p.ov,
5.

ovvofxa KaXXtcTTw, Xe/crpois iSodyjv 8e npo^ ot/cous avSpos 'JLviKTrJTOv, w koL reKva Sicro-o, XiTToCcra
^ovXofievcov MoLp(t)v rjkvdov ets 'AtSr;v, S' aperrju olSev ifio'S yafieTr]<;, (ro)4>pocrvvq'i
OS KOL TVfJL^ov ifiol
I
.

p.vy]ixr)<;

X'^P'-^

elSpva-ev evda.
I

(<t)ti,

restored by KirchhofF, was probably intended.

have

note that

there

is

a space

between

E and

T.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


It
is

IN N.

PHRYGIA

209

interesting to find evidence of intercourse between Crete and this remote district of Phrygia. If Kubitschek is right in his interpretation of the inscription quoted above (note p. 191), we have

evidence of another native of the district migrating to the Dalmatian coast. But, more probably, some Dalmatian village is there meant.
If the Phrygian village had been intended, 'Acria? or <bpvyia.<i

would

naturally have been added.

6. Ibid.

Stele

which

is

a relief

with a square top and a round pediment, in of two eagles facing, perched on a dead hare. Outis

side the pediment there male on the left.

draped female figure on the right and a

'AXefaz{S]/)os koI Aju,/xias 'AvTepwTi, tckvo)

Koi
7^?]

^avTo'i';]

en
TL<;

^wi'res ereijuTjcrav ij[v]r^-

"xdpLv:
is

T0VTa> ixvrJixaTL KiaKoi?


KaT[r)p]afJi,vo<;

TTOir^crJei,

deoix;

-qTw.

This formula of imprecation, which

finds a parallel in epitaphs

in the Phrygian language (Ramsay, Jahresh. d. Oesterr. Instituts, 1905, hours S.E. of pp. 107-108), recurs in an inscription of Eiret (some

Altyn-Tash, on the chaussee to Afium Kara Hissar), which may be It is given here. engraved in two lines under a pointed pediment each other with containing a relief of two eagles standing opposite is due to the of outstretched The construction eVetju.Tjcrai'
wings.

analogy of avearrjcrav.
Tts

See p. 278.

7.

av

KaK(o<;

TTOifcrt

toutw

/AVT^ytiaTi,

oiIr(u[s

dto/)ois irepi^t[oj].

TreVotTo]]

avu(j)opa{l)^ kol

6i.ol<;

airacrt KaTiq{p)ap.ivo%

See

R. in Jahreshefte Oest. Inst. (Beiblatt), 1905, p. 82.

14

2IO
8.

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
Sepulchral
/^ow/oj.

Kyorz Keui (near Elmaly).

Copied 1897

and revised 1898.

AYClMAXOCNIKIoVTOACONEAYTCDKAlTOlCTTPoAnO TYNAIKI KAJTPlClNTEKNolC


ov iavT(p Koi Tol<; Trpoairdfiavoixri yuvaiKl KoX TpLoiv tckvoi^ [iSiois cTi
5
8i,

TI-ZQNKATACKEYACACENl
AlKA0IEPCaCAAVTOTETOf^^ N KA TO N TTE P AYTOTOno TAXHKYKAtf5TT0AQN0R:>A,
I
I

^wj/

KaTacTKevda-a^ iv

r[

Ka6i,epu)(Ta

avro re to

[i?/)^-

ov Kol Tov
Ta-^rj

Trepi

avro

t6tto[v
.

ttclv-

TO YTOM N H M ElONKAlTON M E N N A Y T<n) TO TTO NOYT:

kvkXo) noScJv oy a[vTo 8e Touro p,v7j [leLOv Koi tov [Trept/cetfievov

avTM

tottov ouT[e toi? ctuj'?.

NOMOICOYTEKAHPoNOM HE Kro NO CEz EC TAIOYTE


I

10

v6p.0L<i OVT K\r)p0v6fj[0L^ p.OV ^ CKydi'Ois i^(TTaL ovt [dyopd-

CAC0AIOYTETT<AHCAIO/
A'i'AlTI

aacrdai ovre
ddxjjaL

TT(i)XrjcraL

NAE CAYT0^ETO^
I

TLva

ei?

d[Xws ? ouTC auTo ye to ^[vriiJiel-

ON HTO N EMTTPOtOETflYMN
TOTTONE NAET(;5A0ITTE3E'
1

fANAETICTOAMHCHTlWAi
HAroPACAlECTCOI-IMETOA. TOYXC3PI0YAHM0YPi3MA'
5.

TOV ep/TTpoade tov pi\r)peiov iv 8e Tw XoiTTw efe[(rTat 5 TOTTOV eav Se ri? ToXpyjarj 77wX[ij(rai

ov

Tj

dyopdcrai, ecrrw ToS \oipiov Srjpov


^

17

)u.eTo[ucria

'Fa)pai[(i)v.

The

last letter

seemed
is

to be part of
It is

but

KvfirjTripiov

the inscription Christian)


Christian.

impossible.

too long, and the epitaph

(which would make is clearly non-

The final letter in 1. 17 looked like 17 f. The concluding formula is peculiar. the top of A or A or A, but perhaps the appearance is due to the break in the stone. The preceding is certain and no restoration suggests itself but fierouo-ta. The

shall become the property of the " " ; ownership," when applied to a people ymTovcrt'a may bear the sense of of individuals regarded collectively, as in Xen., Cyiop., viii., 5, 23-

meaning would be "the piece of ground

Roman
number

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


9.

IN N.

PHRYGIA

211

Arslan

Apa

(In

Girei Ova, the corner of plain north of the

northern boundary of the Imperial Bomos with a garland in estate). relief below the inscription. Copied also by R., 1884.
-INI

KOI

xor-

CTAHAYPIACWNeEujJ

YtlCTo)

YXHN

"EtouJs T\rf

Avp. 'Idacjv dew

A.D. 253-4.

By

Oeo<; uv|i(ttos is

here

are

The title the Most High by from which exercised a and other native Judaism, Phrygian religions profound influence on them. They still remained pagan, but the
3857
I).

Bennios, the native god of the district, mentioned in another inscription In a neighbouring village {C.I.G., " God was borrowed the of "

meant Zeus Benneus or whose priests, the Benneitai,

absorption of Biblical ideas paved the way for the rapid progress of Christianity in Asia Minor (cf. Cumont, Hypsistos, in Revue de rinstruction publ. en Belgique,
tarli

The Cappadocian sect of Hypsis1897). went further than others in the adoption of Jewish ideas, and

they were perhaps already Christianised in the fourth century, when we first hear of them (from ecclesiastical opponents). Cf. Ramsay,
Expositor, 1906, p.

35

f.

at first,

R. thought that the name of Jason's father, omitted NiK-o[/Aa])(ou, had been added above as an afterthought (as often happens in
I
i
:

these texts).
letters in
1.

these

thought this was Improbable, as there were other however may have been the month and day

(which are often stated in Phrygian inscriptions).

212
lo.

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
Stele.

Arslan Apa.

Pointed

ayi'onhcimoc (ctpKtonikoc

<-MI-lATW//////
rr

ATTeWBOCA
I

K^Noo

NTAe TT B^* AO NT^ArTOI

^^HAeeAYTN
Mi'tAC AlTC////

POY TiNOC

AYPTTMl VAOCON-IC/MO IC-ATT T7 -iC TCKNYCerrCN

O K- AH i-Nc^erro na eni KTHT/lK-CYrGNlA k-Aytoizotgc w-tatg kmA\yton TiAkTryAoC


I

(fAMlANoCTTATPI
TPl

K=-MH

AfA<r

'C

K-

AMlAC

K-TPO<J)Y Ac- PI PAY xAPi Airpn

y PoictfA D M NH >U H * OC kAtAiito


I

MPKioMfeTAA MC-/vAK-TAfni gA\oNT\Hl Mf PHnATTyAn


IC-NMlANnCKJCTOYTn^JKATAA

CYT VX A
I

N-1

K-

ATTTl-lfrKPlMfTP/

AK-TI-lCYNBlO MOYKATWtnn MfTP^AK- n FOB Atom

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


Avp.
'Oi/Tjcri/Aos

IN N.

PHRYGIA

213

Ke "ZTparoviKO^ kc T/30<^ijU.as aveKafiotrav ra k ixrjB^TTOT^ fjLTjSevl [ejirev/caXoi iirL^aXovTa avT6i[<;) i^epr]


fnqSe iavTov firjSe

irepov rtvo?. Avp. IlairuXos 'Ovqcri{JL.ov kc "Attttt;? tckw; Euyevto) kc 'A/Atas /ce iyyoub) 'Ettlktijtco kc Ev-yevLO. k (e)auTor(s)
8t'

^ai(v)TS,
jjL-qTpX

Ke

70.

TCKva avTcov IlaTruXo?

Ke 'ApSe [/xa9?] xe

/ce 'A/Aiavos Trarpl kc Ke 'A/iAias T/)0(^v[/xos CKju/aots ice

SaepL yXi(KiiTaT]ot(9)

p.vrjp.ri(^<i)

)(dpL{v).

Avp. n[a7n;\]o5
to.

Ke ra KaT(a)Xi7rc(j XdpKLOv 10 /Ae'pTj HaTTuXw kc 'Ayiiiavo]


EuxuYiaj'T7 kc
fjiov
1
.

[a/D]/i,eva

kc

eTTtySaXofra jnot
KaTaX(i7r&))

iK<K> tovtwv

"Attttt^ Trv{po)Kpl{?) fjidrpa ' kc irpofiaTov. KttTaXiTTW jxerpa X is a form of the aorist which occurs aviXdlSoa-av

X' kc t^ crvv^iw
in the Septuagint

and

is

called

by the grammarians Asiatic or Boeotian or Chalcidic.


2.

This urigrammatical clause appears

to

mean,

" and

let

no one make any

farther claim against anybody, either himself or through another ".


II. Possibly 7ru(po)Kpt is equivalent to the Egyptian Kpidanrvfyo^, explained by Mahaffy as a kind of corn combining the qualities of barley and wheat, "bearded " wheat {Petrie Papyr., xxix., 1 1), but probably denoting a mixture of wheat and barley,

which had been sown together (Wachsmuth, quoted by Grenfell and Hunt, Fayum
Pap., 10
1, col. iii.,

4)

cf.

aKpidos, applied to pure wheat.

This quaint document, badly composed and carelessly engraved, as an epitaph. The testator, Aur. Papylos, is the son of one of three brothers who had shared an inheritance, and
is

a will as well

he leaves

his portion together

ing implements) to his

wheat and barley to with a sheep to his wife

two surviving two daughters


!

with a chest and tools (perhaps farmsons, 30 measures of mixed


estate

The

The
old

ancient remains at

and 30 more together {?), was evidently very small. Arslan Apa and the surrounding vil-

lages Kusura, GireV Bunarbashi, etc., are said to have


site, called Euren,

come from an

on the edge of the

hills at

the western end of

the ridge on which stands the northern boundary stone of the Imestate. one or two stones are left on the site ; the rest perial Only

have been carried away to the neighbouring

villages,

which contain a

214
great

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
many of them being
architectural

number of

ancient remains,

fragments belonging to the Byzantine period.

CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
II.

Kurd
""

Keui.

In the mosque.

Copied

also

by R. 1884.

r ^P6lCT.AN^O/
''^

[rjXy'

XpeLarcapol

AvPA^^e/A
cy
/v

^,

,^

;^.^

Toj

rfiiiMiP///
*-

AYTa)A/-2CJTi
KOJ-Jf^CV/VTOK^ e ro A/o/c AY-rw

aw
.

.'^'^ . TO) yaLLado)

..'Z'^'^'-' avTiou Zo)TiKCu


,;

,v Ke
\

crvv 7019
.

'

-r
^

AAfjA/vare/A
K re Ae'<f> T
c:

Po)

,;vv AXetavopeLa
5.

/ce

rp X

leKeamopco

^.''

Yv

*ce
(5
/

O)

TTOIH
a.d. 248-249,
is

AA<A>efavopw
o'
.

'

avvpLw

eiroiT)(rav.

The date rXy ', 333 =


was not engraved.

certain.

Probably Irous

lapidary omitted the husband's name and left out the first of iyyovoLs, while inserting a superfluous X in the last name.
is

The

Alexander

not the husband, but one of the grandchildren.


In the cemetery.

12. Abia.

AYPZUTI KOSMAPKI WNoZTolZ EAYToYFo


N E YZ/ ETIZWNMAPICINI

Copied also by R. 1884.

Avp. ZwTt/cos MapKL^'^''''''

K-AniTHK-AAEAtWAPTE

'^''^^

^^"^

y-

Ke

Amrr) Ke aSe\<f)S 'Apre

pa
XPEICTIANOIXPEICTIANOIC

ppijpr)<;

^dpLV

'KpeicrriavoL Xpetcmavors.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


The ungrammatical
dicates that the formula

IN N.

PHRYGIA

215

use of the plural in the closing formula inhad already become stereotyped {cf. Ramsay, The simplicity of the style, the spelling Expositor, 1888, p. 252). the character of the names show that the epitaph and XpeicTTLavoL,

belongs to the same period as No. 11; it may be slightly later. father bears the name of the second century heretic Marcion, and we remember that this district was in close connection with

The

Kotiai'on,

one of the chief centres of heresy


Abia.
In a house.

in

Phrygia.

13.

Above

senting two
style

lions, each with a

paw on an ox,

the inscription is a relief reprein the conventional

common
I

In

North Phrygia.

AYTPO<f> Moc TrOT^

CyNSlCaTATlQeriza/
OTTeTiCKTPo4>l
/^Oi

Av(/d. ) T/Do^ei/^os noTet[rou

t^

^APlN KAOAA -VxPl-lC T A N


I

TO.

TKVa avTwv A[vpr^\L[fiviqiJ.r)<i

Ke TpoffyLfJLos o(t) XIortTO?


5

f^NOIC

TP>4"'

xdpLv

/ce

AojU,i{a uvv(j>7]

XprjcrTLavo\l Xpyja-Tei{a)vol<;.

Tpo<j)Lp[

In spite of the bad spelling and careless engraving, this inscription does not appear to be much later than the preceding two.
6.

Either the small

is

false insertion or a

Xprja-reiavol, and b)- subsequently adding omitted word, in which case the beginning of
[kc Tois yy]ovots.

second
1.

the engraver omitted the word intended the first to stand for the
e.g.

7 must be differently restored,

The name
also used
in

Poteitos, Latin poMus,


is

" he

who

has obtained (sal-

vation)," in Christian nomenclature,

Pagan custom,
in

as e.g.,

It was not very common. of coins on of a magistrate

Hadrianopolis
century.

of the third Phrygia Paroreios at the beginning

2i6
14. Abia.
is

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
(1884).

From Ramsay's copy

Below the inscription

a defaced relief.

AYPHA.APOY^eiNATPOtlMOV AYPHMWAAeZANAPcoAOMrsH TUAYTHCANAPIKAITO(CT

^^P"}^'"- 'Po^*^^^^* Tpo4>C^ov

Avprjkico 'AXefavSpw rw eaur^s au8pl Kal

Ao/ivrj

toIs tc-

KNOiCKYPlAAHKA

Be Po NCI
5

^^^^^ KvpiXXr) Kal Bepovec-

KlANWtCAlAYPHAlAKAirAY
///a>NIAlKAlrPa)BfPON(K(A

TXv^^^a^^ ^ai Aip-qXia Kal


;f](^j,f8t

;fal

hepco^BepovLKMxP''' eTToi-qa-ev
' Avpr)\C(o

N(OMNHMMCXAP|NTTOIHN
CYNTa)AYTHCV(U)AYPHAiU) AACZANAPt>AlCfTlZa)NTC

j,^

/iivr;>7^s

^'^^

^^ ^^^^^^ ^i^

'AXe^IvSpcp

SU

er'i

{wvre?,

KPerCTlANOI XPC/CTIANOIC
4, 6.
{cf.

Xpeio-Ttai/oi Xpeva-Tiavol?.
4)

BtpovfiKtai'd?
/.c).

((/;

BepovLKY],

No.

may have been

suggested by Jcis xxv.

Ramsay,

The more

fully

developed Christian nomenclature in this and

the following inscription indicates a date somewhere later in the third Yet here we have the spelling century than the foregoing epitaphs. while No. 13 has XpTjo-reiai/ds (see iv.). XpeicTTiat'ds,

15. Gedjek.

(L.fF., jSs^C.I.G.,

3857^;

R. 1884.)

kc Avp. TkvKcau AT^ixyjTpia crvv^ua /ce eavTw Ifiv TO. TeKva [a^Tcov EuyeVios kc Aofiva /ce ITaTrTriKios K 'T[7ra]nos kc TXvko)v kc Zcoti/ct;?, XpTjo-Tiavo[t
XpTjcrrJiat''^.

Franz and Waddington read na[T/)]tK:ios, but the epigraphic copy shows IlaTT-TrtKtos, a name which occurs twice in another early Christian inscription of Tchakirsaz, near Altyn-Tash, which is published in the present

volume on

p.

129.

Zcotikijs for Zcotlkij, as in

No.

4, etc.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


16.

IN N.

PHRYGIA

217

Altyn-Tash.

for the sake of comparison,


Stele

3857 t, L.W., 780. Repeated here, from my copy. with pointed pediment which contains a simple cross enC.I.G.,

closed in a circle.
reliefs

The centre of the stone is occupied by three rude of women with hands clasped on bosom at the foot are re;

presented tools {outils de


ball.

mapn,

Perrot, p. 126)

and a spindle and

K Tarias 'A(TKXr)TnoiBr) TeKvo) KC eavTois en ^a>vTe<;.


Ev(f)pa)v
'Oi{i7]o-t[jLi]os

[kc

.]
.

a[SeX]<^ot

ajuTwi' Toils

iavTMv

yovel? K Tov d.8eX(f)ov


eTcCfirjcrav.

This inscription

is

in the

an earlier period than the

class

South-Phrygian style and belongs to which openly professes Christianity.

at all to suggest the religion of the family, which is the cross placed so inconspicuously that it escaped the proved by The lettering is of the style of No. 11, but rather notice of Le Bas.
is

There

nothing

better,

and the inscription probably belongs to the

first

half of the

third century.

Other examples of a cross placed in this inconspicuous way are known see pp. 37 and 84 f. of the present volume. They are proofs that it was still necessary to conceal the religion, implying
:

that Christianity
P-

was proscribed.

more conspicuous example on

143-

Siek with pointed pediment in which are represented a spindle and distaff the main field is occupied by reliefs representing a bird perched on a vine (above) and a team of oxen with plough (below), and the inscription is arranged above and below
17.

Altyn-Tash.

it.

{C.I.G., 3857 tration on p. 218.

L.fV.,

783;

R.,

1884; A., 1897.)

Illus-

2l8

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON

ATS A NOrC A H C Y N B 1^/


APoHlKorKOrglocAYToYi^.
\<f>l

MoC K-oA^toCAYTC'^

AACCAM0CZWTCeA^,

TOIC K-ANuS.PON

K-^/

Xphctianoixphct^
W6TT0IHCAN y>^CX

Av^dvovcra
<f)i,fios

17

(rw/8i[os 'Ai^JS/aoi'eiKoti

K 6

dveilfLO<;

ke 6 veto? avTov [Tpo]avTo[v] Aacrcra/xos {ctii^re? ca[u]ror9 we 'Avopo-

peit^w],

The
120).

XprjaTiavol Xpr]cn[Lav]^, eTroirja-av. rare name Lassamos occurs at Kotia'i'on, C.I.G., 3827
text
is

v.,

where the correct

'AttoWwi/ios Ke AacrajMos (Perrot,

op. cit., p.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


18.

IN N.

PHRYGIA

219

Altyn-Tash.
very small.
}

Built into the

window

of the mosque.

The

letters are

AYf K Y Pi AA///////^//// v/z/w/////////// N Cy Wo ^^""^^^'^z ///////////


////////////y"^

A'fPCTffiiH(tiTlAT?\T(0ArTCONVPecBrTAT<i) NN oju CO r PA N or BAci A HOC '^ercp/Hfe PI


I

TlMorNl4>PCINACKHCANTI'"ZHCANTI6rrK

PwCXAPINMvHMHCAreeHKAN*^ ETTITAEP

MIOKHAAOXCOKVPIAKOC^ rAYKYTATHCfMBeiOJ eVrHCOMoNl TrAPAnAClM*^THTOf lAANArilV CTCMMAAner^eNKAMerv/H*^ konaotathmoi


PHTO|'AOCTrPOAITTOrCH'^KAl6IONKAlT6KN ATA-f lAOCTOprcJC AKCGPe^pCN

Im|3
KY P
I

4 TTv^

t S

AA A N CT AN N A /^^l ANApo/wnriAeriiJYW 'f K AT AO M>J A VH TT 10 ^e Tl TTANT<i)N'="M<TPATyCT M<^A


I

rroWCrnKTHC

NerNHClOyCCYNflW/MoYc^KrflAKONAN

^/PA&)rAYlCYTATWCCyAf2.HCfN^XP0N0NoA)roNfeom ee N T^f^z/yrro M 0( P HC <^ Na>NMAcNMNHCK^t ^ NC Mo PH A r H Key. A P M "^^ TT ATPI K-CrM/3 ((j)


/I
I

Avp[t]\loi) Ki;/3iX[A.os Kal KvpiaKos


crvuo-

[fiai/j-oi

Avp.

"^reifxlva)

naTpl

toj

iavTcov, irpecrfivTaTO)
eixre^eLrjv ipil,y]cravTi,

ivvoiMO)

ovpaviov

fiacriXrjo';,

Tifiov ivl (ppecrlu a.<jKy)aavTi.,


pu><i

(.vyxj-

)(a.piv

^vrjpjrj<i

avidiqKa.v

eirtra 'Eys-

220
fjLLOvri

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON

ctXd^w Kv/3tafd?, y(\)vKVTdT7) cruja^eiw evyvwfiovL Trapa Tracnv, Trj to (^Ckdvhpiov


o-Tefijxa

anevevKafievr), Kov{S)oTdTr) /xoinpoXLTTOvcrr) kol fieiov Kal tIkv-

io

pr) TO

<f>do?

TO.

(^iXoiTTopyw^ dvedpexfjev,

KuptXXav
opyov
15 S]pa,
vos
3.

ctl vvv, 'SiTecfyavov 'A[\e$]a.vSpov vrj-rna Irt re -rrdvToiv, fj.r)Tepa r Aojxvav vrj-mov ofKpaKd

evar-

'^TTiKTrjCTiv

K yvqa-Lov;

(Tvvop.rip.ov<;,

KvpLaKov av-

w yXu/curarws

^eVifa] VTTO ixoiprj^.


p-oiprj

(Twetpqaev ^povov okiyov, (f)6ovr]dvd" otv Kokoiv jx,vri<TKop.e-

dvedrjKe ^dpiv vaTpl k (rufi^Lco.


ivi'o/jLw,

TT/aetrySvTaTu)

k.t.A..,

is

remarkable expression.

Trptcr^vraTCK

is

o irpea-^vrepoi designed to enhance the dignity of the " the venerable age of the deceased, eldest of the elders ". indicate and to office perhaps tov means o-oc^i't;? ejuc 8iSao-)caA.ov cf. lawfully, regularly appointed twofio's probably
probably an affected variation
:

iwofiMv (in an inscription of Kurd Keui published above, p. 138), where cvfo/xos designates the official character of his position as a teacher appointed by the com-

munity

{cf.

Perrot, Explor., p. 129)

and

Ivvop.o'i

(.KKk-qtria

in

Acts xix. 39, quoted

by Dr. Sanday.
9.
Kovh6<;, or

more

correctly kovt6<;,
(okus.

is

late

Greek

for

fipaxus.

Here

it

seems

to

be used in the sense of


17.

For

x-P'-^ aveOrjKe,

see

No. 20,

1.

II.

This elaborate, semi-rhythmical epitaph belongs to a later date than the simple inscriptions preceding but the style of the inscription and the character of the lettering and the names forbid us to
;

place

it

later

than the early fourth century.

Besh-Karish Eyuk. Copied also by R. 1884 (see Expositor, Stek broken on the left and at the top, 1888, p. 256). bearing reliefs of three women standing, with a bird beside the head of the right19.

hand

figure.

The main
:

inscription,
left

engraved below the


is

reliefs,

has

perished.

Between the

good

letters

and central figure

inscribed in small

222

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
avhpa
TTodrjTov

'EvddSe
/cat

yrj

Karej^t 'Eo)cr6[]vr)u
fjie(ye)di
/cai

KoiWi Koi
noi(rr)<;

crco<f)pocnjvr)

Be /xaXtcrra,

TOP

d/Derij?

Kol iv avSpecrt kuSo? e}(OVTa.

TpiOLKOvra eTMv edavov, XvTrrjcra oe TrdvTas, Kdi -rrevdepoi)^ [kv]n-r]cra, ^vxrjv Se e/ia/Da[v]a yvvrjKO';, dno ^s tv reKvov <r)(ov fjueTO. ^s T[/3i]a Itt; crvve^yjcra,
o[i]

Se yovi?

npo

ep-ov

ivddSe

Kivrrj.
T7J<;

'AXefavSpos npecr^vTepos perd

crvvftiov ^Atttti^s

/ca[i]

T^s dvyaTpo<; KvpiX\rj<; kol tttjs yy6vr)<; Ao/i[v]/j5 rot? lO (rvTKV0L<; Xoxrdd kol Aopvr) kol "Zcocrdevrj yavfipS

yXvKVTdra) inoLaLcrav ^dpiv, XprjcrTLavol Xpi^crrtavops]. Tov

@eov
I
f.

crol {i.e. crv) dvayi\o\v<;

pr]
begins

dSi/fatcris.
'YivOdSe
yrj

An

epitaph

of Altyn-Tash

Karix^t

eoS<apav

ttjv

7rp([(8a)Tov]|

Koi KaAXi Koi fJnyiOi, kol


p.
i

i/j,<f>po(rvvrj

Si yixaXiora (C.I.G.,

3^57

"> L.ff'-j

779, present volume,


3.

ig).

The same

line occurs in an epitaph of

Kara Agatch Euren,

C/ass. Rev.,

1897,

P-

13710. avTKvoi^

the word is used of adopted children o-vvreKvoLS, foster-children with the of the children brought up together adopters, C.I.G., 2015. 11. The meaning of iiroLrjo-av xapiv is more fully expressed in C.I.G., 6207
:

(=

Kaibel, Epigr. Gi., 621),

Ttjv IttltvuISlSlov tovtio OrJKtv

xapiv ov rpecfx TraiSa.

Com-

pare also Tv^ ol ayXatrjv in an epitaph

from Nova

Isaura, published above, p. 47.

great resemblance between the metrical Christian epiThe love of the taphs of East and North Phrygia and of Lycaonia. Christians in those regions for long metrical epitaphs, especially during
is

There

the fourth century, is quite remarkable. In Spain the Christian metrical epitaphs are common in the fifth and sixth centuries ; and so also in France, but they probably began there already in the fourth

century.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


21. Ai'-Kuruk.
top.
Stele

IN N.

PHRYGIA
circle at

223
the

with a cross enclosed in a

TONtlAOxLPHCToPANMKeiCEMiHerA
.'0ICl4>A

XIEjU.01

NONTAgTONTtAC HCAPE HJH.ENONEINEKATIMHC Col6EOCAKAT^tP0NI\APlNC


eETOKAi noeoN
P
I

hnhcoinAa
E rA
Pol CI ff

OXmNoNHnATPlCUiKHKHTE
T H C Ho
I

CE

T E K A N .V\

ENinPEnEATEAAoiCINf HAEKACITN HToCTfo^lMoC KH TNHC loC AN<^uj<^APKoNTAn A


TP| AoC A AoYKAlTTACITTeHToN EYHENiHNTToeEoTAKAl EYC E 8 IH N AM ATT AO N J CHMATCOI
TCYIA.CCI

Al H

TT P

ATTl

Afi C

CtIXmnTPAYAC
01

MNHOt-MCXAPlH

fee TO AYTOCCrNAAoXWHefflH TA re KN ATT P0< TT N'^ANTTATT


Tlu)N Tl r
U)

N TU> N
I

jtlH

M UN ei A ICUNHCYNPCN* WN M A T A \y C HTlCTmN A\\a)TTATP aJNETTI T A'^'e TC A


TIC Mn H
I

rrruAiyC ANACKAflAfTOTTTtUMA fPs.o..f^HCKO^AflNa)NlON K P H T ANO X PHC T ANOlC n A P C T HC A HfNTOfi P TON


1
I I I

Tov (^iKo^prjcTTOpav au^ts


Tov
croL
Tracrr)^

Vt />tyoi[X,]otcrt <f)av{i)uTa,

dpe(Trjs)

[Ji.fx,oir]fjivov,

eiveKa

Tiji.r\<i

0eo9 aKaTa^povi

-)(apiv iffero

kol ttoOov

rjvrj

croiv
Ob
cr

aXo^&t Nouy Krj p,y]Tepi rfj cttJ, TKav fMeydpoLa-LV ivLTrpenea re Xaolcriv,
di><f>(i)

vaTpl crw

7)0 wacTiyvijTO? Tp6(f)Lp,o<; Krj yvi]crLO<;

o-pXovTa Trar/DtSos Kaov /cat Tracrt noOrjTov, cv^evirjv Trodo{v)Ta ? koX evcre^irju dfia TracTLV.
arip.a
re'

01

reufas

etSir^s

TrpanLSecn crTiXrjv

ypdxpa's p,vrip.rj^

224
X'^P'-v

J-

G. C.
criiv

ANDERSON
l>i6vvr), ot

^d^TO auro?

dX6)(^cp
/Aiyrts

ra TCKva
tj

TrpoeTrevxjfav

lo

avvyeviiav euL ra erea twv T(.s t] aXKcjTraTpiwv fj-VTij fxara Xucri, Se to Trrw/xa, ip)(opvr)<; KoXacriv ipy)\p.(i>(TL, dvacTKoixpi to epyov. i(aviov. Xpr)((r)Ti,avol Xpr)(TTLavol<; TrapeaTrja-apev
t,a)VTO)v.
ifx-oiv
I.

TTainroiv

en

elhtoiv

The

addition of v to the accus. of nouns of the third declension


districts (rf.
;

is

frequent

in this

and other
rest

The
mighty
3.

of the line

"
(beatified dead)
a.KaTa<f>poi'i
?

Waddington on No. 817 above, pp. 60, 132, 153). is obscure. Does it mean " appeared again among the

fivOi-s

(/.vOoii is possible.

perhaps means

a.KaTa<j>p6vrj(Tov)

or aKaTa<j)pov^(o,

tjvr]

is

un-

intelligible to
5.

me.
constructed like koi, as in No.
7, p.
:

is

125 (above),

1.

3,
is

1.

7, etc.

12.

The

construction entirely vanishes

perhaps the meaning

<os ip)(Oft.ani]i

Ko\a(Te<Ds aliovCov.

This

inscription,

the tombstone of Aquila (see above, p. 125,

which should be compared with the legend on No. 7), is the epitaph

of a local bishop, whose name is strangely omitted. It is poorly composed, but the final formula indicates that it is quite as early Both belong to the as, if not earlier than, the epitaph of Aquila.
close of the third century or early years of the fourth.
is elastic,

In both the

phraseology showing no trace of the stereotyped rigidity of post-Constantine inscriptions (see p. 201, note J).* The description of the pastoral office, a.p-)(Oiv naTptbos kaov (on naTpis see above, p. 195),
is a variation of kaov in the other. Trpoa-To.p.f.vo'i Upo'Ca-Tapevos or irpoe.cTTws and f]-yovpevo<; are the terms regularly used in the early centuries to describe the office of leader of a Christian community.

virtue of "kindly hospitality to strangers" (ev^eviT), 1. 12) emphasised by the early Church (cf. Expositor, 1905, p. 444 f ).

The

was

The

new word
tions as

dX.X(o)7raTyoiot,

with which

"
aXkot^prJTOip,

member

may be compared such formaof another phratry,'' akkoyXocra-o'i,

peregrinus, etc.

(van Herwerden, Lex. Supp/.), probably means feVot,

aliens, in the sense

of pagans.
is

* But the exclusiveness of dWcnraTptoi

later

than Diocletian.

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


22.

IN N.

PHRYGIA
left

225
in

Ai-Kuruk.

Tablet a

little

broken to right and

and

parts covered with lime ; the style of the letters (which are engraved between incised lines) points to the third century.

///EICOPAACTYM0/Z////Tn4POAOlCF7Tli:HMACl1|pEI

//'ONTEY?<.EinATPlKli:nBPIN.AAAE(THAECVNE ///ANT|OXlAlTT|NYTHTrOAYrH^EACa)f P^CY^

///OYTTAEICT^NAPI^MONETEWNCYNZHCACAME
////MATTOYAEKETHTTOAAH^iAlHAlAKAAA^C //H^OCHAETPOnOYCKAlEYrENclHCENEKEC^AH'// //riOYNONTElAMENHN<^lAlONTEKOCEN^A\AMOlty// ///>YNOMATHNTPOf IMMNETENMEAAePOICKAAEC/l^/
//KAlAEITTElTHNAEMNHNTTAPHrOPIHNTTATP|XHP/////

//HCEKYPOCTPO^IMOCAOMNHCYNEHTECYNEYN////// ////<rPIM0XTEAAHPVMNOYCCEMNOYCANATTEMTTr////
/////WTHPTHNAETIKAlNYNCTENEITPOflMHTTOAY^////
/////////////TPIKlCCYNCMAIMOCAMAAICLAlTEflAAITE/^
////////// /////OIK

Y PI AAAKAlArPinnEtNAXAPiNAYTHC

///

liiiilti,lilillt>\}\/,7,\

EOTH TOC l-3'/,\A TAAIH M ATTO/I^OYE


////A TT

////

PO K E

1^

N C ^e E T///

////,Y,AE

ICAE AYNHTA'/^/

iiiiii'ywiiiii

226

J.

G. C.

ANDERSON
iirl
crrjfJiacn,
[f]el[i'e,

Etcropaas TVfi^ov
01'

7r]a[y3]o8ot5

rev)(eL

IlaT/at/ct?

TrepLKaXXel rrj^e crwelwrj


cr<x)<j)pocrvi^r)

'AvTio^tSi TTLVVT'^ TToXvyTjOea

re,

ov Trkela-Tov apidfiov irecDv


d]X\.a TTOV

crvv^rjcra<;

d/Ae[/A7rT&)?

Sta /cdWo? 5 eTT] iroXky (fnXiy "^^09 TjSe T/307rous Koi (.vyeveirj^ eveK icrdX7J[^,
fjbovvov Ti.^ap,ivy]v

SeV

^tXiov TeKO<; eV 6aXa.p.oia\iv

ovvofia rffv "Ypo^iprqv eV' iv p.eXdOpoL<; KaXea\acrav, Koi [XjeiTTCi TTjvBe fjLovrjv Traprjyopirjv Trarpl XVfiv-

lO

^s

eKvpo<; Tp6(f)Lixo<; A6p,vr)

crvv

erj

re crvuevi\rj

Kvpi.XX6<s re Sarjp Vjxvovi cre/AVOus avanep.i^(.i.


p.i]}rr)p

TTjvS'

en

/cai

vvv oreVei

Tpo<l>Lp.r)

ttoXv^tjvo^

Kol Hajr/aiKis crvvop.aip.o?

oifia Sicrcrai re (ftCXai re

Trapdev^L KvpiXXa
T'^S
fi''^]/*'''?[?

/cat

'AypLTnreiva ^dpiv avrijs


^[8']

vjeor-x^Tos

dyXai7^[9
.
. .

o] irpoKelp.evov

c[o-jT{t

ou]8els 8e hvvr]Tai

fragment apparently of the same, which does not ... 17 yvvr] avTOv Aujyj
. . . . . .

fit

on

/c]^

6 dvy^p avrrj';

Avp

yv]v7}Kl [kt) eoi\uTW ert [^wt-

...

I.

TrapdSots appears to be used for TrapoSiois.

3.

The

accusative follows the dative ungrammatically


1.

and the construction

is

carried on in

fF.

Such confusion of

cases

is

characteristic

feature of Asia

Minor
dead

epitaphs.
II.

The "sending up of
relationship
is
:

holy

hymns"

probably refers to some service for the

(or perhaps a burial service).

The

C/. Expositor, 1906, p. 157.

Trophime
I

Trophiraos

= Domna
I

.1

.1.

.1.
Trophime

Agrippina

Kyrilla

Patrikios

Antiochis=pPatrikios

Kyrillos

PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY


23.

IN N.

PHRYGIA

227

Kuyudjak.

Rectangular block with simple moulding.


.
. .

//97777777-r^aXX (/I

[t]w
crvv-

e[a]vTa)i'

yevl 6/c Tcov ISCwv iiroit)crav,

XpicTTta-

voX Xpia-Tia-

vS.
simplicity of the style of this fragment and the character of the lettering point to the third century. The spelling Xpicrrta^'os
is

The

found not

far

away

at

Ushak

in

an inscription dated a.d. 278-9

(C.5.,

444 = Z../F.,

727).

VII.

PRELIMINARY REPORT TO THE WILSON TRUSTEES ON EXPLORATION IN PHRYGIA AND LYCAONIA.


W. M. RAMSAY.

PRELIMINARY REPORT TO THE WILSON TRUSTEES


ON

EXPLORATION
As
this
is

IN

PHRYGIA AND LYCAONIA.

the last Preliminary Report which I shall have occasion to address to the Trustees, I desire to thank them for having in the

absence of any applicant junior in standing offered the Fellowship to me during the years 1904 and 1905, and thus made it possible to
carry on the exploration of the country,

when otherwise

it

would

have been out of

my

power to do

so.

the Fellowship will produce

good work

in the
;

hope and feel confident that hands of a succession

of applicants among our junior graduates and it is quite possible that I may be able to co-operate with them actively in the country,

and not merely by advice from a distance as to method and region. I have the honour to submit several parts of the fuller Report,

on the work of the Fellowship, published in the Austrian Jahreshefie, 1905, the Classical Review, 1905, and the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1905, and to add that the crown has been placed on the Research work done during my tenure of the Fellowship by the Council of
the Royal Geographical Society, London, which on 27th March awarded me the Victoria Research Gold Medal " for the eminent
services

Asia Minor ".* of

which you have rendered to Geography during your work in While History was the principal and guiding motive

exploration, I have been always keenly alive to the close rebetween History and Geography, to the influence exercised by natural conditions on the development of human society and life, and, in short, to the Geographical basis on which the study of

my

lation

Later, the University of Pennsylvania

Gold Medal

for Archaeological Research.

232

W. M.

RAMSAY

History must rest. My work, originating from Fellowships in the University of Oxford, continued recently by a Fellowship in the University of Aberdeen, and applying always the principles of University teaching, as
I

understood them, to practical exploration

in

geography and topography, has enjoyed from the beginning onwards

sympathy and the powerful support of the Royal Geographical Society, London. The following report is worked up from letters published in The Athenaum. Several topics which are treated here are not likely to
the cordial

be more fully treated by the writer for some years and it seems them here even in a provisional way, and thus place the results of exploration before the world of scholars.
;

therefore advisable to discuss

Also,

it

is

a not

unworthy object

to

show the

great variety and

number of

the problems that confront the explorer. During the journey of 1905 it was our good fortune to dis-

cover evidence solving on the spot a larger number of historical Not that the finds were problems than in any previous journey. in themselves imposing, but the problems had been previously
carried to such an advanced stage that even a slight piece of evidence was sufficient to give the final solution. reached Smyrna

We

in the latter part of April,

the terminus at Dineir, helped

and went up the Ottoman Railway to by the courtesy and scientific spirit

Our plan was, first of all, to go direct from Dineir, the ancient Apameia-Celaens, to Konia (Iconium), with the intention of searching for evidence on several
of the general manager, Mr. Barfield.
historical questions, and of studying more carefully the situation and remains of Pisidian Antioch. This road is one of the most familiar and frequently traversed in the whole of Asia Minor, and

could not be expected that monuments of any importance should have remained undiscovered on it until 1905. I had avoided it in
it

previous journeys, as being too trite and well known. Only in 1882 I went along the whole line under Sir Charles Wilson's leadership.

Parts of the road

had seen

in

later

years,

especially

in

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
1886.

233
far

Yet even on

this

oft-trodden road

we found

more than

we had ventured even


I.

to

hope

for.

SMYRNA TO APOLLONIA.
Artemis

We

spent two days in Ephesus acquiring information needed

to complete a study of the relation between the worship of

This study was published


been
little

and the worship of the Virgin Mother of God in Christian times. in 'The Expositor, June and August, 1905. Our visit to Apameia-Celaenas was disappointing there has
;

building and little or no discovery since our last visit in 1 89 1. We spent one day, copied a few unimportant inscriptions, and prepared for the journey to Konia. I was eager to see once

more the two fountains, the Laughing and the Weeping (described in The Athenaeum, 19th August, 1891, p. 233, and more fully in Cities and Bishoprics of It is Phrygia, ii., 407). strange that this
first

extremely interesting pair of fountains escaped the notice of all travellers till 1891. More than a score of professional explorers

had examined the rivers of Apameia.

