Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Babiarz Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 34 (2005), pp. 575-598 Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064899 . Accessed: 04/02/2014 16:17
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Annual Reviews is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Annual Review of Anthropology.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
The
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005. 34:575-98 The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org doi: 10.1146/ annurev.anthro. 34.081804.120417 Copyright ? 2005 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved *Mark Leone was invited to write this review by Annual Reviews. In order of effort, our contributors are Cheryl LaRoche, Mark Leone, Babiarz. and Jennifer
Key Words
African diaspora, maroon, race, gender
the North American black experience. The focus is on the estab lishment of freedom by the founding of maroon communities and
independent settlements of free people, as well as on the use and
interpretation of African diasporic history and theory, particularly by archaeologists using knowledge of the diaspora to effect modern political change.
0084-6570/05/1021 0575$20.00
515
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ship
scholarly aimed
We development. at investigating
report antiblack
scholar racism
and at highlighting
local, political, We and see
transnational as well
communal the responses as being
as
to
577
enslavement. approached
successfully
through
of profit-making
and colonialism,
MATERIALCULTURE INTHE
African come
GENDER INAFRICAN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY.
most
kinds
of archaeology
p. 63). Orser
in the world"
a road map
(Orser 1998,
for the fu
CONTEMPORARY USES OF
ARCHAEOLOGY. ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY, AND IDENTITY. CONCLUSION.
archaeologists working on sites move functional plantation beyond of pursuit include the ma ism, topics worthy terial aspects of freedom from enslavement, the archaeology of cultural and the identity, racism. Mod the under capital are
DIASPORA
The legacy of the African diaspora has within
for little independence scholarly position that until attention. of diaspora recently of our Because studies, it a quest received the political
of
with
of global and
racism
alternately
in operation.
From East Africa (Kusimba 2004) to Canada (Nevin 1994, 1998; Powell & Nevin 1998),
diasporic archaeological investigations follow
job is to highlight
legacy within that the slavement nent the position locates than
other disciplines
reemphasizing ness of Africa by Africans and and
the historical
experience. defining diasporic view we how archaeologists identify racialized plicated landscapes, using reveal chanics tion on of the structures of racism
and in the
inherent diaspora.
Studies
centered
of dias
contexts is be
transadantic
slavery responses
omitted such as
communal
that
independent seen
Haiti
2002). on
ing increasingly applied to African descen dants throughout the Americas. The field is
moving whether or free toward those black studies of black communities, sites sites ar communities settlements. are maroon Plantation
oppression black We an
as vehicles
diaspora global
only also
chaeology although
continues excavations
to occupy at
enormous,
event,
seventeenth-
$j6
Leone
LaRoche
Babiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Burial
www.annualreviews.org
The Archaeology
of Black Americans
in Recent Times
C-l
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
eighteenth-century
Massachusetts
plantations
Maryland
located from
also chal
relations
of
power
and
domination;
and
to western
the sociopolitics of archaeological practice" (Singleton 1999, p. 1). Revealing the rich vein of diasporic studies, Franklin & McKee
(2004) seek current methodological, theoret
UGRR:
Underground Railroad ABG: ground African burial
ographically narrow and temporally limited (Malakoff 2004). Investigations byMrozowski (2003), Sawyer & Perry (2003), Rivers et al. (2003), Catts & Silber (2003), and Bankoff & Winter (2003), among others, intoNorthern plantations are finding direct economic and
familial connections between Northern plan
ical, and/or political locations of the African diaspora. To build on these directions, in ad
dition to race of and racism, we focus on the ar and chaeology resistance at maroon sites
other black communities; the Underground Railroad (UGRR) movement in the United
States; the material genetics, and the manifestations spirituality, contemporary of recent iden works uses of tity, human on gender, archaeology.
tation sites and properties in the Caribbean, often functioned as provisioning which
plantations.