The Laugher

alone had been

seen by almost every visitor, but not recognised, as a pair of fountains had to be found. aim now was to learn whether the Weeper is

My

permanent the Laugher whose bright rippling flow


;

is
is

much
to the

larger and unvarying stream,

clearly audible fifteen yards away.

As

under edge of the low rock from beneath which the Weeper flows out of a very small lowroofed chamber. The low melancholy murmur of the water can be
before,

we had

to stoop

down

heard when one bends

down

to the

mouth of

the tiny

chamber

but this year the peculiar sound, like sobs occurring at short intervals, which was the most noteworthy feature in 1891, could not
be heard. This sound is produced by air struggling with the water in a low passage, and would cease to be heard if the water either sank too low to touch the roof at any point, or were so high
that
it filled

must vary

in

the passage completely. It was evident that the water small shepherd boy informed us that the height.

234
fountain was called

W. M.

RAMSAY
it

always ceased to flow in Desirous of having the summer and went on pilgrimage to Mecca. I asked also an old of the more evidence as to the variation water,

Zem-zem, because

He on our return. shepherd, whom we met a few yards away in time his first 1 for the declared that the water had failed in 904 The discrepancy between the two accounts illustrates

experience. the difficulty of getting trustworthy evidence from the report of The first tale told to the traveller may be quite incorrect ; natives.

but

if

he

is

content with the evidence of one witness,

the false

story

a permanent stumblingpass into literature and become block, for the stories that have once found footing in literature are

may

afterwards reproduced unquestioningly. were fortunate in finding a group of three milestones on

We

the

way to Apollonia, eight miles from that city. One contains the name of the governor of the province Galatia in a.d. 198, C.
Atticius Strabo, proving definitely that Apollonia (also a fortiori Pisidian Antioch) was in that province at least as late as 198,

which practically means that both cities were Galatian until the This is admitted, reorganisation by Diocletian about a.d. 295. but the indeed, by Marquardt, only in a halfaccepted authority,
hearted way, for he adopts Waddington's opinion that during the third century people in Apollonia dated according to the era of
the province Asia (which would be impossible, if the city had been now see that included in the province Galatia in that century). the dated Apollonian inscription on which Waddington's opinion

We

rested
It

must be counted from the era of the province speaks of the country and city as Galatian, and the date
it

Galatia.
is

equi-

confirms, and is confirmed by, the newly discovered milestone. There was never any reason why this plain dating and the evident inference from it should not have been valent to A.D. 222, so that accepted, except the deep-seated reluctance to believe that Galatia could have been extended so far as to include Antioch and Apollonia

There

lies

the root of the evil

when once

a strong misapprehension

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
as to the

235

view

is

provincial organisation is established, the historical distorted, and the judgment is misled on other questions

Roman

apparently quite unconnected.


II.

THE DEFEAT OF MANUEL AND THE THIRD CRUSADE.


coincided with the
line

Our way now

of march which had

been followed by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus in 11 76, and by Frederick Barbarossa in 1190; indeed, that was the reason why we took this route. traversed the valley of Apollonia from the

We

to the great lake called Limnai, into which its river flows, then proceeded along the northern shore of the Limnai, and

watershed

down

from

its

north-eastern end turned

the pass to Pisidian Antioch. times the Kleisoura Tzybritzi, and battle in which the splendid army of

away in an This pass was


it

easterly direction
called in

up

Byzantine was the scene of the great Manuel Comnenus was utterly

by the Seljuk Turks of Konia. It was this battle that decided the fate of Asia Minor, putting an end to the gradual revival of the Byzantine power under the able John Comnenus and his
defeated
brave, but too rash, son Manuel.

Never was a

battle in

which

it

was more

clearly

shown

that superiority in

arms and personal prowess

cannot compensate for carelessness in the general. The Byzantine contained the finest the a army troops of empire, and large body of and other soldiers of Western and Northern Varangians Europe,
the best fighting material in the world ; superior to the lightly equipped Turks
it

was armed

in a style far

accustomed to victory. learnt the art of war in many Turkish campaigns, under his father's tuition and in his own thirty-four years' reign. He had led an army
right across Asia

was highly trained and ; Manuel had shown his personal courage and
it

Minor within
unfit a

sight of Konia, the Seljuk capital


in fair

and he knew how

Turkish army was to face

combat

such an army as he could command. Now, as the consummation of two generations of war, persistently carried on by his father and
fitfully

by himself, he found himself with

all

the best forces of the

236

W. M.
at

RAMSAY

empire

that leads to Antioch

the north-east end of the Limnai, ready to enter the pass and Iconium. Before him, as he lay in the
lake,

low ground by the

which

is

about 3,000

feet

above

sea-level,

stretched towards the east a pass, broad and very gently sloping, bounded on the south by a ridge of mountains about 5,000 feet
high, which rises sharp and precipitous from the level ground ; the pass is about one-third of a mile broad (as I guessed looking
across
it

from the northern

river flowing

down

gently rising from

perfectly level, with a small the centre ; on the north side undulating hills, the level, stretch back about three miles to a
side),

long range of mountains (Kara-Kush-Dagh) about 6,000 feet high, running south-west and north-east above the ApoUonia valley and
the

Limnai towards the great central range of Phrygia Paroreios


called Sultan

(now

Dagh, over 7,000

feet high).

One or

other of

This ranges was called in ancient times Olympos. description, which I wrote on the spot, is almost a translation of Nicetas's description of the Kleisoura. It has only to be added that, as he says, the hills or undulating rising ground on the north
those three
side are intersected

by broad

glens.

The
treeless,

pass, called

the Tzybritzi

Kleisoura, was

known

to be

occupied by the Turks.

They
;

could not hide themselves on those

and Manuel saw them with his own open, grassy slopes as Nicetas eyes, says, having previously been informed that they were preparing to defend the pass. But confident in his army

and contemptuous of

enemy, he marched on into the pass, just as if he were traversing a level and undefended country, soldiers and in the column. The baggage intermingled vanguard, more ready
his

and not mixed up with baggage or overcrowded, easily back the Turks from the low northern hills, and forced their pushed way through to the eastern end. The main body of the army,
for fighting,

more encumbered and crowded, marched more slowly, and was the Turks from the mountains then separated from the vanguard seized the opportunity, charged down from the mountains on the
;

REPORT ON EXPLORATION

237

disordered army, and broke the ranks. Baldwin, son of the Norman Prince of Antioch and brother-in-law of the emperor, vainly at-

tempted, by a desperate charge with a handful of cavalry, to drive back the Turks ; he perished with his small troop ; and this calamity encouraged the assailants and struck panic into the Byzantine main

body, which was now a mere mob, so densely crowded that the soldiers could hardly raise their hands and weapons, jammed against

and among the baggage.


energy might Manuel had lost
flattery
still

The

rest

was a massacre.
;

Courage and

but there was no leading. his wits and his courage. Thirty-four years of
frittered

have saved the day

and empire had

away

his

moral power and

deteri-

orated his nerve.

Only through the chance that the Turks did not understand the completeness of their own victory was he allowed on the following day to conclude an inglorious peace, and withdraw
the shattered relics of his great army. The unconquered vanguard marched back through the pass, within view of the enemy, who

had gained and to repent of the arrangement that permitted the remnant to escape ; and some of them attacked the retreating Byzantine troops, inflicting further
to realise a victory they
loss

now began

what

on them.
;

and my reUnfortunately I had not taken Nicetas with me collection of his account was inaccurate. I thought that the battle had been fought
in a

narrow

pass, in

attacked an unexpectant army. the open country near the Limnai,


that the battle
rest

which a concealed enemy had As that could not have happened in


I

actually

came

to the conclusion

must have been fought elsewhere, and directed the of our route to Konia for the purpose of finding the scene of the battle. But when I came home I found that the description of
the locality, which I wrote on the spot to show that this pass was not the scene, was exactly what Nicetas describes. Had Nicetas

been in
precise

my

hands,

we should probably have been


localities,

able to fix

by

seven glens, and the spot where the vanguard spent the night after the massacre.
the

measurement the

238
In

W. M.
1885
I

RAMSAY
American Journal of Archeology an Khoma (from which Manuel's

wrote

in

"The

article attempting to fix the site of

advance was made) and the scene of the battle ; but though right about Khoma, I wrongly placed the battle too far west, in the pass
immediately in front of that fortress, misled by the modern name of the pass, Turrije, which seemed to preserve the ancient name
Tzybritzi.
narratives
scription

Some

Tomaschek showed

years that

afterwards
I

the
;

view

stated
in

by

Prof.

had erred

and then,

reading the
their

by eye-witnesses of Barbarossa's crusade and of the scene of Manuel's defeat, I saw that the from the Limnai.

de-

battle

was

fought
route,

the pass leading up acknowledged, and the scene


in

The

error was

in
is

'The

locality

volume.
ments,

inferred rightly from Barbarossa's and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., 346, and- the correctly shown on the map of Central Phrygia in that But while I profited much by Prof. Tomaschek's arguCities

I could not accept his views as to the locality (which he far to the north-east), and renewed examination of the too places localities proves that he was wrong ; the pass which he selects

1883) runs north and south, but the pass which Nicetas describes runs east and west.
(I

crossed

it

in

III.

THE IMPERIAL ESTATES AT


a very large basis with a

PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.

In the low

we found

ground near the Limnai, before entering the pass, Greek inscription recording a

dedication by a slave Nilus negotiator and the village Karbokome. Occupying such an important position as to take precedence of the
village

stationed at

with

it

assembly, Nilus must have been a slave of the emperor, Karbokome in charge of an imperial estate. Forthbecame evident that the estate was part of the territory

which formerly belonged to the great temple of Men Askainos at Antioch, and passed into the possession of Augustus in b.c. 25.

had long been looking for last it was presented to me.


I

traces of that vast estate,

and here

at

Such discoveries always throw light

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
on other unsorted and

239

unarranged fragments of knowledge. series of long inscriptions found in this neighbourhood, but nearer the first and longest to Antioch, has been known for twenty years
:

published in 'The Journal of Hellenic Studies in 1883.

The

char-

acter of this series

now becomes

clear.

They

all

belong to the third

Each consists, apart from a mutilated exordium, of a long series of names and donations in money to each person's name is attached the name of the village to which he belonged, and one of the villages was Karbokome. Now, not far away, the Milyadic from imperial estates show a similar series of names and donations
century after Christ.
; ;

have reconstructed the history of those estates, with the genealogy of a branch of the imperial family, during a century,
that series
I

and the page of history restored in this way has been accepted by the recent authorities on the administration of the imperial estates,
Schulten, Rostowzew, etc.
series

The Antiochian

estates furnish a similar

of inscriptions, and the history of the estates ought to be

recoverable from those documents.

Two

hours further on, near the other end of the pass, we

reached the village where Sir Charles Wilson and I found the first inscription of the series in 1882 ; and there we halted for the night. In the in front of the mosque, lay a broken column, of the
village,

same peculiar shape as the one containing the long the upper side were no letters, but, when we rolled
evident at a glance.
set

inscription.
it

On

over, the whole

under side was covered with an inscription of the same class, as was Though the sun was already setting, I at once

when
I

It is a golden rule never to postpone work copy it. with the Turks dealing any one of a score of possible events might deny us the opportunity of doing anything on the morrow.

to

work

to

copied until the last ray of light faded, devoting attention chiefly to the important matters and the parts that were best preserved ; the
fainter portions

demanded stronger
all
I

light.

Before darkness stopped

me

had copied

the

best of the forty lines.


at

soon after sunrise,

was again

Next morning, work unimpeded. But already

240

W. M.

RAMSAY

on the previous evening the most important piece of information had been discovered, disclosing the nature and meaning of the lists, and the meaning of the strange name applied to the donors of money.

The name had been


more
lists in

discovered by Prof Sterrett,

who found many

1885. Telcmoreian Guest-friends.

The

persons mentioned were Xenoi Tekmoreioi,

My friend

Prof

Sterrett considered this

name

On

to be topographical, and marked on his the other hand, I conjectured, in my

map a town, Tekmoreion.


Historical

Geography of

Asia Minor, "

meaning which in some

Tekmor was the old poetic Greek word p. 411, that sign," and that these Xenoi were members of a society
religious

of their character.
declared
it

ceremony showed a mystic sign in proof Dr. Ziebarth and Dr. Judeich in Germany both

impossible to accept my view, as the old poetic term Tekmor could not be alive in the third century after Christ. contention was that this old poetic word was reintroduced in the
artificial

My

Phrygian Greek of the third century.

The new
as
is

inscrip-

tion confirms

my

view, and gives us a

new verb

well as the

certain Lucius adjective, derived from Tekmor. " as having shown the sign twice," rcK/Aopeuo-as 819.

mentioned

This hither-

unknown verb was invented The society derived its name.


to

to express the act


act was,

from which the


question, somethat certain, for

beyond

all

thing of religious character

the inscriptions

make

But this act must have been an they are all religious in type. invention of the late period to which the inscriptions belong ; had it been an old religious act it would not have called for the invention of a

new word.

Now

the

religion of the

Xenoi was

a
;

union of the old Phrygian worship with the cult of the emperors

the inscriptions show this clearly. The new element, the showing the of Tekmor, must have been added to the old Phrygian mystic

an act connected with the imperial cult and as the one end and aim of that cult was to give strength and religious basis
ritual as
;

to the loyalty of all subjects, the Tekmor must have been a symbolic act declaring the the of celebrant to the loyalty emperor.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
On
and
all

241

those imperial estates dedications on behalf of the emperor

his

household are

common and

characteristic

and

it

is

now

one of the points needing investigation how far one special form of such dedications was peculiar to the inhabitants of such estates.
service of the

were in a special degree bound to the emperor they were not exactly his slaves or serfs, but out of them developed the serfs of the Dark Ages. In ancient
rate, those inhabitants
;

At any

Roman
and

society slaves were the

most devoted and trusted of servants

of the estates approximated more to serfdom than the citizens of self-governing cities, so they were
in proportion as the population

more attached and devoted


State

to the imperial service.

descendants of the slaves of the

They were the god Men Askainos. The Roman


;

was very careful not to interfere with established conditions of society, where those conditions were not politically dangerous and just as they always retained the Egyptian fellahin in the same
condition of almost slavery which they had occupied towards the kings of old, so there is every reason to think that the people on
the Antiochian estates were similarly kept in a condition not materially changed from their old service to the god. Among them, and
in close relation to their peculiar

connection with the imperial service,

developed

this institution

great deal more to say if another article in this volume.

of the Tekmor, on which there is still a and I hope to treat it in space permitted
;

Pisidian Antioch has been too often described to need mention


here.
silence.
IV.
It

either requires a

whole paper to

itself,

or

it

must be

left in

THE IMPERIAL ROAD TO

LYSTRA.

Another piece of work before us was to trace the " Imperial " Road from the colony Antioch to the colony Lystra. This was
the

way by which

St.

Paul

travelled

when Onesiphorus,
to

in

the

legend of Thekla, came forth from Iconium stones fix the line of the road as far as Tiberiopolis-Pappa in the
16

meet him.

Mile-

242

W. M.
;

RAMSAY
it

Orondian mountains

and natural features leave no doubt that

went on through a long narrow defile, Baghirsak-Dere, which leads from Pappa to the valley of Kizil-Euren. In this high valley was
situated the Byzantine bishopric Sinethandos, eight hours from Konia. Here all trace of the road disappears. The doubt remained whether

the

"
Imperial

Road

"

went on eastwards by

the

north

side

of

Mount Loras

along the line of the modern road (in which case it must have gone first to Iconium and then turned south to Lystra),
or turned south and followed some

country on

the

route across the hilly south-west of the mountain. The former route

unknown

would
would

necessitate

have published
suit well,

very serious modification of the views which I regarding the Thekla legend, whereas the latter

possible to complete and improve From the village I hired two horses, greatly what I had written. and started, under the guidance of a villager, to explore the hilly
it

and make

country, leaving the others to

make some

search and take photo-

I had to find some evidence to determine graphs in the valley. whether or not a Roman road had ever traversed those hills a

difficult matter,

ever, the

which might require a week's search. I had, howfortune to find within an hour two slight cuttings good for a road in the rocks, which here and there protruded from the
bush-clad
soil

of the

hills,

and when we reached the watershed

To my astonishment began to question my guide about the roads. he pointed out the waggon-road to Konia, and when I asked about
this

the west to

road he said that until quite recently the waggon-road from Konia took the route south of the mountain, and passed

where we were standing where I could see the evident marks of This old waggon-road to Konia reached the wheeled carriages.
plain considerably to the south of that city,

and turned up north-east

to reach

it.

There was no reason

in the

natural circumstances

why

this route line

should have been followed instead of the direct modern


side of the mountain.

on the north

history of the

Roman

road.

It

explanation lay in the was intended to connect Antioch with

The

REPORT ON EXPLORATION

243

Lystra, a military road constructed by the Emperor Augustus to maintain communication between the two great Roman fortresses ;

and when

this

road was built

it

was natural that wheeled

traffic

from

Iconium to the west should go southwards over the plain in order to take advantage of the good road across the hills. It was only when neglect had suffered this imperial road to pass into complete
decay that the established habit gradually fell into disuse, and the direct path came into use foi both horse and waggon traffic.

This
expression,

result

" the

was peculiarly gratifying. My confidence that an Imperial Road which leads to Lystra," in the
it

legend of Thekla, bore about

had led

me on

the savour of antiquity and truth, to discover the disused old road and to unravel the

This expression, true and ancient, is mistangled skein of history. used in the later form of the legend as it has come down to us, and " " the has been misapplied to describe Imperial Road to Lystra the road from Iconium to Lystra, whereas both in fact and in the
early

form of the legend it denoted the road direct from Antioch " The " Imperial Road to Lystra, which did not touch Iconium. to Lystra is not correctly marked in the map attached to my Church
in the Roman Empire. It passed about seven or eight miles south-west of Iconium, and there it was that Onesiphorus, according to the legend, waited for St. Paul and brought him into Iconium.

As

to

the

Castle of Sinnada,

now

Sivri-Kalesi,

overhanging

the Baghirsak-Dere, and the bishopric Sinethandos (with its extraordinary variety of names) in the valley two miles west of Kizil-

Euren, we found no evidence to add to the discussion given by the

Annual of the British School, Athens, 1902-3, nor The identity is there established did we seek for it. p. 255, firmly, and we were in search of evidence only on points which were
present writer in the
still

in doubt.

244
V.

W. M.

RAMSAY
ITS

ICONIUM AND

TERRITORY.

The wide

territory of

watershed immediately east

Iconium (Konia) probably began at the of Kizil-Euren ; and there also was the

limit between the Byzantine Provinces of Pisidia

and Lycaonia.

One more
Konia.

discovery rewarded our journey before we reached Among the rather confused routes leading across Asia

enumerated by the Arab soldier of the ninth century, Ibn Khordadhbeh, is one which, in a very long paper on Lycaonia in the Austrian Jahreshefte, 1904, I conjectured to be

Minor

to Constantinople

the hill-road from Konia to Ak-Sheher, the most direct


capital.

way

to the

On

it

the

Arab geographer

places the Castle of Dakalias.

Now

that road,

about six or seven miles north-west of Konia, overhanging is a lofty conical peak, which forms a very conspicuous
St.

and useful point for geographical observations, called Hill by the Greeks, and Takali Dagh by the Turks.

Philip's

After that

paper was printed we ascended the peak, on geographic cares intent. The aneroid makes the summit 1,900 feet above Konia. summit is occupied by a great castle, one of the series of castles

The

on high, steep points by which the Byzantine emperors tried to We hear most defend the country against raiders from the East.
about them during the Saracen wars, but the system is of older origin. One at least of the most typical among them, Sivri-Hissar (" Pointed
Castle "), in
veals
site

Western

Galatia,

which was

called Justinianopolis, re-

its Another, Verinopolis, the early foundation by its name. of which we fixed during the present year on a similar lofty peak at Zengijek, eleven hours north-east of Konia, carries us back to an even earlier date, about a.d. 474.

When we
not at the time

discovered that

make

St. Philip was a great castle, I did the obvious connection between the Turkish

and the Arabic name.

But

this

year,

when we came

in

sight of

Takali Dagh, the Identity with the Castle of Dakalias struck me. Takali commands the road on which Ibn Khordadhbeh describes

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
Dakalias.
a
I

245

thought that, when we climbed the peak, we had made but when we returned home I found that, as usual, discovery, " Hamilton the prince of travellers in Asia Minor," as I have often

not omitted to ascend Takali styled the existence of the castle.

him had

Dagh, and record


found at

a new house on the edge of the where the the road from town, railway station enters an open square. Copies of them were sent me last January by one of my servants, a

Three exceptionally important Konia in digging the foundations of

inscriptions have been

Greek, son of a professional magician in Konia ; and I recopied them in the beginning of May. One was inscribed on the gravestone, or

on the pedestal of a
It

statue, in

honour of the

first

duumvir of

the

colony. puts an end to the controversy in which I have for some time been involved against some German scholars, especially
Prof.

Zahn.
Colony,

They maintained
I

that

Claudius

Roman

that

Hadrian founded the

made Iconium a The new incolony.

scription shows that the foundation cannot have happened till well on in the second century the date may be confidently assigned as The other two inscriptions mention the names of A.D. 130-137.
:

three of the Iconian Tribes, one of


called

Athena
its

],

a second

Augusta, and a third


official called

called

Hadriana Herculana.
head.

Each Tribe

had an

a Prostates at

The

constitution of

Iconium was hitherto entirely unknown. But an old inscription, badly published in the C.I.G., 3995 ^, mentions the four Stemmata
of the Colon ia.
ferred

The Stemmata must mean honorary

crowns, con-

sented in relief on the

by the four Tribes which constituted the Colonia, and repremonument. There remains, therefore, still
is

one Iconian Tribe, whose name

unknown.
to
a
tribe,
is

The goddess Athena, who gave name

styled
;

Minerva Zizymene in a Latin inscription (C.I.L., iii., 13638) but In the this epithet was not used in the inscription just mentioned. Hellenic city a more Hellenic title was employed in the municipal Dr. Th. Wiegand, to whom two impresinstitution of the Tribe.

246

W. M.

RAMSAY
by Dr. Loytved,
I

sions of the first-mentioned inscription were sent

helped to make the impressions of this and other inscriptions), reads the Tribal name as 'Adr)vai I examined the stone carefully twice and can attest that n[o\iaSo9]. as the fracture passes after no complete letter could be seen 'A.0Tijva<;,

German Consul

in

Konia (whom

across the middle of s at the end of 'A0r)va^, and that letter

is

indi-

cated in

my

copy

as

incomplete but certain.


or IK.

There remain, however,


:

the lower ends of

two perpendicular
ITT,

lines after 'Adrjva.<;

be taken for H, or IT, or


is

might But Dr. Wiegand's restoration

these

probably the correct text, and is certainly true to the religious the Iconian Minerva Zizimena was beyond all doubt the facts
:

patron goddess of the

city,

and naturally bore the Greek

title Polias.

According to the usual practice of Hellenistic cities, these Tribes, doubtless, were composed of four different nationalities which

The foundation of a Colonia by Hadrian the population. colonists it no of Roman accession merely meant that the brought city was raised to the most honourable rank and the highest privimade up
:

leges accorded to a provincial city.

The

four Tribes are therefore

of earlier origin

and we may probably believe that one contained

the original Phrygian population (the Tribe of Athena Zizimene), one the Hellenic and afterwards also the Roman citizens (the Tribe Augusta, renamed and enlarged by Augustus), and one the East

Anatolian element (the Tribe Herculana).

hours north of Konia, where quicksilver mines have been worked from a remote period and are still worked, retains the name of the ancient Zizima, the seat of
Sizma,
a
village

among

the

hills

five

the worship of the goddess, the Mother of Zizima, who was widely Her worshipped in the country around, north and east and south.

home was

indicated to

here offered for their use.

men by the underground wealth which was The village contains many monuments

of her worship, showing that she was simply a local form of the Phrygian goddess Cybele. She is accompanied by a lion or a pair " of lions ; she bears the title " Mother of gods ; and an archigallos

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
was the chief of a company of
priests

247
to

attached

her

worship.

Seven inscriptions, discovered in recent years, mention her title ; the last was found at Sizma by Mr. Garstang this year, and afterwards me. others to her worship without naming relate Many recopied by
her.

The Roman system of managing

the mines at Zizima


Classical

is

de-

scribed, so far as the scanty records permit, in the

Review,

1905' PP- 367-370 and 429. The territory of Iconium was bounded to north-east by the On the road to Archelais, just before it long ridge of Boz-Dagh.
reached the mountains, there was a village of Iconium, probably called Salarama ; two old Turkish khans, one called Kutu-Delik, close under

Boz-Dagh, the other

called Sindjerli, seven or eight miles

to

the

south, have been built out of the ruins of the ancient village, which probably stood closer to Kutu-Delik. wealthy Iconian family,

which attained the

century, and took the


this

Roman citizenship probably as early as the first Roman name Aponius, possessed property in
and
its

neighbourhood

members both served


Iconium
;

in

the Imperial

armies and held municipal

office in

but their family burial-

There is at Kutu-Delik also a milestone place was at the village. dated under the Governor of Galatia [C. Atticius] Strabo, a.d. 198,
proving (as I have long maintained in opposition to the high authority of M. Imhoof Blumer) that Iconium was in the Province Galatia down to this time (which practically means that, like Pisidian

Antioch and Apollonia,


A.D. 295).
It
is

it

was a Galatian
in the present

city

from

b.c.

25 to about
p.

published in the Classical Review, 1905,

416

see also Prof.


VI.

T. Callander

volume,

p.

172.

VERINOPOLIS, PSEBILA

AND THE CENTRAL TRADE ROUTE.

Crossing Boz-Dagh by the road leading to Archelais, we kept away to the left along the northern slope of Boz-Dagh, and passed

through a series of ancient villages or small towns. Of these one was at the village of Geimir, where we found part of the architrave of a large building dedicated to the Emperor Pius, and some other

248
inscriptions,

W. M.
both pagan

RAMSAY
Christian.

and

The

situation

on

the

"

and the west in general Syrian route," which led from the Masander by Laodiceia Combusta, Psebila (Suwerek), Savatra, Kanna, Cybistra and the Cilician Gates to Tarsus and Antioch, explains the comparaGraeco- Roman civilisation into this remote tively early penetration of we Keeping on close to the northern skirts of Boz-Dagh,
village.

Zulmandani-Khan (where no inscription rewarded us), which and then to Zengijek, preserves the ancient name of Zeus Zemroutenos, which seemed a specially miserable and uninviting village as we For many hours on entered it after sunset amid a storm of rain.

came

to

that day
it

we had been journeying towards a towering peak, watching On the following gradually grow more distinct as we approached.

day, turning to the north, along the road Konia-Zengijek-SuwefekAngora, we crossed a high ridge, and on the crest of the ridge we found ourselves under and close to the peak which had attracted our

on the preceding day. We now could see that the peak bore a Byzantine castle, and on this and the preceding and following days we observed that it overlooks and commands a wide extent of country and must have been chosen as a fortress on that account.
attention

At

the present day surveyors

point for readings. five miles from Zengijek, where I had recently placed the ancient road-station Psebila or Psibela or Psibella (in the Peutinger Table
called Pegella).

an extremely useful Crossing the ridge we came to Suwerek, about


select
it

would

as

The ancient topography now became clear. In a minute study of Lycaonia (published in the Austrian Jahreshefte, 1904, pt. ii.) I had pointed out that Savatra was the leading city of Northern
Lycaonia during the early centuries, succeeded to that position about 474.
able to
find

but
I

Verinopolis had had, however, not been


that
:

it was the exact position of Verinopolis practically certain that one of the two associated towns, Psebila and Verinopolis,

was situated

at

Suwerek

but

knew of no

clearly suitable situation

for the other of the pair, having never seen

Suwerek or explored the

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
district.

249

Now

all

was

clear, as

soon

as

saw the

castle

of Zengijek.

The open

defenceless situation of Savatra was

found unsuitable for

the metropolis of Northern Lycaonia during the troubled times of the fourth and fifth centuries. The lofty peak of Zengijek-Kale,

about four hours

W.N.W.

of Savatra, was marked out

as the true

centre of defence in the military system of that period ; and at last about 474 this situation of affairs was recognised, and the castle was built on the peak and called by the name of the Empress Verina

and made into a bishopric and the capital of the whole region. The situation of Suwerek-Psebila on the cross-roads made
always important, though indefensible as a fortress tinued to exist as an open town throughout history.
;

it

and

it

con-

The

bishopric

was never absolutely merged in Verinopolis, but both names were Both pagan and Christian inscriptions, some of joined in the title.
great interest, are numerous at Suwerek. Zengijek is full of Christian stones, of early Byzantine period, together with some inscriptions which may be of the late Roman
time.
station,

Suwerek, on the other hand, is a Roman site and roadwith four Latin inscriptions, probably all milestones on one

or other of the
the

Roman

roads which met here.

One

milestone contains
in a.d.

name of

C. Atticius Strabo,

Governor of Galatia

198,

and the distance PE, i.e., 105, engraved in very rude misshapen letters the village must be about one hundred and five miles distant from Ancyra, whence the distances throughout Galatia Provincia were
;

counted.
tant

The
in

one

road from Ancyra to Iconium, necessarily an importhe administration of the Province, passed through

Psebila, then crossed the ridge by Zengijek-Kale to Zengijek in the corner between that ridge and the line of Boz-Dagh, and then crossed Boz-Dagh towards Bunar-Bashi and Iconium. At Psibela
this

from the west

important Galatian road crossed the great Central Trade Route to Archelais, Caesareia and the Euphrates ; and here

the Syrian route diverged, and went, as already described, by Savatra to the Cilician Gates. It has rarely been my lot to find a case

250

W. M.

RAMSAY

where mere inspection of the localities cleared up so completely the ancient topography and at the same time confirmed so thoroughly
the partial inferences previously drawn from literary authorities. In Byzantine history one incident is connected with Psebila,

though the name


:

is

not mentioned.

In a.d.

977

a part of the troops

of the rebel Bardas Sclerus found themselves confronted by the imthe two armies were marching in different directions perial generals

The tribute, which was being along the Central Trade Route. taken from Syria to Constantinople, was carried by a road passing right between the two armies, which were still at some distance from
one another.
Psebila,

Evidently the one army was a


little

little

to the east of

and the other a

to the west, while the tribute was

carried

from Syria by Savatra and Psebila towards Amorium and

Constantinople, the shortest way. At Dedeler, four hours west of Suwerek, on the road to SeraiInn and the west coast, we found a large number of inscriptions.

perhaps prove to be a historical monument of considerable importance. It is one of the rare Byzantine inscripwhich from the few stereotyped formulae and such tions, diverge
these

One of

may

exceptional inscriptions have usually in other cases been found to relate to persons of The forms of the letters it high family.

prove

to be of a late period, not earlier than the eighth or ninth century, later. Above it is an elaborate cross in perhaps considerably tracery

within a fantastically ornate circle, vnep avairavcrecDs Koiixrjaewi; k tov hovKov rov hovkov [sic .'] rov O(eo)v Bap8aKofxaKaprjas fj-vrnx-Tj^ (x-qTov Movi'i,ovp7) Ke tov 7r(aT)p(o)s avTov 'AvTreXa tov Xwa-dp-q.

Accents are placed over most of the words (excepting vnep, kc, over the avTov false accent and spelling 'Avireka) breathing are used. This BapSaKoprjTov inscription seems to carry us back to
; ;

a rather romantic scene in Byzantine history. In A.D. 971, to Leo Diaconus,

according p. 119 fF., the rebel Bardas Phocas advanced from Cassareia towards Constantinople to contest the imperial Sclerus, who was sent against him. dignity.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION

251

marched by Dorylaion to Dipotamon, an imperial estate not far from Philomelion (Alc-Sheher). Phocas, therefore, must have advanced
by the Central Route through Psibela and Dedeler, towards PhiloFrom Dipotamon Sclerus sent agents, who induced many of melion.
Phocas's adherents to desert.

Phocas had to

flee

towards the

east,

and took refuge in the Castle of the Tyrants (rwi^ Tvpdpi^cov), called Antigous and the place where his army dispersed bore the name of
;

Barda-etta,

" the

defeat of Bardas

".

Now, when we

find

that

Barda-kome was situated on the road by which Phocas marched, we must be struck with the coincidence, and still more when we find
that in this inscription the in the war, as narrated by

name Anpelas occurs (which Leo Diaconus, vii.).


In

plays a part

my Histor. Geography, p. 141, where this passage is discussed, Barda-etta is placed much nearer Philomelion, and the castle Tyrannorum is identified with Tyriaion
(the reading

Only one

difficulty occurs here.

being supposed to be corrupted from Tyraenorum)is

This, however,

impossible, for Antigous was farther east in the


;

Thema of

Cappadocia (as Ibn Khordadhbeh says) moreover, Phocas had fortified it beforehand as a retreat in case of defeat, and, in advancing from Cassareia, he could hardly have hoped to hold a place With this exception the so far west as Tyriaion in case of defeat. is confirmed about the localities by the new inscription, reasoning

and Barda-etta may be supposed to be a Grecised form of the native Phrygian name of the village, which is here called by the Greek title
Barda-kome.
VII.

NORTHERN LYCAONIA AND THE PHRYGIAN FRONTIER.


found the
site

We
about
region
its

of an unknown

city,

six
is

hours N.N.E. from Dedeler.


so vague

now utterly uninhabited, The map of this whole


is

and uncertain that


;

it

impossible to specify

cannot be very far west of the road-system road Ancyra-Iconium. The nearest village is Kara-Bagh about five
position in the

but

it

or six miles to the north-east

the nearest Yaila

is

called

Eurek,

252

W. M.
:

RAMSAY
the site
is

about two miles to the north


inscriptions at

called

Azak.

Azak mentions

an Archiereus, so that

of a city and not a mere village as situated there. scriptions at Eurek, Kara-Bagh, and other Yailas, belong to this Near sunset we found that no barley for the horses could be city.

One of the we must think Numerous in-

money at Eurek, where we had intended to stop, and we went off very unwillingly to Tcheshmeli-Zebir, two and a half hours N.N.W. This is a Yuruk village, newly settled and
got for love or

G. C. Anderson copied here in 1899 have almost all disappeared; but we found many new ones. We also found a Greek mason, building a Turkish

newly

built.

The

inscriptions

which Mr.

J.

school,

who informed

us that the finest site in the whole country

Sinanli, twelve hours away to N.W., where there were at least 500 inscriptions, never seen by To go in any European.
at

was

required a complete change of plan, and many disBut appointments make me extremely sceptical about such tales.
this direction

gradually worked round to Sinanli, and after four busy days of long travelling and many inscriptions we found ourselves late one

we

afternoon at the much-lauded

mere

village,

not a

city.

was very disappointing, a In front of the mosque were two much


site.

It

worn and

practically undecipherable inscriptions in the later Phrygian which contained a formula quite different from any that I language,

had hitherto

therefore determined to dig up some stones which appeared above the ground in the middle of the village, in the of better of the formula. Sinanli is a small hope finding examples
seen.
I

Kurd
to

village,

and the people were

all

away

at

Yaila

so

we had
I

go

to the nearest Yaila about an

hour

distant.

Hitherto

had

believed that Tiberias (so far as my personal knowledge extended) was the filthiest town inhabited by man ; but this Kurd Yaila was

worse.

storm of rain confined us to

hut during the night,

and made the whole Yaila unspeakably malodorous. thankfully in the morning, and by seven o'clock had

We
a

got away dozen Kurds

working

in their

lazy fashion at the stones.

The

excavation was no

REPORT ON EXPLORATION

253

easy matter, as the stones turned out to be about four to five feet deep ; and the Kurds were sick of the work when they had got down

two

feet.

But

in

the end

we were

able to leave Sinanli with four


fairly

complete Phrygian inscriptions, one a

long

text,

one fragment,
in

and twenty-five Greek epitaphs. These Phrygian inscriptions, which

have just published

the Austrian Jahreshefte, will rouse much interest among the Comparative Philologists, as they contain many interesting words and

forms, and throw


the "

much

light

on the Phrygian language.


oua

words

may

mention,

(meaning

either

"

tribe

Among "

or

village,"

Greek

oia, wa,

w^a), ankaioi or akkeoi (Greek

aLvdyKrj),

teutous (either "people" or "judgment," "authoritative decision"), bekos (which Herodotus mentions as the Phrygian for " bread ").

formula, which occurs in four of the inscriptions, is in its simplest form ios ni semoun knoumnni kakoun addaket, gegreimenan " who ever to this tomb harm (once gegeimenan) egedoutios outan : shall do, he is liable to the prescribed penalty ". I shall mention
here only one

The new

more

point, the ingenious


last

and derivation of the


gested.

word

and convincing explanation outan, which Prof. Sayce sug-

avarav

pointed out that outan must correspond to the Greek " These (dialectic form of aTrji/), and thus it means penalty ".

He

new

inscriptions are published

inscriptions

work of

(almost the Asia

all,

and the whole corpus of late Phrygian with rare exceptions, copied during the

Minor Exploration

Fund) discussed

in

the

Austrian Jahres/ie/te, 1905.

The numerous early Christian inscriptions of this North Lycaonian region are utterly different in form and ornamentation from those
of Nova Isaura and Southern Lycaonia (described by Miss Ramsay in the first article of this volume, pts. ii., iii.). They are usually either tall stelai or altars. Many of them are adorned with representation of household implements, portable fireplaces, often saucepans standing on them, spindles and distaffs, and so on

with
;

and

exactly

the same representations are found on pagan tombstones.

254

W. M.
is

RAMSAY
on the Christian tomb-

The peacock

several times represented

stones, taking the place filled by the dove on Southern Lycaonian One epitaph contains a clear reference to Revelation iii. 20, stones.

the grave is commended to the care of Him who knocks where In a pagan epitaph a dutiful son the door stands before Him. " as Artemis," and shows his religion by pure praises his mother " commending her knowledge of the works of Athena," as represented

on the gravestone-distaff, portable


It
is

fireplace

and cooking-pot
Kiepert's
is
it

(p. 70).

quite extraordinary
is

how erroneous
;

new

large-

scale

map of Turkey

in this region

and

difficult to describe

Two roads lead the complication of error into which he has fallen. Mennek-Yaila and from Konia over Boz-Dagh, one by Egri-Baiyat and Zengijek to Suwerek ; the other by Dibi-Delik to Obruk.
Kiepert interpolates a third road midway between these two, places on it a second Egri-Baiyat (he has the village fairly correct on the
I true road), and puts Mernek-Yaila on this non-existent road. The a column in this strain ; but it is useless. on for might go

country has never been surveyed Kiepert has only loose and careless notes of travellers to go upon, and often their descriptions are so inaccurate that they seem to be describing different roads when they
:

have really been traversing


take in Kiepert's

all
is

the same

path.

For every misI

map

there

a foundation in the carelessness (or,

should rather say, the deadly fatigue and weariness) of a traveller. The only wonder is that Kiepert has been able to make a map that
is

so good.

mention the seriousness of the mistakes not for the

I have sake of fault-finding, but of warning. utterly failed to make believe that there are faults in the professional geographers England

in

from the published maps. Kiepert, or to induce them to vary in You may spend weeks or months drawing a better map ; you put
it

into the professional geographer's hands, and out comes the old Kiepert unchanged, and the draftsman is quite hurt at your inafter

gratitude, and variations

he has taken so

much

care to correct

all

your vagaries

from the standard map.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
VIII.

255

SOUTHERN LYCAONIA AND THE ISAURIAN FRONTIER.


in this direction

Our work
were spent

was not so

fruitful.

Some days
;

in the Isaurian hill country, in search

of a reported great

engineering work, a tunnel to carry the waters of

Tcharshamba River

but we had not time to attain any result, not even a negative one collected (which always needs more time than a positive result).

We

some

inscriptions

and made drawings and photographs of some

monuments.

At Alkaran, near Nova Isaura, we got a number of inscribed monuments excavated. One was of the regular Christian Isauran type, a fitting companion to the tomb of the Makarios Papas (see
pp.

23,

34 of

this
;

about A.D. 250-300

volume), and of the same period, probably a dove with a leaf in its mouth, incised on the

stone, makes an interesting addition to the Christian symbolism of Central Asia Minor. Another tombstone, p. 54, which covered the

grave of a physician, has the sacred fish three times repeated on it. Several others have the type of the dove, showing that this was a favourite emblem on tombstones in Lycaonia during the third and
fourth centuries.

found

at Iconium,

fourth century metrical epitaph of a Presbyter, It was not in compares the deceased to a dove.
;

our power to continue any longer the excavations but there can be no doubt that, with some small expenditure in excavation, a great deal of information about the state of the country around Derbe and
Lystra during the early Christian period might be recovered here.
IX.

THE THOUSAND AND ONE CHURCHES

IN LYCAONIA.

This site, the Turkish Bin-Bir-Kilisse, " looi Churches," also called Maden-Sheher, " City of Mines," has attracted increased attention since the publication of Strzygowski's Kleinasien ein Neuland der
Kunstgeschichte which was reviewed in 'The Athenteuin, 14th
,

Novem-

incorporates the description and rough plan by Mr. Crowfoot, as also a more detailed plan by Smirnov, and a study in considerable detail by

ber,

1903 (p. 656), by the present writer.

The work

256

W. M.

RAMSAY

The Prof. Strzygowski-, founded on these and older authorities. account of the site given in this book is by far the best, though
still
is-

only a very inadequate one.

The whole argument of

the book
to the

founded on the

belief that the site

and buildings belong

that the methods of construction practised early Byzantine period, and

there

may

of Byzantine the whole cordially laudatory review just mentioned, it seems to me, with the exception of one rather important detail described below,
to be

a starting-point in the history safely be taken as almost As to the discriminating, but on church architecture.

on the right lines, and I still maintain as a whole the views But the assumption of an early date for the Thousand stated in it. and One Churches as a whole, from which Strzygowski starts, The results at which we be dismissed as erroneous. must
certainly

arrived in
history

1905

as to the date

of the churches and the chequered

which they belonged, are so opposed to that it seems useful to make them existing ideas and prepossessions known as widely as possible especially as they prove more clearly
of the city
to

than ever that extremely important results, including probably a in one city from about a.d. 350 to history of church construction

and might be reached by a trained architect with means I The historical sketch which shall give leisure to examine the site. rests on objective and incontrovertible evidence, and some such
1050,

view seems
will
as

likely
I

work

to form the basis on which future exploration write purely as an epigraphist and historian, and not
state

an opinion on architectural questions. about seventy-four kilometres (by the Bagdad Railway Survey) from Konia, in a hollow on the northern In 1882 I flank of Kara-Dagh, looking out direct to the north.

presuming to

Bin-Bir-Kilisse

lies

in the company spent part of a day on the site, when travelling in but I was Anatolia Consul-General then of Sir Charles Wilson, ; at that

time a mere beginner in exploration, and had not learnt how to search for evidence moreover, I had contracted an illness in
;

Konia, and was hardly able

to sit

on a horse, much

less to

wander

in

REPORT ON EXPLORATION

257

This time, in May, 1905, the heat over those widespread ruins. we reached the site about sunset, having spent the day on the top of the mountain (Kara-Dagh) at a site called Daoule or Devle,
which
is

a sort of high-lying annexe to Bin-Bir-Kilisse.

Rain began

during the night, and expelled us from our couches on the housetop. I spent the hours from 4.30 to 7.30 a.m. in examining some of the
churches
;

then

we were driven away by

the approach of a great

thunderstorm, which had been long overdue and threatening, and which envelof)ed the mountain in dense mist and rain for three
days.

But we found enough to say with confidence that both sites belong mainly to the period when Byzantine power was reviving from the Saracen attack, and especially to the time after the Saracen
invasions had ceased
to

be a constant danger.

Daoule probably

belongs to the intermediate period, a.d. 650-900 ; and Bin-BirKilisse in its more exposed situation is at once the earlier and the

churches belong to the tenth or eleventh century. On the upper site, at Daoule, an inon one of the churches mentions that it was [built] or scription [renovated] (the serious doubt and difference are caused by a break
later site.

In the latter a

number of

the

in the stone)
{i.e.

during the time when Leo was the metropolitan bishop of Iconium), about a.d. 787 a second was of similar date, and
;

others
certain

may

be

earlier.

The

evidence, so far as
it is

it

reaches,

is

absolute,

and incontrovertible, because

epigraphic.

Mr. Crowfoot

" speaks of the paucity of inscriptions," and seems to imply that there are none, or next to none. But there are a fair number in
;

my two very brief visits I have copied above not examined more than a quarter of the site.
:

a dozen,

and

have

Two,

at least,

which

Radet and Paris in one by escaped me, have been copied Others I know to exist. 1886, and one by Miss Bell in 1905. The study of the architecture must be based on epigraphy, for this
fixes in

MM.

some degree the chronology and the

historical circumstances.

As
town

to the purpose of the two-score churches in or above that in the oval recess among the mountains, the epigraphic evidence
17

2S8

W. M.

RAMSAY
in

shows that at least three were erected and one was built or renovated as
presbyter

memory of deceased persons, vow and an expiation by a


;

who

ably several be proved similarly to be

from the duties of the ministry and probothers will, as the epigraphy is more carefully studied,
retired

votive or mortuary.

am

uncertain
I

whether or not two other memorial inscriptions which


belonged to churches or only to graves. The church at Daoule, erected or renovated
is

copied

by the presbvter and the attention of reward just mentioned, engage architects, on account of the important inscription which gives the
one which
In
will

date of the work.

Konia

this inscription

was mentioned to
it

me

probably gave a date of construction, but as decayed and almost illegible. I spent the best part of five hours on it, and ought to have returned to it on the following day but the storm made this impossible.
;

by Miss

Bell as being of extrerne importance, because

Still

most part of it is certain. It is engraved on two adjoining stones inside a small chamber on the north side of the church, near the west

end.

The building is ruinous in this part my work on it was never completed, and I state the place of the inscription on Miss Bell's information.
:

+
607)

fi'X^

IRaayjXrjov

n pe[cr/3i;Te/ooii]
v]

d[vcv-?

TO

TTpeafivrepco
firjTpoTro

Tov
TTjvov

ayioTo^Tov]

AeovTos \lTOV 09 KocTTavviro


.

rov

7(7)) !''(?)

K ivOVTO'i
jxov

ayrjOTo. Tov py^TponoXiTov eov jJbOV if dovvapCa k


. .

r)^evov
ra,

eKTeX
tl
yvo/j.

Iv
rj]

TO.

iKovarrja

fiov

[rjpr/a Soy/iak ax{0]peTO [0]ov\rj


8>)

TT a p err) <T a fj.y)v ttjv TOV X[pio"T]oi) XiTovpyLav


I

TToXvTrodrjTov
TrjSe
Trpocrev)(i

iiri)

p.v

t/xe

/ce

Trap a/caXo Tou eXe-

7)fioaCav

W9
i

evcrnX
a(f)

oi)(yo<;

poL 80s

p.

a pT

p.

aT ov

earjv
Tts

apov

Ke 'UpCvts

crvp[0jt]ov pc^v

p,rjvo<;

SeTrjreySpioi; lv(ZiKTi,(>ivo<;) S'.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION

259

The inscription is full of difficulties, and the reading was almost a matter of guesswork. The chamber was badly lighted ; the day was sunless and dark with the coming storm. The number of years in line 5 cannot be for rpia, is equally false is right [TJpija,
: :

[ojyjja

also impossible

so

is

[rJ/aijoiST^

for TpiaZi.

In line 10

e-rrq {i.e. iirel)

fxev i/te (i.e. el/xat) is

perhaps a familiar prayer, cited by


1 1

its first

words

(as

Prof.

F.

Cumont
Line

lXrjfjLova(v).

me). ends with 80s. The meaning


suggests

to

iXerffiocriav misread for


is
:

" + By the vow of Basil the presbyter was [renewed ? ] the presbyterium under the rule of Leo the most holy metropolitan until Constantine the most holy metropolitan during fifty-one years (?). And when I was involved in failure of strength, and ... to complete the dogmas, of my own free opinion and voluntary plan ' I resigned the much-loved service of Christ by this prayer, When I am, eu. ; and I beseech the Merciful that He grant (God) compassionately to me remission of the sins of me and of Irene my wife."
. .
.

'

though extremely badly spelt, composed by a person whose mother-tongue was Greek
it

This inscription,
stands in

is

evidently
in this

and

contrast to the Phrygian and Pisidian respect inscriptions in Greek of the early centuries, which are evidently the work of persons that did not speak Greek as their native language

marked

but only had a smattering of the speech. The date under Leo is fortunately clear and certain.
reference
is

The

indubitably to

the

bishop of the metropolis of the

province, viz.,

Iconium

account on

this site.

no other metropolitan could be taken into Now Leo was metropolitan bishop of Iconium
:

at the second Council of Nicasa, a.d. 787.

The rude

lettering

and

the detestable spelling show that the inscription is very late, and that no unknown earlier Leo, who might possibly have existed in the very defective
to.
list

After stating

the

of Iconian bishops, can have been referred circumstances, the presbyter ends with a

prayer for the pardon of the sins of himself and his wife Irene. Strzygowski points out (Kleinasien, pp. 105, 187, 207) that the

enlargement of the presbyterion of

church

is

common

feature at

26o
Bin-Bir-Kilisse.

W. M.

RAMSAY

The

apse alone was originally the place for the

presbyters, but afterwards the eastern part of the nave, with the first column on each side, was added. If my conjecture that this operation was performed by Basil is right, traces of the change ought
to be evident, even in this ruinous church ; and thus the conjecture The date about a.d. 787 for this should be proved or disproved. change would be typical, probably, for other cases.

But

in this
is

and

in numberless other points our brief examination

of the ruins

by

careful study

only important as showing how much might be done by an architect and an epigraphist ; and my chief

is to plead for the equipment of such an enterprise on a few hundred pounds ^say ;^300 or ^350 with reasonable scale. at least a month free on the spot, to measure, to dig, to move

purpose

stones, etc.,

would

result, if suitable persons

can be found for the

work,

in a

most valuable architectural and

historical study.

At

the

same
if

it may be hoped that this paper will give sufficient proof, that neither the architect alone, nor the be needed, any epigraphist each can raise many questions, and indicate lines alone, is sufficient

time,

of search, which only the other can deal with and follow out. The term " presbyterion," which is used in the dedication of
the retired presbyter, must mean the part of the church appropriated to the synedrion or collegium of the presbyters ; the word kollegi{o)n

occurs in the interior inscription of another church (Crowfoot, No. III.), where it should probably be interpreted in this sense, and not
the above-mentioned review of Strzygowski " \ol Setf es] TO KoKky)yi,v iv KOivai ev^dixevoi ere[Xecrai'] [Certain persons] completed the space appropriated to the college of presbyters,
in the in
: :

way taken

having made a
earlier in the

vow

".

That

inscription of the kollegi(o)n

is

perhaps

form of lettering than any other of the inscriptions hitherto mentioned but I have not seen it since 1882, and the letters are of such a character and so distant from the eye that the forms in my copy afford little criterion of date.
;

stronger chronological argument

is

furnished by three in-

REPORT ON EXPLORATION

261

scriptions on three adjoining stones in the same course in the outer wall of the apse of this same church (Crowfoot, No. III.). The first
is

hieratic
[r]]

the letters

are
tj?

coarse,

and

the

spelling abominable

avTT)
is

KaTVKvarr)<; fxov

iova

iovo<:
:

oSe KarvKva-o auTT^v]

"
:

This
this

my

habitation for ever


is

and ever
the eighth

thus inhabit

it

".*

That

inscription

as late

as

or ninth, or even

the tenth

century seems certain ; that it was engraved as a sort of consecration when the church was new I feel little doubt ; but any one
is

free to consider that

it

was cut

at a

later date

than the building

of the church, and

his

On

the next stone to the right in the tion cut by a different hand
:

opinion could not be directly disproved. same course is another inscrip-

ivddBe
7)

Ka%TfjLrj

TciKrjTe
e(f)d.vov,

ypovaa f
i

T^apoutra
fir)vr)

ttot

Noe'/S/Dou

the daughter of Stephanus, who never showed perception or pleasure I take this to record on the tenth November .". that the church commemorates the witless child of the dedicator,

"

Here

lies

Stephanus
after the

but here again the opinion

may

be maintained that this

inscription,

which

also

is

indubitably very

church was
first

built.

was engraved long Both are published by MM. Radet and


late,

Paris
tion
;

copy nearly accurate but without transcripthe second incomplete and transcribed incorrectly (reading
the
in a

Mrjyi'o? as

name of

the daughter, instead of

fii]

yi/oi)cra,t Bulletin

de

Corresfondance Hellenique, 1886, p. 512) ; but they have omitted the decisive evidence of date. The second inscription extends in
* KWTVKvao
it".
j-

for KaToiKr)<To{v)
a

or perhaps for KaTol.KL:To{v),


a,

" in

this

way

establish

There

is

gap between yvova and

due to

a break in the surface of the old

tombstone.
X mi,

being in ligature, can readily be taken for

0.

262

W. M.

RAMSAY

and this stone already conpart on to the next stone on the right ; in fact it was a tained an epitaph before the church was built it to its place in the church, and gravestone, which was cut to adapt

This older epitaph itself the original epitaph on it was mutilated. was quite a late document, coarse and rude in lettering, and expressed in a formula of the

more developed
evda^e Ka-

style {Expositor,

December,

i905>

P-

442)

:
4-

raKtJre

yvovcra
e.

and they are faint, and thus escaped the notice of the two French explorers. This epitaph could not be earlier than the sixth or seventh century, and

Only

few

letters

remain of the

first

two

lines

may

before

be a good deal later ; and some interval must have elapsed it could be taken and cut to build the church. The interval

lasted probably until the


rebuilt,

end of the Arab

raids,

when
in

and many new churches were constructed,


hope that
I

the city was which old stones

were often used.


I

shall

not be understood to imply that the two

excellent explorers just mentioned showed carelessness in missing the letters of the older epitaph on the stone in the apse. I confess that I also failed to read them at first, thinking that they contained

an obliterated date, probably by indiction (as I saw only n clearly), and therefore valueless for chronology, even if it had been decipherbut afterwards, when I went on to the church mentioned below and found in its west wall three older inscribed stones, which the
able
;

builders had used,

returned to church No.

III.,

and re-examined

the inscriptions on the outside of the apse, with the results already described.

Thus church No.


which
I

III.

contains both

an interior inscription,
I

copied in

1882, and three exterior inscriptions, which

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
:

263

In each case I saw only what I copied in 1905 I copied in 1905. Pridik copied part of the inner had no time to enter the church.
inscription

making no sense of

it

(Strzygowski, Kleinasien,

p.

58),

and
This

MM.
is

Radet and Paris copied two of the exterior inscriptions. a typical example of the haphazard way in which the inscrip-

tions of Asia

Minor have been

collected.

completely done does the historical I cannot even guarantee that all these four inscriptions are in the same church. I can say only that the three exterior inscriptions are
in the

Only when the work is reasoning upon it become sure.

church marked

ski attributes to this

on the published plan and that Strzygowsame church, on Pridik's authority, the interior
III.
;

inscription,

which

copied twenty-three years ago without recording

the position of the church that it belonged to. Considering how all the and accounts of Bin-Bir-Kilisse are, we unsatisfactory plans
for a fuller and more accurate description of it and of In the latter only one church has been noticed by Crowfoot (his No. II.) ; Smirnov did not see Daoule, nor any other traveller I am except the indefatigable tourist Davis. glad to think that a

must wait
Daoule.

and trustworthy account of Daoule may soon be supplied by Bell, who has examined, photographed, and planned the place with a care and thoroughness that no one else has applied.
full

Miss

Since the preceding remarks were printed, good plans of many of the buildings at Bin-Bir-Kilisse have been published at Hamburg by Mr. Holtzmann, an engineer on the German Anatolian Railway.

His plan shows

my next paragraph. not mentioned on Crowfoot's plan, but which stands about two hundred yards north of the church at
clearly the

church described in
is

In another church

^which

" on the south-west side of the village, marked " Octagon. Church One is the plan there are three inscribed stones in the west wall.

turned upside down and re-cut, and this mutilated inscription is dated between a.d. 962 and 970. The other two stones are also very This church must late ; both are re-cut, and one is turned sideways.
therefore be dated in the eleventh century, not later than a.d. 107
i,

264

W. M.

RAMSAY

The Seljuk Turks conquered the but probably near that year. later than the concountry in 1072, and no churches can be dated
quest.

The

Christian population deserted Bin-Bir-Kilisse probably


in Byzantine archimost of these plain,

immediately after 1072. I am convinced that an explorer trained


tectural history

would

unhesitatingly assign to
;

Strzygowski had never seen them, and depends on very imperfect descriptions, ground-plans with and he was evidently much influenced very few elevations or details " we may regard the by Mr. Crowfoot's unhesitating opinion that ruins of Bin-BIr-Kilisse as the remains of a typical provincial town of
undecorated buildings a late origin
;

In place of this date we must now subthe early Byzantine age ". " the ninth to eleventh centuries ". stitute But, while the churches
for the

most part belong to

this late date,

it

does not follow that

their designs are late.

In that remote and sequestered spot, tar from

the centres of civilisation, early forms and designs

may have

been

a growing plainness preserved and repeated with little change, except and a decrease in richness of ornament. But I lay no stress on my I depend on the imperfect comprehension of architectural character.

Bin-Bir-Kilisse is of late Byzantine epigraphic evidence that as a whole It was abanuntouched time, but pure Byzantine, by Seljuk work.

doned about
It is

a. d.

1072-1100.
is

only a late site. It is an old site, but, being exposed to the full fury of Saracen raids, the three cenit is likely to have been completely destroyed during None of the churches on the lower turies of war A.D. 660-965.

not meant, however, that Bin-Bir-Kilisse

site

can safely be dated between 660 and 900. During that time the higher parts of the mountain alone were safe, and most of the

churches at Daoule

may probably

650 we may look

for buildings at the lower site

Before be assigned to that period. and such ; buildings

are likely to have been destroyed by the Saracens, while those that belong to the tenth and eleventh centuries have suffered little from

the

hand of man, and have been exposed only

to the gentle influences

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
of nature.
for

265

The

explorer of Bin-Bir-Kilisse would do well to seek


suffered in-

some means of distinguishing buildings which have


these

; may safely be dated before a.d. 660. Probably a careful examination would reveal much about the history of the city of Barata, and might show that churches of very similar

tentional devastation

plan were executed before 650 and after 900. Epigraphic evidence of that older city, the Barata of the

Roman

and early Byzantine periods, is not wholly wanting. MM. Radet and Paris have fortunately copied and published the inscription on a sarcophagus, which I did not see. Although the text is incomplete
restorable, it is expressed in an early class of formula, and can hardly be later than the middle of the fourth century. Also the inscriptions in the extreme north-western church (Crowfoot, No. VI.)

and not

may
if I

perhaps belong to an early period

may judge' from my copies made not very distinctive, and one could not lay any stress on those hasty It is unsafe to copies made so long ago. express any opinion without seeing the inscriptions again.
Daoule
as a

the fifth century, possibly, in 1882 ; but the forms are

also

had probably a complicated history.


in

It

was perhaps

begun monastery high among about the end of the fourth century or during the fifth. This process of retirement in mountains and was seeking deep glens practised in Eastern Anatolia Basil and soon after the already by Gregory,
middle of the fourth century.
constant raid,

a retired spot

the mountains,

Then, during the times of unrest and the centres of population were removed from exposed

spots like Bin-Bir-Kilisse, near the level of the plain, to places high among the mountains of Kara-Dagh and Karadja-Dagh. Then

Daoule probably came to be used as a town for residence, until the Byzantine power was reinvigorated during the tenth century, and
Saracen raids ceased.
If the views just expressed are more evident than right, it is ever that the proper exploration of Bin-Bir-Kilisse and Devle is urgently needed in the interests of Byzantine history and of Christian

266
architecture.

W. M.

RAMSAY

There remain there the ruins of nearly two-score churches, belonging to all ages from the fourth or fifth century to It the eleventh, not to mention one large monastery at Daoule.
not merely plans, drawings, photographs of the architecture that are needed almost more necessary is it to observe carefully and collect all the evidence, epigraphic and otherwise, bearing on the date
is
:

With of the different buildings and on the history of the city. this should be united an exploration of four or five other remarkable
Kara-Dagh and Karadja-Dagh, all still practically unknown and unexplored. To judge from some photographs made on one of the Karadja-Dagh sites by Prof. T. Callander, my
Byzantine
sites in

travelling
earlier

companion

in

1904 and old

pupil, the remains there

seem

than anything that I have seen at Bin-Bir-Kilisse, and more like the ornate Syrian architecture (see p. 178).
ruins of Bin-Bir-Kilisse are probably those of the ancient city of Barata, a bishopric throughout the history of the Church in The evidence is not complete and conclusive ; but the Lycaonia.

The

only other possible supposition seems to be that Thebasa was situated here, Barata at Kara-Bunar, and Hyde at Emir-Ghazi ; and that
theory presents so many difficulties that, after inclining to it tempois needless here to state the rarily, I have had to abandon it, but it
difficulties

of the theory. The positive arguments which tend to prove that Barata was situated at Bin-Bir-Kilisse are stated in a
Lycaonia, by the present writer, in the Jahreshefte of the Austrian Archasological Society, 1904, part ii., but decisive epigraphic evidence is and they are pretty strong

very

long

article

on

The direct Roman road necessary before certainty can be attained. from Iconium to Cybistra would pass across the plain on the north side of Kara-Dagh ; and this route ought to be examined. The
increase of the marshes

on the north and north-west side of Kara-

Dagh, due to the water of Tcharshamba Su, has caused the route to
fall

into disuse.

In 1905

was strongly impressed with the

fact that at Bin-Bir-

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
Kilisse

267
:

seem to be two towns, the lower and the upper Holtzmann's plan shows the distinction clearly none of the other
there
:

plans do
allude to
village,

so,
it.

and none of the writers who have described the ruins

The lower town


it is it

and

north-west of

is nearly coincident with the modern the Roman North, north-east, and probably city. lies a widely scattered series of tombs, churches, and

(according to Holtzmann) buildings for public purposes, showing that (as is natural) the town spread out during the Roman peace

over the

South-west at a distinct interval lies a ground. considerable group of buildings, at a much higher elevation, on a
level

Crowfoot's " Octagonal Church and the strong defensible site. one with three gravestones in its west front wall (described above) belong to this upper town, which is otherwise generally very ruinous.

"

At

least

one other ruined church and many destroyed buildings

attracted

my

attention here.

Part of

my

geographical observations in order to

purpose in visiting Daoule was to get a series of fix the position of Bin-Bir-

Kilisse more accurately. But during the day we spent there the air was so dark with the coming storm that nothing was visible beyond

a distance of four or five miles out in the plain.

X.

THE PAINTED INSCRIPTIONS OF THE GOLDEN GATE


CONSTANTINOPLE.
The Golden Gate was

IN

the principal entrance to Constantinople, and Imperial triumphs came into the city by this way. The entrance through the inner wall is by a triple gate. Inscriptions in colour,

red and black, are painted on dividing piers between the doors these have never yet been correctly and completely published. In the
:

Berlin Corpus Inscr. Lat.,

iii.,

7405, the inscriptions

right side are incorrectly published


gible tions

while
on the

so badly

in

red on the

as to be quite unintelliall

the inscription in black on the right and left side are left unnoticed.

the inscrip-

268
Professor

W. M.

RAMSAY
in

admirable book on Byzantine Constantinople, in which he has summed up the results of many years of careful, minute, accurate and loving study, has given correctly on
his
p.

Van Millingen,

69 the Acclamationes in red ; but has omitted the other inscriptions. But in 1905, when he kindly gave us a day and showed my wife
and myself round the
walls,

we
all

came

to the conclusion

that

read part of the inscriptions, and might be read with time ; and in

1906 we were able to give an afternoon to the task in company with Mr. Frew and Professor T. Callander. But it is specially to Professor Van Millingen that the following complete decipherment
is

due.

On

the right of the central door is in red Ornate Cross 6 ^(eo)s /caXw? rjueyKcv
is

ere.

Underneath
ceive an
it.

painted in red a panel,

inscription,

upon of a later form, very carefully made.


and

though there is Below the panel is the following

apparently intended to reno appearance of any letters


inscription in red letters

\n\u\ni\eri militum primo sagitario[r\um leonum iuniorum below this in black letters of similar form

On

[nutneri militum cornutoru\m iuniorum. the left of the central door in red

Cross TToXXa.

to. err)

rwv

/SacriXewi/.

Beneath
it

this

is

a red-painted panel with

no trace of

letters

and below the panel an inscription ; to the letters on the right side.

in red letters, similar in

on form

[numeri militum primo sa'\gitariorum le\o'\nu\m iuniorumj and below this in black letters of similar form
[numeri] militum cor\n'\uto\ru'\m i[u'\niorum. Professor Van Millingen's view (as stated in conversation) has

always been that these inscriptions were painted on the walls immediately after the construction of the gateway to celebrate the triumphal entry of Theodosius I. in a.d. 391, after crushing the rebellion of

Maximus

in the

West.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
The names of
the soldiers
are

269

apparently the same on the two sides, and the fragmentary inscriptions complete one another. In the list of soldiers under the disposition of the Magister

peditum

praesentalis in the

V. V. V.

{Not. Dign. Occ.) are 158, Cornuti seniores stationed in Italy. ,, 169, Cornuti iuniores
:

West

V. 171, Leones seniores


172, Leones iuniores
the disposition of the sentalis in the West are
:

Gallia.
Italy.
prae-

Under

Comes and Magister equitum


.

VI. 49, Equites Cornuti seniores stationed in Italy (?). VI. 50, Equites Cornuti iuniores Gallia or Italy VI. 69, Equites primo sagittarii ,, Africa.

(.'').

agree closely with those of the inscription, but the Eastern titles are not in such close agreement as we find under the disposition of the Magister militum per Orientem.
titles

These

33, Equites primi sagittarii*

under the disposition of the Magister militum praesentalis. V. 30, VI. 31, Comites sagittarii iuniores (and Armeni),
V. 54
f.,

VI. 54

f.,

Sagittarii seniores

(and iuniores) Gallicani

(and Orientales), under the disposition of the Magister militum per Thracias. 30, 31, Equites sagittarii seniores and iuniores.
that (unless titles had changed greatly between the date of the Notitiae Dignitatum Or. et Occ. and the making of the
It

would appear

on the Golden Gate) the soldiers mentioned in these inscriptions were part of the Western armies which had come to aid
inscriptions

or reinforce the East.


epigraphic evidence (which Prof. O. Hirschfeld recounts communication to me) favours the same conclusion. The two

The

in a

bodies of troops, Leones and Cornuti, are mentioned only in Italian


inscriptions
*
:

Considering the formula

in the inscriptions
is

and the

'Not. Occid., vii.,

69, just

quoted, we might

suspect that primi

an error for primo.

270

W. M.
Leones

RAMSAY

seriiores, C.I.L., v., 8755 (about a.d. 400).* Cornuti seniores, C.I.L., vi., 32963 (a.d. 398-422). Ammianus mentions the Cornuti frequently about a.d. 360, and in association with Gallic troops. Boecking connects the especially

name with Carnutum.


All authorities which mention these bodies of troops belong to the end of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century, and this confirms the view which Prof.

has consistently maintained, that the inscriptions are contemporary with the building of the Golden Gate and the victorious entry of Theodosius I. in a.d. 391.
Prof. O. Hirschfeld considers that the inscriptions on the Gate be confidently dated somewhere about a.d. 400.

Van Millingen

may

returning from the West in 391, it seems he brought some Western soldiers with him, and that possible that these leones and cornuti were singled out for special distinction on

As Theodosius was

account of their services (perhaps their loyalty during the revolt). The form of the Latin letters might seem perhaps to favour
a later date
;

but such arguments from the shape of

letters are far

from strong.
XI.
1.

THE TOMB

AS A SANCTUARY IN PHRYGIA.
Stele
:

Eslci-Sheher (R. 1906).


Aij^ias 'AttoXw-

letters

underneath a garland.
ev^-

vtcjvti.

viSov crvufiiw Nava Ke Ati BpoThe dedication to the dead


to the local god.

rjv.

woman

is

coupled with a dedication

Zeus the Thunderer was widely worshipped in this northern region of Phrygia, and a dedicator in Rome to this deity has been recognised as a North-Phrygian on that account in Journ. of Hell.
1

Stud.,

2.
relief,

24, where the traces of this worship were first collected. Eski-Sheher (R. 1906). On a stele, underneath a very rude Zeus holding a sceptre, with an eagle beside him.

882, p.

*See

C.I.L.,

v., p.

1058, for the date.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
McVavS/oos 'inTroivo<;

271

os Ke ^lovvctlo's
Tciju.wi'i
(fxp
/ce

'Afi[j[L-

crw7/o[o?

a 4

ol

Opeipavre?
8

Ait AayovcrTrlycj

Ke 'AttoWwvl-

duea-TTjo-av

The grave
foster-brothers.

of

Timon is made by his foster-parents and by two The dedication to the dead is at the same time a

dedication to a certain impersonation of the divine nature, here called by the Greek name Zeus with a local ethnic. In sepulchral-dedicatory inscriptions of this class (as e.g. the preceding epitaph) the

In the present case family or dedication usually is to the local god. personal reasons have led to the substitution of a peculiar and otherwise
tion

unknown god

for the local deity.

The

fact

demands

investiga-

and explanation.

The
district or

epithet
I

remarkable.

AayovcTTT] given to Zeus in this inscription is tried to read the word as AayouTTr;, for the Bithynian

town Dagouta suggested


certain.

the text

is

After

but immediately returned to the hotel doubt again assailed


;

itself to

me

The stone me, and I drove back to verify the point a second time. There is a broad edge on each side of the admits of no doubt. this and inscription, edge, which has suffered much from the water
flowing over
it,

may have borne


title as

the

two missing

letters, so that I

have restored the


than A-ayova-rrj,
the stone-cutter

which seems more probable Aayoi;crTi7[vw], I believe that implying a nominative AayoucrTTj?.

made an
is

error,

engraving tT

in place

that the true epithet


district

AayovTTTQuS, a local
in the

title

of TT, and derived from the

Dagouta or Dagoutta.
Dagouta was somewhere
is

Now
(modern
there.

neighbourhood of Prousa

Broussa), as

Dr.

now definitely proved by an inscription found Wiegand, who published the inscription in MM. Inst.
drew the geographical inference
:

Ath., 1905, p. 323, rightly


also Hist. Geog. of Asia

compare

H. Kiepert suggested that Minor, p. 1 90. it was the old name of Hadriani but it was perhaps nearer to Mt. It is natural to conjecture that Timon was a native of Olympus.
;

272

W. M.

RAMSAY

called Dagoutta, and reverenced the god of his people (who are Dagotthenoi by Constantine Porphyro-genitus).

persons are mentioned in another inscription, which has been published by Professor Domaszewski, A.E.M., vii., 178, by

The same

Professor Radet,

En

Phrygie, p. 149, and by myself.


in J.H.S.,

give

my own

copy (made
3.

in

1883) as published
['IttJttw-

MeVavS[/3]os

1884, P- 255. koI ALOvvcn,o<; crvvTpo(f)w,

V05 Kot 'A/Aetas TeiKol fjLOJvi, OpenTw,

vnep

to)v

IBuov Att B^ov-

8 TCJVTL 4 AtToWcoVLO^ Domaszewski read ['AttJicovos, Radet [KanjlTojuos

',

but the reading


elSCcDV,

-TTwi'o?

is

now proved
:

to have been accurate.*

Both read

I did not see the first letter of this word. doubtless rightly This stone was built into the old bridgfe over the river Tembris

the other was found along with many river, and it is evident from the incrustation that the river flowed over

others beside the old bed of the

them

for centuries

the stones.
spot, viz..

and deposited calcareous matter over the surface of Doubtless both stones originally were placed at the same
lot

The
sepulchral

of land in which the grave of Timon was made. circumstances now become clear. Two dedicatory atid

on the

One inscriptions were placed on the grave of Timon. The other identiidentified him with the local deity of Dorylaion. fied him with another form of Zeus, which for some reason was dear
may, of course, confidently assume that the ultimate identity of the god under those two local varieties was understood by the dedicators many inscriptions prove that this reto the survivors.
:

We

ligious view

was familiar during the Roman period in Phrygia, viz., If we that the ultimate deity is the same under local variations.

have rightly explained the epithet Dagoustenos, Menander or Amias t * The traces of letters in the gap (especially in M. Radet's copy) seem to prove
that

was not one of the

lost letters, therefore ['ATrjTrwfo?


(i.e.

cannot be read.

Amias, Ammias) are here merely accidental variations compare pp. 143-5, where *^^ same person is called Ammia and Ammias in two successive lines (see Franz, C.I.G., 3856 add.; Kretschmer, Einl.
:

+ The name

Ammia and Ameias

i.

d.

G. d.gr.

Sfir.,

p.

339

f.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
was a native of the
;

273

district Dagouta, settled in Dorylaion and the two epitaphs express the identity of the two local varieties of Zeus, the Thunderer and the god with the eagle.

custom between dedicatory and formulae or ceremonies has often been pointed out by the sepulchral present writer, and Professor A. Korte of Basel has championed the
close relation in Anatolian

The

opposing view that the two


except in

of formulas should be kept apart those indubitable cases where an inscription unites the two
classes

But that abandons the attempt to explain why the same stone should be at once dedicated to a god and consecrated as a gravestone. The old Anatolian custom regarded
sides in an unmistakable way.

the dead as merged in the deity, and the gravestone as in itself a dedication to the god ; and the most religious and the least educated people kept up the old custom.
In Greece, on the contrary, the dedicatory or votive offering was wholly distinct from the gravestone, and Greek custom affected

But the Greek kind of mere dedication to a god, devoid of sepulchral association, was exotic and exceptional in places In the more where the old Phrygian manners were preserved. Hellenised Phrygian cities the Greek custom was prevalent, the
Asia Minor.
epitaphs tended to approximate to the simple Greek style, and the dedications to become a class apart. In Phrygian centres the epitaphs were felt to be religious documents, and the making of the grave a
religious act.

Even when

a person prepared a grave for himself, he


;

placed

it

more

so,

under Divine protection by dedicating it to the deity still when he made the grave for another and thereby instituted

a cult at a shrine,
It

where

his relative lay.

seems probable that in Phrygia and Anatolia generally, apart influence, it was customary to bury the dead, not along the roads leading out from the city (as in Greece and beside the great

from Greek

Hellenised Anatolian
central Hieron.

cities),

but in cemeteries beside or around the

The
;

from

satisfactory

and

evidence for this opinion is incomplete and far I mention it here chiefly in order to direct
18

274

W. M.

RAMSAY

Evidence might be found the attention of explorers to the subject. In J.H.S., 1905, in many cases, if one were on the outlook for it. on the hill of the described 1 one of cemeteries is these 64, briefly
p.

Magna Mater
in

at

Nova

Isaura

and another

at

Nakoleia

is

alluded to

latter, to judge from the accounts J.H.S., 1884, p. 257. of the natives, was scattered over a field ; and stones of the same

The

shape were found wherever the ground was opened


tions

of the inscrip-

cations to the local

on these stones some were expressed as sepulchral, some as dediGod Zeus Papas (Father), some as both. The

presence of dedications on the stones furnished the proof that they were Any one who looked at those placed on holy ground near a Hieron.
stones would recognise them at once as gravestones of the poor, without reading the inscriptions they Were small stelai of common stone,
:

with pointed top and a projecting spike at the bottom to enable them was able to get evidence that to be easily fixed in the ground. I

many
field

some of which were hopelessly


above mentioned.
It
is,

stones of this kind, with very rude, ill-engraved inscriptions, obliterated, had been found in the

of course, not to be supposed that

all

the gravestones of the cemetery were of this poor class, but it happened that a number of this kind were dug up between my visits in

was able to trace their place of origin. Doubtless many of the more expensive stones copied at Nakoleia in buildings and in modern cemeteries, with sepulchral or dedicatory
1

88

and 1883, and thus

inscriptions,

belief operated here, as at the

were found in the same ancient cemetery. The same near Sardis and Gygaean Lake Koloe
to the

elsewhere.

The dead were brought back

Mother-Goddess who
life.

bore them and nourished them and directed their work and

gravestones of this Dorylaion group were apparently situated, after the Greek and Roman city-fashion, along the important road leading from the city to the baths at the splendid hot springs ;

The

but some of them retained the old Phrygian character. Mixed with of the Grasco-Roman are kind stones with epitaphs ordinary epitaphs and dedications to the god combined and stones with dedications alone.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
It

275

be doubted whether in old Phrygian custom there was any sacred place without a grave. Every place which was placed under divine protection for the benefit of society was (as I believe)

may

by a grave. Some of the mounds in Phrygia were, for places of observation or defence, and a grave intended probably, found in them would not prove that they were purely and solely the grave consecrated them and gave them divine prosepulchral
consecrated
:

tection.

Hence

it

is

(as

have often contended) altogether

false
;

method
yet that

to ask whether the

Midas-monument was

a grave or a shrine

The problem has been discussed by many recent scholars. is false, and the discussion can only lead to error. By question that not the monument was a do shrine, you disprove its proving
sepulchral character.
It

was, and

must

be,

both a grave and a shrine.


Christian

to express in the religious awe with which the Moslem population still regards all the old holy places, there is always in or under it the grave of some old supposed Moslem hero, and a Moslem

The old custom remains strong throughout Moslem time. Wherever a Moslem Turbe is built

and

Mohammedan form

legend grows up, and divine power


lous cures.
I

is

manifested there with miracu-

may

gather together here some other examples of the old

custom.
4.

lepo? Kara

(A. Korte) North Eastern Phrygia. 'Ayadfj rv^rj SoXwt" Here Solon, Koi eavrw Aiw ^a)u. iiriTayr^v A[i]t cv^rjv
in the

in service at

vow, and
self
life
:

an Anatolian hieron, was ordered by the god to fulfil a same act of dedication he made the grave for him-

it

a grave for oneself.

seems to have been regarded as almost a duty to prepare in This case is regarded by Korte himself as

quite clear {Gdtt. Gel. Anz., 1897, p. 409).

127) on an altar near the old Phrygian (afterwards Galatian) Kinna. evr) Zoitiko) reKvco dew fivyjiJirjv the child Zoticus is a god, and the gravestone is the
5.

(Anderson

in

J.H.S.,

1899, p.

altar

of his worship, as Anderson points out.

276
6.

W. M.

RAMSAY
:

(Radet, en Phrygie, p. 147).


/cat

ir/awrio-ra

'Attikw ay\aa TCKpa


it

At Dorylaion Ztji/i T[e\ {xev his children made the grave


Bronton
as in other cases).

to Atticus and dedicated


7.

to

Zeus

{i.e.,

At Dorylaion (Radet, he. cit., p. 148). '^^ Alt dren 'Avtio)(w avSpu avecTTrjcrav 'QpovTOiVTi evxW
to Zeus and grave to the husband and father are one act.

Nike with her


:

chil-

the

vow

It need only be added These examples might be multiplied. that one of the two epitaphs of Timon (like several other epitaphs) shows clearly that the making of the grave was an act of piety needed

to bring prosperity

and divine favour to the makers [vnep twv iBCwv). The other epitaphs which we copied at Dorylaion may here be
8.

added, as they are unpublished.


(R. 1906).

monument
AtXt09

Dorylaion, on the architrave of an elaborate grave in two long lines. IT. AiXtwt Sa/3eti'tavwt Arj/xocr^ei^et

(TTe(l)aV7)(j)6p(t)L

2 11. Koi KTtCTTTJt TUV @epfxS)V KoX (^iXoTTCtTptOt. P. Aelius Sabinianus tafieivi.avo<; Ti/i,aios 6 dSeX^d?.

Demosthenes, a

Roman

citizen of Dorylaion,

or improved the bath-house at He was also the garlanded magistrate end of the second century. who represented in the Greek-Phrygian city the ancient authority and
duties of the god's priest.*
9.

had rebuilt or enlarged the hot springs about the middle or

(R. 1906).
:

Dorylaion,

stele

with pointed pediment

garland

underneath

letters
Arjfjia^

under garland.
'Acr[t-

Avp.

wv

ttolvtodv

Att S-

viov vwep iavTov Ke Tciiv 18C-

y^fiavTiK^ eu)(rjv

Zeus Semanticus

is

the local

god Bronton
:

in his aspect as the

giver of signs and omens and prophecies.


10. (R. 1906).
Mrjv6(f)Lk-

Dorylaion, stele

letters

below garland. Att JipovToyvTL


ev)(7]v.

OS

'ZvfJid)(^ov

virep iavTov * Cilies and B'uh. ofPhr.,

i.,

p.

56.

REPORT ON EXPLORATION
(R. 1906). letters underneath.
'E/3/lij9

277

11.

Dorylaion, stele

eagle above

two

bull's-heads

'Epflliwi,-

pOVTCtiVTl
evxTJv.

ov Kar

Tayrjv Att B12. (R.

1906).

Dorylaion, stele with pointed pediment, in


its

which
is

patera and eagle with ring in a garland letters below garland.


is
:

mouth.

Beneath pediment

ITar^js

AvTLO-^-

avTov koI re-

doe\.(f)a)

Kal

Kva irarpl iSiw

fjLvyjfjLr]^ ^dpLv. ornaments, the eagle and patera, marie this as a sacred stone under the protection of Zeus, even without a formal dedication to him.

Evra^La yvur)
hieratic

The

13.

(R. 1906).
:

taining garland

Dorylaion, stele with pointed pediment conbeneath are two busts in relief, male and female
:

below them

letters.

Aup.
'AXcKKCtg Mr)vo(f)L\ov Upetp-r]
"Itttto)!/

kc

'Epfjurj^
p-vrj-

/ce

'AXe-

/cas yoveutrt
pri<;

a-w^LO) Ke iavTcp.

)(dpLU.

The
14.

hieratic character has almost disappeared here, unless the

garland can be taken as a mark of dedication to the God.


(R. 1906).

Dorylaion, plain

stele.

AiVt'as [Mrjv]o(f>t,\-

ov

]kw 6{pe\jjLvyj]p.'r)^

TTTw

)(dpLV.

All religious character has been lost here and in the following.
15. (R. 1906).
[.
.

.]

letters in panel. Dorylaion, plain stele s kol Aiovucrtos kMevavSpo) dv:

oyDjt

tStoj,

Kal

TO,

TeK-

at BeoyeVr^? Trar-

The
dvea-Trjore

va avTwv Tei/xaiop\ pvrjpTj^ ^dpi.i'. sepulchral formula was either dvecrTrjcre tov

-rrarepa

or

tw

-irarpl

fiotpov

(or other

name

for

the

monument).