The
Americans inated
historical
in by
archaeology
has of
of African
been dom in
the Americas
excavations
plantations
the American
South and the Caribbean 1995, Orser 1998). Singleton (Singleton (1985, 1999), Agorsah (1994), and Orser (1996) helped move the discourse away from
archaeology toward the archaeol
plantation
ogy of the African diaspora. No longer con cerned with recordation of black historical el
ements, the transformed goal of archaeology
to include Africanist archaeologists in the dis course, Agorsah (1994) looked to both sides of
the Atlantic to inform the "dual character of
identifies
"the
notion
of African
the slave
of maroon to and
the archaeology of the diaspora" (Singleton 2001). Orser (1998) articulates the future of the subfield in his discussion of broadening historical archaeology to include sites outside the United States for a fuller conceptualiza
tion of the experiences of African-descendant the lo around the world. Moving populations cus away from the European encounter, is more interested in the global
pertaining
relationships,
connections,
1998, p. 69). The historical overemphasis placed on slavery has created the illusion that
the quest for a balanced the to diaspora conveying of expe a ro of is a riences mantic within need and is instead a history
Orser
encounters
reconceptualize
slavery disempowerment. that cannot be separated from phenomenon or re has This also been oppression. slavery
Resistance
peatedly
stated by several scholars such as Singleton (1985), Beckles & Shepherd (1991),
The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times 577
www.annualreviews.org
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
(1986). remain an
1972, 1995,
World
such of the
in northeastern
exploration and Latin of
Brazil, Weik's
black semin?le sites,
(1997, 2004)
maroon and sites Agorsah's
chaeology.
Consider,
the colonial
American
historical events. The British, "from the time of Charles II in 1658 to George III in 1795, had to ceaselessly grapple with the desperate fight of the slaves, who were struggling for
their freedom, and escapees also struggling
in settlements (1994) work on maroon Jamaica continue to shed light on these obscure settlements (LaRoche 2004).
Through nal affiliations in maroon manifest the societies, as black primary and commu cultural form the
expressions
landscape
to maintain
p.ix).
si
Archaeology
the nents be of origin, of diasporic
evolution,
and material
understood. slavery,
the bases towhich others might flee" (Harding 1981). By the end of the 1530s, colonial liter ature from Jamaica began referring to Afro
American runaways (Franco 1968, p. 93; see
escapees
diaspora
flight to alleviate their conditions (Price 1979, Morgan 1999). Tens of thousands of blacks es caped Southern slavery by fleeing to North
ern states, the Old Northwest, Florida, and
also Guillot
1864, no
1672 and
ex
fewer
colonies
isted in the American South (Christian 1995). These diasporic sites hold major implica
tions for the future of diasporic archaeol
other parts of the American South (Franklin & Schweninger 1999, Chadwick 2000). They
found ments refuge and among in every Native part American of North settle America
ogy and offer historical archaeologists a dif ficult and challenging opportunity to explore
resistance through landscape studies. Fanon
of blackness
as from a the place the and
deMose in Spanish Florida, for example, of fer insight into original communities of self liberating enslaved workers (Deagan 1995). Escapees not only found refuge with the Span ish in Florida, but also established maroon
settlements Carolina, in the swamps of Virginia, They traveled North west and Louisiana.
of violence,
the menacing,
white space.
"otherizing"
and enduring
implicit within
maroon set
Stable
dements frequently
itary action to freedom-appropriating
dislodge
they sought international refuge in Canada, South America, the Caribbean, Mexico,
Africa, and England, revealing a constant
tempt to force the freedom seekers to live in these destabilized white spaces. Stamped with the image of fugitive slaves, these early
maroon colonies generally are not analyzed
striving
regional settlements
for freedom
parameters. of
beyond
Autonomous were
the narrow
"free" a diasporic
self-liberators
reality. Runaways could be found in the for bidding terrain of the hills of Brazil (Funari 1999), Suriname (Agorsah 1997, 2001),
$j8 Leone LaRoche Babiarz
priated rather than granted and seized rather than bestowed" (LaRoche 2004, p. 106).This has powerful implications for archaeological
interpretation in shaping a more balanced
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
understanding
of the range
of responses
to en
did they govern themselves, and how did they define personhood and in dividuality? UGRR studies fallwithin the broader con text of African American communal studies,
and In indeed, the United diasporic States, community the escapee's studies. quest
slavement. How
the Emancipation Proclamation. The work of Mullins (1999), Weik (1997), and U.S. For est Service archaeologists McCorvie (2004), (n.d.), Cramer (LaRoche 2004), Krieger LaRoche (2004), Shackel & Fennell (2005), and F. Price (2003; personal communication)
are concerned with the hundreds of towns in
for freedom foreshadowed the rise of the UGRR and free black settlements in the
Northern ments United reflect States. Maroon behavior, settle commu autonomous
the United States that were founded by and for free people of African descent. Some of Mound Bayou in the these, such as Mississippi
Delta, were exclusively African American. In
archaeology as one field within a multidisciplinary approach, LaRoche expands our understanding of theUGRR by introduc ing free black communities and their associ ated black churches, often African Methodist Using