278

W. M.

RAMSAY

But sometimes the two accusatives are combined, avecrr-qaa toi^ construction is extended to other TTarepa ySw/xov, and the double So e.g., p. 170, No. 53, verbs used in epitaphs such as Koa-jxelv.
ea-TTjo-au reLix-qv 'Irrea.

Two
;

cases of this construction have pro-

voked disagreement among


recopied by Callander) derov (recopied by me)
p.

has dvecTT-qcrev eavTov Xeovra


;

Sterrett, ^0^1? Exped., 153, 154, auedrjKev kavTov Xeovra (both koL eavrov 26, aveo-TTjcre T-qXecftov koI
. . .

scholars.

*
:

679,

n. 8,

understands these

he gives no explanation. Rohde, Psyche, as grades of initiation in the Mithraic

Cumont, Monum. mysteries (lion fourth, eagle or hawk seventh). rel. au cult de M., p. 173, is inclined to accept Rohde's view, but to Mithras occur in these lands, and points out that no dedications
that the grade of eagle
is

mentioned only

in a corrupt passage

of

Porphyry.

The
are

lion

names

for the sepulchral

and the pediment (not the eagle) are merely monument. Many Pisidian and Isaurian
a single lion
:

monuments

surmounted by

some which

have

seen consisted apparently almost entirely of a lion (so far as concerns the structure above ground). Sterrett, No. 64, has a Christian grave

with the inscription iivqiir) Kwi^wvo? AIN, and the figure of a lion the letters omitted in his transcription are the name of the monu" Door " which sometimes on ment the
;

compare
in

graves in the

name

only, sometimes
(see p. 65).

sometimes
case
is

both ways
the

appears Phrygian the carved representation, The " pediment" in the other
in

monument which had


Finally,
p.

the

form of the front of


further in
ere

a small

temple.

usage
this

is

extended
irpiv

the metrical

epitaph on
Kaibel, not
are

139 of

volume,

vvv^ikov

lari^avov

KoaixTjcraiiev, before

we made

thee the bridal wreath as adornment.


(in

knowing the usage of epitaphs

which

common)
Thus we

" emendation " to resorts to get rid of the double

Koa-jxelv, TLfidv,

accusative.

"

"

find the grave " "

named not only


(Xiv, Xeovra),

tw/x;8o?, etc.,

but also

pediment,"
*I
see
it is

door,"

lion

altar, etc.

also given

by

MM.

Radet and

Paris,

B.C.H., 1886,

p.

510.

VIII.

THE WAR OF MOSLEM AND CHRISTIAN FOR THE POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR.
W. M. RAMSAY.

THE WAR OF MOSLEM AND CHRISTIAN FOR THE


POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR.

The Rede Lecture The

for 1906 in the University of Cambridge.


for the soil

war between Christian and Moslem

of Asia Minor

began with the invasion of Cilicia by the Mohammedan Arabs in a.d. 641, and ended in a certain sense with the definitive conquest of Cilicia

by Sultan Selim about 15 16. It would be utterly impossible, within the narrow limits of a single lecture, to sketch even in outline the Our time will be better events of nearly nine hundred years of war. the of the struggle, in to understand character employed attempting
the nature of the two powers, those two systems of religion and society, which disputed with one another the possession of what was
at

one time the richest and most highly civilised part of the world, the peninsula of Anatolia or Asia Minor. While in itself a well-defined period, this long war forms only

an episode in that great epic of history, the never-ending struggle between East and West, between Asiatic and European. The
struggle has sometimes taken the form of peaceful intercourse, interpenetration and even amalgamation, but generally of war, open or

and the best hope for the future of the world is that the struggle should be made into a balance and harmony of diverse elements. That Asiatic and European should amalgamate is pronounced impossible by those who see how hopelessly diverse the
hidden
;

must be acknowledged that so long as Europe governs parts of Asia on purely European methods, the struggle continues in the form of discontent, aversion and potential war.
peoples are
;

and

it

282

W. M.

RAMSAY
tried
in

But the experiment has been successfully

the

past,

and

may

be successful

in

still

greater degree in the future, if rightly

managed.
crisis of that great struggle has generally lain in Asia the which Minor, peninsula bridges the sea and offers the best road and the chief battle-ground between the two continents. In written

The

records

we can

trace the history

from the Trojan


critic

War downwards

and whatever the purely


ever
disbelieve
in

literary

may

say,

no historian can
Iliad, just

the

historical

groundwork of the

because the Epic of Homer sets before us this first stage in a real movement ; the whole of subsequent history is a demonstration that
the Iliad
tells

of a war that was really fought out to


figures have

its

issue

on

the plains of

windy Troy.
epoch-making
!

What

a series of

marched across the

stage of Anatolia in history

Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, Agesilaus,


Scipio, Mithridates, Lucullus,

Alexander and

his

many successor-kings,
mark

Pompey,
times.

Caesar,

Under

the scenes during Greek and early Roman the successors of Alexander a peaceful mingling of

the races began, in the great garrison cities which they founded to be centres of the Orientalised Hellenism that marked and consolidated
their empires.

In

Roman

was continued even more successfully.


civilisation ruled in the

Imperial time this peaceful amalgamation Graeco- Roman-Oriental

Anatolian

cities

and affected even the

villages

and the
life

tribal peoples,

who had

not yet entered on the stage of city

and municipal self-government.

The Western power, which


as far as

had for a short time overrun even Central Asia

Bactria

and the Indus


Parthian

valley,

shrank westwards into narrower

limits.

The

back every Roman attack. Within the Roman Empire the outlying parts were growing in importance, and the pre-eminence of Rome was becoming an antiEast

withstood and

threw

quarian survival. their tone from

provinces were no longer content to accept Their national character began to emerge In anew, and their merely provincial character to be less important.

The

Rome.

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR

283

Asia Minor the national lines of demarcation were restored and the
Oriental temper began to recreate itself in new ways, alike in art and Hadrian was the Emperor who first began to observe thought.

in

and respect the new spirit. The change was entirely a healthy one. It did not imply disIt made a true Imperial integration of the Empire. unity possible, a
combination of diverse parts all conscious of their own individual diverse characters and of their common brotherhood. To earlier

Greek and Roman thought the city was the highest and the dearest but idea, and patriotism was the religion of the patria or city
:

under the Empire a stage of thought was gradually reached, not merely by a i^-'^ philosophers but by general consent, in which the
sense of brotherhood and participation in the rights of the entire State overpowered the narrower municipal patriotism. The Christian religion was the fullest expression of this uprising of the provinces against

Rome.

For

a time

it

seemed

as if

the

new

Christian

Empire of Constantine and

his successors

might

Mommsen has well described in two re-invigorate the Empire. brief sentences the strengthening effect produced on the Government
when
Christianity became the ruling religion of the State, and the " The indifference towards Emperors went over to it.* religious and intellectual development generally," he adds, " which was characteristic of the Imperial administration in the first three centuries,

was no element of strength."


consistent with

Even

toleration

was found to be in;

the aims of the Imperial rule

and the Christian

Emperors founded their absolutism on the thoroughgoing support of the Orthodox Church. Their alliance rested on the understanding
that each

must
a

try to destroy

all

opponents of the absolute power of

the other.

seemed possible that this great institution, the Empire, might continue to live sound and grow stronger, preserving the But the body social proper balance and co-ordination of its parts.

For

time

it

Historische ZeitschriJ't, vol. Ixiv.

(N.F. 28), p. 421.

284

W. M.
;

RAMSAY
Roman Empire,
the

was not healthy enough

the great fault of the

failure to appreciate the necessity for public education,

proved its ruin. There cause. same The Christian organisation suffered from the seems to have been in the Church less insistence on the importance of education during the fifth century and later than there had previously been.
vi^ho

In 449, at the Council of Constantinople, a bishop could help to make the laws of the Universal Church was un-

able to

append
is

his

own signature

because he had not learned his

letters.

Christianity

the religion of a highly educated people, and

when
its

the
real

Church
vitality.

lost

its

grasp of this fundamental principle

it

lost

was perhaps about a.d. 300 that the Church began to lose its The persecution of Diocletian had exterhold of this principle. the Church, and the minated leading spirits and the freest thought in
It

and the put an end to the generous development, the concession reconciled were which of diverse views practically liberality by people

The the society of the later third century in Asia Minor.* anti-Greek the one able to withstand massacre left no barbarising
in

tendencies which

some of the extremists and the bigots

in the

Church

had always shown. The policy of massacre is always not merely a crime, which is evanescent in its effects, but a terrible and lasting and humanity. The massacre carried out by the orders of Diocletian and his co-Emperors not merely weakened the it hardened and embittered the Church, and left it less Empire
blow to
civilisation
:

The result gradually was the friendly to education and refinement. re-introduction of the old paganising of the Church, and the practical
e.g., polytheism under the form of worship of the saints and of images " was restored to the veneration of the ancient " Mother of the Gods

the multitude as the "

Mother of God

The

paganising tendency, allied

during the fifth century. with the artistic instinct, was

"

supported mostly by the Greek and the European element in the Church. The Semitic and the Eastern element generally had a
*
Contemporary Review, September,
1

896,

p. 44.0

f.

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR

285

firmer grasp of monotheism ; and the strongest opposition which the paganisation of the Church provoked was in the East. Such
as the Nestorians, and the later Paulicians and were But the Iconoclasts, mainly Oriental in origin and character. strongest and the most definite and epoch-making reaction against the

sects

and tendencies

new paganism Empire and in


at the

arose on the extreme south-eastern

outskirts of the

the deserts

beyond

its

bounds.

In the heart of Arabia,

beginning of the seventh century, a new religious idea was born in the mind of Mohammed, an idea in sound many respects
strong,
full

and

of the potentiality of development. It was one more attempt to fuse a new compound out of Asiatic the of admixture thought by
;

some Western elements, gathered out of Christian teaching


;

but

its

immediate strength lay in its Semitic character. It appealed more to and the nations on that account and throughout its directly easily it has the most remarkable and history possessed unique power of
suddenly raising a barbarian or a savage race to a much platform in the first enthusiasm of a new religious idea.
loftier

moral

of inspiration, which really lived at first in Islam, was quenched in the blood of a long career of continuous war and The fresh enthusiasm of this young thought went forth conquest.
fire

But the

consume the idolatry of the Empire, and sought to achieve this noble purpose by the Holy War and the slaughter of the infidels. The centuries of war and plunder that marked the early course of Islam produced their inevitable and effect, as
to

brutalising

degrading

influence

fell

into the hands of

mere brute strength or cunning.


all

As

war became more and more the business of the true believer

in Islam,

thought, education, religion, society, family life, Especially, the one fatal error of Islam, viz., the low estimation of

deteriorated.

woman

which was probably due

Mother of God," and might readily have been gradually eliminated in happier circumstances that fatal error was intensified by the overwhelming value attached to simple and skill in constant the intellectual and spiritual strength fighting

the idea of the cult of " the

in great part to the reaction against

286
standard

W. M.
among women was
all

RAMSAY
;

depreciated

and the inevitable

result

was the destruction of

home by
is

the

mother

that training of the young in ideals in the which alone can make a progressive people, and

so painfully lacking in the land of Turkey. Hence the which history of Islam everywhere is marked by a sudden elevation to a

burning enthusiasm, followed by a long and steady In decay. happier circumstances, more favourable to development, Islam might have continued to be, as it was at first, a purer and

lofty height of

and the higher faith than that of the debased and paganised Church fiery enthusiasm with which its simple and lofty monotheism was
;

converts might have been worked into a growing and It contained within itself much of the essential healthy social system. of Christianity ; and the fundamental dogma that Jesus was thought
hailed by
its

divine, whereas

Mohammed

was human, possessed vast

potentiality.

Such were the two forms of

religion, with different social ideals

and systems founded on them, which fought for the soil of Anatolia the paganised Church and the monotheistic reaction from pagan-

its gaudy ceremonial and holy painted images and gold or tinsel and finery of every degree, the latter with its In the long wars which followed almost grave and simple dignity.

ism

the former with

intermediate and reconciling forms of belief were annihilated or the purer and nobler sects of Christians on the one hand, expelled
all

the purer and nobler possibilities of Islam on the other. Massacre and war became the method on both sides, and massacre and war
are always permanently harmful, often
progress.

absolutely fatal, to

human
alone,

In 622

Mohammed
In

was

fleeing
his

from Mecca

for his

life,

followers, having already over641 the whole whelmed of Syria, crossed into Cilicia by the pass of the and the At first Syrian Gates, long struggle for Asia Minor began.

without a follower.

the sea was the chosen line of attack, for thus


strike direct at the

it

was possible to

Roman

capital,

now no

longer

Rome, but Conshifted towards

stantinople.

The

centre of gravity of the

Empire

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR


the East, as Diocletian perceived
;

287

but

it

was Constantine who saw

where the exact centre of gravity lay, and his insight re-made the Empire and determined all subsequent history. Beyond any other
city of the

world, Constantinople derives its importance from its No other city could have defended the West against the situation. of the East, and maintained Christianity against Islam, for power

1,000 years.

Diocletian had not erred far from the right centre.

Nicomedia, which he selected, was a great city, possessing some remarkable advantages of situation at the head of that sea-arm which
stretches furthest Into the land of Asia

Minor.

But Nicomedia could

did.

never have stood against the power of the East as Constantinople Chalcedon, on its narrow little neck of land over against
Constantinople, had some advantages of situation, but could never have become a great or a strong city.

I know of no Constantinople is unique in another respect. other city which stands outside of the country for which it is the

best centre of

communication and distribution

but that

is

the case

with Constantinople. The land-roads of Asia Minor meet at Nicobut Constantinople is the place where the media, not very far away
;

sea-ways converge. Cyzicus is its only rival, in the latter respect, but Cyzicus is hopelessly far away from the centre of the land-roads.

Symrna now, and Ephesus and Miletus of

old,

were doors to com-

municate with the West, not real centres. With that instinct which in their early years of conquest made them strike direct at the heart of their foe, the Mohammedans at the
very beginning of their war in Asia Minor aimed at Constantinople. In 654 the great fleet destined for the capture of that city sailed from
Tripoli

gained so dear a victory on the Lycian coast that it had to return to Syria. In 668 the enterprise was renewed, and
;

but

it

Had Constantinople was besieged intermittently for seven years. the capital fallen, the whole country of Anatolia, deprived of head
and guidance, accustomed to depend entirely on the central autocracy and the army, must have fallen under the power of the Khalifs, and

288

W. M.

RAMSAY

the population would have been presented with the choice between Islam and death or slavery. In 617 another unsuccessful attempt

was made to capture the great city. The two sieges of Constantinople marked the utmost limit of
but the turning of the wave of conquest was not a case where the tide having reached its natural limit began

Mohammedan
and

advance

strength of the flood in its first imThe pulse beat on the defences of Constantinople, and beat in vain. of to be other method tried ; and gradual gradual conquest had
to turn
to ebb.
full

The

conquest meant three centuries of almost ceaseless war in Asia Minor. Even when there was nominally peace between the Khalif and the

Emperor, Saracen government was too loose to control its own forces, and raids of regular armies from Tarsus, the western metropolis of
the

Arab power, swept over


one
year.

the

year, often twice in

Roman country practically every The country had lain open and hardly
years, until

defended before them for

many

Leo

the Isaurian re-

organised the army, restored vigour to the Empire, repelled the second Moslem assault on Constantinople, and gained the first decisive victory in a pitched battle, fairly fought on land against a The situation of this battle Saracen army in 739 at Akroenos.

proves the line of march to have been along the great road through Phrygia Paroreios, the line indicated by nature as the best for a great

by the Arab soldier and geographer Ibn and traversed Khordadhbeh, by many great armies before and since. The fixing of the true site of that obscure town Akroenos, by an

army of

invasion, described

argument founded on a historical incident occurring centuries later and described by Anna Comnena, was one of the earliest results of the and the discovery was the Asia Minor Exploration Fund in 1882
;

needed foundation for a study of the Saracen Wars. The site had previously been falsely assigned on a very plausible and seductive line of reasoning, which

and

religion that

related to such a strange romance of literature must dwell on it for a brief space. The army of
is

the Saracens was led

by

famous general, Seid-el-Batal-el-Ghazi (Seid

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR


the Conqueror), of the Conqueror and of the

289
graves to the

the

Wicked

who was
Greek

killed in the battle.

The
shown

princess, his wife, are

north of Phrygia which bears his narne, within a large Tekke, or sacred building, dedicated to his memory. Where he fell there he was buried the case at the first glance seemed
present day at a
in the
;

town

complete, and was accepted without question by the historian Finlay.* But this Mohammedan foundation is, of course, only of the Turkish How was Seid's memory preserved at the place where he period.
died

among

the Christians for four centuries or

more
.?

And how does

his wife, the Christian princess, lie beside


in

him

She was not killed

the battle, and she can hardly have come to this remote town to devote herself at his grave. have here only a religious legend.

We

Seid-el-Ghazi became in some unexplained way one of the great heroes of the Bektash Dervishes and of the Turkish conquest of Asia Minor. His .memory is hallowed at many places over the country,

on the lonely top of Argaeus, at the ancient Hittite city on the borders of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, as well as in the North-Phrygian town that bears his name. That his grave is shown at the Tekke is
due not to any
real burial there, or to

any memory of

his death

perpetuated there, but simply to that unfailing religious principle in Such Anatolia that every sacred place must be marked by a grave.

was the law of the ancient Anatolian religion of Cybele, or Artemis, The same sacred or whatever local name was used for the goddess.

marked by the graves of Christian saints, and now holy all over Asia Minor are distinguished by the places by In every case the grave grave of some Mohammedan hero or saint. has been the centre of the religious awe attaching to the locality, and is so still. One finds the grave of the same Mohammedan hero in several parts of Anatolia and the religious map of the country which I have long desired to see compiled by the combined labours of several
places were

the thousand

* Neither Kiepert nor Franz observed the coincidence, and they escaped this error, but fell into another equally mischievous and yet equally seductive and
plausible.

19

290
explorers
*

W. M.

RAMSAY
several graves

would doubtless show

of Seid the Con-

queror.

His

wife, the Christian princess,

is

not a whit more historical

She is merely part of the religious legend. than his grave. There is an obvious reason for she passes on making her a Christian to her husband the right of inheritance according to primitive
:

Anatolian custom of inheritance


the

in

the female

line.

The

hero of

Mohammedan

conquest must marry the

his violent seizure

which must be borne


relation between

of the property. It is in mind in order to comprehend rightly the


beliefs

heiress, and legitimise a striking fact, and one

Moslem and

manv

circumstances, stories,

Christian in Turkey, that there are so and customs, showing the re-

Moslems of a certain priority and superiority of that At Constantinople you have belongs to the Christians. right the sacred spring with the fish which shall never be caught until the
cognition by the
the spring is as sacred to Mohammedans as to Christians, and on the day of the Panegyris you see both taking part in the ceremony and availing themselves
:

Christians recover possession of the city

In various other Greek of the curative powers of the holy water. of Asia the Turks also participate. Minor festivals in different parts

mosque in which is a column that weeps and high above the roof is a small cross, the removal of which would cause the collapse of the mosque (which was once a church, round and of quite unusual architectural At Konia the church of St. Amphilochius was transcharacter). formed into a mosque, but every Moslem who prayed in it died, so that it was abandoned, and a wooden clock-tower built on the roof.

At Thyatira

there

is

whenever a Christian enters

familiar legends speak of recover possession of the prospect may churches that have been transformed into mosques, or even of the

In

Damascus and Jerusalem and elsewhere


that

the

the

Christians

cities

and of the entire country.


was described

certain sense of the evanescence


is

and incompleteness of
*
It

their rights

shown by legends

like these,

in a

paper read before the Oriental Congress in London, 1902.

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR


current

291

among
There

the
is

Turks and

in

some

cases

among

the Arabs before

them.

such beliefs

irreconcilability between the two parties, when are common ; and every one that has lived in Turkey

no

can attest this easiness of relation between the two religions. The inference is inevitable, and I venture to quote it from the first book " I I wrote on this believe that the Turks as soldiers and country. the Greeks as traders will, united, make a happier country than
either race could
at

* The conciliation is easy, and follows by itself." once naturally wherever there is fair and orderly administration. The defence of Asia Minor against the Saracen raids was
It

organised by the Iconoclast Emperors.

consisted partly in a re-

modelling of the army to suit the new conditions of warfare, partly in a great system of castle-fortresses, and partly in a re-invigoration of the people of the country, teaching them to trust more to themselves.

The

fortresses

were no longer,

as in

Roman

time, scientifically con-

and dependent for their strength on the discipline and of their garrisons. Such fortresses had proved too weak to courage stand against the headlong enthusiasm and desperate assault of the
structed,

Mussulmans.
inaccessible

The Byzantine castles were now defended by their position. They were planted sometimes on lofty rocks,
by a narrow steep path or even by steps alone, somesummit of high hills, up whose long steep slopes no

accessible only

times on the

assault could be Such castles were proof against any sudden pressed. attack which could be made in the yearly raids of the Saracens, but could not food and water sufficient to be with they supplied easily

through a regular siege. After a.d. 739, however, the first enthusiasm of Islam was spent, and it was only on rare occasions that a Khalif, roused generally by some personal cause, exerted himself to
last

make

a serious attempt to

subdue the country

and every one of

those attempts, having no support in any real religious enthusiasm, was quickly abandoned, after reducing a few of the Byzantine castles,
*
Historical
p.

Geography of Asia Minor,

p. 25,

repeated and enlarged in Impressions

of Turkey,

258.

292

W. M.
cities,

RAMSAY

burning a few
Christians.

and carrying into slavery some thousands of The castles thus captured were abandoned, and re-

occupied by the Byzantine troops. The true defence of Asia Minor during those centuries of suffering lay in the immense strength and recuperative power of civilised society,

welded together by a long-established system of reasoned law and by The Saracen raiders swept over the country, a common religion.

throughout the whole of Asia IVIinor, over and many again, burned towns and houses, and Yet carried captive and held to ransom Christians by the thousand. After effect in the resistance. no permanent breaking they produced
captured every
in
city, practically,

cases over

every
with.

wound the flesh of the Byzantine body politic healed forthThe country was well peopled and highly cultivated, and one

Nor' or two harvests restored a district to wealth and prosperity. does it appear that the more slowly-growing sources of wealth were
Olive groves and vineyards, if thoroughly detake to recreate ; especially is this true of the olive, years stroyed, the tree of civilisation, which can flourish only where right of property is firmly established and the planter can look forward with
seriously injured.

confidence to reaping the fruit of his labour after fifteen years or more, and which dies out (or rather goes back to a wild state) whereThe measure of ever a Moslem population is in sole possession.
the destruction was that stated in the

book of the Revelation

vi. 6,

scarcity and dearness, but not permanent destruction, the cereals " A measure of wheat sold at injured but not the trees destroyed
:

a denarius, but the olive

and the vine

left ".

and a higher, between the loose organisation of the Moslem Government and the elaborate, minutely-wrought-out system of Roman law and adminisa lower society

The war was fought between

headlong rush of the Moslem enthusiasts was broken against the walls of Constantinople, the superior lasting power of the Roman State came into play ; and the issue, though
tration.

When

the

first

long delayed, was not doubtful, except in so far as the incapacity of

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR


some
rulers

293

and frequent

civil

wars between

rival claimants

wasted

the resources of the Byzantine Empire. Finlay has seen this truth better than some more modern historians. The Roman Empire,

though badly governed in many ways, was better governed, more contented and more prosperous by far than any other. Even in respect of fiscal oppression, while complaints are numerous, the facts
Probably it was rather the incidence of taxation than its amount that was unfair and oppressive. The complaints of the tax-payers should not be taken too hastily as
is

are not so certain as

often assumed.

the standard of truth

even those
all
is

that they were better off after

other State of the time.

This

who complained may have known than they would have been in any a subject which deserves and will

repay more
received.

careful

What

investigation than it has ever was the real condition of the middle classes in

and

thorough

Anatolia in the sixth century before the Saracen wars began, and in the tenth century after they ended ? impression, a mere theory on far from sufficient and study depending knowledge, is that the

My

mass of the population was well off, that the country was highly cultivated and prosperous, that there was comparatively little oppression,

and that

justice

was

fairly well administered.

We

hear of

the exceptional cases, where there was injustice and oppression and need ; we hear little of the general average situation. As to the the efFect the Sar.acen wars, I permanent country by produced on
if it was The lack of an efficient police system very great. had always been the most serious defect of the Roman administration. It continued to be so. The lack of higher education and higher

doubt

ideals of life

was always manifest

in the ordinary citizens of the

Empire.

That

also continued to be so.

The
the tide
back.

by re-invigorating the State, stemmed of Saracen invasion, and the Macedonian dynasty rolled it
Iconoclast Emperors,
itself as

the religion of the Empire, for image worship was too deeply fixed in the heart of the people. The reaction against images passed away along with

Iconoclasm had not been able to establish

294
an effete dynasty.
left

W. M.

RAMSAY

for the

But the Iconoclasts had done their work, and Orthodox Macedonian Emperors the task of gathering

The task required the fruits of the re-invigoration of the Empire. the Macedonian and and dynasty deserves credit for energy, ability
a great work ; but it was the Iconoclasts that did the hardest work and received the least credit for their achievement. After a century

of Macedonian

success,

Cilicia

and North

Syria,

which had ex-

were restored perienced more than three centuries of Moslem rule, The Roman to the Empire by Nicephorus Phocus about 965 a.d. than ever side eastern on the more widely Empire was extended The loosely agglutinated Moslem power had proved unfit before. to make any permanent impression on the close firm texture of a
State held together by Roman law and Roman organisation. Those who love to speculate about the "might have been" in
in theorising about past history will find an enticing subject

what

and Asia might have been if Islam had conquered Constantinople Minor at the first rush in the seventh century, and had thus become
heir to
all

Roman

profited Would it a well-balanced social system and a stable government have been able to develop the finest side of its nature, and eliminate
.''

the organisation and law and administrative methods that Would Islam have genius and experience had elaborated. Would it have learned how to construct by the teaching ?

gradually the worse ideas

.''

Would

it

have approximated to the

purer and simpler forms of Christianity, for which the Mohammedan who really comes in contact with them seems always to feel a strong

sympathy

.?

Would

it

as the first successful

form of Protestantism

have been recognised by the world in general Circumstances hitherto ?


is

have denied to Islam the development of which it there are signs that the denial will not last for ever.

capable, but

The war

in

tioned Christian rule.


a single battle laid a

Asia Minor began again after a century of unquesIn 1071 It opened with startling suddenness.
the whole country prostrate and helpless before The Byzantine people, the Seljuk Turks.

new Mohammedan

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR


Emperor was taken
prisoner,

295

and the State was distracted by the

These vied with one rivalry of three candidates for the throne. another and with the captive Emperor for the favour and support of
the invaders, and the successful claimant seems to have acknowledged " seems the Seljuks as masters of three-fourths of Asia Minor. I say
to have acknowledged," for there is a hiatus in the records, historian tells the shameful facts exactly.

and no

Asia Minor had been equally prostrate and helpless before the Saracens about the end of the seventh century, and had recovered
strength
lasting.

with

The

astonishing reasons for

ease.

The

Seljuk
are

conquest
twofold.

was more

this

difference

They

lie

partly in

the nature of the Turkish invaders and partly in the de-

moralised state of Byzantine Asia Minor. The Saracens had never held a foot of land on the north side of
the Taurus

moment.
the
sea.

Mountains outside the range of their weapons at the But the Turkish armies were followed by a terrible ally,
or

Turkmens

nomad

tribes,

who poured over

the country like a

the reason of this vast migration may have been, whether desiccation of Central Asia or some other cause drove those tribes

What

westwards in search of pasture for their cattle, it is not for me to say. The fact is recorded by the Byzantine historians, who distinguish these Turkmens or nomads (as they call them) from the Turks, just
as

the distinction of
to

Turk and Turkmen

is

clearly
at

marked and

familiar

every native and every

traveller

the present day.*

These

them

swooped down on the land, driving their flocks with they destroyed the bonds of communication which held society together, made the roads untraversable and dangerous, and quickly
tribes
;

reduced a great part of Asia Minor from the settled to the nomadic The civilised population of the plains disappeared stage of existence.f
before them, whether by flight or by massacre or by dying out in race. presence of a more Presumably the smaller villages

vigorous
p.

* Anna Comnena,

ii.,

284

Cinnamus, p. 295

Nketas Chon.,

p.

156.

f The

process

is

more

in fully described

my

Impressions of Turkey, p.

102

f.

296

W. M.

RAMSAY
first, then the larger villages, and to exist or existed only as winter details are recorded by the formal

of the Christians were abandoned

even some of the

cities

ceased

quarters for a few nomads.

No

historians, but probably much is yet to be learned from less ambitious Often the names of villages preserve the memory of a writers.

new Moslem village, process that must have taken some time. Islam-Keui or Seljukler, existed for a time beside the old Christian
town, but the Christians ceased to
exist,

and both became equally


a

Moslem.
civilised

This

is

the only

way by which barbarism can conquer


apart from

and organised

the civilised people viz., by breaking up the fabric and constitution of the superior society and reducing it to disconnected atoms, which

society,

actual extermination of

gradually melt away in the flood. The second cause which rendered the Turkish conquest of Asia Minor more complete and permanent than the Saracen lay in the
declining vitality, the loss of Imperial patriotism and the growing The century of recovered power had disintegration of the Empire.
jiot increased

but rather decreased

its

real vigour.

The

intolerance
in

and persecution of the orthodox Macedonian dynasty had been

some degree

restrained so long as the Saracen wars enforced the of union necessity against the danger from outside, but when the pressure was withdrawn the later Emperors gave free rein to the

government. of autocracy and the Orthodox Church was dangerous and even destructive to freedom, vigour and life. The heretics, who had always been strong on the Anatolian plains, found that their life
spirit

of absolutism in

civil

and intolerance

in religious

The union

was a burden under the most Christian Emperors, and the Orthodox
historians allow the fact to appear that the heretics

dominion of the Turks

as a relief

Probably they found at a later better than the old, but no record of their feelings and experiences IS known. They disappeared entirely in the steadv decay and dis-

welcomed the from Byzantine Christian tyranny.* stage that the new state of things was

no

Impressions of Turkey, p.

97

f.

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR

297

Partly doubtless their Oriental temintegration of civilised society. the of Islam not wholly uncongenial, and found perament spirit

they gradually adopted

its

outward forms

in their recoil

from the
in in

more hated forms of the Orthodox Church. To-day one finds some parts of Asia Minor remnants of population, Mohammedan
appearance,
heart,

who

are believed to be

little

better than Christians at

to have priests with black hats, to use Christian

their
spirit.

women, and to drink wine


It is

names for

all

alike indications of a Christian

sects.

not impossible that these may be relics of the old heretic Partly their real affinity with the Mohammedan spirit and its

hatred of idolatry and images carried them over to the faith of Islam ; partly they died out in that process of decay which was alluded to above. This process went on steadily, but probably slowly. study of

Meanwhile the staying power of the Roman Under a succession of organisation displayed itself amid its decay. the three able Emperors of the Coranenian dynasty, Alexis, John and Manuel, the Imperial power revived. The Seljuk Turks, who in
the subject
is

wanted.

the latter part of the eleventh century were holding a large part of Bithynia, with the great city of Nicasa, and were thus almost within

touch of the coast of the Sea of

Marmora

facing Constantinople,

were

in the twelfth

century defending

their distant capital

Konia with

some
ing
it

difficulty against the

Byzantine armies, and occasionally abandonThe to the Latin soldiers of the first and third Crusades.
after

former

capturing Nicasa and handing it over to Byzantine rule must have held Konia also, though the movements of their forces are
Barbarossa in 1186 entered Konia in
his death in the

obscure and badly recorded.

triumph and marched onwards to


sea.

waters of the

This reinforcement materially Calycadnus close to the southern aided the revival of Byzantine dominion in Asia Minor, however bad was the feeling between Latin and Greek Christians, for it seriously
In 1175 Manuel Comnenus made a As the climax of the pregreat attempt to reconquer Asia Minor. parations of three successive reigns, he had arrayed one of the

weakened the Seljuk power.

298

W. M.

RAMSAY

It contained strongest armies that ever trod the soil of Anatolia. the finest troops of the Empire, among whom the traditions of the Roman soldiery were not wholly lost, and these were strengthened by

Varangian infantry and Norman knights. The best that Europe could give from its most warlike nations marched along with the Roman army. The leader was an Emperor whose earlier career had
been marked by feats of romantic daring, but the enervating influence of thirty years of autocracy and flattery had deteriorated his char-

and destroyed his sanity of judgment. From long experience he knew that no Turkish army could stand in open fight against the soldiers whom he led, and from pure obstinate conacter, spoiled his nerve,

fidence

and contempt for

all

precaution, against the advice of his

officers, he led a long, disorderly column in face of the Turks into such a position that the bulk of the army was jammed up with its

baggage into a dense mass, where weapons could hardly be raised, where fighting was impossible, and where the Turks slew the helpless

crowd

like sheep.

And

so ended the dream that

Rome might

re-

conquer Asia Minor.

The

Seljuk

Sultanate

passed through

the

usual course of a

Mohammedan
energetic as

dynasty, growing weaker and less capable and less time passed, and the Empire of the Seljuks was broken

up and divided between a number of petty chiefs when the central power became too weak to hold the country together. The Roman Emperors of Constantinople had the opportunity of recovering their old sovereignty in Asia Minor, but the Roman Empire had lost its cohesion. It was held together only by the unity of the Orthodox
Church, a great power
in

some

respects, but not the


State.

bond which can


pass on to

make

a strong, ofi^ensive

and recreative

Thus we

the last stage but one of Byzantine story, the most melancholy part of human history, where every competing power is feeble and bad, where hardly a gleam of hope from any source lights the path, where

decay and disorganisation, weakness and folly, or mere rapine and the most selfish and heartless and short-sighted plundering.
all is

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR


Almost the
history
is

299

sole relief in those dull

in the story

of Philadelphia

in

and contemptible pages of Lydia, which long maintained

self-governing State, abandoned by the Christian Empire, surrounded but not submerged by the flood of Islam, soldiers and nomads, until at last it was compelled to yield, not to a Mohamitself as a free,

medan army, but

to a coalition

between the most Christian Emperor

of Constantinople and the worn-out power of the Turks.

There is no more typical moment in this disgraceful period of history than the scene when this free and noble city, a small city which had only a
little

strength, which had not denied the

viously had never


like a pillar in the

made terms with His


midst of desolation, at

Christ and preenemies, which had stood


yielded to the shameful

name of

last

union of Byzantine and Turkish soldiery, and opened its gates on more honourable terms than were granted to any other Christian city of Asia Minor.

The wearisome

growing strength growing weakness within the Empire, and the cause was always the same hatred of sect against sect, mutual intolerance and disunion,
:

history of all that long war is not a story of in the attack on the Christian Empire, but of

the denial in practice by all sects alike of every principle of Christian ethics and brotherly love which all talked about in empty and pretentious homilies, but which none of them ever acknowledged in act so far as to concede one jot or one tittle absolute domination. Nothing in history

from
is

their full claims for

so shameful and so con-

temptible as the brawls of Christian sect against sect and priest against priest, where all alike show that in their struggle for the

triumph of their wretched parodies of principles they have

lost

And so hold on the real qualities of Christianity. conquered in Asia Minor, and we pass on to the

Mohammedanism

last stage of all, the triumph of the Osmanli Turks, originally a small tribe of nomads in the Bithynian hill country, taking its name from its first important

chief,

Osman.

The Osmanlis from

their position

had been brought

more

closely into relation with the

Roman

State than either Saracens

300

W. M.

RAMSAY
new
social

or Seljuks, and they conquered, not by creating a

and

political organisation, but by grafting on Mohammedanism some of The Osmanli chiefs the devices and methods of Roman government. saw wherein lay the military strength of the Roman State, for that proud old name even yet survived and had some real power they saw that nothing could conquer the Roman army but a trained
;

standing army.

Such an army could not be created by Islam from its own resources, but the Osmanlis perceived that it could be conFew more diabolic perversions structed out of Christian material.

of human ingenuity have ever occurred than when the system of the Janissaries was formed as a permanent strength to Osmanli A harvest of Christian infants was gathered regularly and power.

up as a standing Moslem army of skilled soldiers, whose business from infancy had been the practice of arms. The battles the of Christian and powers Europe against against Constantinople
trained
itself

were

won by

this terrible

engine of slaughter.

The

nations

of civilised Europe,
tion

who

are

now accustomed

to estimate the civilisa-

or

its

and the importance of every nation, not according to its education, literature, or its art, or the excellence and usefulness of its
its

municipal and Imperial government, but by


trained

machinery
distance

able
in

to

kill

the

largest

number of men

provision of a highly at the

possible space of time, cannot refuse their and admiration to this detestable reasonably applause

longest

the

shortest

invention of an
first

Osmanli

chief.

Turkish

battles

were henceforth

the strength of the opposing army in won, a long fight against the loose squadrons of Osmanli troops, who

by wearing down

could waste time and squander their lives in being defeated, and then at last bringing up the real strength of the Moslem army, the Janissaries, to annihilate the tired and victorious soldiers of Europe.

The Moslem

conquest was made possible at

last,

not by real

Moslem

strength, but by Osmanli skill in playing off Christian against Christian. Christianity can conquer only by union against the floods of barbarism which are always and everywhere to

threatening

THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR

301

engulf and drown out civilisation in the world, and union is never possible unless the sects of Christians, each falsely claiming to be the

and true Christianity, learn to respect each other's opinions. The struggle for possession of Asia Minor has not ended ; it but in recent years the weapons with which it going on now
right
;

is is

Yet there are strong waged colleges railways. forces that tend to bring in again the method of war Pan-Islamism aims determinedly at destroying by massacre and war the growth of civilisation in Turkey, and through the quarrels of Germany and
:

are schools

and

and

The England we have been drifting steadily towards that end. American schools and colleges are the great civilising agency, because
they aim at creating an educated class

among

all

nationalities,

not

converting their pupils to a foreign and un-Oriental form of religion, but making Greeks better Orthodox Greeks, Armenians better
Gregorians, Bulgarians better Bulgarians, Turks better
dans.
ideas

Mohammeis

my own part I feel that a inherent in Mohammedanism


For
progress, that this
is

of the great right development


is

possible, that

it

making

some

the only useful and hopeful path, and that the necessary first step in it, the creation of ideals and aspirations among the Moslem women, is being made at the present time.

In these hurried remarks I have often mentioned and might far more frequently have mentioned the need of deeper research. May I recall, in conclusion, the words that Mommsen used to me eleven years ago, when he did me the honour to be my guest for a week in Oxford He said one day, in speaking of Eastern Roman dis.''

" If covery and study,

had to begin a new life of scholarship I should take up the period between Diocletian and Justinian ". That is not the Roman that needs and will in later only period history
I

well repay study, and

it

is

elsewhere and in Cambridge


research
scholars.
is

delightful to observe many signs, both itself, that this magnificent opening for

attracting

more and more

attention

from our younger

IX.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS AN ANTI-CHRISTIAN SOCIETY ON THE IM:

PERIAL ESTATES AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.


W. M. RAMSAY.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS: AN ANTICHRISTIAN SOCIETY ON THE IMPERIAL


ESTATES AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.
I.

ESTATES OF THE GOD.

well known that in the pre-Hellenic Anatolian period the gods dwelt at the great Temples or Hiera of Asia Minor (such as those of Comana and of Venasa and of Tyana in Cappadocia, of Comana in Pontus, of Pessinus in Galatia, of Zizima in Lycaonia,

It

is

who

owned large property in land. The people who dwelt on the land were the subjects of the god. The system of tenure, the reThe spective rights of the god and of the cultivators, are obscure.
etc.)
It is fairly certain that evidence has, as yet, never been collected. the government was a theocracy, that the religion was the sum of

the rules of conduct in ordinary circumstances, and that in exceptional circumstances the will of the god, as declared through prophets

and
as

priests,

was authoritative.

A first sketch of the Anatolian religion

embodying the whole law of life, the rules for agriculture and for breeding and domestication of animals as well as for family life and
the action of individuals, has been given by the writer in Hastings'

At present our concern is fF. Dictionary of the Bible, v., pp. with the fate of those estates after the Anatolian period was ended.

no

How
the

was that primitive system modified under the Greek Kings and
.''

Roman Emperors The writer's view


This
is

is

that the estates

became the property of

the Kings in Hellenistic times and of the

Roman Emperors

after-

wards.

a principle

which may form a working hypothesis


20

3o6
to start

W. M.
from
in the case

RAMSAY
;

of any of the Anatolian Hiera

but

it

must

of course be proved by definite evidence, and not merely assumed, in each individual case. The evidence which can be expected in those
little-known regions is, of course, slight ; we find, for example, a passing reference in some late author to Imperial property, or an inscription

mentions an Imperial slave, managing the property of his lord, in the neighbourhood of some ancient Hieron ; we infer therefrom that
the property of the god in more ancient time passed into the hands of the Roman Emperors ; and we then search until we discover some
indication, generally very slight, as to the time

when

ihe property

of the god passed into the hands of sovereigns. Finally, we attempt to find evidence as to the condition of the population in the primitive time and
in later times.