Episcopal, as sites of resistance in the
porary emphasis by the local community is on racial harmony and tolerance (Shackel & Fennell 2005), although from some descen
dants' perspective this view of the past is not
a historic reality (Mackenzie 2005). Such enclaves survived through the 1930s in the United States, and F. Price (personal
communication) reports more than 72 towns
American North (LaRoche 2004). Through collective analysis of five sites located along the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, LaRoche showed that free black communities were sit uated in the landscape, often alongside and overshadowed by more famous abolitionist strongholds. She found the UGRR was as
much about paths between communities con
and settlements were founded from 1835 on ward by and for free African Americans in the United States. These havens, which were 95% black, were organized around agricul ture. Standing in the midst of racial hostility, these locales were subject to antiblack legis
lation, were sidelined economically, and were
ology and the UGRR have been undertaken (Bankoff et al. 2001, Bordewich 2004, Delle
& Levine nication), 2004; J. Geismar, personal work alerts commu archae and LaRoche's
forgotten
reveals
to develop
autonomy.
At the New Philadelphia archaeological site in Illinois, for example, town founder Frank McWorter expended more than $14,000 to secure freedom for 16members of his family. Philadelphia was the first town platted and registered by afree African American be fore the CivilWar. The town, particularly the McWorter family, probably functioned as a conduit to Canada along the UGRR (Walker 1983). Although remote, such villages and their living descendent populations are impor tant examples of the role of and need for New
The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times $79
This
straints source
Within North America, we highlight towns founded before and after the Civil War that were home to free blacks and for
mer ther slaves through who obtained their freedom ei or manumission,
self-purchase,
www.annualreviews.org
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
archaeology.
The
remains to
beneath
vil at
lages give vitality to a part tention submitted to found parts or enjoy long to
never
and which
By the time he writes Dusk ofDawn in 1940, he has fully articulated the situational com plexities of racial identity. "I recognize it quite easily and with full legal sanction; the black
man is a person who must ride Jim Crow' in
independent of
some day
the world
either
contemporary
acclaim
(Agorsah
1994, Funari
lages and towns assimilation
1999).
may
Study
show
of
the
such vil
opposite Their of
Georgia" (Du Bois 1940, p. 153). Black iden tity is formed, lived, andmanipulated through bodily performance in everyday life; it is a
cultural rather than a biological phenomena.
or of double
consciousness.
value to scholars comes from shining a light on dogged resistance in the midst of slavery's
intractability.
In quoting St. Clair Drake, Paynter observes that racism is embedded in "the conjunction of slavery and African labor" through the de
velopment of "systematic doctrines of racial
inferiority and superiority" (Drake 1987, p. 7; Paynter 2001, p. 134). Many archae ologists (Mullins 1999, Delle et al. 2000, Epperson 2001, Orser 2001) find value in race
as the and find component primary analytical it an effective method for elucidating the me to chanics of oppression relevant archaeolog
chaeological inquiry (Hodder 1986, 2001; Shanks & Tilley 1987; Johnson 1999; Delle et al. 2000), and as a result, the field has ex panded its analysis of identity. Multiple and
concurrent themes define the archaeology of
been
development
in structuring
to mod
as a social often
construct
to define character
through
physical
analytical
mutually toward
exclusive,
and
differ
Often, implicit racialized realities have been the lens through which archaeologists have viewed African Americans without the
explicit use of race as an analytical compo
for oppression,
identity continues
transnational acterized slavery, oppression the as political ca
as a rallying point
actions of groups The and the legacy systems the
for
char of of di
nent
Du Bois wrote
throughout his
comprehensively
reer, historically and theoretically positioning Africans and African Americans in the dias
pora. Du Bois also imagined the use of race
that
throughout
as a political tool for mobilization. In The race not states in the he is that Negro (1915), a in but shared of blood, oppression. history
$8o Leone LaRoche Babiarz
aspora should leave archaeologists with little leeway in confronting the topics of race,
racism, torical and racialized archaeologists oppression. who do his Many not wish to
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
avoid
the
topic
of
race
are
finding
ways
to
confront it as they begin to comprehend the need to deal with antiblack racism through archaeology (Franklin 1997; LaRoche & Blakey 1997; Epperson 1999,2001; La Roche 2004). Epperson (2001) uses critical race the
ory to analyze seventeenth-century Virginia,
groups
are usu
ally perceived to be largely biologically self perpetuating, and which share fundamental
cultural values, comprise and a common and field identify of communication interaction,
specifically by illuminating specific times of change in the definition of race. He specifi cally addresses a period in the development of the notion of whiteness at multiple sites
in late seventeenth-century Virginia, using
themselves
constituting
& Trotinan
avoids while groups. We genetics tities, using aiming
the
importance
of human iden re
African regarding
practices by hegemonic
By tracing the racial
as a of whiteness emergence an as to category inevitability, opposed to of works concepts Epperson problematize race.
The focus on whiteness is purposeful and is tied directly tomodern uses of ideas about
how race is constructed. on the social used that work can be, Epperson recognizes construction of race to ignore or shroud
sis of DNA samples from the skeletal ma terial of the ABG. Her research intent is to
find to the genetic living West spectrum African that compares as for best ex
populations,
show
diver behind
race behind the rhetoric of colorblindness. Part of the reasoning behind studying white
ness tool is that used the against by study cannot then descendent talk of race become com as es a minority any
munities
silencing
that
sentialist, and thus delegitimizing diasporic racial identities. Work developed in the field
of whiteness cerns, many of studies has caused many about con essen them warranted,
This
embodies the
as an assess at
or
racial
Jackson
groups in three
using ranges of
data, both cultural and biological, to iden tify heightened susceptibility and resistance
to diseases such as specific cancers. After the
www.annualreviews.org
$81
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
correlations
are
complete,
she
can
identify
among to expect
archaeologists to encounter
have at sites
come once
can, Asian/Pacific Islanders, Hispanic/Latino, and American Indian/Alaskan Native, used in theUnited States.
Jackson's analysis has two strong points.
ity, or discontinuity
The creation involved of ture has both
of an African heritage.
American cul creolization and recon
an African
figuration
1995).
in the material
now
record (Singleton
realize that ethnic
Archaeologists
of European,
American
markers either linked to Africa or associated with African Americans are ineffective for in terpreting the majority of African American sites because few yield robust distinctive in formation (Singleton 1995). Elements of cul
ture, severe as part and of evolve systems, adaptive or are totally both per reinvented
this technique avoids the large difficulty of labeling a living pop ulation with a historical origin, centuries removed biologically and environmentally.
it uses who have the Darwinian idea of popu lations to local variables, adapt particular an on a group of impact regardless origin generations ago (Jackson
Rather,
which
(Schuyler 1980, Deetz 1996). Perry & Paynter (1999) and Orser (1998) argue that these de
bates ognize within the historical intricacies archaeology of cultural must construction rec
its geographic
et al. 2000, Kittles et al. 2000, Jackson 2004). The issue here is how to identify the plu rality of African groups that comprise the dias
pora. Because these individuals were not cul
under conditions
domination.
of economic had
Before
transnational
the field
formally
studies
turally homogenous
range must World, of have environments, been
archaeological
poric, Handler
work at Newton
& Lange's
Plantation
(1978) continued
associated arti
diverse
there
were
varying
gions. The work of Armstrong (1985) atDrax Hall in Jamaica and Fremmer (1973) analyz ing dishes from colonial graves pushed the field further into comparative analysis with
Caribbean sites. McKee recovered from slave
studies often reveal traditions and beliefs that can sometimes be tied to specific African groups, aswell as to clines of genes found in
varied frequencies across important working African connections communit for arc ies, revealing haeologists
dwelling sites on the Hermitage plantation small brass items in the shape of a closed hu
man fist. Two from other Annapolis, similar charms were re a root covered another from
throughout
the diaspora.
cellar of a slave dwelling near Memphis, and yet another from a slave dwelling north of the Hermitage.