The

subject

is

only beginning to be studied,


at

and the evidence to be


In this

collected.

way

the landed property of the

god

Tyana

has been

Various traced in Imperial possession as late as the tenth century.* examples in Phrygia are noted in the Cities and Bishoprics of Phr., lo f, 103, 131, 255 ff., 280 if., and elsewhere. The best i., pp.

example of an Imperial

estate in Anatolia, as

it

was managed

in the

third century after Christ, is found in the upper Lysis-vaUey on the frontier of Phrygia and Pisidia, where a group of estates called

Hadrianaf
found.

existed,

and a

The

people

who

of important documents have been lived on the land were called Ormeleis,
series

and the group of documents found there will be referred to they are described in the sequel as the Ormelian inscriptions
:

in the
Cities

and

ff., 304-315 i., pp. Schulten, Rom. Mittheil., Gesch. der Rostowzew, Staatspacht in d. rom. Kaiser1898, p. and Oest. Diz. zeit, p. 144 ff., Jahreskefte, 1901, Beib., p. 37 ff. 100 and ff. and iii., Pelham, p. Epigraf, ii., p. 537 [conductor), (Jiscus)

Bish. of Phr.,

280

221

ff.

* Histor.
docia," pt.
i.,

Geogr. of As.
in

Mm.,

pp. 173, 348,

449
form

" Pre-Hellenic Art of C.ippayuipia IlaTpi/idvio in Caria,

f" (;^<upta)

Maspero's 'ASpiava must have been the


i.,

Recueil, vol. xiv.

full

(cf.

Cities

and

Bish.,

p.

255)

xuipia.

MiXuaSiKa

also occurs.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS

307

The Imperial Domains and the Colonate. Another example of less bearing on our present subject is found in the large Imperial estates of the Tembris-valley, on which see Anderson in J.H.S., 1897, p. 417
ff.,

1898,

p.

Rom. MiUh., 1898,


Minor,
p.

341, and in the present volume, p. 188 fF. Schulten, 221 fF. in noted Histor. p. (first Geogr. of As.
; ;

177 ff., Cities and Bish., ii., p. 615) J.H.S., 1899, p. 76. second principle about those estates of the Hiera is that

the Greek Kings and the Roman Emperors seem often to have given parts of them to the citizens of a new colony which they founded.* This principle is in itself probable, but is hardly susceptible of being

proved
is

the evidence available

that in

many

too slight. All that can be shown cases such a colony stood near or at an ancient Hieron.
is is

third

principle

that

the

Hellenic

or

Roman

city

or-

ganisation was not usually applied on these estates, except when .a colonia was- founded on the land but the people remained in the
;

condition of direct subjects of the sovereign, paying taxes or rent to his private officials, who exercised over them the rights of the sovereign.

Thus

term, on such

there were no magistrates, in the proper sense of the estates in Roman time the chief official was the
:

Emperor's procurator, and contractors who farmed the estate exercised certain powers the people on an estate were united
:

also in a

{koivov), the head of which was called in some cases a proagon (corresponding to the Latin magister vici). The terms vicus,

commune

^wpLov, etc., were applied to the town and the estate. condition of the population on such an estate was liable gradually to pass into a sort of serfdom, as Professor Pelham has pointed out in his lecture (published) on the Imperial Domains and
Koifirf, 8rJ/i,o5,

The

the Colonate.

an

which part of such Rostowzew city by an Emperor. has studied the development of Pogla in Pisidia from a mere koinon
are a

There

few

cases,

however,

in

estate

was raised to the rank of a

to a polis {Oest. Jahreshefte,

-example

it

loc. cit.). Lagbe or Lagbos was another was the residence of a contractor (^conductor, /aio-^wtt^s)

Cities

and Bish. of Phr.,

i.,

p.

10

f.

308

W. M.

RAMSAY

during the second century, but, as one coin is known to have beer> Rostowzew struck there, it must have been made a polis afterwards.*

Anomits this case, which furnishes so close an analogy to Pogla. other case is that of larger villages or towns which probably were on estates, and which can be traced afterwards as bishoprics, though,
they never struck coins.
(see viii.)
viii.)

and several

others.

Such are Tymandos (see ii.), Kinnaborion Probably Soa and Tataion (see

on the North-Phrygian estate of Tembrion may be ranked along with these: Anderson (p. 187) treats this difficult question I should rather count this as one of the unsolved difficulties well.
in regard to the

Phrygian

estates,

than deny that Soa was situated

on an

estate.

These

cases

show

that,

grew up on an estate, rank and rights, even in some cases to make it a city-state. But, on the whole, the tendency was that the people on the estates remained
in the position

where considerable centres of population there was a disposition to raise the town in

of rustics and subjects of the Emperor himself and thus passed in later centuries into serfdom. fourth principle is that the priest of the ancient Hieron re-

in tained a high position and some kind of authority in the vicus other words the development from the old theocratic organisation in a was incomplete neither village (or villages) near the Hieron had all traces of the first stage disappeared nor were there wanting
: :

Rostowzew germs of the Grasco-Roman municipal organisation. " the quasi- municipal organisaexpresses this principle in the words
tion of the Imperial estate arose out of the organisation in a collegium The demos of the estate was in its religious for religious purposes ".f

aspect plebs collegii (translated o^^-os in the Ormelian inscriptions). The question what was the history of the lands that belonged

Hieron of Pisidian Antioch had been simmering in my mind for years. I saw that probably the property of the god had
to the great *
[

Cities

and

Bish. ofPhr.,
I.e.,

\.,

p.

268.

Oesl. Jahresh.,

p. 41.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS

309

been taken possession of by Augustus, and that Strabo practically * but it was not until the first inscription published in the says so ;
present article was found by us in 1905 that the true significance of a whole series of inscriptions found near Antioch flashed upon

me.
to

This
;

series

friends

and

as

of inscriptions speak of the Tekmoreian Guestcopied that inscription in 1905, its terms revealed

me

Antiochian
political

that these Guest-friends were really the plebs collegii on the The nature of the collegium and its relation to the estates.

and social and religious and economic conditions of the third are revealed in these Tekmoreian documents far more clearly century
than in the Ormelian.

Yet the

latter

may probably
as in

be interpreted

from the Tekmoreian documents, just


moreian have to be interpreted
scriptions.
II.

some ways the Tek-

in

the light of the Ormelian in-

I.

THE IMPERIAL ESTATES ROUND On a pedestal, 5 ft. (R. 1905).

PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.

in.

high,

2 ft.

i|-

in.

broad, in an old cemetery, north of the road, near the north-east

end

of the Limnai (Egerdir and Hoiran double lakes). The letters are worn and hardly legible O and C and 6, K and IC, A, A and A
:

being scarcely distinguishable.


is

The

reading, though partly doubtful,

certain in the
CTTi

most important

points.
/AaTeuT['rjj?

Mctp/cou <I>tXetvo[u te/aeo? ktlcttov Kap/3oKwiJLtJTov

[y]e/30?

/ca[i

Stj/aos

KapfioK(jjfjLr)[T-

KAIKTIC AN

wv.

4 'A KaL NetXXo? irpaySome part of the verb ktl,o), which


at the

cannot restore, was used

end of

3.

marked the

letters there as hopelessly uncertain.

Greeks often

misunderstood and maltreated

Roman

names.

(Aurelius) Philinus was doubtless libertus Aug., ruling the estates as priest (^cf. No. 24). Nilus was servus Caesaris, and member of

M.

the village Gerousia.


*
Hit/or.

Comm.

on Galatians, p.

211

Classical Reviezi;,

1905,

p.

417

f.

3IO

W. M.

RAMSAY

Karbokome, already known (see p. 351), is now proved to be near the north-east end of the Limnai, and to have formed part of
an estate administered by a irpay/AarevrT/s (a Greek rendering of the Roman term actor *), a slave manager of the financial interests of his
master,
village

the

owner of the
estate of a

estate.

Karbokome,
that
is

therefore,

was a

on the
at

Looking
situated

the situation,

Roman, we cannot doubt

to say of the

that

this

Emperor. village was

of

Men

on ground which formerly had belonged to the temple Askaenos at Pisidian Antioch (Strabo, p. 577). The

priesthood was abolished at the death of Amyntas, by the Roman envoys who were sent to take possession of his whole kingdom,

which Augustus made an Imperial province.


entire property of
calls it his

Augustus claimed the


:

Amyntas

as his inheritance

for Strabo, p. 577,

and slaves of Amyntas passed into the ImKk.rqpovoji.ia, perial household and were there called Amyntiani. Probably the words of Strabo do not mean that there ceased to be a priest of
the god
estates

but only that he was no longer governor of the vast of the god.f It is pretty certain that these estates included most of the land from the north coast of the Limnai round to the
;

east

and south coast of Lake Karalis(Bey-Sheher-Lake).J Probably part of the valley of Apollonia, west of the Limnai, was included in the god's property and he was there called Zeus Eurydamenos, ix.
;

Tymandos
city

or Talbonda in that valley was granted the rights of a


:

by some Emperor about 300-400 B.C. {C.I.L., iii., 6866) previously it had probably been only part of the Imperial estates.
*

On

the Ormelian estates

(called

Hadriana), the
Cities

TrpayfiaTevTai
\.,

are often
I

mentioned:

in Histor. Geogr., p. 173,


as

and

and

Bish. of Phr.,

p.

281,

have

given negotiator

the usual
Cit.

equivalent,
loc.

but

Pelham (footnote
correspondent
negotiator),
f

and Bish.,

cit.)

was pointed out to me by Prof. that actor was more probably the Latin
it

(though TrpayyuaTcuTr/s in other cases often corresponds to and both Rostowzew and Schulten, Rom. Mitth., 1898, p. 225, prefer actor.

in this case

Histor. Commentary on Gaiatians, p. 211, and on Artemis, g xii. " Pisidia and the See X Lycaonian Frontier," in the Jnnua! Brit. Sch. Athens,
f.,

190Z-3, pp. 248

253

f.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


The Greek Kings probably took
of those great
estates,

311

possession in whole or in part and founded ApoUonia and Antioch by grant-

ing to the settlers

whom

they planted there some of the god's land.

Similarly, in all probability,

Augustus gave
*

to his coioni at Antiochia


:

and
as,

Bey-Sheher) beyond doubt, he gave to his


{i.e.

at Parlais

part of the Imperial estates just coioni at Olbasa part of the Orme-

There temple property, which became also Imperial estates. was doubtless certain property the income of which was pledged for
lian

the support of the temple of

(on the system called avitum or patritum) f under superintendence of the Curator Arcae Sanctuariae. What remained of the ancient property of the god after

Men

avitum

et

deducting the colonial land was the group of estates, revealed in the present inscription and the whole series of inscriptions found on them, which we proceed to describe. Other traces of the character of
estates can be detected.
this

vast region as Imperial

immense and
Parlais
:

\,

coins were struck by any city in that region except the colonies Apollonia Antioch and only when we go eastward into the mountain territory of
fertile

No

the Orondeis, do

we

find coins of Pappa-Tiberipolis.

The

failure

of

coinage seems inexplicable, except on the supposition that the country was Imperial property, on which no free self-governing city could
exist.

Again, the term moreian inscription R. I.


Oinia (Oinan) across the
Kkinasien,
p.

/xict^wtt;? has

been restored in the Tekit is

(see iv.),
hills

and

found

in the valley

of

174, No.

7).

Such

north of Karbokome (Sarre, Reise in jjuLaOoiTal were a feature of the

on

Sch. Athens, 1902-3, pp. 261 f. fC/.Z,., X., 5853, Mommsen ; Hermes, xii., p. 123: described in my paper the " Permanent Attachment of Religious Veneration to Sites in Asia Minor," in

* Annual Bnt.

Proceedings of the Oriental Congress in London, 1892, pp.


Galatians, p. 211
f.,

390 f. See Histor. Comm. on and below, p. 375. \ Apollonia and Antioch Seleucid Augustus added Roman coioni to Antioch and founded colonia Parlais. On Apollonia, see pp. 360 n., 366 f.
:

312

W. M.

RAMSAY
:

administration of the Imperial estates * they were, as a rule, free inThe inscriptions on the Ormelian estates habitants of the district.
are regularly dated by the fjnaOwrai, as on these Antiochian estates (see R. I.).
is

one of the inscriptions

Moreover, many inscriptions on the estates are dedications on behalf of the Emperor and his household, a characteristic class of

documents on such

estates (as in the

Ormelian inscriptions).

Further, the form of local government by dvaypa(f)ev'i and ySpa^evratf is characteristic of the estates, where the organisation was always Anatolian and devoid of the free, self-governing tone of
the Greek polls. fipafievTat are known as officials who managed the business affairs of a synodos or koinon, i.e., a private society for
religious purposes.

They seem

and arranged the


iastai in

festivals

have both managed the finance of the society. The association of Kaisarto

an inscription found between Sardis and Cassaba had such Brabeutai,;]; and were probably the population of an Imperial estate, united in a religious society {^plebs collegii, p. 308).

The
annually.

Brabeutai

were sometimes, Brabeutai seem to be annual

perhaps
officials

always, appointed of a city or village

in an inscription
in

of (probably) Tyanollos in the Hermus valley, and another from Hierocaesareia in the same valley. It is therefore
officials

probable that they were

who belonged

to

non-Hellenic
institu-

system. They are hardly found in tions are likely to have taken root.
It

any place where Hellenic

was

little

belonged to the non-Hellenic character of the estates that there education among the people, and a marked devotion to the

ancient local religion (Men and Artemis on the Antiochian, Zeus Eurydamenos near Tymandos). Roman education was lacking almost
* See Rostowzew, Gesch.
pp.
d. Staatspacht in d.

rom. Kaiserzeit, Philologus Suppl.,


this

ix.,
is

332-510:

a brief outline

of the theory stated in


v., p.

epoch-making

article

given in Hastings' Diet, of the Bible, f See opening of inscr. R. I.


Buresch,
loc. cit.

394

fF.

J Buresch, aus Lydien, pp. 10, 41, 130.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


entirely

313

on these Roman

estates.

brief epitaph of a

Roman

lady

and a bilingual epitaph of an Imperial freedman (with some mileSo far was the stones) are the only traces of the Latin language. it Imperial system from desiring to educate its subjects governed
:

them and thought

for them.

the Ormelian estates the priest of the local god is often The Imperial mentioned, and documents are dated by his name. procurator also is regularly mentioned at the head of the acta, and

On

evidently was the real governor of the Ormelian land and people ; next to him came the adores of the three estates. On the Antiochian
estates the administration

must have been very

similar, yet the

Tek-

moreian documents are never dated by the priest or by officials of the Imperial service ;* and this peculiarity long concealed the real character

of the documents.

The Tekmoreian

acta emanate

more

directly

and

exclusively from the populace, and the Imperial officials do not appear. The intention was to show the spontaneous nature of the demonstrations
;

and the procurator and

actor or actores
.''

took no direct

part.

Why,

then, does the priest not appear

The answer seems

to be

the epitaph of Ti. Claudius Vicenio, evidently freedman and doubtless procurator of the Emperor Claudius, who was also priest of Artemis. May we suppose that the

given by the important inscription Call.

I.,

procurator was always priest, and thus combined the Imperial power and the old theocratic authority ? It is possible that the Antiochian estates were even more ex-

On the east, across the Sultan-Dagh, a was Phrygia Paroreios, large set of Imperial estates (or a single Part or the whole was called Dipotamon or Mesagreat estate).
tensive than has been indicated.
in

nakta.f

These

estates

extended from the Fountain of Midas on the

north-west to Kolu-Kissa on the east, perhaps even further. It is the have been that Antiochian quite possible they may originally
god's property, for they are continuous with the territory of Antioch, if (as is practically certain) the glades and saltus of the Sultan-Dagh
*

village

deed

is

dated

so, p.

309.

j-

See Hist. Gcogr.,

p.

140.

314

W. M.

RAMSAY
.

On this view the Antiochian estates were belonged to that city. immense, but Strabo lays stress on the extent of the god's property,
few pages before been describing the property of the were also of vast extent. great Cappadocian and Pontic hiera, which

and he has

III.

DISCOVERY OF THE TEKMOREIAN MONUMENTS.


from the long inscription of Gondane or Gon-

It is best to start

danni,* which, though not the earliest in chronological sequence, is the most important, as being complete and thus showing the character of the whole groups of texts better than any of the others, furnishing the answer to many fundamental questions before

and

we

The Gondane stone, approach the other fragmentary documents. was as R. the first in order of in the which will be quoted I., sequel
discovery.
In 1882, travelling in
in

W.

Wilson, Consul-General

company with the late Sir Charles Anatolia, we found it one morning

cemetery by the roadside about eleven or twelve miles west of Antioch. In the same cemetery stands a milestone, marked with the
in a

number XI, which, though not


carried far.

in its original position, has not

been

Sir Charles delayed the march for a day in order to give time to copy it. The task was difficult, as the day was stormy, The inwith frequent heavy showers of rain and very bad light.

me

scription

is

very irregularly engraved, the lines are uneven, the spaces


letters
difficult to

between the
that often
letters

vary greatly, some letters are extremely faint (so determine whether the gap between two was a blank or contained some letter), yet considerable parts
it is

of the inscription are deeply engraved, and in a strong light f stand out as clearly as any inscription that I have ever seen. It added to the
difficulty

of the task that the time


exact form of the
it
I.

at

my
I

disposal was too short for a

*The

name

is

difficult.

Many
believe

natives
it
is

pronounce

it

like

Kundanli, giving

more of

Turkish form.

the ancient ethnic


x.,

Ganzaenos of R.

The
as

ancient name, Ganzaia or Koundoia,


the modern.
in this inscription.

showed the

same variation of vowels


)

Sterrett notices the

need of good light

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


text so long

315

and

difficult.

In the second half

had to omit many

of the personal names and devote


names,
I

my

attention to the geographical

as

being more important.

published the text with a commentary (which though now requiring modification in some points, took the right view in a good

many
R.
I.

respects) in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1883, p.

23

ff.

My

friend Prof. Sterrett of Cornell University in

with a number of other inscriptions of this group


;

1885 copied un(all

fortunately mutilated)
tion,

Wolfe ExpediSeveral inscriptions which he discovered 1888, pp. 226-273. are of the highest importance, and the text is repeated in v. from my revision on the stones in 1886.
Prof. Sterrett added
in the

and published them

in his

a large

second half of R.

I.

(No.

personal names 366 in his book), and gave several


the
;

number of

geographical names rightly, which I had misapprehended made one serious mistake, which blocked further progress

but he
inter-

in

pretation. top of the inscription, with the statement of its purIn R. I. the parts were rightly put together side by pose, is broken.

The

side

366 the smaller fragment is printed as if it came on the top of the other, and thus halves of the same lines are printed This as two lines separated from one another by intermediate lines. unfortunate mistake seriously impaired the value of St. 366, which
;

but in

St.

would otherwise have been

a great

improvement on R.

I.

large

part of the text was recovered with complete certainty ; but the restoration of the little that remained uncertain, or had to be left
blank, has required much trouble and labour. In 1886, travelling with my friend H. A.

Brown (who

after-

wards died a

soldier's death in
I

Mashonaland,

as

one of the thirty-three


in R.
I.

with Major Allan Wilson),

reviewed a number of details

We

went

also

to Saghir,

where Prof. Sterrett had found several

other inscriptions of the same class in 1885, and revised these (except No. 379, which I could not find) with Prof. Sterrett's copies of all

except R.

I.

in

my

hand

and

sent

him

list

of

all

my

additions

3i6

W. M.

RAMSAY

and corrections,

to be used in his contemplated publication.

My

additions were St. 371 (now republished and completed, v., and quoted as R. II.) and the small fragments St. 383, 384, which had
In his book, accordingly, he mentions in the escaped his notice. * that it was verified of each heading inscription by me, giving the

This was not so owing to a agreed in the text. misapprehension which he explains in his Appendix, p. 428,! he rarely states in his text the corrections which I had made in comparing his
impression that
1
:

copy with the stone, but he placed a


readings in the

partial list

of

my

divergent

Again

in

Appendix 1905 we spent

to his book.
a night at

Gondane, and discovered

there the important inscription, now R. III., a companion to R. I., but mutilated of the upper half. There is great hope that the top

of R.

be discovered, as the lower part escaped the notice I have confidence that the of explorers for so many years. missing is in a house or a I took the part court-yard in the village. opporIII. will yet

tunity of verifying some points in R. I., especially some in which Prof. Sterrett's publication of 1888 disagreed with my readings in 1886 ; but unfortunately I had no copy of the text with me.
In

1906 Prof.
I.

T.

Callander went to Gondane and revised

the text of R.
pression of R.

in

III.

proof for the present edition, and made an imHe also was unlucky in experiencing rainy

weather, as
so

was

in

1882 and 1886.

Rain delayed

his

movements

that he had only a few hours at Gondane and at Saghir ; but in the latter place he found two inscriptions which had escaped Prof Sterrett and me. His work has been useful in many details.
*

much

By

slip

he omits

in his text to say that

recopied his Nos. 369, 370, but he

mentions

this in his

I sent to him, I j-In the list put some in capitals (when the exact form of letter was needed to explain the change), but the great majority only in cursive script. The latter he took to be " nothing more than suggestions " of mine,

Appendix, p. 4.30. of corrigenda which

unauthorised by the stones, and accordingly omitted them. In revising his proofs I observed the omission and asked the reason. Some fragments which seemed too small to be worth sending to him, are printed now as R. IV., R. V., R. IX.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


IV.

317

THE INSCRIPTION OF GONDANE.


in

When we
ments
:

found the stone

1882,

it

was broken
lost
;

in three frag-

(i) the top left-hand part,


:

which was

and has never been

recovered

(2) the top right-hand * the letters are part, which I replaced to fit part (3) and so copied ; sometimes very faint ; (3) the main mass of the stone, containing
it

contained only a few letters

over 100
for
11.

lines quite

complete

even

in (3) there are


is

10-13 are mutilated, the surface

some difficulties, worn or broken in parts,

and

in other parts the scribe has

made

positive blunders (some cer-

tainly so,

some probably).
beginning of the
text,

The
all, is

which

is
is

the
a

most important part of

peculiarly difficult.

Not merely

fragment (i) of the stone

lost

Thus

but some of the letters in fragment (2) are quite illegible. the preamble, containing a statement of the purpose to which

the contributions were devoted, and


ality

some description of the person;

of the contributors,

is

seriously mutilated

but at

last after

many attempts it is now possible to give it complete. The name Xenoi Tekmoreioi, by which the whole body of
persons enumerated in this and the following
lists

were designated,

He did Sterrett, Nos. 369, 370, 372. not, however, recognise it in the heading of this list,t but regarded Tekmoreioi as a local epithet, derived from a place Tekmoreion,
was discovered by Prof.

which he indicated on
R.
II.,

his

map.

In 1886

found the name

also in

which

sent to Sterrett to be published as his


lists still

No. 37

1.

The

character of the

remained an enigma.

fit the fragments together in copying, and seriously between them in his text of t886. connection Prof. Callander the misrepresents found only fragment (3), and this is now broken, so that 1. 28 is the first complete

* Prof. Sterrett omitted to

line.

late as 1905 all lines from 14 onward were complete. In his No. 366, equivalent to R. I., he read -peLov in 1. 2, and thus missed the f restoration [TK/Ao]peioi, which follows at once from the true reading. as the text was uncertain in part I I did not send him R. V., copied in 1 886,

So

and

hoped some time

to

be able to restore

it.

It

contains the

name Xenoi

Tekmoreioi.

3i8
In

W. M.

RAMSAY
;

I republished the preamble of R. I., but and making other additions restoring [HeVo^ Te/c/iojoetoi there still remained a considerable gap, mostly due to the fact that

my

Histor. Geogr., p.

410,
*

the nature of the

lists

and the character of the Xenoi were

still

un-

determined.
certain
;

That
its

but

I felt TeKfiopeioi was not a topographical epithet I advanced the was obscure. conjecture meaning

Xenoi who used the sign (reK/xcop), " the in the artificial term adding poetic re/c/Awp is not unnatural Greek of Pisidia ". In Cilies and Bish. of Phr., i., p. 97, ii., pp. 359,
that the Telcmoreioi were the

630, it is proved that Brotherhoods were a remarkable feature of Anatolian society both in ancient and mediasval times, and the

Tekmoreioi are quoted as an example of the class. This explanation was rejected (apparently reluctantly) by Dr. Ziebarth, Griech. Vereinwesen, p. 67,

who

recurred to Sterrett's idea of a local reference in

Tekmoreioi, on the ground that the revival of the long defunct


poetic

word

shows

TeKjxcop erscheint kaum glaublich (an objection which insufficient consideration of the character of the Phrygian
;

Greek and Greek-speakers)


Hierapolis

and Dr. Judeich

in

Alterthumer von

(Humann, etc., 1898), p. 120, agreed with him. But new has confirmed my view, and enables me now to explain and discovery restore the inscriptions much more completely my interpretation is
:

no longer a theory, but a

fact

of Phrygian history and religion, as

the sequel will prove. The stone is a column, eleven and a half feet high, oval in section with raised flat surface in the middle of the broad sides, similar in

shape to the columns in the middle of Byzantine church windows. The writing, which begins at the very top and covers ten and a half
feet

of one of the broad


it is

sides,

extends across the raised

flat

surface,

and

sometimes

difficult to

judge whether

a letter

was cut on the

raised edge. *
(see

The
is

raised edges are

marked by

lines in the facsimile.

The word
:

below) formerly variation of spelling for

accented by its relation to the newly discovered verb reK/xopivu) I accented on the supposition that the word was a mere
Ttx/xoptoi.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


As
the copies are

319

mostly independent of one another (only Callander having with him any earlier copy), more careful statement of readings is needed in this than in the other documents, in most
of which
I

compared
*.

Sterrett's

copy with the stone.

For the
is

printer's convenience the ordinary

symbol for denarii


St.

represented by
2.

Quoted

as R.

I.

(R. 1882, reviewed 1886, 1905

1885

Callander 1906).
VTTep rrj?
S,4voi.

KvpCjov
?

"t^/S.]

TV)(r)^,

fjieydXr] *Apre/Ais,

Te/c/Aojaetot iTToirjcrav (jadkyjp

KOI Tov KvpCov

Oi
6

TeKiJ.opev<TauTe<;?

iv

dvS]p[e)LoivTa kol y;akK(t)p,a koX TrareXA^av rjo) Alttv5 kol Xt/SavwrptSa

CK
\a)
?

TO)]/

lSlcov

iirl

dva-ypa(f>]ea)<;

Avp.

dvaXwfidTcjv

ArjixrjTpiov 'Ovyj\crip,ov
1-23. See facsimile,
1.

which

is

not exact, being too regular in form and order.

So R., 1886

only

OY(

and

K Me V,

etc., R.,

1882, and

St.

The

restora-

tion ItJovs t[o-], given in Hhtor. Geogr., p. 410, cannot be right, for the era used in that district must be B.C. 2;. Moreover, more than two letters seem to be lacking at

the beginning.

The
iii.,

restoration here given

other Tekmoreian documents.

is guaranteed by the exordia in many In 1886 R. noted that the fifth letter might be C or

cp.
:

C .I.L.,
B
is

S or B
(like

right,

6974, 1. 5, where in a similar almost obliterated text he read (. or and the word is the same in both cases. With abbreviated Sf/8
in Class.

Aug.) compare an inscription published


2.

101

R., 1882, reading


:

-ftiloi^v)
:

in transcription,
1

Review, 1905, p. 369. and adding note "first half of

alone remains"
3

ION
;

St. /

lOI

R.,

886.
letter before

So R., 1886
liee)
:

PC

[-JNTA R., 1882 (indicating gap of one


St.

N,

and
is

NT

Pt

NNrA
;

printed by a slip

In J.H-S., 1883, p. 25, the transcription ;!(aX/<w/iaTa the copy in my note-book is correct (so R., 1886, and St.). St.
:

reads

AAAN
4 and
5.

at

end of line, doubtless correctly


St. gives

AA
them

only, R.,

1882 and 1886 (tran-

scribing -\X[as).

So R., 1882 and 1886

as

one continuous

line,

and has

AIIAN

for

AIBAN.

Restoration, pp. 346, 349.


:

7 and 8. So R., 1882 and 1886

St. gives as

one continuous

line.
as

9 and 10. So R., 1886 (two half


four lines, not observing

how

omitted in 1882): St. gives these the two parts of the stone fit on to one another.
letters

320

W. M.

RAMSAY
^r TVXHCMrAAH APTCMIC
/

PIOl

eTroiHCAN4>iAAMN
cAi

PC/|AKr\
7

LAmv
10
II

xAAKWMAKAtTrATfAA xAiXiBANWTpiAA

3
i"

AMAAUMArdiN

iS

KariBPA -86VT^w Ay PAAeSANAp-vt)'//, ,iiit iitn KAlAYP2P-TlKUMtW\AoVMApC)ANovAoNf'''^///W(V Avp2i>TiKocMciAAcrr Tr IAnoc


-

<|'P'M(H>vkApv\-n

III

'

AvptiMoe^ocA H>HTPiovkA PSoKfiSM+lcAoNToc-Jf/^A rAiocKA>f>Ni ocMopA/ANojcwApKoncVPA "TfaTovneiAp hnoc

10

AvpApT-M>nBC K*^AAevc o i(ca(i*ANAPorK^"H

AvPCKYMNocAcycAAitAzovA

AvpAp>eMc>M^fc^N60Y K 6Ao<-C(J/ATHC A V p AckAwi lAAlHcePMoreNt vAvKloKPVHTHC


yl^^K'7^

Avp trAn^Ac wersNeolvMiKKaNt- iAr-/c


1

US-

AvP

n A.TTVAocffrCYNN A.)ArCOlKONCNAA
AoNTocH'SrA A^AiAnoc^'BTA

sy AvpAprKu>'|*A^AHN

|';;

NOCTv PC H uoc AoNToceirAor/N^Aa I(II|I||/CMAKAo A <MfeTrtf(OC Ayp MM>KOCMtNOvrA 70 AvPzw'iifd'cZQYlK oYtCoYMAo zArwc >f-\tJ AovctTiAociNX' AypzuiTikoCIC KY MNoYMAMoY|ThN ThNocXMN A pA/W(o'iruN)A"r ncirArrAA oc^ATn
I

7? AiriAcAPKAcrHA^ cxXxnA aovkphtio titocpAith HNOC KAPlK0C#AXNKe 7?AyP ?/ AvpirArrAcAAAPKoY OYeiN A


I

yo

AvPirATTACZWTIK

ovnTAn

AnoinC ^tAxA

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


10 KTLfji^v{r)v]ov eVt[Socrtj' K inl fj.icr9(o ?]tov Avp. HaTras Mevveov t[o)v [koI
^povifiov Kap/Jirjvov Sdvr.
fipa^VT(i)v Xvp. 'Ake^dvSpov /3' &\ypcrr)vov Koi Avp. ZojTLKOv MeveXdov MapaLavov 86vT[o'i 15 Avp. ZwTt/co? M(e)iXas(?) IlT[a\y Lav6<;
/f(e)

321
*^S?]Ta'

'
["

"

iirl

*\'Y^

Avp. Ti/Ao^eo5
Tuarov
Ovecrcrfj.10?

^TjfjiiqTpiov

KapfioKuyixrJTr)'; S6vto<;

*/">*'

r[a(,"]os KaT(i)VLO<;

MopStat'os

MdpKov

IcrTpa-

l\eLhpiqv6<;

Maft/Aos TLa^rjvo?
/3'

*,p

20 Avp. 'ApTefjiwv
Avp.

XvvvaSeix; oIkcov Iv KavBpovKai[jji]r)


*fi(Ta'

2/cu/i.vo? 'Acr/cXa

Avp. 'ApTCfiajv
Avp.
'

Na^ouXeus Mevveov Ke)\.o{ve)vidT7]<;


'Kpfioyevov
Au/cio/c(a)))U,TjTrjs

'A(rKkr)TTLdBr)<;

Avp. 25 Avp. Faios 'Pw/xyXov rapSt/Stavds AouKpr^rio? KdiVros KutVroi; 'OXvfjinoKcofiyJTy]^


Av/3.

Acn<\r]TrLd87]<; Teip-odeov ^epKLOKUtpufjTrj'i

*^8a'
*,'Y^'

Kopj'TjXios

'Io{/c]u/ji,i/ou

Na^ovXev?

Avp. KapiKo? 'AfTi[K]Xeo? 'E^a/aeu? AovKpT]Tio<; AovKios HetSpr/t'os Aoukiov uto?


15.
fault

*,'Y^^'

There is some R., 1882, and St. both suppose engraver's error for M'8as. of engraving perhaps read M[. .]o-iXas, or omit as engraver's error and read
:

perhaps correct to M[c]tXas. in the ethnic. gap between IT and 16. So R, St.
: :

SiXas

All copies agree exactly, except that St. has


Cf. R. VIII. 2.

no

T MHTHC

R. places it midway opposite 18 and 19, it seems intended to apply to both. 22. i^t. and Callander read C C N. R., 1882, puts gap for first C , and supposes erasure of letter: R., was Y, injured by flaw in the stone. the letter 1905, thought
19.
St.

places the

number

in this line:

with note that

The

28.

ethnic occurs in R. III. 25 as KeXvi'iarr/s. Impossible to judge if there is a letter lost between
is

NTI
:

and A; there
so Callander,

is

plenty of room, but the edge of the raised part of stone The copies of R. and of St. suggest that a suggests K.
29.

broken
is

who
tran-

letter

wanting.

r*A

St.,

R., 1905, Callander:

TYA
21

R.,

1882 (corrected to

in

scription).

322
'

W. M.
A[v]p.

RAMSAY
'

30

MaKeSmv Kdiqviov

\(rKapr)vo<;
*
'

\vp. Falo? Bopa? 'OXvvttokw/atjtt^s Avp. IlocrtSwvto? \\pTp.ct)vo^ Kivval3opr){i^)o<;

*yxa
*,y<i>a *,y(j)a

Avp. KapLKos 'A7r(7r)a8os Kii/i/a/Sopiarijs Avp. AouKios KaptKov NetS'/^i'C)? 35 Avp. AiOTrdvy)^ IlaTra 'TekecT({)6pov Tlrayiai'os Avp. Ma/itt "l/xevos Movo/cXTj/jeiTTj?
Au/3.

Mevi/ea5 Zwti/<:o(u) Tlpovpi(TTp{v)<;


"lyti.ai'

Avp.

ZwTtKOV

%o<j)OV /\a{^)r)v{)v^

*jpa
*,ypa
*,ya
^

Avp. Tei)u.dreos

'Arras KoiWou TurTjvos


Ilrayiai'os

40 Avp.
Au/3.

ALO(f)dvr]<s 'I/Acvos

Aup. Ka/3t/c6s 'Epp.oyvov Taraeiis

Fatos
IlaTras

/8'

Hup/jou MiK/cwi^etarr^s

Aup.
Au/3.

Mevveov MtK/cwvetarr/s
Tcorcuj/iarij?

ZwrtKos ^rjjxrjTpiov
ITairuA-os
/S'

45

All/3.

XvvvaSeix; oIkuiv iv 'AXyi^e'ois


KLvua^opia.Trj';

Au/3.

'Acr/cXijTnoiST^s 'EKarijo-tou

Avp. KaptKos

'AX.efai(Sp]ou Fav^arji'os
yS'

[KoX PJwviaverr^s Avp. 'AXeai{8p]os Ka[pi/co{)] ot/cwv eV Netow


Ma/3/cos Se7rrou[)u,t]os
32.
(i/),

all.
I

Number
1882
:

33.
34.

Only IOC

for

second n.

added omitted by R., 1882 Perhaps read 'ATrtuSos.


:

St., R.,

1905, Callander.

R.,

NO

liee
all.

R.,

1886:

NO

St.

37.
38.

N and I for Y and Y, PHNOYC R., 1882, 1886,


makes the
-pijcw.

to be read (fracture
St.

letter doubtful).

1905, with note in every case that B is perhaps Callander notes " B quite likely ".

gives

PHNOC

42. R., 1882, omits final

in

number: added
1882

St., R.,

1886, Callander.

(in the transcription the arrange43-45. Given St. and 1886. was ment interprets rightly, except that the number misunderstood) the account of to lettering), and not to 44 (as he gives it). 45 (on clearly belongs in and St. every detail: the ethnic begins probably agree 48. R., 1882, 1886,

in facsimile according to R.,

with C or t or

or

or

K, and there

is

confusion between K[o\]*)viavds and K[o\]a)i'

perhaps a space for three or four letters of the citizen Antioch. Colonia utj??,
:

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


50 Avp.
Avp.
Aou/ci[os] M[ej't']eou [Tj^ouyXexTeus
'

323

Xprefj-cov ['ArrjaXou

AvTTe\aSr)vo<;

*fiva'

Avp. (M)aft)u,09 r[ato]u KapcrvSy]vo<;


Avp. ZwTt/fos
55 Avp.
|S'

*fiva *fiva
*//87a'
*,/3Ta'
*,I3tc-'

"ip^tyo^

^0ivia.T\yj\;

Avp. UvpfMoi; HaiTLov 'Ap^c\a[]v<;


'EpfiTjs
/S'

'Ipidrivo'i

Seurj/Dos Ka/3[i/c]oC 'Ai'7reX[a]87/!/os

Avp. ApTepba^v] 'AjU,aT7i{os] Aup. 'AXefai(S/3o]s 'ATTTra nra]Siafo9


j8'

Sovtos

*^/STa'

*
^^cra'
*^/8cra'

Avp. ZwTi/cos [Met']i'eou Ki'ou7eti'ei;s

60 Aup. Sovpio?

M[iji'o](/)tXou

'A(TKapr)vo<;
'Oeit-taxT^s

*^/3aa'
*,fio'<^'

Avp. KapiKo{<;) [Z]o)tlkov Avp. 'Apre/AtSojpos


'

/8'

AavKijj/os Sovtos

*fip^'

Avp. Avp.

ApTepwv

AcTKXrjTndBov KvovTeiveix;
Ma/ao-tai'os
TeviTTjt'os

*fipa
*,/8a'

[lIu?]pyu,os 'ATra9

65 Avp. Kapi/cos Me(v)i'eoi; M7jj{o8]ajpoi;


Aw/3.

*//8a'

Mei'i'ea?

FlaTra 'Apife/Awji'os Kepaaiavb<;

*
ja!

Avp.
50.
St.

AXe^ai'S(p)os 'AcrKXTjTriaSou Tvpar]vo<;


reads

p.(av 1882, 1886,

TP,

doubtless correctly: R. could read only IP in

1905, so Callander.
52.
C

EN

St., R.,

53.
54.

R.,

1882 and

St.

1905, Callander: C have right copy,


loi, R. omitted

EIH

R.,

1882 (marking

uncertain).

false transcription.

From

this line to

many of
It is

the personal names owing to

pressure of time and bad weather in 1882.

needless to give details.

The

miss-

ing personal names are supplied by


54.
St.,

St.

and

verified in part

by Callander.
1.

right in copy, transcribes [5]i!p/xos.


right
:

Lat. Firmus, cp.

35.

56.

St.

R., right

in

copy,

indicates

gap

(where Avp.

might be)

in

transcription.
57. R., 1905, as in facsimile,

MA

liee

the second letter: R., 1882, 1886,

St.,

Callander
58.

AIAH.
wrongly transcribe
R., 1882.
first
:

R., St., right in copy,

11 [o-]8tavos.

59. So St., R.,

1905
St.
:

BTA

65.
St.'s

KANAKC
:
:

R. conjectured

KAPIKOC
:

then

KAAYAIOC

as

nearer

Wi R., 1882 copy Callander reads KAPIKOC 67. PC all (p) in R., 1882, transcription is a slip.

HN

St. (engraver's error).

324

W. M.

RAMSAY
e-rrihocnv
iTrihocriv

Avp. raio]s MttKeSdvo? Tvp(Tr)vo<; Soktos Kvp. MdpKos Meveov TaXijiAexTT/vo? Sou?

*
p.(o

70 Avp. Tio^TiKo^ ZcoTLKOv KowSo^oiTT;?


Avp.
A[v]p.
Av/3.
Zo)Ti/co5 'JcTKvp.i'ov

*,aw
,a-^v
*,a|;i''

A[ip

?]

MapovTrjvo<; OlTwvLdT[7)]^ naTTttSo?


^

Ma/Jtos Mi/TjcTTCOv Ma/iovrrji/os


Av^duovTo<;
Avve\aSr)vo<;

*^ai|/v *,ai//v

Av/3[i7Xi]os

75 Av/3. IlaTrJias 'AXe^dvBpov Ti(,y]vo<; Avp. Kap]LKOi Mevveov Ma[J.o{v)Trjvo<s Avp. Z]q)tlko^ 'AXe$dvhpov Ttrr/vo?
^

*,a\pa
*a\jja

^axjja

Avp. nJaTTias

ApKauT7]vo<i
/S'

*,a-X^a.'

^ AovKpriTLo[^]
Titos
'Pair-*;-

79 Avp. KapiKos
8
1

Aav/fc-Jjvo? *,a-X'^'

Avp. ITaTras Avp. IlaTras Avp,


68.