Funari
(McKee 1995).
and Orser a studied Palmares community record. and had In heterogeneous
found
that
archaeological of pipes
excavated
from
and
cache;
Palmares, Orser (1998) found morphological similarities among pipes recovered from
$82
Leone
LaRoche
Babiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Newton from
cemetery settlements
Paynter
can Republic
decorations public on
and Cuba
Du Bois
artifact as dif
Barrington,
archaeologists
that much
conflate rience
basis
artifacts
within
the diaspora (H?user & Armstrong Haviser 1999, 1999). Archaeologists increas
these artifacts as expressions of demonstrations exertions of identity.
blacks andwhites
evidence different differences for was these
same. Much
DeCorse's
Elmina, Ghana,
(1999)
for
continuing
example, and
work
that
in
of
would have marked the meaning of objects for an individual in complex and sometimes
work contradictory to have racism of ways. Paynter also looks for his com contemporary in the present meaning,
(1997), Orser's (1994), Weik's Agorsah's and Funari's (1996), (1999), among many
other archaeologists' work focusing on ma
bating notions
by reconstructing
the past.
roon settlements, ismoving the field further into African diasporic global contexts to gain
greater the understanding of complexity is counter of and appreciation the African to and cultural entwined for mi with
Mullins'
both on
consumerism,
investigations
into European
expansion.
urges British
eth
and time.
postmedieval archaeologists and examine the role of material culture nicity in the expression and negotiation of historical as identities Britain's overarch they critique
to consider
tion of the difficulties of interpretation was in his discussion of the economy of African
American ingly cosmetics, contradictory specifically, readings of the the seem use of
struggle to link global processes with practices at the local scale" (Delle et al. 2000, p. xii).
ample, Mullins, Paynter, use material and culture Franklin, and for ex to foodways Americans to survive
used
to present
in dominant about
discussions
dynamic women in
www.annualreviews.org
$83
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
work
and
family uses
and
the
rise
of
first-wave
the First African Baptist Church in Philadel sites exem phia (McCarthy 1997). These the richness of the plify morphological record.
Bioanthropological culture analysis, are the sulated types within and change, skeletal and data, spiritual artifact beliefs encap
formations,
and social relations on Rich Neck Plantation inWilliamsburg, Virginia (Franklin 2000). She describes the power that food has to de fine identity and draw cultural boundaries us ing both archeological and historical data. She
refers to an African American collective iden
of analytical cemeteries
(1990) note
that in a
these
of artifact-cataloging
schemes,
tity with an understanding that individuals would not solely have defined themselves by
such a group construct.
objects
negotiate
The
American
heterogeneous
population
African
and African
and con
communicated
nected
whites now meat,
through foodways. In the early part of the eighteenth century, both slave-holding
and may much enslaved be blacks were undesirable swine and eating what cuts cattle of and considered of it from
mediate the spiritworld iswell documented in historical and archaeological sources (Levine 1977, Raboteau 1978,Thompson 1987, Klin LaRoche 1994, gelhofer 1987, Stuckey 1987, 1996, Leone & Fry Singleton 1995,Wilkie 1999, Ruppel et al. 2003) and is a pervasive
concept in historic African American com
munities
strategy oppressed environment.
and throughout
reflects attempts population These
some of itwild. By the end of the eighteenth century, the enslaved population atRich Neck
was eating a smaller variety of wild animals,
contemporary
plex meanings ran contexts. ity with social, value texts, funeral
show the com examples in diaspo carried by artifacts a The be commod object may levels or of value, a marker status; mortuary use of and con because gener
hypothesizes
starting time, to be so white
various spiritual,
economic Within
may
be mutable. meanings
of firearms this
inherited
and burial by
may prevail sites were spaces not the enslaver. a fuller The range where
to white uprisings
reaction
mourner of ma mortu
allowed
aratewhite and black identity even further, by having obviously different foodways. Some of the complexities of identity formation can be
seen sites when contextualizing in the past. smaller, regional
in which
specific African
North Ameri religious
reflecting
practices tied to African localities and the Caribbean came after historical scholars had
already established such strong connections
the diasporic
(Ferguson 1992, Fennell 2000, Leone 2001, Leone & Fry 1999). Terms
as hoodoo, rootwork, conjure, and fixing, conjuration, along with
et al. such
nial graves in Jamaica, Fremmer (1973) found dishes similar to those found in the graves at
$84 Leone LaRoche Babiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
such used to
mo they
of
integrity
imply
adherence about,
knowing
the practices.