MdpKov OveivtdTov
ZwtikoG nTaytavo(j')s
Teviavos
R.,

vos *fi^
*,^X-

'Aprefjicov i^-qp-rfTpiov
R.,

*^a<^va
:

nAO riN
I

1882

HAOCIN

1886

HAOC NN

St.

Callander re-

cognised

and

Kee.

68-72. See facsimile. between 68 and 70 69. Later insertion


R., i>82, St.
Call.inder.
:

MM

(so

indicated by R., not by

St.)

Aw

R., 1886, Callander.

Gap between

TA

and

R., 1882, 1886,

exactly,
letters).

IHC R., 1882. 70. So St., R., 1886, Callander: Callander accepts, and St. agrees to R., 1905. 72. See facsimile according text a from so far as can be (R., 1882, omits the first three
gathered
printed

There

the ethnic.
as

he puts the father's name after certainly here an engraver's error, If he has not also omitted some letters of the ethnic, the restoration is
is

given

{cf.

\.

119);
in

if

an omission

is

hardly room for name Lir, see R.

A[i/) T]o(v)T<ovid7ijs,

which

There seems supposed, read [TcoJTunaTj/s. I inclined to. the Pisidian On long
Ramsay
in Journ.

Revue

des

Univ. du Midi, 1895, p. 357; Miss

Hell. Soc, 1904, p. 286.

73. SoR., 1882, 1905, Callander: 76.

Mt NH
St.

St.

OTT

R., 1882, Callander:

OYTT

Error of scribe for

OYT

but

and

sometimes are

difficult to distinguish.

78-82. See facsimile.


80. St. prints this line as

80

in regular order

with the others.

It is

deeply and

strongly engraved

no C

at

the end of Aou/cprjrio was ever engraved.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


Avp. Zwri/co?
85 AuyOT^Xtos
Ifievos ^rjfvqTpiov Tvnrfvo'i
/li.o<pa.vr)<;

325
^a<f>va
*^a(^i'a'

Mafi/xou

Ta\tjU,eTei{s]

Avp. OvajLteXiavo? KoiVrou TaXt/Aereus Auya. KapiKos Zojtlkov KaKO^-quo^


Au/3. *I/Aai'

*^a(^i']a'

*[^a^]Xa'
*^a(f)a'

XvvTp6(j)ov Kpavocrayvo'; Sdvros iwiSoaLi'

Avp. Av^dvoiv 'AfjiLov l^pavo<jayr)vo^ Swros 90 Au/D. AouKto? [MevJavSpou 'fl[ei]ftaTTy9


Au/3.

*^a(^a

Zwri/fo5 TaXeijueTr^vo? 8o(i')tos cTriSocriv Avp. "Apt^avo'i Zcjtikov [vJeii^tarT^s

*^a(f)a

p.vva'
*^aui'a'

Avp.
Au/3.

IlaTra? Zcuri/cou 'Oeii'iaTT;?

Mevea?

*
'AcrKXT^TTiou 'Oeti'taTT^s

/XTtra
*

95

Au/3.

Met't'eas Zcotikou Ma/oaXtrr^vos

^arK^
flJTK^

Avp. 'A\$avSpo<; KapLKOv 'ApneXaBrjvb? Avp. Mcvveas 'ATTTraSo? Kepacrtai'os


Aup.
Adi;K[to]9 ZcJTiKov M[t]cruXtaTr^?

Aup. KdiVro? 'AXefav8/3ou 'Ai'ireXaSr^vo?

*^acri'a

100 Aup. Ilairas

AtoTrai'ous n(T)aytavos
*
ne[i]o"ST7i'os
jiLcra

Aup. 'AttttSs ZoiTi/cou KfouTetveus


Aup. Ilairta? MeWi'o? Avp. Avp.
85.
St., R.,

'Acr/cXrjTTiaSTjs
'AiTTTtt?
St.

'Atttto.

^)vparr)vo^

p-aa
*

ZwTi/foC AttTretcTTpcu?
1882.

apa.

$
1.

R.,

Ye Y

R.,

1882

(corrected in transcription):

TC Y

1886, 1905, Callander.


76.
all.

and

sometimes approximate in form on this


M'ltth. Ath.,

stone, see

86.

T
. .

Not
d.

Oua(Xpios).

noted Pisidian love of vowels in

1883, p. 74, Rev.


89. 91. R.,
.

Y
.

El. Arte, 1895, p. 355, e.g. 'Houj^to?, Ovoovas. Callander has I after M, and St. R, 1882
:

AMOY
: . .

OC
:

for

OY.

Me T
.

R.,

1882

Aie
;

TMt T

St. (so in transcription)


is
.

TAAIM T

1886

II

IMf

Callander

perhaps the true text


:

TaAc

^ctt/vos.
:

Y St. C Y R., 1882 (A marked very doubtful) 98. 1886: MIC Y (r doubtful) Callander. Mio-vXiaTr/s G. Hirschfeld, Gift. Gel. Anz., 1886, p. 591 (by comparison with St., Wolfe Exp., No. 548), a brilliant and undoubtedly correct emendation.
R.,
.

MACY

100. 102.

nAN

and
:

nPAF,
6 C

all

copies.

tICASt.

R., Callander.

103. SvpoTjvos St.

326

W. M.

RAMSAY
*^apa
*
'

105 Avp. MafijLio? ZojTLKov 'ileLv{L)a.Trj<; Avp. Mevea? Aovklov Tlea[K]^ Ji'tarr/s
Avp. Mvav8po<; 'AXe^dvSpov 'AvvreXaSr^vo? Avp. 'Ovyj(TLfx.o<; 'HXtou Mepyviarij? Avp. MeveSr^/AO? 'AXeKas
Krifievrjuoi;

no

Avp. AioyevT]';

Mevveov

*
'A//,7reX[a8iyi'os

'

"ZTpovpjjjycx;

Avp. XapiSr^/AO? FtXtwi^os Avp. ^ArraXos Md'avSpou Avp. KapiKos

'A/A7reXaS[7;i'ds

Xdifieurjvo^
*
'

Avp. Koueti'TOS AufavovTOS OveLfLdrrj';


115 Avp. 'IcrKv/Avos Map,as X^tp[i']r^i'os Avp. ZwTiKos Meveov ITecr/cci'taTTys
Avp. Mei'eas 'AttttSSo? IToXvp.apyiyi'ds
Avp. 'Sevoiv BovySctXov
IleicrStai^d?

Avp.

A.dfia<s

Olrwiddrfs
a/ce

120 Avp. ZwrtKos


105.

'Epp.T}8o? Eipevjaevtar?;?

lAT

R., 1882, Callander:


R.,

TAT
]N

St.

doubtfully.

106. C 6
a gap) R.,

MN

1882

1886:

C
R.,

NN

has been cut out, leaving (with note that St.: rectangular hole with traces of The Callander.
:

C C

engraver corrected one blunder, but forgot to insert

no. loNOC

1882:

MNOC

for

K after C M-NOC R., 1886: MNOC


.

St.:

Cal-

lander says that fracture conceals the space, leaving a doubt whether the cross-stroke and was engraved or not. wA R., 1882: toPA St. (transcribing between

o>poL

without remark).
116.

THC

R.,

8 86, Callander:

NIC (N marked
a slip in

very uncertain)

R.,

1882:

IHC

St.

118. St. omits


119.

at

end of SeVodi' by
Si's)

epigraphic text.

B with

cross-stroke (for

St.,

R., 1886, Callander:

R., 1882.

Stone was engraved on a uniform plan, and therefore on one occasion, not in different years. This is proved (i) by the in a names of definite the the three different kinds dating year, by
:

The

of

officials,

order of the amounts which they contributed.

and (2) by the arrangement of the contributors in the Apart from the officials

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


and the
first

327

and

last

on the
:

list, 11.

15, 120, they give

from 6001

denarii to 901

the

first

on the

list

has no

sums varying number at-

tached to his

name
11.

(this

is

certain), while the last gives 1025.

The

contributors in
letters
1.

between two

44, 69, were added lines of the inscription as


three short lines at

as an afterthought in smaller

80 was added

in

and engraved the side of 11. 78-81.*


first
;

according to the amount of contribution is but in one case, 1. 69, the violation given violated in some cases
;

The arrangement

due to disputed reading, and disappears in the text given by here according to my copy.f There remain a few cases (i) at the
St. is

end, where perhaps the scribe confused between (ji and w (2) where a at the end is omitted, probably by error of scribe or copyist
:

41, 42) (3) in 1. 80, which is inserted out of order, evidently because 11. 78-81 were very short and left a convenient space at the right -hand. But the exceptions are rare and are obviously exceptions to a clearly marked rule of order, implying arrangement
(e.g.
11.
:

according to a plan.
differ

In this respect the

Tekmoreian

inscriptions

from the Ormelian, most of which clearly were engraved from time to time, as new entries were needed, and are not arranged on

any plan of order.


But, while the inscription was engraved on one occasion and on one plan throughout, the writing changes several times in a marked

manner.
in at

The
In

inserted

1.

89

is

such a careless way that


first.

tfi

written in a totally difi^erent style and was misread w by St. and by myself
is

several

places

it

clear

that

either the

scribe

was

changed, or that he rested and began afresh with new vigour ; but these changes cannot be explained as due to the enrolling of addi* Prof. Sterrett
ment, and prints these
lines.

in

his epigraphic text disregards these peculiarities

of arrange-

letters

each occupied one space uniformly with the other He carefully mentions the peculiar arrangement of 1. 45, where the last few are written above at the end of the inserted 1. 44 ; but otherwise merely refers
lines as if

to ray published description of the

arrangement of

lines.

f Confirmed by

Callander.

328
tions

W. M.
on various occasions
list

RAMSAY
list.

to a standing

The

reasons just stated

was compiled on one single occasion, though it may have taken the engraver some time and several spells of work to complete his task. Presumably, the list was written first on some

show that the entire

more

perishable material, and afterwards copied on stone to be pubsimilar case occurs in the list of the Gerousia at licly exhibited.

Sebaste in Phrygia {Cities and Bish. of Phr., ii., p. 602, No. 475). In that case a list of seventy-one names shows several fresh starts and

M. Paris* argued from this that the list inchanges of writing. cluded the names of those who were enrolled in the Gerousia during a series of years, whereas I have argued from the date at the top
(equivalent to a.d. 98-9) and from the aorist participle in the heading (ol icreXOovTe'; et? rrjv yepovcriav) that the Gerousia of Sebaste

was

first incorporated in that year, and that seventy-one persons were then enrolled in it, thus marking an important stage in the development of Graeco- Roman municipal institutions in this Phrygian city.

That the
of time
is

inscription

was engraved slowly during a certain lapse


:

proved, further, by these reasons In a village, where the stonecutter was evidently not very (i)

skilful,

such a long document probably required a good

many days

to engrave.

(2) Besides
that

showed

" The the original heading following are they " the Tekmor in the year when a second heading was

added above and

right-hand side of the first, stating that the money was applied to the purchase of certain religious objects. Presumably the main inscription was engraved before this purpose
at the

was determined, and the statement of the purpose was added later. The list was drawn up in its present order after various contributors added to their original contribution, for presumably such
entries as

68, 88, 91, give the total sum contributed by these persons in their two donations, and these appear in their proper order
11.

of amount.
* See
Bull.

Con:

Hell.,

1883, p. 455.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


V.
3.

329

OTHER TEKMOREIAN
(R. 1886
:

INSCRIPTIONS.

Quoted as R. II. publication as No. 371.)

communicated

to Sterrett for

'Ayadrj Tu^t^ (2) [uTrep ttjs] tov rjfjicjv \vTOKpdTopo<; Tvyy)<i KoX veLKrji; koI icovCov Sta/Aovrj? Koi crvv- (3) [Travros tov oI]kov
(rojTTjpLa^ inoLrjcrav Sevot, TeKfjuopaoL e(f>LTnTOv "HXioi' criiv tcH (4)
[koctimo)

kc /cajracr/ceui^

Trdcnr)

Ik twv ISlwv dvaXcofjidTcop

Six lines illegible.


M]a.pa-iav6';

[Mevv^iov
-vo<;

MapoTLavo?

TptyXerTT^vd?.

4.

Quoted
I.

as

R.
:

III.

At Gondane on column of same shape


:

as

R.

Classical
iirl

1905 impression, Callander 1906 Review, 1905, p. 419.)


(R.
oiK\ovvTO<; iv
"l/iiet'og
'

published in

y8pay8]ci(T(Si'

'Zvuvajhecj';
/cai

Map/cou? 'O^toltov
Kvp.
'AcrK]XTj7rta8i7s
/8'

MtK[/c]<u[i'taTou

We^dvhpov
'tvvvahev'i

[0]u/Dcnj[vds

Aup. @e]dSw/30?

oIkwv

iv 'A]X.yi^ioi[s] SdvTos {8r]vdpia) xpoe'

Avp.] Aou/cto? Faiou Sayovr^vd?

Avp.
10

(Srjt'.)

t/iva' /''

]s

Aup.]
e]v

'Epfio^evov 'OXi/Aai{alpev9 'Atttto, Svi'vaSev? o[l\kwv


(8171'.)

(Si?!'-)

'EcraySo[u]pctais Sdj^ros
"ifjiav]

^va
(St^i'.)
xH''-'

Avp.

Mevveov

IleaKevLdrr)<;

Avp. At?]d<^avTOs MavLOV etepev? Ato?


EwpvSJa/LiT^voi) PJPo/c/cijt'ds (8'>?f-)
X**-^'

Aup. KXav-^JSto? Ma^Cfjiov 'E^apeus


2.
3.

(St^v.)

i^/<e'

OIK

confirmed by impression. So impression C/; St. 376, 46.


also possible
:

0(iV) R. in copy.
all

10.

CICAB

OlT

or

OT

possible.

330
15 Avp.
Aijo/cA.'^s

W. M.
"AvSpwvos

RAMSAY
'Okfii.av6<;
{8r)v.)
^/ce'

Avp. KapLK

?]6s

'AXe^dvSpov
Sdvros

'S.vvvaSeix;
[8rjv.)

OLKOJv] iv 'AcTTi/Sta

^Ke
(f)va'

Avp. M7)v6<j) ?]tXo? EvvoTo<; ToijoiviaTr]'; {Zr)v.)

20

Avp. Avp.
Avp.

]s ]s

ArjjxrjTpCov Mapcriav6<; {8r]u.) 4>va

Ovdpov

Kov8ovl,LciTrj<;

{^rjv.)

(f>Xe

Mei'v]ea<;

IlaTra,

SeTTTouftaveus {8f}v.) <^Xe'


<f>\a'

Avp. 'ApT?]ixo)v 'OvTjcrCpov Kapftc[K](t)iJ.rjTr)<; {8r)v.) Avp. Ovd?]\.r)<; Mevveov MavSpr^vd? {^V^-) <^A-a' Avp.
Zcorjt/fos

Mevveov

TlecrKet'taTT;?

{^W-)

4'Xo-'

25 Avp. 'ApTe]p.o)v Av^dvovTo^ KeXuvictrij? {^V^-)

4"^^'

Avp. Upi?]crKo<; Ma/ce[8dv]os Aa/AtcrTyvd? Avp. Awp.


'Acr/cX.7;]7rta8rjs

(Sr/i".) (ftie'

Au/3. 'Epjjirj ?]? "I^ei^os T[ara])7i'[d]9

30 Aup.
Avp.

y8'

[AXy ?]i{e[u]s

(817V.)

<^te'

]i'8po5 Za)[o"a8os] 'Ai'8f>jvd9 (8r;v.) voe'


(Sr^i'.)

vXd
Ti'a'

/3'

nTay[tavds]

(8171'.)
/8'

vy'
ropSt[ouK]t<j/.i'>^s

Avp. ZwriKos 'A7roXX[wi't]ou


Auys. Fatos

i^V^-)

'AXe/f/ca? Meve8-j/Ao[u] Krftjjaei'rji^ds (817^.) ri^a'

Mevav8p[ou Ile]aKevi.dTr}<; (87^1^.) Avp. AowKio? AovKLov Fi^Tyvo? TKixopevcra<;


IlaTerjv6<; {8r)v.)
cttt'

tkc'
819
(87^1'.)

ra'

35 Avp. Kapi/fos Map/cov

Aiip. Teip,d^eo5 A7][iJiri\rpLov Mapcrtavd? (8171'.) t(o') Aup. 'Atttto,? llaTTtou 'FLfj.evLauTr)v6<; ^aX/cta 8uo

Avp. Mr^j/aTTOS Kepacrtai'ds

(8r^i'.)

ui''

Aup. 'A777ra? 'Opeorou Krip.eKJ^i'd?

(St^j'.)

vv'
ui''

40 Aup.

Arjp.iJTpLO'i 'OvrjCTipov

Krtp.ei^ryvd? (817V.)

Aiip. ZcoTt/cos

nXaTwt'os Kevafiopiarr^5
(Siji".)

Avp. 'Ap^a-]roKXrj<;
'Apicr]7d87^p,o?
29.

va'

Kaj'8ptat'o{'

37.

Ethnic read from impression. Two bronze vessels (St. 379,

cf.
:

370, 9, R.

I.

3).

first name omitted 43. So R. copy and Call, impression error of for engraver Perhaps -r)ixov KavOpiaKos.

in C/c7ss. Rep.

by

slip.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


5.

331 (R.

Quoted

as R. IV.

At Saghir

ancient Sagoue.

1886

published in Classical Review, 1905,


[eVl PpajievTUiv

p.

420.)*

KoX Avp.] Zwri/co[i) Kw/coura Sui'vaSew?


ot/coCi'Tc^s

iv 'EpfJLOKa)iJ.y

Ttro5 $Xao[uio? 'Acr/cXTyTTiaSTjs Svi'i'aSews olkwv iv Aaovt^jofir) (Srjt'.) Avp. Mei/ve?5

a? SwT/DaTo[v
Avp7]kLo<; 'Api[efJL
T/D07roXetTo[v

Mt^-

Auya. 'Att-ttS?

/8'

[Krt/xei'Tyvos

Au^. 10
vo<?

'^(i)Kpa.Tri<;

["EwKparovs Kovcrea(Sr;i/.)

/cal

Swi'aS[ei;s
[

Avp.

'ApTefi(jDVO<;

Avp.

IlaTTia? rTaTTiow

Avpr). ML0p7)<; Aa/xa Ma[paXXtTeiis.''? (St^v.)

7.

Error of engraver for nom.

This fragment is closely related to St. 375, 8-10, and 373, 43 Menneas, 4, son of Sostratus, St. 373, 19. (not 376, 34).
6.

Quoted

as

R.

V.

At Gondane

in
:

cemetery on bomos

broken to right: much defaced. (R. 1886 published Of the Review, 1905, p. 420.)! early group. HeVoi TeKp.op[eLOL 5 Zwtiko? Mai'8[
5. Perhaps read Ma;'[ou "Ao-KXiprtJaSiys Sv^vJaSevs be room for this.
;

in Classical

but there seems hardly to

did not communicate this small fragment to Sterrett.


it

Since then

have

been able to restore


1
restore
1
it.

in part.

did not communicate this uncertain text to Sterrett, hoping to be able to The stone has not been copied by any other person and I vainly searched
;

for

it

in

1905.

332
Tov
e]/f

W. M.
^(OfjLou i[voLrj(Tau?

RAMSAY
dSr]<;

avv

d8e[A.<p&>

f*

(^ois?)

Twv

[i8i]<wv

[fLeyaXn

eXXtw
trui'eo-TrouSao-PPjei'

*A]pTcyxt[S]i T17 [^ea

Quoted brought from a


7.

as R. VI.
field

At

Saghir

fragment said to have been


to Sterrett for publi-

(R. 1886, communicated

cation as

No. 384).

Ivos

[* [*

KXevcrjriavd?
o]u K[L]vvaftc[pev<;

*
TAiieiVr^g
[*
*[

Kti

?]iJievr]vo<;

*
/^vjos

ua'

'lojuXievs

oi/fjoiv

ev

on fragment brought to the Saghir to communicated Sterrett for publication as No. 1886, camp (R. 383)
8.

Quoted

as R. VII.

At

OiK(t>i>]

iv ['A]X[youi/tois

oIkwv iu

,]kC(J/a7^
'

oiKcJv iv]

AvirekaSi
AaTTTOVKo^TJTrji;

iv

Kaj3

?]d/3/co(,9

K]{a) KeLTr)[<; MaXrjvo?


7.

a,

on

stone.

9.

Quoted

as R. VIII.

At

Saghir.

(R.

1886, communicated

to Sterrett for publication as

No. 382.)
BoaXiavov
?

A. Left.
cVi di/ay/3a^W5
Zjft)T{t]/foG

'ApTefjL(i)vo<;

MeveKXrj^ MeiXctr/xeo?

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


MapKOS VXvKWVO^
5 0e/i,icrwv
'

333

AaTTTOKCJIXTQTT]^

%Lpy(ov IlavXeLVOv rap8v/3iav6<;


Atttto.

'A^a^ei)?

HaTTas

A.pTpn,h(x)pov

AavKrjvos

Tito? Te/aeVrto? KapPoK(ofi'i]Tr)<; MdpKO<; KoveLVTO<; Ko'lvtov vtd?


Ar)fjia<;

'A[iT\o\^krjC\ov

Kap/3oKMiJ.TqTrj<;

10 Map/cos Faibs

Kpa8prjv6<;

'ApTp.iZo)po<; IlaTra KavKrjv6<i

ZwTtJcbs 'Attttci naya8rji'09.


B.

Right.
['EttI
I

^pafievTcov 'AXe-]

^dvopov 4 IlaTra Ma5

^
;

i^aoK(jip,rjTov [/cat]

^ipiov
See R.

Kap[yx'>^]i'OS.
I.

A
10.

2.

15

perhaps read MeiXa

(Aa)T(U,os.

Quoted

as R.

IX.

At Saghir

(R. 1886).

Aup. A[

Avp. Ko^vTos Avp. 'At[

Avp. 'Ip^av
Avp. M[

Avp. K[
Avp. MiKi[

Avp. n[ Avp. A[
11.

Quoted

as

R. X.

At Gondane
Venia Pontia
L. Pontius

(R. 1882,

St.

367).

M.
SA, R.
(St.

2.

SM,

/itr, St.

Quoted as St. 369. At Saghir. more 1886, completely in (a), omitting (b)
12.
(a) inrep
iJ/cTj?
Trj<;

1885

reviewed R.

entirely.)

Kv]pC(Di>

tv^%
I
.

koX

\y-

Kol alcovCov Sia/xovTj?


pi<x)v

TV)^

omitted by

St.

334

W. M.

RAMSAY

Kol Tov crvviravTO^ avTov olkov


croiTr]pia<;

avea-Trjcrav

SevoL
a-

5 TeK/io/aetoi Tv-)(r]v ;^aX/ceov iTj[L


u]a,'ypa<f)o<;

Avp.

IlaTra. 81s 'Acn[i.TrpeLi,r]vov

8]ous iirihocriv */y(f)a

Avpy^Xio^
(b)
cttJi^

M]evva<;

di'tt-

ypa)4,{e)-

ws] Av[/).

fJic[v
3.

First

N
St

6.
7. 8.

AT,
r, St:

omitted by ACT, R.
:

St.

it is ; engraved above. See p. 363 f.

/r, R.

Omitted by R.

Apparently the beginning of a


St.)

list

of names.

These words (seen only by


:

are probably an addition in:

scribed later in the blank space at the top corner the text should be restored

cp. R.

I.

Perhaps

Aujja.

or

Ai{prjkiov 'OTn[d-

'Atttto.?] 'Ottti]ju,o[v

TOV

AioTei]ju,o[u

Quoted as St. 370. 1886, when 1. I and part of 1.


13.

At
2

Saghir.

(St.

1885
*

reviewed R.

had been defaced.)

MeydXr)]
TT}]?
T(t)[v]

''Ap[Tep,i<;

virep

illegible.

K[vpLa)v] A[vTir^r)<i
:

T^iKparopoyv
1.

KOL -^dXy^wfjia lO Kai Tr)v euKoua

[6-

St.

has

AP

R. nothing.
8

2.

K
St.

8.

and A, only St. makes g follow


St.
:

7,

numbering

it

R. marks the

loss

of

8.

9.

AK,
to

AX,

R.

Owing

the misapprehension

described in

iii.,

St.

gives

the correct

reading only in his

Appendix,

p.

368.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


/cat
viiKrj';

335

koX

ioiVLOv Siaix,ovr]<i

eas 'Apre'/AiSos {ttjv ev rw irpova^lo}


0.73(0 /cJeijaeVi^i/

aevoL Te/c/Aopeiot dvecrTTjcrav


11.

KAI

St.:

AC

R.

and

are often hardly distinguishable


[Ilepyjc'a
,

in
is

the

Tekmoreian

inscriptions.

G. Hirschfeld conjectured

but there

not

room

for this.

12.
13.

Hf,

St.:

N, R.
St.

Ai and

PM,

At Saghir (St. 1885 14. Quoted as St. 372. This may be heading of St. 373 or 374. d-yady 'r]vxV HeVot TeKfioprjot
iirl

revised R. 1886).

di{aypa]<^cw? Fatou
['OXuyLiTTO.'']

TapyiXiov
K(l)fJ,y]TOV

Koi ySpaySeuTou
5.

'

Afxvi^TOV ^ojwioivo<;

Compare

St.

375, 8; R. IV. 14.

15.

Quoted
1885
:

as St.

373.

At Saghir:

in

the turbe above the

village (St.

revised R. 1886).
oIk\(i)v

Sufi^JaSevs
Zo)TLKo<;

ev\ '0\Lfj.]a.vdp(i) (St.

374, II
Xatv

?)

Swi/JaSeu?

oii^wi' eV '0/3]opais

* *

0/

*t/>i'a'

* wa' 10 Avjp AoC/fis A[ou/<iou Vi}^'f]vo<i Aii]p Ttos Avp. <I>o[. .] ZwTt/cos KariT^veiTi^s Ka/3tcoO uios ySov,

XjeuToO 'AfTio^ewi'
I
.

For

only

in

1.

Perhaps Tejprio?.

copy of R. Two names seem to be mixed here through error of the

engraver.

336

W. M.

RAMSAY
*
xjjKe

Av]p. 'A)8ao"Kai'T09 'A^.efa^8pov TaTa7)Uo<;


*

Av]p. 'ApTejJLiov 'AX.efai'Spou


'

'PeKOK0!)fjLrJTrj<;

xjja

Avp.] Mei't'eas
Ajv/D.

*
ApTefj.a)vo<;

KvovreLV[v<;
* *

i//a'

AouXos

^pfioyevov MapaXXtrf^ei;?
*
'%ayovr][vo<;

i//a'
i//a'

Aii]p. 'AvTTJuwp AefictSow Kit'i'ay8[opew?

r]al"os

AoXXtos Map^ou vtos

xva
[y]X.'

Avjp 'EaxTTpaTo'; 'Apre/x.wi'o? KvouT[en'eu9

20 Av\p 'ApSpdyadoi;
Av]/o

*
Mr]i>a,TTov [Kjepaov
Y/ce'

'AXe^avSpo<; KapiKov "iXXa X[vvvaSe]vs

*
X*^'

Av]p 'lovXios Ka/3iKou 'louXteu? oIkcov iv


Au/a] XapLTOJv

va'

AvklBov MaXr)vb<;

tt/dos

Xajp.a '%aK7)vov
/cat

*Ya'
*
i^a

Av/d] 'OpecTTT^s "Ai'Spwvos

Ev/i,e[z/ei)]s [6]

['OX/Aiat-os *

25 Avp]

'Epp.rj'; *Ip,ez^os
fi'.

naTe['/;i'o?

[(^JTrc""

A]up. 'ApTeficjv

'ApTe/i,iSc<j[pou

...

*
t^oe'

A]up. 'Epp.oyevrj<s 'ApTe[/xwfos


Ajirp.

'AX^'favSpos Mevt-eou

... ...
'

*
(^o'

<i^a'

A]up.

KapiKo? Kapi/coS
Mevt-eas
*I/xei'os

naTe[T^]i'Os

^^a'
<^i^a'

30

Ajiip.

Oi/cer/vo?

* * (hpa

A]up. Ila^ras Mapiwi^os KXavT[-]rji'o<; A]up. Ilairtas 'Ep/xT5Sos 'louXtevs olkmv


A]iip.
ii>

*
'A[i']8[i]ats
<^/c[e'

Ztori/cos ZwTiffov 'ATTaXr)vo<;

* AjKi

Au]p. Mei'i'eas Aio/xi^Sot; 'Pei'/Seai/os

<i)K:e'

35

Aii]p.

Iju.ai/

ZwTi/foO AiO(j>oivov IlTayLavos

* (ha

A]up. ZwriKOS 'Aprep-tScopou MciXtjj'os n-[pos X&)p,]a


Tijros AaiTwpios Ttrou uios KaXouT;i{o9]

*uoe'
*
uoe'

A]up. Aa8>y9

Mei't'eoi;

KTtjuei'iji'os

A]up. Mevi'ea? "I/acvos Ileo-Keft'arr^s

* v^e'

40

A]vp. 'AXe'l^ai/Spos Kapi/coC 'Ooi;ii'iaT77S


16.

*u^'

Not AoC[8]os; AovSa?

is

the usual form of that name.

20. K omitted by engraver's error.


24.

CYMCA,
in

R. (the

last letter

equivalent to a mutilated

N)

C-

MC

St.

40. a for

number,

St.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


A]u/9.

337

Aou/fios KopvTjXCov Si/AtK/ceus


'AttttS? 'ATTTTtt Kpa(TLavb<s Sovto^
'Atttto,

A]up.

[*

vva\

Av\p. 'AttttSs
A]u/3.
I/Aar'

Kt LfjLeur]vo<s
TvLTrjvo';
Xt/At/c/cews

ArjjjirjTpiov

45 Av]o.
Aii]p.

Ijuai'

'AXefa^Spou

vva

KapiKO's Evyvcoixovo<; 'ASaSeus


Krt/^tei'r^i^os

*VK
*
'

Au]p. 'ATTTra; Aewi'os


Au]p.

Mcweas Meuveov MapakXirevs


'^cl)1^oi'to<;

TTTC

Av\p. Aioyeurj?

Ai,aTopr)i'o<;

*Toe
Toe

50 Aup.] KapLKos 'AXeK/cas MayDaXXtreus Aup.] Mei'veas ZotrtKou Ma/xa IlecrKei'tarTys


-

AtXio? Aiovvcn<; AvKaovev<; npo^ euSov


Met't^eas 'ApTep<ovo<; Tvlttji^o?

%
* *

Avp.
SS
16.

t[

Za)T[iKov r

Quoted

as St.

374.

At

Saghir

stone behind

mosque
5)

(St.

1885

revised R. 1886).
I)U,av?] 'Ai77ra

Avp.

HaStai/ds /SovXevTrjs

(St.

38

1,

Avp. 'Ap^ep.Mi'

(i>p6vT0)uo<; Kivua/Sopev^ Avp.] Met'i'eas 'Zvj^t po\(f)ov Fpe/ceTji'ds

Avp.j A0V/C19 AouK'ioii Ft^r^fos 5 Avp. 'AXefavSpos 'A/courou Neoc^urTjvos


A]up.
A]u/3.

[>'
i/i/

t&oiySos

'AXefavSpou

'E/c/ceavds

Tei/tapi^[os] 'Apre'jU.wi'o? Bapov/cXtai'os


A7jfirjTpio<;
Ip.ei'os

Avp.

'A7T[oXXJa)^'taT7^s

^X[

A]up. Kapi[Ko]? IlaTra NciSer^fos

10 Av]p. 'A;8acrK[a]f TO? 'AXefaySpou Tara[7jj'o? A]up. rXvKaiv 'AcrKXT^TTiaSou SvcvaSev9 oIkwv iv ['OXijLtavapco
St.

373.

I-

*
Aii]p.

'ApTCficju

'AXe^dvSpov

'F^ko]ko}jx7]T7)<s

xpou

Avp.] Meri^eas 'ApTp.a)vo<; KvovTi.vev<;

Avp.] AovXos 'EpfjLoyevov MapaXXirews 22

338

W. M.

RAMSAY
*LX]'*'
[*
vio<s

15 Avp.] 'AvT7]voip Ae^idBov Kivvafiopeii?


Av]p.
Ta.LO's

AdWto? Mo[/)kou

'%]ayovr)vo<;

X^
x[^^'
X*^

Av]p. 1,(o(TTpaTos ['Apre/Acoi'o? KvovTiyev<;


'

Av]p.

AvBpdya0o<s M[7]vdiTT0V Ke/jacrtajyos


'AXe'^ai'Spos [KapvKov
'\ovki<s

Avp.] Elprjvalo^ ['AXefavSyaov AovSaS-^vos )(aXK[a Tpt,a?

20 Avp.]
Avp.]

"iWa

'Zvuva8]ev^

Ka[piKov 'louJXievs
tt/dos

X**

Avp.] XapiTCov [AvklBov MaXyji'O';

Xwfxa
/cai

*
"^a^KTjvov

x^
X'*-'
[x]''"^"''

Av]p. 'O/aeo-Tijs [^AvSpcouo<; Evixi>evs 6

'OXju.tai'ds

Aup.j 'Ep/Aijs

['l/nej/os
y8'

IlaTC'/ji'os]

25 Aup.] 'ApTe/xa^u

'ApTe/AtSwpou]

Aw/D.] 'Ep/xo'y[ei'r^s 'A^re/xwfos]

Avp.] 'AXe[fav8po9 Mei'i^eou]


Altp].

ZtOTl[K6s

*
Airp].

Ka/3i/<[os

KaptKou

IlaTeTyj'o?

(j)va

30 Aup].

*
Met'i'[as 'l/iei^os 'Oi/cerjt'os
.

^va'
<f)va'

Av]/3. na7r[as Mapiwt-o? KXai^r t^j/os Av]p. 'Api(TT[68rjpo^ or -okXtjs, see R.

*
III.

15, 42.

Au]p. na[7rtas 'Eya/Ai^So? 'louXieu? olkcjv iv 'A[v]8[i]ais


Av]/3.

Ztt)[Tiws ZiOiTiKov 'ArTaXr^vd?]

35 Av]p. Mei^i'ca? Aio/itjSou 'Pei/;8eavds]


Au]p.

na77a[5
\p.av [ZwTt/coO Aio(f>dvov nrayiai'os]

AJwp.
Av/3.

Zw[rtKo? 'ApTefiiScopov Ma\rjvo<; Upo';


eus

Xw^Ja XaKiqvov
*W7j{e?
[* vJttc

TtVos A[ai7w/3io9 Ttrou uios KaXovT^vos)

40 Avp.
A]u/3.

"l/taj/

Ajup. Aa[S7;s Mei'i/eov KripevTqvh^

*ue'

Mo{ve'as

*I/i,evo?

Ilecr/cei^tarr^s]

*v^

A]u/3.
Av]/3.

'AX[f]ai'8po9 [Ka/3tKou 'Ooutviarrys]

*v^
*v^
* vva
*
3.

KapiKo?
'ATTTTois

'Euyi'aj|jLtot'09

'ASaSeus

45 AJup. AouKts Kopvr)\iov [EifjUKKevs


Avp.
riaTTa K[paa-taj'os SJovro?
19.

vva

fAA.]

in copy.

See St. 379,

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


Avp.
Aup.
'ATTTTtts

339

'ATTTra [KTLixivrjvos:]
i;[va

A]vp. HeVoJV ['AXefa]v8yD[ou] No[(^]utjjvos [So]us


I/xav
'

r[a]rou TXovrjvo'i

vva
VKe
TTTe

50 Av]o.
Av]p.
Au]/).

^ij/itti/

A\[^dv8]pov

X[i]iJiiKKev'i

'A77-7ra[s

Aewros

K]n^i/i7j/os

Me[i'vea? Mevve'ov] Ma[p]aXXiT[eu5

*T77e'?]
?1 TTTe r

Av\o. Atoy[ei'rj9 S&j^ovros ALaTopr)vo<;

Av]p. Mefj'ea? [Zwri/cou

Ma/^a necrKeftaTi^s

'TV

55 Av]p.
. . .

"ifiav

VIS AtA[ios Ajtoi'ucrt? AuKaot'eus Trpos evSot'

TK
TO.

noXii//.ay3yr^t'09

Avp^

Ka/)tK[os] Ar)py)TpCov MapaXXi.Tv^


'

re *
(T/A

Aujp. Met'i'eas

ApTep.o)vo<s TevLTrjvo'S

60

Au/D.

'Ettiic ?]/3a[7]js

M
At
Saghir
(St.

17.

Quoted
npo] a

as St.

375.

1885

revised R. 1886)

Of

the earlier group. K[aX.] Mata[s


?

(AFA
?

R.,

ATA

St.)

inl] dvaypa(f)ew<; Av[p.

Mr)v]o8cL>pov AovKeCo[v /3ov\evTov *


*Avr]to;(ecus S6pto[<;

5 iirl

Ppa^euTOiv Aup.] npwT{a) 'Ai'a/cXirov 'Epfj^oKCjjXTJTOV Aup. Z]wTtKoi) tov kol 'Eppov T^ykcov] OS Sui'aSei^s Avp. KaJpiKos yidvov 'AKpo7]vo<;
cai

Avp. Aopviwv 'ApvvTov MrfTpono


Avjp. 2w/cpaT7;s
/8'.

*
Xetrr^s
(f)a
?

x
*

Kovcreavo?

lepeix;

10 Au]p. ZwTt/cos KwKoura? 'EppoK(i)pr]{<;) Av]p ZwTLKos Mctvov SovcrtXou K


IlaijStcrKO? 'AvTtd^j^ou
Aii]p.

Sw(i')aSeus

v^e

apprjvo^ *v[
OS
Trj<;

Kappiqv

%X
VKe
*

FXy/cwi/ 'Acr/cXi^TriaSou 'EcrovaK(opTj

EjTTt ^paL^evTcov A 'AX/ci/aou AXKcpov HaTra rjvov


1

VK

'xt

Atttto,

Falov AaTricrTpr]
AiokXtjSo? IlaTrar^t'os
KX[ejX-/yi'o

vov
* v

<t/3'

Avp

At]o/cX-^s

K
ve

Avp. *A]7TaXos KapiKoC

340

W. M.
Avp.
X]a.pLT(t)v

RAMSAY
vds
7r(p)os

AvklSov MaX[T7]

Xw[j.a

Aup. A]Xefai'8/3os 'AXe^avSpou

[A]t[a]

Toprjvo';
TTTe

tttL,

20

ZojtikoC TeTdr]uo<; Av/3. Ai]oi'U(rei(os) 6 Kal Av^dvcov [Kit-] nJocriSwvios

Avp.

Avp.
Au/3.

'AySJctcr/ca^'Tos

Mocrxou NeiSetai/

valBopevs * Toe 05
OS

HeV?]cov TkvK(ovo<; Kapp.-qv


11

*T ^a

Avp. Fajeios Faeiov Mov^tjvos

Tve
epoKLavo<;
*

25 Av/3.

Hejt'wi' 'AcrKXrjTTiaSou

Avp. TlaTT
Avp.
'lo-

?]ias

Mev(v)eou

Tv{l)t7)vo<; *
cjo'

Avp. Kapt ?]k6s Kapo-evSeus


PJiSwpos

MeuduSpov Na^ouXevs
Ka/xapyr/v

*o-a'
[09 [*Ta'

Aup. ^ArjraXos

'EiTa(f>paSo<;

30

Mcv]e/cpaTr/s Mrjvo<f)i\ov

[ovp]/Siai^os

NBOK
18.

Quoted

as St. 376.

Saghir

(St.

1885

revised R. 1886).

)SovXeunr)s

So[us
Aiip.

(8'>jv)

ttj^

Xap,:r]poTaTT7s

'ATroXXcovtaroii/

TrdXews

Ma/(e8wv
rrj<;

MapKou

Meve/cXeous

Kao-wviari^s
irdXecos

^ovXevTr)<i

Xav7rpoTaT[7js] 'AvTio^ewv

Sovs iTrtZoaiv
(817V.).

^A*A

E]utux[]? M[ Avp. S/fVfi PJi/os Memi'Spou


5

ot/cwv eV
'A[p]ao-i[^]evs
Kri/ACi'iji'ds
oikoji'
(Sr/i'.)

Aup. Zjwcrtjjxos Aup.


/ce

/8'
''

^rC

A
*

Svt-t'JaSevs

(Sr;i^.)

^rC

]s

Ma/ceSdi'os Sui'i'aSeiis

eV 'AXyoj^tois

(STyz/.)

cVi )8pa^eu]rwv Avp. Zcdtlkov Koivtov

'OXui'77-oK'a)p['>7]7o[u

Avp.

S]ui'i'aS[ew]s o[t]K'oOvTos

ct{

Avp. 10 Avp.

Avp.


VIO\
TAI,

eV '0;8dpa([s * Z]a)TiKoS Sui'i'aSevs oi/cwi'


(8171'.)

'Ao-KX7y]7ria8ov 'Apacri^evs

^FA
(Srjv.)

SwvajSevs oIkmv iv MavSprj


(Five lines lost.)

TA

5.

AtYCKT,
St.
:

St.

\ACYCKT,

R.

9.

FAI, R., with note that

is

certainly wrong.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


17 Avp.

341

21

'

oIkS)v i]v OC[.

.]COIC

{h-qv.)

,BI

'A^TJe/xwv Aoi(kiov

26
32

FAI
Aiip.] 'Oi/ifcr[t]/i[oj?
[

TTj?

KoX(ui'ia[s 'Ai^rto^eias oIkuv iv Il^XLy]dv(o SrjV. Sut'J'aSeu? ou]


X.av]7r{jo]o[r]aT7y9

'A^A'
Avp.] ZwTt/co[s

]ou

Swi'aSeus oiKotv iv K^ovfiakiTTOi

hiqv.

'A[XN]A'
Avp.]
'ATTTTtt?
A[T7-ira]

35 Avp.] ZwTiKos
Aup.

A[a]<^ucrT/3eus \hT)v.

'AX]NA'
(Stjv.)

NNOC[

/cw/i,>fTTys

'AXNA
'AXA
Zwtikos

'AttttS? 'A[7ro]XXo[SoTov] *l{ep]K((oKw/LtijT]T^s

(St;!'.)

Avp. "l/xjat- Aa/xaSo9 roC [ hiqv.] AXNA 'ArraXov Avp. KJa^i/co? 'At-ireXaSTji^ds

Aup.]

Au^.]

'Ot-T/crt/AOS

ZwriKou Svi'i'aSeu?

oIko}v iv [llejXtyavw

St^i/.

.'A*NA'.

40 Aup.

l,]vvTpo(f)0<;

Mvi[ov
otKwjv

8r)v.

'A<I>]NA' Ai{p]. Zcotiko?

yS'

riecr/cet'iaTT^S

(S'?i'-)

ej/

XovfjiaXiTTa) S-qv. 'A<I>A'


Stjv.]

Avp.

N PJewv
M[

Ei^vcijaot-os 'ASaSeus
]tas 'Pa[tT7j]v[d9
T

'ATN'

Av[p.] "ifiav

nAC KPATHC
45

HaTrta? 'AXe^dvSpov Ai^ijvos

(Sr?!/.)

>T.

Ajvp. IlacrLKpdTrj<;

Avp. FaX/Sa? Faiof

Ai/x.ei'tas

HNAN

^vvvol]Sv<; oIkovvto^ iv
[-'^^/^-J

IIPE

'Ai/7reX[a8i

MapaXXi PJT'ei^s

Pw
ICOYM

Aiiya.

Map/cos 'Otttoltov M.iK<x)vidi\r]^ HX109 HaTTiov TifrTjvds


]?

naTrJiou Nwj'[
33. 33,
for

(Stjv.)

^ATA'
text very doubtful.

KOYM

is

clear in both copicj.

34 and 35, 36 begin


St.

in the

same way

and R. omits 35,

35 perhaps Avp.] Zo/rtKos


41.
42.

['ApT]/[*[<o]vos.

has

A* A.
St.

Compare
Is

373, 46.
dittography of 44? it is not given by R. or irpi seem to be an engraver's error.

43. 45.

IIACKPATHC
letters -qpi

The

342

W. M.
Avp.
Al]o^'^;o^s
[

RAMSAY
^ATA'
,ASNA'. \vp.
ZajT(,/c[ds

yr)v6<; {Srjv.)
(B-qv.)

50 AIK

6M
'

>TA'
i^V^-)

Avp. K]aptKo<; M[

NIAATA
Avp.] Zwtik6[s

Avp KjapiKos
55 Avp.] UairCa?

^ACA'. v ^vvvaSev?
]

Avn-e]\a8r}v6<;
(Stjv.)

Avp. 'ATTTras 'A\^dv8f{ov A' ouKcav] iv AXyovviv^ Srjv. ,AC


'

Ke/sao-tai'ds

On
(i)

Avp.] Av^dvu^v the other side of the stone are two names

a<j<jov
:

h6vTo<;
(8tjv.)

Avp.
1.

[npicTK'Jos

MaxeSdvos

Aa/xt[o-]rjvo9

^BCNA',
(2)
19.

in three short lines.

He

occurs in R.

III. 26,

and belongs
1.

here to about

15-17.

XatXiapeu? {^W-) ,^^'as St.

^^
(St.

belongs to about

20.

Quoted

377.

At

Saghir

1885

revised

and con-

firmed R. 1886).
irpo
/ca]X.

M[aias

Au](p.) Av^\av(i)v
MT]TpoTr]o\ecTy)<;

Av\p. 'AcrKX7^7ria8[ijs 'AXe^5

dvSp'^{v) 0eT{^7jvd? (R.


'

III.

4)

Av]p.
ficDvo};

AcrKXr)Tnd8r)['i 'Apre-

KvovTeLv[ev<; (R.

I.

63)

*Xy
10
Avp.] 'Epfirj? 'A77[7raSos
K[p]aSp7)i^6<;

Avprj

.''jA.ios

'Ainj[a<;

]os

Av]p. "ifxap Mei'i'cou [IlecrKei'taTij?

(p.

353)

15

Av^.] Ka/3t/cos Mace8[dvos

Tvpa-q ?]vd?
Avp.] Av^dvoiv
IlyDovjjoeicrr/Jevs

Avp. Mevjfeas

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


20.

343

Quoted

as St.

378.

At Saghir

(St.

1885

revised and con-

firmed R. 1886).
eVi ^pa^VTu)v 'AttJciXou Xap[iTa)|f]o[s %vvvahio)<i\ oIkwv iv nt[\t yp.i\(ii

KoX Avp. 'Epfijoyevov 'Ep


KO)ix]rJTOV

[ju-jew?

A[ao-

BovT 05 *

xpoe

9 J^LVva^opev^. 09 vo<; XovpjBtavl

ClJK

(ua

LKov

/3'

'Arret
*

Mjapcrtai'o?!* (ok

OS KLUua/SolfleiK; oIk(i)v] iv 'AXyt^e] 019

wa'
<ua

Xtavos

' *

xpva
\jjva

(X) vo<;t

21.

Quoted

as St.

379

(St.

1885).
[Evp.euv^ 6 kJoI 'OX[^tat'09
'

Xvp.

"AvSp rat09 Mavoif Avp.


'OpecrTrj<;

?]&>i'09

Au/3. Elpr}Uo<;
Aif^.

'AXe^dvSpov Aov8aBr)vo<;

)^aX/ct[a r/aia?

Kapi/co9 'AXefavSpou Ka^ci7Tj9 MaX77i'd9 a fragment of a duplicate of St. 373 and 374 In 2 probably raio9 Mavo(u). 24, and 374, 23, 19.

This

is

see 373,

22.

Quoted
:

as St. 380.
letters

At Saghir
faint.

(St.

1885

revised R. 1886

more complete)

very

AvprjXia OvevovcTTa
Zevcr^i8o<;

rwv] iBiwv

10 dvaXcopdrcov

di^e^tTTt]-

KXeucrrtai/orC
5 'Ap)(L'ydXXo[v
TTJ9

(rev
/jllSi

'ApreSaTi.v[p-

/Al8o]9

^e]a9 'A[pTeTOV de[/c

^i-Cv^V ^^X'
ijv

vhpidvTa

7.

o]?

in copy.

344
23.

W. M.
Quoted
as St. 381.
:

RAMSAY
:

the village (St. 1885

Saghir revised R. 1886).

At

fragment on the turbe in

*
a]ur)vb?

inl /Spa/SevTwv] Avp. Av$dvoi[To<;.


5
/cat

Avp.

*I/xe[vos

'ATTva] IlaStavo? [fiovXevTrj<; 'AvTio\eLa<;

Avp. Mei'veas

Zwti/co.'']u

Ilkovpi,a[Tpv<;?

(R.

Avp
10 inl

*AcrcXi;i7-i]a8r;s

'AX^^dvSpov
finis
'l7r[ir

[&vpcrr]v6'; (R.

3?) HI. 4)

*...]
fjLLcrdcjTov
'

'ETrJiKparou
7roXeiT['>js
/ca[i

AvTi.o)(\ev<s

'A]Xyi^US

Sui't'aSeu?

'Acr]KX'>j7ria[8ou
s

*
(fifia

15
(b)

CI

On

back of same stone


K]6lvt[
]u

(St.

1885, only).

Ma[Ke8dvos

Mei
/

-K(fji.y]]rr)<;

*
3.

Compare R.

I.

15, St. 382, 2.


is

6.

False concord.

The

restoration from St. 374, i,

improbable

r/I 7, 8.

24. Saghir.

Quoted

as Call.

I.

In the fountain
is

rough

soft

stone

worn

letters.

The

inscription

in a pointed p)ediment (Cal-

lander 1906).

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


[D.]

345

M.
i

T[I.] C[l]a[udio

V]

c e

o n

4
Ti.
vioiVL

sacerdoti
KX.auSi6j
lepel

D[i]an[ae
YLvyy]-

'Apre/xtSo?.
ixvyjiieio)
/ca/cais

OS
8
3. 4. c
is

oa>

TOhTO)

Tw

Troirjcr7)i,

AFAIA

aurw

yevovro.

represented in

the copy by a symbol like K, or IC placed very close

together.
4.
5.

The

Imperfect traces in the copy suggest that the name was Deanae. the reason rendering of Vicenio as Eiyr/n'wi' is remarkable
:

is

obvious.

Icenio

is

original

tempting, but gives no reason for the Greek form (the Latin name is the the Greek has no independent existence) ; he was a freedman of Claudius

in charge of the estates,

and

as priest

of the goddess practically vice-king and ruler of


or d[p]i
explains the use of Latin. avTuj ytVoiro, but neither
u[i']

the people (see p. 309).


8.

His

Roman connexion
yi'oi[i']TO,

Perhaps a[p]at avTM


:

is

satisfactory

or ayia, or a[p\aia (Aesch. Jg., 1398).

The

copy

is

difficult.

25. Saghir.

Quoted

as

Call.

II.

In the fountain (Callander

1906)

worn

letters.

o avTos %KvjU,vos

yeivea-Oat

BG

Kol

e[T]i

NOC

Act Ka\[a-

CTTiKaTakei-

Kayadio) v-

5
2.

{or]u.)
I

p.

e/c

TOKOV
copy.
:

second

last letter in

6. 7.

word

is

Perhaps read [K][p]i'os, a mystic vase used in the Phrygian ritual generally masculine, but Hesychius has it as neuter.
:

the

This deity, 7. Last letter \ , either a or \ perhaps KaA.[Ao-] should be read. Zeus Kalokagathios, if this be the true reading, is a strange form of the Anatolian The form Ad is sometimes See Index. god, invoked here on behalf of the crops.
used in Phrygian Greek, B.C.H., 1887,
p.

493, Mous. Sm.,

i.,

p. 37.

346
VI.

W. M.

RAMSAY

MEANING AND AIMS OF THE TEKMOREIOI.


and Ziebarth
(see
iii.)

were wrong in The deciassigning a local signification to the epithet Tekmoreioi. sive passage is R. III. 34, Avp. Aov/ctos Aovklov Ft^Tyj/os TeKiJLopev(ra<;
It is certain that Sterrett

S15 {SrjvdpLa) ra.

The same

person occurs in

St.

373, 10,

[A.v]p.

AouKis A[ovKLOv Fij^T^vos {8r]i'dpia)wa, and St. 374, 4,* [Aup.] AoGkis Aovklov rt^T^i/d? {SrjvdpLo) [.'']w[a.J. Lucius of Gissa f son of Lucius,
iTKfj.6pevcrv twice
;

the

first

act

is

the

amount of

his subscription, the

recorded simply by his name and second more fully (unique in the

whole of the lists). The second entry proves that the whole series of inscriptions record the performance of a certain action, reKp-opeveLv, by a series of individuals, who evidently were styled TeKfiopeloi, after
they ireKixopevcrav.

The

nature of the

list,

then,

would be expressed
former

by a phrase

like otSe iTeKp.opevcrai' or ol TeKfiopeva-avTe<; (the

like otSe iirrj-yyeLXavTO

Mitth., 1890, p. 261

Ka\l eVjeSw/cai^ kt\. at Mylasa Cariae, ^th. the latter like ol lcreX06vTe<; eU Trjv yepovaiav

ktX. at Sebaste Phrygiae, Ciiies

preamble of R.

The
The
it

may question now


I.

602, No. 475). therefore be restored as given above.


ii.,

and Bish.,

p.

The

arises

what was the action


verb
otherwise

called TeK/xopeveLv.

character of the inscriptions as a whole shows emphatically that


act.

was some religious

The

is

unknown
;

it

was

and it is induand the period connected with and an old and dead epic bitably re/f/Awp TCK/xopetoi, word revivified in that artificial Greek of Phrygia, and a derivative
certainly an invention of the society

invented to designate a

and therefore
institution,
*

this

but as

Everything about it is artificial Society cannot be regarded as an ancient Phrygian one devised to suit the situation and circumstances
Society.
;

new

St. 374 is an improved copy of St. 373 ; two antigrapha were kept (at different places, perhaps) ; but they differ in order of names. f Gissa or Gisza, a village east of Ak-Sheher (Philomelion), Anderson in J.H.S.,

113: Carian yia-aa "stone". The form Aovki<; for Aoukios is a common phenomenon, best treated by Prof J. H. Wright in Harvai-ii Studies, vi., 1895, pp. See p. 133 of this volume. 55 ff., and Benseler in Curiius Siudien, iii., pp. 150 ff.
1898,
p.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIExNDS


of the third century after Christ.

347

may, however, confidently say that the action called reKfj-opeveLv was made a part of the mystic that ritual, which formed the chief part of the Anatolian religion
:

We

follows

from the very nature of the

religion.

the specific character of the religion of these estates is as was inevitable and natural that it united God and the Emperor.

Now

Such was the character of the State religion Minor, and especially on the Imperial estates.
mystic
ritual, certainly,

in all the cities

of Asia

The

addition to the

must have had some


other words the

relation to the conjoint

deity, the

Emperor

in

Tekmor was some solemn

sign and pledge of the loyalty of the celebrant to the Emperor and
his service.

can hardly be mistaken in connecting the institution of this solemn secret symbolic act with the greatest political fact of the third
century, the war between the State and the Christian faith.
critical

We

The

that time turns on his attitude to the Christians


real

and determining question about each successive Emperor at and the test of the
;

import of every event then

is its

the Christians and the State.*

bearing on the relation between The alliance between the State and

the old pagan worship was made in order to strengthen resistance to the new faith. Persecution was regularly accompanied by an out-

break of pagan devotion, a sort of revival, as has been pointed out in my Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 105 ff. I know no other place
;

traced in detailed acts between religious revival and popular persecution of the Christians, though Mommsen argued (in a large degree rightly, though too exclusively) that perseis

where the connexion

cution was due mainly to popular excitement hounding on a governIt is perment, in itself unwilling, to put down the Christians. missible to regard the excitement and the revival as engineered by
the government to

some

extent.
be rewritten from
a

*The
more
social systems

history of the

statesman-like point of view, viz.,

Roman Empire urgently requires to how the great struggle


field

of religions and the

which they implied was fought out on the

of the Empire.

348

W. M.

RAMSAY

sign and pledge of loyalty was publicly exacted from all who were accused of Christianity, viz., the offering of sacrifice or even The sign and seal' of loyalty was simply incense to the Emperor.

demanded of
Domitian

Examples growing fervency of the pagan religion in time of persecution, acting on the Emperors and at the same time stimulated by them, probably,
are quoted in that chapter,

truly loyal persons in Asia during the persecution of of the {Letters to the Seven Churches, loc. cit.).
all

one

at

Acmonia dated

a.d.

251 under

Decius,* another in the same place dated a.d. 313 under Maximin and Licinius,t a third on the Imperial estate of Tembrion con-

temporary with the


ject has never been

last

all

worked

these relate to one family. As this subup, I may add that a memorial of the

same

from Galatia may be recognised in the tombstone erected by four children, Am(m)on, Apollo, Manes, and Matar (all bearing the names of gods ), to their mother Anna, another in the brief
class
(j)iXov at Temenothyrai (Cit. and another in a remarkable inscription of ii., p. 495), yet Appa-Serai in Isauria which has been so misapprehended by the first editors that it must be repeated here.

Map/fou YlokLrjTov

(j)LXo(r6(f)ov TravTcou
II

and Bish.,

26. Appa-Serai, published

by

MM.

Radet and

Paris,

B.C.H.,

1887,

p.

63.
Ylainra. OiryaT/ce

Ma %
yjp,

twv ayiwv, ck twv


SCmv avekafiev k

l-

napOeuo?
te'peia

Kara ye/ce

vo<;

rrjs

0ov

The mention of
In this pagan reaction,
* R. in Refue
des i,t.
ii.,

the aytoi is when the language of the Fourth Gospel was


Am., 1901,
p. 566.
xi., p.

6 eKepapwcrev tov t'adt'. clearly due to Christian influence.

p.

275

f.,

corrected 1902,

p.

269.

\
%

Cities

and

Bish.,

Souter in CI. Rev.,

138

Cities
ii.,

and

Bish.,

ii.,

p.

790.
is

On Manes
p.

see

Cities

and

Bish.,

p.

566.

The
that

inscription
it

published in

J.H.S., 1899,
estate.
II

84,

by Mr. Anderson, who shows


II

belongs to

an Imperial

See p. 25.

The

editors read

M. A.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS

349

taken and adapted to express the ideas of the new popular philosophy * quoted above), it is not (as in one of the Phrygian inscriptions of the renovated the congregation temple should be strange that
called

by the Christian
first, I

"
title,

the saints ".

The

Christian tone

is

so

evident that, at

reading d(oT6K)ov in

was disposed to make the inscription Christian, 1. 3, on the supposition that the copyists might

have omitted a sign of abbreviation (which might be worn or illegBut that would require the date of the inscription to be the ible).
fifth

and the character of the text shows that it century at earliest It may confidently be can hardly be much later than a.d. 300. The divine names Ma and placed under Diocletian or Maxentius.
;

of the kind that were commonly applied to human beings in the pagan reaction, and the machinery of the Christian Church,
XlaTTiras are

the

Virgins and the Saints, were naturally borrowed then.


lost
its

The

temple had fallen into decay and


to

roof,

when

it

was

refitted

accommodate the new votaries of the old

faith in a land

which had

already

become almost wholly

Christian.
:

it was a Such, then, seems to have been the Tekmor pledge of It seems posloyalty to the State in its contest with the Christians.

sible that the

exordium of R.

I.

defined the character of the

Tekmor

more

seems a strange place to hold the could hardly be anything but a double archway, a ceremony Should the word be restored as dative of the subtemple of Janus.
clearly.
:

The

SlvtIXoi']

it

stance through which the Tekmor was given, or shown, or performed, ? But it e.g. otSe iTKfx6pV(Tav t]w 8t7n)[paj ein, ava'ypa(f}]ea)<; ktX.
is

hard to see

fired bread.

the sign could be exhibited by means of the twiceIt is, however, noteworthy that the Galli fasted from
;

how

ordinary bread (Arnob., adv. Nat., v., 16 It will be shown in the following

TertulL, Jejun., 2 and 15).


that these

vii.,

Tekmoreian

documents
forty years.

fall

into

Most of

two groups, separated by an interval of thirty to the short lists must be assigned to the earlier
*
Ciiies

and Bis h.,

ii.,

p. 566.

350

W. M.

RAMSAY We

period, and they evidently belong to a time of revival and restoration are reminded of Pliny's experiof the old religious ceremonial. a.d. after a little activity on his part, ence in Bithynia 111-3, when,

there were

many

recantations, the ceremonial

and

sacrifices

in

the

temples were restored, and doubtless dedications were


to those recorded in these

made

similar

Tekmoreian monuments. To have one's name on any of these lists was equivalent to the carrying of a Ubellus, or certificate of loyalty and conformity to the State religion, which was bestowed in Egypt and elsewhere. Probably many of the names In the lists are those of Christians who recanted. It remains to ask what is the reason for the existence of two inscriptions of the earlier period,
lists, St.

373 and 374

which approximate to being duplicate the names differ in order some occur in one
:

but the apparent omission to the fact that both stones are broken and both
list,

but not in the other

may

be due only

The amount of
the two
lists,

lists incomplete. the donations, where ascertainable, usually agrees in so that they cannot be records of subscriptions for two

They cannot be regarded as duplicate records, much but they may be two independent records of the same enrolment. It is much to be desired that excavations should be made at Saghir, or at least that some good
for they differ too
;

different purposes.

should spend a week or two in this region and


search.
VII.

make

epigraphist a very thorough

CHRONOLOGY.

period to which these inscriptions belong can be determined more narrowly. In publishing R. I. for the first time, I it about but this is too early. In the first place the placed 225 relative order of the must be fixed thereafter we longer inscriptions
;
:

The

can attempt to determine their date absolutely.

That

St.

373 and

374 (which are nearly duplicates) are a generation older than St. 375. 376, R. I., III., IV., and that the latter form a group
contemporaneous, though probably R.
I.

is

nearly the latest in the group.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS

351

seems to follow from the following review of the persons whose names occur in more than one inscription.
avaypa(f)ev^ as restored Avp. [At] fM7]TpLo<;] in R. III. 40. Presumably, he was an older man, 'Ovrja-Lfjiov occurs when he became Anagrapheus, than when he was simply Tekmoreios.
I.

R.

8-10.

The

Therefore R.
whole, to the
13.

III.

is

earlier

than
(as

R.

I.

though belonging, on the

same generation
first

we

shall see).

The
is

Brabeutes Aur. Alexandres son of Alexandres


III.

of Thyrsa

younger brother of Aur. Asklepiades of Thyrsa R.

(see note).

Aur. Timotheos, son of Demetrius, occurs also in R. III. 36 ; he lived in Marsia first, later in Karbokome, pp. 355, 367 presumably these must have been neighbouring villages.
16.

21.

22. See, note


32.

Skymnos, son of Asklas, on R. III. 25.


Posidonius Artemonis
St.
1.

is

father of Cornelius,

1.

27.

is

not the same as Posidonius alias

Auxanon, 21, but is son of Artemon Phrontonis, St. 374. 375, 34. Loukios, son of Karikos, who is the same as Aur. Karikos, son of Papas, in St. 374, 1. 9 therefore St. 374 ( = 373) is a whole
:

375. omitted by the engraver before oIkwv cf. * but St. 373, 21, "ikka these tvvpaSv<; kvp AXe^avBpo'i KapLKov can hardly be the same, for then we should have R. I. and St. 373
49. [ZvvvaSevi;
'

generation earlier than R.


?] is

I.

and

St.

contemporary

usually R. 51. See note on 56.


:

I. is later.

But

see p.

354

f.

53. Zoticus Zotici Imenis has four brothers, Karikos, Arzanos,

Papas, and
105.
series
It

Maximus, who showed the Tekmor below, 11. 61, 92, 93, might seem from this fact that the list extended over a

of years, and that these five sons, as they reached a certain age, but this supposition must be rejected. performed the ceremony
;

The names

in

R.

I.

form

a single

list,

according to the amount of money


*
Possibly

arranged on one plan strictly subscribed, and dated all in the

IMA.

352

W. M.

RAMSAY
;

same year.
for each

The
year.

other

lists

also are dated (so far as recoverable)

and some contain the

list

of more than one year, with new dating

new

was

special activity

Presumably R. I. belongs to a year when there among the Tekmoreian association. As so many

brothers

ireKfjiopeva-av in the

same

year,

it

is

evident that the cere-

mony was not connected with the reaching of a specified age, such as " the " coming of age or the assumption of the (oga virilis. The Xenoi from 56. Ampelada form a connected group two
:

sons of Attalus, Artemon 51 and Karikos, St. 376, 1. 38 two sons of Karikos, Severus 56 and Alexander 96 two sons of Alexander, Quintus 98 and Menander 107: finally Attalus son of Menander.
: :

But the stemma


by

impossible, either that there supposing


as

is

common names

and must be shortened in some way, was more than one family with such Alexander and Attalus, or that one or two sons

have been omitted.


In this uncertainty no inferences seem deducible

from the

Am.'']ias

peladene names. 65. Karikos Menneae Menodori

is

perhaps brother of [Pap


(St.

Menneae,
is

St.

375,

1.

26.

Menneas Artemonis

373, 53

=
:

of an

earlier

generation, probably brother of

Menodorus

374, 59) but this

supposition would place two generations between the earlier and the later group of inscriptions, and therefore it must be regarded as very uncertain. See below on R. III. 38.

Menneas Papa Artemonis K. is not a younger brother of Appas Papa K., St. 374, 46 (for St. 373, 42 mentions the same person as Appas Appa K., which is probably preferable Appas Sis would be the commoner, though not invariable In 97 Menneas form).
66.
:

Appadis K.

is

son of Appas

Appa

Appados and Appa were both

used as genitives of Appas. Thus R. I. is usually a generation later than St. 373 (= 374). his father Iman Demetrii occurs 84. Zoticus Imenis Demetrii
:

373, 44 a perfectly decisive proof that St. a full generation earlier than R, I,
1.
:

in St.

373 (= 374)

is

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


R.
III. 3.

353

MdpKO<; 'Otttoltov Mt/cwvtarT;?, St. 376, 1. 46. see on R. I. 13. 4. Thyrsenos Asklepiades Alexandrl Th. is of Alexander T. in R. I. 67. son Asklepiadis probably 'AarKXrjWLdSrfs
Cf.
:

'Atttto. [0]u/Do->ji'd?,* R. I. 103, may be a cousin of Asklepiades here. See also 'Aor/cX7ri]a8i79 'W^^dvSpov], St. 381, 8.

If we restore Av]p. "l/iav Mevveov [necr/cet-iaTT^s in St. 377, read Iman elder brother of [Zotjikos, 1. 24, who we can here 13, also occurs in R. I. 116. Avp. Z. Meveov IlecrKei'iaTT;? (so in my

II.

I.

copy 1886 and 1905), and son of St. 373, 39 Avp. Mevi/ea? "I^evos II. This makes R. III. nearly contemporary with R. I., and a generation younger than St. 373. The epitaph of Aur. Menneas Imenos
is

would prove
Sheher.

perhaps published by Mr. Anderson in J.H.S., 1898, p. 119, which that Pescenia was a village on the estates S.E. of AkPescennius Niger must have passed near to the Cilician Gate.f
it

in his retreat

from Nicaea

14. KXai^Sios Ma^LjjLov 'E^a/seus, perhaps son of Ouecrcr/Atos

Mafi/xo9 Ficr^T/i/d? R. another see below.


:

I.

19.

Gisza and

Ezara were near one

15.

Al^'Jo/cXtj? "Ai'S/Dwi'o?
"

may

be younger brother or nephew of


]

Avp.

'Opia-TT)';

Av^p(x}vo<; [Evju.evews] 6 Kai\in


life

in St.

373'
St.

^-

^4-

family had become settled village the connexion and engraved city forgotten. ' Avhp\<j}i\o<; Evfjivevs 6 /c]ai 'OX[jLttavd.

The

since St.

373 was
379,
i

See also

Restored conjecturally as son of Alexander, St. 373, 1. 21. 9 i\r)fjLr]TpLov MapcTLavo'; is elder brother of Tet/Ad^eo9 19. The latter is called Kapj3oK0)fjiyJTrj<; in R. I. Ar)iJ.r)Tpiov M. in 1. 36.
16.

16.

Therefore R.

III. is

of the same generation as R.


is

I.

25. Avp. 'Apre\p.(ov Av^dvovTo<; KeXvuidrT)^ of Avp. 'Aprepoiv Mevveov KeXovevLdrrj'; R. I. 22. 26. See St. 376, end.
*C

perhaps cousin

YPCHNOC
I

slip

of engraver.

f Hence

prefer to regard the Pesceniate

Menneas Imenos
St.

as

the one whose

epitaph Anderson publishes, rather than the Oikecnian,

373, 30.

23

354
28.

W. M.

RAMSAY
five

There can hardly, be more than


is

letters

lost,

and

the last

either
is

or

or

or

not
I

'AvStrjvos

probable,
i.e.

cf. St.

373, 32, where

Zw[craSos] ) read in 1886 oIkcov eV

or

A
St.

A AlC
29.

[Avp.
He
III.

'4v]S[i,]ais.
]s "Ifj.evo';

11. is

brother of Av/a. 'Epfirj? *I/xevos

IT.

373. 25.
32.

109

R.

appears as Avp. MeveSrjfJios 'A\e/ca? Kr. in St. 366, is contemporary with R. I.


in St.

1.

34. Lucius of Giza also occurs

373, 10, 374, 4.

It

is

evident that they record the first occasion when he showed the Tekmor, while the present inscription records the second. On the

occasion he gave 801 denarii, on the second only 301. 35. F"rom St. 373, 29, 374, 29, there is a temptation to read Ka^oiKoC instead of MdpKov, supposing a fault of the engraver, but
first

chronology

is

against that.
1.

The

text

is

certain.

36. See on

19.

38. Probably AvSpaydOov is omitted after Mr^varros by fault of engraver. This restored Andragathos is mentioned as Avp.

'Avhpayd0o<; Mrfvarrov Epcrov, St. 373, 20, where [K]e/3o-ou may safely be read, as there is a gap before EP, and in the duplicate, St.

The name of the MlrjvaTTov Kepacrtajt'ds. village was therefore Kersos or Kerasos, with ethnic Kepacriard?. The length of interval between St. 373-4, and R. I., III., etc.,
374, 18 the reading
is

is

determined by the fact that at least one man, Lucius of Gissa, appears in both groups. Though the case seems quite unique, a posremains that there

sibility

may

be other similar instances not expressly

For example in R. I. 49, if we are right in thinking that XvpvaBev^ is omitted before oIkcvv, Alexander Carici may be the same person as Alexander Carici Illae, St. 373, 21. The latter was
mentioned.
living in the house of his grandfather and ... of Illas," whereas Alexander Carici

was known was known

as
as

"
"

Alexander Alexander
in

of Caricus," because
his father's

his grandfather
(cf.

was dead now and he lived

household

pp. 100, 300).

Thus

the priority of St.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


373
case
is
;

355
in this

maintained, even

if the identity

of person be admitted

and the general chronological principle would stand that the persons mentioned in St. 373 f. are mostly a generation older than those of R. I., and where identical are youthful while in R. I. they
are elderly.

two groups must be less than fifty years, than That there was and probably not more twenty-five or thirty. a considerable interval seems to follow from the number of fathers
interval between the
in the first

The

group whose sons appear

in the second.

publishing R. I., I specified the date about a.d. 225, arguing that it contained names taken from Pescennius Niger (1. 1 13), from Septimius Severus (11. 48, 56), and from Marcia (1. 14), first
In
first

wife of Severus, honoured with statues after his accession

and

then

made

the happy guess that Marsia

was

a station

on the Roman road

half-way between Apollonia and Antioch, i.e., near the north-east end of the Limnai (confirmed now, see note above on R. I. 16) that Lucius was the commonest Roman name ; and finally that Aur., used as
;

praenomen by almost

contributors and by very few of their fathers, marked out the generation which was living in a.d. 21 1-2 17.* This
all
:

reasoning is confirmed by subsequent discovery, except in one respect the expression Avp. Aou/ctos Kapt/cov was wrongly taken as implying that Caricus had not the praenomen. It is now known that he was

Thus the reasoning only Kvp. Ka/Di/cds (note above on R. I. 34). that than a.d. 211. the not earlier were proved inscriptions
later than St.
It is a generation is now pushed lower down. earliest about are at a.d. 211-230. and 373-4; they But other considerations forbid us to go down very late. There is a

The

date of R.

I.

total absence

of names marking the period towards a.d. 300.

The

as praenomen was, I believe, used there It is now abundantly justified ; yet quite a proof of date. number of writers since have stated it wrongly. The use of Aurelius as a nomen implies only a date after the middle of the second century ; it is only the strictly non-

* This observation about the use of Aur.


first

for the

time

as a

Latin and incorrect use

-iA

praenomen that proves the date after 211.

356

W. M.
in

RAMSAY
earlier

names even
later period

the latest inscriptions are of an


as they

type.

The

names Flavius and Valerius do not occur


;

were used

in that

for <P\. in St. 373, 11 (which approximates to the later


.
.

type)
is

and T. Flavius Aslclepiades, R. IV. 3, copy 4>o of the type of the old Flavian dynasty, a hereditary name in the
is in

my

family.

fair

mean

date for the


A.D.

two groups would be


I., III., etc.,
:

215-225, say 218

and R.

St. 373-4 about This exabout 245-255.


:

of entries in R. I. it belongs to the pagan plains the vast number of and its revival of the reign Decius, probable date is 250-1 a.d. The later' R. I. is not of Diocletian's time (1. i, single Emperor).

group

is

mostly

at

Ganzaia, the earlier at Sagoue.


to date.

St.

375
'>

is difficult

Aur. Chariton,
it

18, occurs also St.

But 374) ^2373) 23 Aur. Domnion, 8, occurs in R. IV. 14, and perhaps in St. 372, 5, while Socrates, 9, and Zoticus, 10, probably occur in R. IV. 9, i. It
in the earliest group.
is

This would place

therefore practically certain that St.

375 and R. IV.

are

contempor-

aneous.

Appas son of Appas might be the same as St- 376) 34 now probably St. 376 is one of the latest lists. On the other hand Appas is a very common name, and Appas son of Appas
8,
:

But R. IV.

occurs in 373, 43 and 374, 47, also perhaps in 373, 42 (but cf. Therefore St. 375 and R. IV. belong to the first group ; 374, 46).

and

St.

372 may be part of the heading of either 373 or 374.

VIII.

ECONOMICS.

The whole
the
lists,

question of the relation between the Anatolian vilcity


is

lage and the Hellenic


as

by a formula that often occurs in an example of which we may take the phrase SyvvaSev?
raised
I first

oiKOiv iv KavBpovKcojjirj.

When
I

began to study the


".

" a citizen interpreted this phrase,

the village

Kandroukome

social system revealed in R. I., of Synnada who has settled in But the late Prof. G. Hirschfeld, in his

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS

357
p.

review of Prof. Sterrett's Wolfe Expedition, GdU. Gel. Anz., 1888,

587, proposed a different and tempting interpretation, viz., that Kandroukome was one of the villages in the territory of Synnada, and that
the person mentioned with this phrase was ranked both by his city and by his village. In Histor. Geogr., p. 41 1, 1 stated that I abandoned my

view and was " indebted to Hirschfeld's paper for full comprehension of the facts ". This latter interpretation, however, led to no further
progress
:

nothing came from

it

it

did not illustrate, and was not

illustrated
test

by further discoveries.

of a theory lies in its power of illuminating other facts subsequently observed. After some years, therefore, I was driven back to
opinion.

Experience shows that an excellent opening up the path of progress, and in its

my

original

Usage

is

entirely

on that

mula

for metics

and freedmen

oiKOiv iv is the Attic for* it is resident in a deme commonly


side.
:

used in the inscriptions of Asia


e.g., 'ETTtyoi/os

Minor

to denote resident strangers,

[Mei'JSato? oIko)v iv 'M[vTi\\y]vrj (Paton, Inscrip. Gr.

Ins.

Lesbi Nesi Tenedi, 409),

'ATTtt/xeia (Cities

and

'AprefjLwv 8ts Bish. of Phr., ii., p. 471,

Eu/capTreus oIkwv

iv

No. 310).

This view
of this
class

seems proved

in the present case

by the

fact that persons

appear as Brabeutai t of the village union, which seems to imply that


those citizens of

Greek

cities

had abandoned

their citizenship

and

taken up residence in one of the villages whence the association drew its members. In other words, they went back from Hellenism to Orientalism and the " village system ".

We
menon.

are, therefore, face

to face with a remarkable social


citizens

phenolike

Persons,

who had been

of Hellenised

cities

Synnada, were going back to the land, settling in villages, and revertI have frequently ing to Orientalism during the third century. argued that this reversion occurred extensively during the third

and

Hellenism died out, and that the Oriental In Miss Ramsay's paper at the beginning of the spirit revived. In the Tekmoreian the effect on art is exemplified. present volume,
later centuries, that

*
Cf.
e.g.,

Todd

in

Annual Bnt.

Sch. Ath., vii., 198.

t See

ii.

358
inscriptions

W. M.
we

RAMSAY
Phrygian cities where the

see the individual citizens of Hellenised


cities

abandoning their

and

Anatolian villages, settling in the

old Anatolian social system prevailed, and where such Hellenic ideas as citizenship and municipal duties and powers had never taken root.
It

can hardly be by accident that so

many

citizens

of the

during neighbouring surroundeducated from Greek a of Such domicile century. change is Oriental circumstances quite out ings to native, non-Hellenic, and It seems to of keeping with the earlier Greek or Roman spirit.
spring from two causes. The first cause was the revivification of the old Oriental character in the eastern Provinces
:

cities settled in these rural villages

the third

the native spirit had lain


it

dormant

during the spread of Hellenic education, but the second century to recover strength ; and
vinces

when

began already during the Eastern Prosteadily forced

grew more and important

in the

Empire and

the centre of gravity towards the East, till at last Constantinople became the capital, they were not Greek lands but Oriental, or at
least

informed with a new mixed character uniting Greek, Roman,


all

and above

Oriental elements.

more

Secondly, the conditions of life on the Imperial estates were attractive than in the cities. The burdens imposed on the

citizens,

ing, as time

almost solely on the well-to-do among them, became crushwent on and the old free city-system was transformed

into the Byzantine system.

The Tekmoreian
later system.

inscriptions

seem to

show the beginnings of the

The double designation by city and by village of the persons described just gives some good examples of the method of expressing the alternative designation. Either designation was in itself complete, and they were really mutually exclusive ; a Greek citizen could not
strictly

be or become a villager

being made.

The
:

interesting ; some seem convincing

but yet in practice the change was ; variations of expression are therefore following are more or less restored ; but the restorations

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


Avp. SwK/aarrjs Avp.
IV.
10.
*

359

/S"

Kov<Teav6<;

St.

375,

9.

'S.wKpa.Trjs [Sw/c/jcitovs

Koucreaji'os 6 kol %vvvaSv<;

R.
373,

Avp.

'OpcrTy]<;
1
;

AvSp(ovo<s JLvp.vev<; 6 kol 'OXjuiavos

St.

R- "I- 1524; 379. * Avp. ZwTt/fos KwKouTtts


10.

'E/3/i,0K:w/Ai7[Ti7s]

Svi^vaSeus

St.

375,

Avp.] Za)Ti/co[i) Kw/couras R. IV. 1,2.

Sut'i'aSews] oi/coi'i/ro[s iv 'EpfjioKcjiirj

Avp.] 'Ioi)\i9 Ka[/)i/cou 'loujXieus (Sijt'.) ^a' Av]p. 'louXios Kapi/coi) 'louXteus oIkwv iv [
22.

St.

374, 21.
]

St.

373>

The meaning of 6 which has a justification


strictly

/cai,

denoting alternative names, each of

in different circumstances,

though they are


is

speaking

inconsistent

with
f.
:

one
it is

another,

discussed
in

in

Review, 1898, pp. 337 especially names belonging to two different languages, as when a Syrian or Phrygian has a native name among his own people, and a Roman or a Greek name in Roman or Greek social and political relations.
cases of
Strictly the characters

Classical

common

the

are

and names, Phrygian and Greek or Roman, inconsistent with each other the same man cannot be both, but
:

he

may

be either in the appropriate surroundings.

IX.

ZEUS EURYDAMENOS.

At Genj-Ali {i.e. Young-Man-Ali, a name often modern travellers as Yenidje), on the north-west misrepresented by
27.

(R. 1887).

corner of the Limnai.

Avp. Mei'veas
i6/oeus

Ti.fj.odeov

Napa^irr^vos
rj

A 109

EvpvSaixrjvov koI

crvpfiio';

avTOv

Avp.
*
is

Tpo<f)Lp[r]

TrpojTavXo'i Aios Ovpvhap.'qvov,

{wre?.

On

this genitive
:

ending, see above.

The

accent of this non-Greek

name

quite uncertain

perhaps Kcukoutus would be better.

36o
It

W. M.

RAMSAY
:

was usual that the wife of the


official in

god Trophime was the leading fluteThe mention of the flute shows that the god was not the player. Hellenic Zeus, but a Phrygian deity, an outwardly Grecised form of the great god of this district, Men Askaenos, on whom see xii. The importance of music generally, and of the flute and cymbals in
archiereus and archiereia
:

female

the service of the

should be the leading a married pair were regularly


priest

so here

particular,

in

old Phrygian

ritual,

is

well

known.

Societies

of

Hymnodoi,
dervishes,

etc.,

who danced

to music (like the

modern Mevlevi
is

whose chief centre is Iconium and whose music and cymbals) were found at all the old religious centres
Bish. ofPhr.,

of

flutes

{Cities

and

ii., pp. 359, 630). In form the strange epithet EvpuSa/ATji'ds looks like a local Zeus of Eurydama but more probably this is mere exepithet, ternal appearance, and the word is really a compound name, the
;

second part being the name of Men, and the first being some Phrygian word. This compound name is so Grecised as to suggest the mean" " but that is only a false appearance. ing widely conquering
;

probably a real variant, nearer the original Phrygian compound name of Men, and not a mere error of
Ovpvhafj.rjvo's in
1.

The form

is

The name Evpv/3dXi.v8o<;, applied to Dionysos, suits a engraver. " derivation from vpv<;, for Ba\.7Jv in Phrygian meant king," and the Thracians called See Anderson in Dionysos ^dXiv. J.H.S., 1898, p. 96, where he publishes a fragment of three words Zeus
Eurydamenos.
ff^o/fe

The same

deity occurs in R. III. 12

f.,

mentioning and in Sterrett,

Expedition,

No. 589, where tepeus Aios


is

V.x{pvhaiirivoi]

must

be restored.*

The form ^wre?


a statue

noteworthy

there

is

great variety in the use

may

TO oyaX^[a 6(ovl] NtiKa.Topo'i in the end of this inscription must probably be of Seleucus Nicator ; and the existence of a cult of Nicator beside Apollonia be taken as a proof that the city was founded by him and not (as Prof. G. Hirsch-

feld argues, Gott. Gel. Anz., 1888, p. 592)

by one of the Pergamenian kings (Eumenes

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


or omission of v before dentals in the inscriptions of Asia side of the thoroughly Hellenic cities of the west coast.

361

Minor

out-

The name Genj-Ali

is

probably a Turkish modification of the

ancient Banboule, revealed by a Christian inscription of Tymandos. 28. (Sterrett, Wolfe Exp., No. 564, recopied by me in 1905) my copy gives the first line complete.
:

Aprdficov KaXXi-

v]

Kevrjvov

jfj crv^Cco
jxtj-

av^Tov)

wvjos iTToCrjcra to k-

^dpuv
t/do?

jxvyjfiy)^

Avp. 'lov^iavrj Av^dvovToifjirjTrjpiv


o]<;

Avp. Kvpias

M-

wpoSop-vov BavjBov\iqvrj<;

VXavKov MapKOit

In the rest
1.

generally confirms Prof. Sterrett.

Sterrett restores in

6 ^A\K(.vr)vov, quoting tottov 'AKiva. in his No. 504 to illustrate the ethnic, but in that fragmentary text 'Akci'S. is a personal not a local name restore [e'^ovcria ia-r^ tottov ^Ak^vo., " Akenas shall have the I privilege of the burial-place ". thought that the ethnic here was
:

probably K^v-qvov
suspicious name graver's error for

there seemed

no space for a
in St.

lost

A.

The very
be an en-

Ka6aHNO

gap C

375, 17

may

KNHNO(.
X.

TOPOGRAPHY.

may
cally,

The great number of local names mentioned in these inscriptions be divided into (I.) cities and (II.) villages. The latter, practiinclude
is

all

places

which are not

in

the

first class.

The

first

class

determined
list

especially the

of

cities

by knowledge obtained from other sources, coining money and the list of the earlier
bishoprics, as

bishoprics.
less

The

later

might be expected, show much

The agreement with the names in the Tekmoreian inscriptions. second class may again be subdivided (i.) those about which something can be learned from other sources (ii.) those of which nothing can be gathered beyond the fact that they are mentioned in these
;

lists.

362
(i.)

W. M.
Places

RAMSAY
money and
as bishoprics.

known

as cities coining

Adada
-

in the Pisidian

mountains.

Anpelada, i.e., its citizens also Antiocheia villagers,


:

Amblada.

St.

373, 11

376,

2.

Apollonia.

Dabenai (no

coins).
its

Eumeneia

citizens

become

villagers.

Julia in Paroreios (the bishopric Ipsos).

See Eumeneia.

Kinnaborion (no coins).


Limenia, the bishopric Limnai (no coins).

Lykaones, see

class

ii.

Malekalessi in the Pisidian mountains (R. in Annual Brit. Sch. Athens, 1903, p. 259) the geographical expression
:

Malos

placed at

used in the inscriptions is obscure it TT/Jos Xw/xa 1a.Ky)v6v, dently intended to distinguish this from the Cilician Mallos.
;

is

evi-

Also,

the term Ka^eirijs MaXiyvd?

is

obscure.

Metropolis.

Papa,

i.e.,

Pappa, thirty-five miles west of Iconium on the road

to Antioch, St. 375, 14, 16.

Synnada. See Eumeneia. Tenia, Atenia in the early Notitiae, probably at the north-west end of Bey-Sheher Lake (Karalis) see R. in Annual Brit. Sch. Athens,
:

1903,

P-

253 (no

coins).
is

Tityassos, assuming that Tyita or Teuita with the termination -sso dropped.

a variant of Titya,

These are the round it. Almost

cities
all

immediately adjoining the Estate, lying all the cities of this large district are mentioned

except Lysias, which seems here absorbed in Oinia, i.e., OinanOva, the native name of the valley where Lysias was situated (R. in Cit. and Bisk, of Phr., ii., p. 755), 2 Parlais, 3-5 Misthia, Vasada,
Zorzila,
all

three rather

more

distant

and

difficult

of access (none

coined money), 6-7 Neapolis (no coins), Anaboura (no coins), 8

Apameia.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


Besides these sixteen
there are

363

two,

Archelais and Attaleia,

which are distant


coast or in
(ii.)

cities,
(it
is

one

in Cappadocia,

one on the Pamphylian

Lydia

doubtful which).

to have been villages, not ranking nor as cities, nor coining money, seats of bishoprics, but places that In this class may be reckoned retained the old Anatolian character.

The

following are

known

all

those places which are named as the second migrated from cities to settle in villages (see
villages in

homes of persons who


vii.).

We

may

fairly

assume that the


Antiochlan

which they

settled

were situated on the

estates.

This applies to Oborai, Esaboureiai, Algiza,


etc.

Algonia, Andiai, Astibia (or Astibria, see below),


ethnic
in

Afion-KaraAkroenos, form, Hissar, two miles north-west of the city Prymnessos (R. in Mitth. Hist. Ath., 1882, p. 141) cf. Ganzaenos, Imaenos, Poimanenon. Algiza, the name occurs as Argiza, bishopric in Asia, and
the
fortress
:

modern

Algiza in Hellespontus {Histor. Geogr., p. 107) must be a village nearer the Tekmoreian centre.
Algounia,
Tyriaion.

but here Algiza

now

Paroreios Phrygia, in the territory Ilghin, in

of

Anagos, or Olimanaros, a village near the Tekmoreian centre. Andiai (St. 373, 32 and R. III.), a village not remote from the

Tekmoreian

centre.

Arasiza,

modern

Aris, or Aghrls (silent gh) near Siniandos in

the Orondian territory.

Astibia
faults

Askara, modern Uskeles, village south of Lake Karalis. may be regarded as one of the numerous engraver's
for

Astibria,*

word
Cities

Bria, town.

The same town


380, 13 f
,

containing the well-known Thraco- Phrygian or village can now be restored

with confidence

in St.
ii.,

and
*

Bish.,

'A^re/xtSt taTn^^eit,rjvfj. pp. 382, 616, the various forms which Bria
BIA, with note "room
for letter

Now

in

and

My

copy has

ACTI

between

and B, but

impression made by Callander also shows no reading on the stone therefore may have been Astirbia.
trace ".

no

The

trace in the gap.

The

364

W. M.

RAMSAY

Brianus took in Phrygian are discussed, and it is shown that the city Bria of Phrygia was otherwise called Berga (modern Burgas), and that
the ethnic Preizenos (for Upeyrjvo';) is used in an inscription, Berianus in a Byzantine document. This epithet of Artemis is therefore local,

formed from the town

Satibria.

Whether
:

Satibria or Astibria

is

more

correct cannot be determined

they were doubtless both used.

Attea,

i.e.,

Attaia, the villages of Attes or Attis, doubtless a

common name

Bish., ii., p. 132), which cannot here be taken as the Lydian town. Azara or Ezara, modern Azari-Keui, east of Philomelium (on the railway), a village of the Imperial estate Dipotamon or Mesanakta.

(R. in Cit.

and

Dao-kome, Jackal-village (Phr. Saos = ^ws), was not far from Kokuler, a village about one hour from Gondane near the road to Antioch (and about half an hour from Sagoue) as appears from
the following
:

29. (R. 1886).

Kokuler.

St.

364

correctly.
crcavCa
r]

Faiou.

kol 'Ajx-

fxia TKvco ^[Xu-

Tiro? <I>\auios
Acr/fXT/TTiaSi^?

KVTa.T(o
fjir)<;

(j-vt]-

The
giving
base
it

KC KpLcriTivrj Kicrplacing of the child's

^a]piv

The arrangement

more prominence, is is more common in honorary inscriptions on the of statues, e.g.. Am. J. Arch., 1888, p. 283 (Pogla), Marquardt,

apart as a superscription, thus rare in the epitaphs of this country.

name

PrivatalL, p. 27, Sterrett, IVolfe Exp., No. 419 (Adada, restore gen. or dat. here, T. Flavius Asklepiades according to regular practice). is mentioned also in R. IV. he was a native of who 3
:

[Synnada?],

had

settled in

Dao-kome.
i.e.

Eireumenia,

Ireumenia.
for L.

This may be taken perhaps

as a

form of Limenia, with R.

Esaboureiai, a village not remote from the See also Oborai.

Tekmoreian

centre.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


Esouakome
:

365

Soua, either the village Soa on the Imperial estate

of Tembrion, or the Pamphylo-Pisidian bishopric Isba, i.e. Isoua. Ganzaia (the ethnic Ganzaenos gives the modern name Gondane),

one of the Tekmoreian centres.

See also Koundoia.

Giza or Gisza (Carian


in J.H.S.,

gissa, stone), a village east

of Philomelion

1898, p. 113), probably the modern Kolu-Kissa, (Anderson on the road direct from Philomelion to Psebila and Archelais.

Gordiou-Kome can hardly be


p.

574, who says it priest of Zeus Abrettenos and priest-dynast at Comana Pontica in the name Juliopolis often occurs the time of Antony and Augustus
:

the village mentioned by Strabo, was renamed Juliopolis by Cleon, afterwards

later.

There were probably more villages than one of this name. Hermo-Kome, perhaps in Tchul-Ovasi (Campus Metropolitanus),
in J.H.S., 1898, p. 342.

see

Anderson
Holmoi,

on the Great Eastern Highway or Trade-route, between Metropolis and Julia-Ipsos (Strabo, p. 663). Imaion or Imaia (ethnic 'I/ixaTji'os), the modern Imen on the
village

west borders of the hilly Orondian country. Cf. Ganzaia, AkroeAmaion nos and Poimanenon {Histor. Geogr. As. Mitt., p. 158).
(Aju.ar^i'os)

R.

I.

is

doubtless a variant of Imaion.

It is the village

of

the goddess

Ma,

with prothetic vowel


St.

Ama
:

or Ima.
a rude tribe

[Kabjorkoi, restored in stream of the Sangarios.


in the

383, 6

on the head

Kaloue, called Kaloe and Koloe in Not. Episc, a large village See Sagoue. upper Cayster valley, now Kelas.

a village

Kandrou-kome, modern Genlije (south-east from Kirili Tenia), on the Antiochian estates. The ethnic KavSpuavos R. III. perhaps belongs to Kandroukome.

Karbokome

see above, pp.

309

f.,

351376,
2.

Kasonia, a village near Antiochia, Katiena, a village near Antiochia,

St. St.

373, 11. Koumalettos, a village not remote from the Tekmoreian centre. Koundoza or Koundozia, a remarkable name (R. I. 70, R. III.

366
20),

W. M.

RAMSAY

which can hardly be separated from Ganzaia (R. I. 47). The and Z in Anatolian names in certain cases is well equivalence of A
established,
as in

Nazianzos-Nadiandos,

Arianzos-Ariandos,*
or

the

variation in vowel between

A or
:

and

OU

is

also

frequent,

as in Halala-Loulon, Atroa-Otroia-Otryai, Attalos-Ottalos, Tataiou-

Tottaiou, Tatas-Tottes,
in the first letter
is

etc.

f the variation between surd and sonant

Kol

o)?
is

due to the rough pronunciation (jTa^eLa rfj yXcoTTrj KaTTTTaSd/cats avv-qde'; was equally true of the Pisidians),

and

ancient exemplified in the modern pronunciation of many in one -ia 1 here remains only the variation of termination names.

case, -za

or -zia in the other, which disappears


is

when we consider

that

here

an attempt to represent

in

Greek the Anatolian sound

Y(yod).
Kousea, a village not remote from the Tekmoreian centre. Laptokome, perhaps the same as Apakome of Galatia (see
Histor. Geogr. of As. Miti., p. 246).

Latmos may perhaps be a village on the Carian mount Latmos, though names from the Aegean region hardly occur in the TekThis name depends on the doubtful restoration moreian lists. MeiXa [Aa]r/u,eo? in R. I.
Limenia must, evidently, be connected with and situated on the Limnai. It may be identified with the bishopric Limnai, and has therefore been given under class (I).

Lykaones the Inner, so distinguished from the people of the This people probably inhabited the district called country Lykaonia.
Cutchuk-Sitchanli-Ova, a mountain glen and region, south-west from Afion-Kara-Hissar see Cities and Bish. of Phr., ii., pp. 664, 694. They formed a bishopric, but struck no coins.
:

Lykio-kome, must probably be connected with the Lycians who along with Thracians formed the body of coloni settled by Seleucus Nicator in Apollonia. Apollonia is the only one of the Greek
*
Histor. Geogr. of As. Min., p. Histor. Geogr., pp. 189, 353,

285

Classical Reviev;, 1905, p. 370.

437.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


garrison-cities
coloni
;

367

in

Asia Minor, where the new

settlers

were called

and

this points to

constitution

of the

city.

something peculiar and distinctive in the If the Lycians had their own distinct
called co/oni in inscrip-

the reason why they were village and lands, tions and coins would be evident.

Mamouta or Mamotta (?), village of Mama, a name of the goddess Ma compare Adramytta from name (divine.?) Adramys.
:

reduplicated the personal

Mandra, sheepfold," was probably a common village-name. The one which is meant here can hardly be the modern Mandra, two hours north-west from Surmene (near the Mandri Fontes
mentioned
16).
It is

"

in Livy's

more probably

account of the marsh of Manlius Valso, xxxviii. a village near the Tekmoreian centre.

Marsia, a village near Karbokome at the north-west end of the Limnai (see vii., note on R. I. 16). On the situation as half-way station on the road from Apollonia to Antioch, see p. 355.
Misylos, placed by G. Hirchfeld {GoU. Gel. Jnz., 1888, p. 590) with great probability among the Pisidian mountains near Tymbriada.

Mordion, may probably be connected with Apollonia (which Stephanus says was originally called Mordiaion), and regarded as a
village in
its

territory.
I.

49), a village not remote from the Tekmoreian The ethnic occurs as NeiSTjvoq R. I. 34, NeiSer;i'o? St. centre. 374, 9, and NetSeiavo? St. 375, 22.

Neidos (R.

Oborai

(St.

373, 2

376,

9),

a village not

remote from the

Tekmoreian centre. Oikea may perhaps be the same


ably Vicus, a village of the Seiblian

as

Oikea is probabout twelve miles territory,

Oikokome.

north-west from Apameia-Kelainai, whose very name marks it as see Cides and Bish. of Phr., i., p. 225.* part of an Imperial estate
:

It

is,

however, possible that


*

Oikokome

here means the village called


is

An

error,

made

there about Justinianopolis,

corrected in vol.

ii.,

pp.

578,

787.

368

W. M.

RAMSAY
Episc, situated on the Im-

Oikokome and Oinokome


near perial estates
:

in the Notitiae

Motella {Histor. Geogr., p. 179 ; Cities and Bish., these Motellene estates (unnoticed in Cities and Bish., ii., p. 578 f.) more thorough examination. It seems possible L, chap, iv.) deserve that Ekkea 374, 6) may be an error for Oikea.
(St.

Oinia,

the

village

whose name remains

in

Oinan-Ova, the

from Metromountain-valley north from the Limnai, and north-east on the northern skirts of Kara-Kush-Dagh. Lysias was polis, Hellenic the that it is city situated in this valley ; and noteworthy in the occurs never a was and coined bishopric) money (which Tekmoreian lists, while Oinia is often mentioned a clear proof that

it

was the non-Hellenic rustics with some de-Hellenised natives of

cities

who formed

the variants
doia).

Tekmoreian Association. It appears also in Oeinia (with o or w), Oueinia, and Oounia {cf. Kounthe
I.

Oitinia, ethnic Otrtvia^rys R.

the termination).

Perhaps Oitonia
is

is

119 (with aspiration* of T in a variant of Oitinia compare


:

Koundoia

but [T]o[u]tonia

perhaps a better reading, R.


(iii.).
i
:

I.

72.

Strictly these

names belong to

class

see Anagos. a Mount Olymwas Olympokome, the name suggests that there either the Kara-Kushpus not far from the Limnai and Antioch, and Antioch from Dagh, or the hills which divide the Anthios valley the valley in which are situated the northern half of the Limnai {i.e.,

Olimanaros, better restoration in St. 373,

Hovian-G6l) and the


into
it

river

which flows from the

east

and north-east

through the Tchybritzi-Kleisoura, or the mighty Sultan-Dagh. This suggestion is confirmed by the story of St. George Limniota, He suffered a hermit, who was probably connected with the Limnai.
about A.D. 735 under Leo the Isaurian on 24th August {Act. Sanct., He was a hermit who made his ascetic abode on Mount p. 842).

Olympus, presumably beside the Limnai, from which he derived his * Variation between sharp surds and aspirates is common in Phrygian inscription
:

7r

and ^,

and

t,

interchange.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


name.

369

Olympokome must probably


I.
:

be close to Pidra and Raita, as


placed after nomen, live

persons named Loukretios, with praenomen


at all three (R.

the fathers Lucius and Quintus were 26, 29, 80) and all three probably brothers, villages or farm-steadings ( xi.) belonged to the Antiochian estates.
It is mentioned as a Olympokome. Anatolic Theme. village of the Peisda or Peisdia is probably the modern Pissa or Bissa on the

Peidra or Pidra

see

hills

that slope

down

to the valley of Apollonia

(Kara-Arslau-Ova)

Peisza would be another form practically equivalent (see Koundoia), and Peisza stands to Pissa as Gisza to Gissa

from the north.

(Kolu-Kisa).

was

a village situated

Peskenia, Pesenia (R. I. 106, a slip of engraver) or Peskeinia on the road leading east from Philomelion in

the great Imperial estates which included Ezara, Gisza, Dipotamon, see vii., note on R. III. 11, and Anderson, J.H.S., 1898, etc.
:

p.

119.

Piliganon or Peliganon, a village not remote from the TekmoThe name is old Anatolian. Pelekas is mentioned as reian centre.
a

mountain on the Phrygian and Mysian frontier by Polybius, v., 77.* Ptagia, the village of Meter Ipta, a Phrygian or Maeonian god-

dess,

doubtless a mere form of Cybele or the Anatolian Artemis, mentioned in a dedication in the Katakekaumene (near Koula). Raita. See Olympokome.

Rimenianta (neuter

plural) or
It

Rimenias

compare Ampelada-

may Ampelas, Tymbriada-Tymbrias. a rough pronunciation of L [cf. Plouristra-Proureistra


and that Limenias -antos was
Limenia,
*
I

be suspected that

is

here

class

(ii.)],

a place

on the Limnai, the same

as

q.v.

cannot agree with


des Etudes

M.

Radet's assignment of Pelekas to the country near

Apameia, Revue
near Pelekas,
Bish. of Ph.,
is

the city

Anc, 1896, p. 14. Apia, which is mentioned by Polybius On the historical relation see Cities and of North Phrygia.
Pelekanon Bith., Hist. Geogr.,
p.

ii.,

630.

185.

24

370
Sagoue,

W. M.
modern

RAMSAY
Tekin

of the chief centres of the Saghir, one

moreian Association, two hours north of Antioch.


cf.

For the form

in Western Pisidia, Aragoue Lagbe or Lagoe {i.e. Lagoue) North Phrygia {J.U.S., 1897, p. 421), Kaloue {q.v>j.

Septoumana, perhaps
Severus
:

named

in

that case

it

may

after Septimius (or Septumius) be looked for on his line of march

somewhere Cilicia, during the war against Pescennius Niger, or or Philomelion in the district Paroreios, about Julia Tyriaion.
towards
Strouma,
Tataion
:

" the stream-town," the same


it is

name

as

Roma

(Stroma).

proved in Histor. Geogr., pp. 240 f, 182, 189,* Now Tottaion that Tataion and Tottaion are interchangeable forms. the of Tembrion, on estate was the second of the two chief places

We

therefore connect the ethnic TaraT^t-os in the Tekmoreian lists Tataion is a derivative from Tatas, a common with Tottaion.

Phrygian personal name with by-form Tottes.

The

village

name

may probably be restored in the following inscription. :t the letters 30. At Altyntash (R. 1881 and 1884)
and worn
:

are faint

on an

altar.
vr\<i

vTrep T7JS

rov Ku-

/ce

t^?

Kciju-i^s

[T-

piov

'Avrft)vetVo[v

otrou,

Nava

crvv-

tJvx'??

^^

vet/CTjs

k\
8

/Sios Meve/cXeo?

ejcoi'iov

8ia/Ao-

M77T/0I KtK-X.ea

^vyr^

In Byzantine time Tataioukome was shortened into Taioukome, This into Gaioukome. corrupted in the later Notitiae Episcopatuum

Anderson formerly accepted, he has now suggestion, which Mr. discarded (see p. 193 of this volume), and prefers to think that Trikomia was corrupted into Gaioukomia, a change which seems
to

me

improbable.

Probably Tataioukome was originally a double


Soa,

bishopric including

Later, large neighbouring village. and Taioukome. were divided, Spore they time Trouglettia or Triglettia may be the name which in later

the

was corrupted into Tzybritzi, the name of the Kleisourain which the
* See Anderson above,
p.

187.

The

copies agree exactly.

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


great
:

371

army of Manuel Comnenus was destroyed by the Turks see The Klelsoura leads up from the north-east this volume, p. 236. end of the Limnai to Ganzaia, and is traversed by the road from the
west to Antioch.

Tyrsa [or Thyrsa, compare Oitinia, Tettha class (ii.)] the ethnic Tyrsenos shows the name of the Tyrrhenians on the soil of Anatolia.
:

Tlos, ethnic TXovr]v6<;.

Mr. Arkwright quotes Stephanus,


I.

ecrTt,

KOL dXXr) T\ct) TToXt? IltcrtSta?. Totonia, perhaps read [T]c[v]rcDvi.a.Tr)<; in R.

72

Toutonia
:

or Totonia would be the meeting place of the Touta or people on this now in the found see the Phrygian inscriptions, Phrygian word,

"Late Phrygian Inscriptions"


97
(Beiblatt).
(iii.)

in

Jahreshefte

d. Oest.

Inst.,

1905,

p.

See above,

p.

253.

Villages otherwise

unknown

many of

these were pro-

bably on the Antiochian

estates.

Aiza, Arkasta, Barouklia, Boalia, Diatora, Chailiara, Doudada, Ekkea.'', Gardibia (-dybia), Grekea (perhaps Trekea), Kakoza, Karma or Kharma, Karsenda, Kelounia, Kerasos or Kamarga,
Kerasia,*

Klantea, Klela, Kleustia, Knouteina, Kousea, Kradra, Kranosaga,t Ktimena or Khthimena, Lamisos, Lanka or Lankea,

Lapeistra Lapistra or Laphystra, Marallis or Marallita, Mergnia, Mikkonia, Monokleros, Mouza, Nazoula, Neophytos, Oitinia or Oitonia
[see class (ii.)], Olimanaros, j; Padia, Pagada, Patea, Perokia,

Polymarga,
letter,

Plouristra or Proureistra, Pserkiokome,

Rekokome, Renbea, Rokka


initial

blank space before R which I could see no trace


(a

may have
:

contained an

of

blank spaces are

common

in these

badly

engraved inscriptions), Simikka or Simmikka, Sourbia, Strouma [see class (ii.)], Talimeta, Tettha or Thettha, Teuita Tyita Tyta or Tita [probably Tityassos class (i.)], Tyrsa or Thyrsa, Totonia (see class ii.).
*
+

We
I

cannot think of Kerasos in Pontus.


first

at

took Kpavos

as

personal name, and

Aga

(kyrjvos) as the village

name

but
\

probably right in preferring the long name for the village. Falls in class ii., near the Tekmoreian centre, St. 373, i ; 374, 11 ; R.
St. is

III. 8.

372

W. M.

RAMSAY

XI.

PROPERTY AND FAMILY RIGHTS.

There can be no reasonable doubt that the great majority of the were on the Antiochian estates. Yet iii. ii. and villages in classes on those estates. We know they do not exhaust the list of places
from other sources only a very few of these places, and of these so known several do not occur in the Tekmoreian lists, e.g., Kena, Tymandos, Banboula. Every scrap of a list contains new names
and, if a fresh
list

of lOO names were discovered, probably 60 of those would be new. The population must have been large ; and the of their subscriptions is a considerable sum in itself, and inamount of wealth and high standard of comfort in the
value of the denarius had

total

dicates a large

community.

The

much diminished

in

the third

century ; but it is impossible to state exactly the variation about the time of these inscriptions. About a.d. 290-300 the denarius was a little less than a farthing, but about a.d. 220 it was much more, and

about A.D. 200

it

was worth between 3d. and ^d.


is

in

amount of metal

the purchasing value

a different matter.

mentioned

is

6000

denarii,

stg.,

a very
it

to find change for a coin, present day value under four the whole monetary resources shillings, by combining of a large village. The difference gives a fair idea of the comparative wealth of the country in the third and nineteenth centuries.

good sum would usually be impossible

largest subscription the lowest estimate represents for a donor on such an occasion. At the

The

which

at

This large number of local names can hardly be supposed all to of the same rank. Some designate separate villages belong to towns
or large villages like Holmoi, Tenia, and

Lykiokome (if the sugon is Some But gestion p. 366 correct). belong to small villages. it seems indubitable that a considerable number denote farm-steadings, each

hereditary

home of a family of some wealth, The relation of these country holding.


the

residing on its families to the

Imperial lord of the

manor (represented by

his Procurator, p.

313)

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


would be an
is

373
it

interesting subject

and evidence may be found when


(pp. 351-355),
is

sought

for.

Marsia, beside

Karbokome

perhaps an example

family of Gregory Nyssenus and house and farm-steading Arianzos, at the Basil might be desigvillage Karbala, town Nazianzos.* nated of Karbala or Arianzos or Nazianzos, as the Tekmoreian Devillage, just as the

of such a farm near a

and

Basil possessed an estate

metrios

is

The

sometimes designated of Marsia, sometimes of Karbokome. plan of those farm-steadings has been described and their

origin investigated in Cities

and Bisk, of Phrygia, ii., p. 419. They were Tetrapyrgia, quadrangular buildings, probably (from the name) with a tower at each corner, enclosing an open space in the middle. Thus they were suited for defence, and military operations were

needed to reduce them.f They imply a conquering caste of landholders and -a conquered older population, and their origin probably goes back to the time when the immigrant Phrygians from Europe
settled

made

the old Anatolian people of the god's estates, and themselves the lords of property, adapting themselves to the

among

old theocracy in a

way now

quite

unknown.
in

From
towzew's

this class

of landed families were drawn the local conto

tractors, misthotai, alluded


brilliant

on

p.

311

f.,

accordance with Ros-

and epoch-making exposition.

From

the

same

class were drawn many of the leading figures in early church history, as is pointed out in the Expositor, September, 1906, p. 281. In those large households the head of the family lived as a sort of patriarch

with his sons and

his sons' wives, after the fashion alluded to several

times in this volume.^

Such

head

is

likely to

have exercised some

considerable authority in his family. It is a question whether this authority ever took the form of a patria potestas similar to the Roman

(which was quite foreign to Greek custom). Probably that Roman custom was alien to the Anatolian social system ; the development
*
Histor. Gcogf., p. 285. X See pp. 71, 121, 146 n., 150.
+ Plutarch,

Eum., 8

Cities

and

Bish.,

I.e.

374

W. M.

RAMSAY

of such authority of the father out of the old Anatolian custom, which gave power to the mother and favoured inheritance in the female
line,

seems impossible.

That among the Galatian

tribes the

power

of the father over his children included even the right of putting them to death, is recorded by the Roman lawyer Gaius, i., 55, who
says that such extension of the patria potestas

was confined to

Roman

and Galatian law.

Cassar, Bell. Gall., vi., 19,

mentions that the same

custom existed among the Gaulish tribes ; and therefore I have elsewhere * drawn the inference that this was the custom of the Gaulish
settlers in

Galatia, not of the

settled as a

conquering

caste.

Phrygian people among whom they The inference seems inevitable and
;

that the father's authority in those large Phrygian households was not after the stern and absolute Roman custom, but

we must suppose

The inscriptions, which in scores of. of a mild and kindly type. cases enumerate the varied relationship of many members of the household to the deceased head and father, favour this view they
;

suggest the mutual affection and individual rights of

all

members

and they would hardly have taken their form under a system

like the

Roman.
to have

some cases distant relatives, who can hardly be supposed been. members of the household in its strictly patriarchal
In

character, are

mentioned among those who make the tomb

and

even friends or associates in a religious society f find a place Such persons were either not members of the household list.

in the at all,

or members of a household which was united only by ties of affection and goodwill and mutual usefulness. There could be no legal
authority of a rigorous and absolute kind exercised by the head of the household over persons so Where distantly connected with him. sons-in-law are mentioned, they cannot have been members of a strict
patriarchal household, unless they were also adopted sons (see p. 147).
*
Histor.

Comm.

on

Gaktiam,

p. 131.

The

patria potestas in

its

extreme form

was confirmed

Hadrian, which dates from the time when great part of Lycaonia had been separated from the Province Galatia. + Cities and Bish. Such a society was doubtless a of Phi:, ii., p. 470, No. 309. benefit and burial society {collepum

in Galatia

by

a rescript of

tenuiorutri).

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS


XII.

375

THE DEITY AND THE

PRIESTS.

These are mentioned much less frequently in the Telcmoreian than A priest of Zeus Eurydamenos occurs in the Ormelian inscriptions. a priest a priest of Artemis-Diana once in Call. I. once in R. III.
;
;

as

Karbokome, No. i p. 309 eponymous two dedications are made to Artemis, or Artemis of Satibria,* R. V., St. 380 an image of Artemis which stood in the pronaos (evidently There cannot be any doubt of her temple) is spoken of in St. 370.
in a village-document at
,

that

Artemis
as

is

the deity of the people on these estates in their


association
is

aspect

religious

{pkbs

collegit).

The

invocation,

here to be taken as a vocative,t occurs She is called " the goddess," St. in R. I. I and perhaps St. 370, i. Be370, II, 380, 6, or "great (?) Artemis the goddess," R. V. 4. sides her own chosen central home, she had secondary homes in

" Great Artemis," which

In her own home village," e.g. Satipreizene. " " " " the The or the she was simply. goddess goddess Artemis eponymous priest was certainly priest of Artemis, as is clear from the

various villages, as e.g. at Satibria. " Artemis of the the

In her village

homes she was

comparison with
the

Call.

I.

He retained some

of the old authority over

was apparently reconciled goddess's people, and the retention the with the Imperial rule by keeping priesthood in the hands of
Augustus's procurator. This Artemis is a mere variety of the Phrygian Cybele. The at their head prove the practical priests Galli with the Archigallos it must be and case for this individual accepted as a uniidentity
;

versal

and fundamental

Phrygia.

As

Artemis was recognised


* Or Astibria,

any description of the religion of Antiochian estates, the Parthenos the so on at Ephesus, in the paganised Church of the fifth century
fact in

x., class

ii.

fThe
Greek.
See

vocative

Chunk

in

with nominative form need cause no ditRcuIty in Phrygian the Roman Empire before a.d. 180, p. 138, on this invocation.

376
as the

W. M.

RAMSAY

Virgin Mother of God ; and her worship still draws Christian devotees once a year to her shrine in a cave on the margin of Hoiran
lake
in

Hoiran from Egerdir


is

the base of the ridge of mountains which almost divides lake.* careful examination of the localities

it might show whether this Christian shrine same place as the shrine of Artemis, or (as is more probable) was a rival which supplanted and destroyed the pagan

much
at

to be desired

is

the

sanctuary.

What was

the relation of this Artemis to

Men

Askaenos,t

whom

Strabo, p. 577, describes as the god of Antioch and original owner of The worship of Men was the exoteric form the Antiochian estates
.''

in

which the old

ritual

was maintained
a

in the

of Antioch.

There was

relations expressed the life


life,

group of gods in of nature and the contlnuousness of human


Mysteries to the initiate.

Grasco-Roman colony the ritual, whose mutual


Sometimes

and were

set forth in the

one, sometimes another


exoteric
(as

of the divine group was selected in the


cult,

as part of the religion of Antioch and of other Graeco-Phrygian cities. Corresponding to the group of deities there was a college of priests (as is

form which Hellenism imposed on the native was inevitable and invariable) it adopted this cult

when

seen on the Ormelian estates or at Pessinus) ; and different Greek or Anatolian names were in different cases adopted as suitable
best

for the prominent deity,

near

Tymandos,

etc.

central figure ; but in was to give prominence to a male deity. In Antioch identified with the Greek Apollo and Dionysos, the Roman

Antioch, Zeus Eurydamenos at or In the Anatolian religion the goddess was the the public cult of a Hellenic city the tendency
at

Men

Men

was

also

Aesculapius

and Luna.

The

festival dies festi lunae

is

probably the birth-feast of


as

* Hoiran and Egerdir


first

laices

togetlier

form the ancient Limnai,

G. Hirschfield

observed.

assume the emendation of Waddington in Strabo's text. \C.l.L., iii., 6829, Acta ^^. Trophiml, etc., 19 Sept., p. 12.
1

THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS

377

The high priest for life of the Apollo (yeuedXta 'AttoXXcuvo?). manifest god Dionysos must be the high priest for life of Men, and fund in Antioch, Aesculapius also had his sacerdos perpetuus.*

called area sanctuarii,


this cult

was probably devoted to the maintenance of of Men-Dionysos (though Waddington considered that it was intended for that of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, 1 190, St. fV. E.,
358, above p. 311).

The high priesthood of Dionysos is mentioned in the inscription, ap^iepevs Sto. In St. /.c, I35> ^ pCov 70V lTn<j>av(jTaTov 6eov Aiovva-ov, St. E/>. your?!., No. I 39. restoration may be suggested [6 Suva vios 'Avvtas yvyatKo^ Trpiorrj^ tjjs] KoAovct'as (sic .')
Kal r. ^Xaiov Ba[t]/3ta'ov ittttotou
'Po)/Liai'o)i',

a.p)(L^p^>v

Sia.

fHov Tov Trarpiov 6eov

Aiovvcrov

it is

usual that

husband and wife should be

priest

and

priestess (above, p.

359 f), but it is strange that the wife is mentioned first, unless the priestess was in some way more important the exact restoration at the beginning is uncertain, but
:

the general sense

is

clear.

Notes.

On On On On On
6\^vai

p. p. p.

2, ^7, 121 (3), 3 and 6, small

1.

read avrov T[t avr.


initials.
] [.
:

123, 6 and note, delete


'

p.
p.

26, 7, delete

after raois
1.

Hid., note to 4, read ^X^e.


[
;

171, No. 55,

2, for

read

1.

4, read [-Trpoyov

1.

5,

read da-eve^has a/jioi^y,

ttXtjV.

On
and puts

p.

76,

No. 68,
1.

1.

7 f , read

[vvv4>rj]

iiii^.,

No. 69,

1.

9, R.

tcXco-- in this line.


6, read
tr/.

Hid., No. 69,

" in". 4 from bottom, delete comma before also name Ba Isaurian fem. The appears in Pisidian as Oa, p. 325, 1. 86 'Oa or should be accented it B.C.H., 1899, p. 179 (where perhaps 'OS, not 'Oa). The masc. is Ba9, /.f., p. 182. Pisidian Ovuovlov (or Ovdoviov) for Vibium occurs

On On

p.

215,

1.

in St. H^olfe Exp.,

No. 356.

EPODOS.
MARGARET RAMSAY. JOHN ERASER.
A.

W. BLAIR ANDERSON.

7]

ra poba, poboeaaav

e^^et?

^apu"

Red

roses

blow beside your garden door,

Rose-petals strew your arbour's mossy floor, Their scent is heavy on the idle wind

That

scarcely stirs your tresses rose-entwined


?

But where's the rose-wreath yesterday you wore Can aught from summer's golden chalice pour
'

Anew the fragrance that was spilled before, Or make, beyond the space the gods assigned.
Red
roses

blow

Too soon, too soon June's rose-clad grace is o'er What one day takes no morrow shall restore. Red rose amid the roses ah, be kind,
!

While yet the hurrying days leave love behind. While yet for one short moon and then no more

Red

roses blow.

A.

Margaret Ramsay.

"Quod quisque Cautum est in


Debita
et
at,

uitet

nunquam homini

satis

horas."

caelicolis

iam uota

exsoluit Atrides,

reditum incolumi
credit

fata dedisse

putat

dum

ouans tandem euasisse

pericla,

excipiunt reducem ferrea fata domi.

John Fraser.

(is

<xUi Tov ofioioi' ayei Seos (is toi' OfiOioi'.

Xaipe Kai
ivOciBe roi

elv

'Alhem

$aXd/j,oicri,

TreptKKvTe Kvpe,
'

evpv^ia TIepaa>v To^o(^6pu>v ^aaiXev


')^p6vio<i, 8oXf)(^rjv

oBov iicirepodiaa'i
ireXdyovi,

loviov KpoXiTTmv
vcre^ea>'; crov
/j-vrj/u,''

r)i6va<;

daTra^Ofiai, iadi Se p! ovra

rovvop,' 'AXe^avSpov, Kelpl yevo<;

MaKeSoov.

John Fraser.

NiKa

8'

6 TrpuTos Kal TcXeuTaios Spafxui'.

MeiXavlcov

ttot'

ayaxnv

ev

wKvBpofMOK 'AraXdvrtjv
rjBvyafioi'.

viKtjffav (f>i\i7jv

eXXa^ei'

^fj B'

apa

"
fieihioaiv Trpo? trapOevov,

iipyert Kovprj,
'

TjKOfjuev

6^ epLBo<; Kpt,craove<;

dfx,(j)6Tepoi

Kal yap eyco a' eSduaacra Bpo/xoK, aov B' KaWo<; ePLKTjaev Kal ^6d/j,evov Kpareet."

e^o')(pv

'f]/jid<;

W.

Blair Anderson.

INDEX.

25

INDEX
FOR THE HISTORY OF SOCIETY AND CIVILISATION
IN ASIA MINOR.
Architecture^
Byzantine, at Bin-Bir-Kilisse, 255 ff.; these churches generally late, 257, but range from fourth to 264 criteria eleventh centuries, 265
; ;

ArtSymbolism
in Christian
f.,

Art {contd.)
ff.,

swastika, 21, 33
tablets, 25, 27.

38

42.

vine or branch, 10, 13


83, 85.

f.,

27, 44, 49, origin, in

of date, 262, 265. Presbyterium or Collegium, 260. Re-modelling of Presbyterium, 259. Church as vow on resigning office of

All these

symbols of pagan
f.,

9 (bird), 13

17, 45.

Tombstones
60-62.

purchased

ready

presbyter, 258.

shops, not as a rule

made to

order,

Mortuary Church, 258, 261, 262.

Art
in

Rome,

ff.

Signatures of artists, 92, i6g. Contract for a building or work of


art, 169.
f.

in Anatolia, 5-92. local forms of, in Anatolia, 5 in Isauria, 6-21, 91. in

Forms

of tombstone, 194

Nova Isaura, 22-58; its origin here was Christian, 26 f., 53, 55, 58,
61, 91.

Byzantine

f.,

254.

Byzantine sites Dagh-Euren,


Kilistra, 10.

177.

in S.
in

Lycaonia, 59-62. N. Lycaonia, i.e. East Phrygia,

63-gi. Isaurian, on road to Tarsus, 5o, 62, thence to Rome, 92. gi Isaurian, not on road direct to
;

See Architecture. Daoule, 257. Dakalias, 244. Sinethandos, Sinnada, 243. Verinopolis, 248 f.
Bin-Bir-Kilisse.

Anonymous,
Byzantine

Rome, 62, 66, 91. Grsco-Roman, in Isauria and Lycaonia, 16 f., 18, 49, 53, 59. love of ornament, 21, 26, 49, 53, 55 deterioration, 58, 64, 66, 72, 81, 87.
f.

214. fortresses
f.,

against

the

Saracens, 177, 243

248, 251, 291.

Manuel Comnenus, his crushing defeat by Turks in Tzybritzi Kleisoura, 235, 297, 370.

Christian Art, beginning

of, in

Isaura,

Saracen tribute carried to Constantinople by Psebila along the Syrian


route, 250.

26,41,49,255.

Symbolism

in Christian

Art^

Bardas Phocas and Sclerus, wars

dove, 33, 34, 40, 85, 255. fish, 8, 23 f., 54, 255.
net, 36.

Golden Gate of Constantinople


Inscriptions painted on the, 267 Leones and Cornuti, 268 f.
ff.

between, 250

f.

peacock, 254.
rosette, 27, 37, 90.

40

f.,

50

f.,

76, 88,

To welcome Theodosius
391). 270.

I.

(a.d.

388
Byzantine

INDEX

importance
of
its

Constantinople,
position, 287.

Imperial Estates Tekmoreian Guest-Friends, 200, 240, 309-370 meaning of the term,
;

Saracen conquest of Asia Minor, at


apparentl}^ complete, in reality unsuccessful, 28S. Heretic Christian sects, attitude to the Turks, and survival, 297.
first

317

f.,

318, 346-