avoid
scholars
culture
to African
or more
the absorption
Archaeologists
tence, variety of
West African spirit practices from Texas and the deep South, to the border states, the
Chesapeake region, and into Connecticut and
of European or other cultures (Aondofe Iyo 2005)? This important interpretative issue can be solved by acquiring more knowledge. But
it can also be solved by understanding the po
New York City. Evidence of burials of caches of selected artifacts under and near hearths
and and chimneys, around in northeast doors, steps, corners and sills, of rooms, and some
litical role played by the citation of origins. There could be a larger position assumed for the role of power in the use of new knowledge, and this could be advanced by understand ing the roles of heritage andmemory (Shackel 2000,2001; Ricoeur 2004). Seeing these diffi
culties practice, in creolization theories connecting some have archaeologists begun to to
times in the middle of African work rooms, is now well established (Leone & Fry 1999, Fennell 2000). The meanings are varied still, but there can be little doubt about relation
ships between these artifact occurances and
work
through processes of African diaspora identity theory (Delle et al. 2000; Franklin 2000, 2001; Hicks 2000; Orser 2001). Distinct from spirit practices discussed
above, the spiritual enslaved entwined among practices healing were related. population closely areas of are often negotiation and
The
ated African practices from different regions kept intact and preserved from West Africa. Future scholarship will undoubtedly continue to grapple with these distinctions. Ample evi
dence now suggests that the West African di
understanding
of well-being
2001). Within interactions
comparable to the diasporic religions of Cuba, Haiti, and Brazil. Regardless of how these come to be studied in detail, one of the next
steps is to understand the details of one or
defined by medicinal practices dictated under slavery and held broad implications for the
enslaved population.
more African-derived religions widely spread and used from the eighteenth century onward among North American African captives and
African terpreting Americans. a culture The issue is whether threatens in the as cre?le
www.annualreviews.org
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
the
emerging and
tradition as a
of black
theory political
thought platform action. Franklin observed are of in a unique the lives of position black
in 1771 had a daughter, Sarah, by Job Fos ter as is duly recorded by the Rev. Samuel Phillips.... 'July 14, 1771 Sarah a child given to Job Foster and Lucy[.] aNegro Child was
baptized.'"
women
who
fected forcing
left no written
as a social women enslaved aspects
as an
"[S]lavery
of women's to assume
enslavement
gender-specific
ered his child, the daughter Sarah (slaverywas not abolished inMassachusetts until 1783). Although neither the Bullens nor Baker cen sored the passage, they failed to engage with
the information.
in an unlikely
Lucy's Gar
ing
ceramic
assemblage
of "Black
rather than gender dynamics. Bush (1990), White (1985), Hine (1989), Gaspar & Hi?e (1996), Roberts (1997), and Collins (2000,
2004), among others, have written exten
bly the first of many root cellars that would later become a hallmark on African American sites. Located at the foot of a knoll containing
an Indian site, the cellar contained a rich ce
sively of the sexual plight of the black woman under slavery. Franklin (2001) argues for
the ate use a of these feminist archaeological critiques to cre gendered interpretation
ramics deposit that the Bullens hoped would aid in dating pottery presumed to be Colonial (Bullen & Bullen 1945, p. 17).The initial ex
cavation ceramics. Bullen's to devise ses about teenth centered From research cultural the late analysis a theoretical was one on of the abundant R.P. standpoint, of the "first attempts and and social hypothe early nine from
context, Willrie (2000) effec tively interprets the life of African Ameri socio-historical
can women multiple living, generations both on enslaved and free, for Louisiana's Oakley
chronology eighteenth
century
American
system
plantation. With
ways, shows dolls, and toys, how and reinforce and
everyday combs
identities
at a household
1978, a gendered analysis was not highlighted among historical archaeologists. It is a little
surprising, den has not however, been that reanalyzed Black from Gar Lucy's a feminist
She also emphasizes the fluidity of iden tity. In the late nineteenth century, black
women worked as tenants at plantation living Oakley as servants in the white house planter's
cause of a paragraph that originally appeared in the Bullen & Bullen (1945) article, which
was subsequently reduced to two sentences in
and also lived somewhat physically separated from the local black community. Their every day journeys through time and space would
have cision uality, required making, race, constant in terms and age repositioning of gender, identities. and class, de sex also
Wilkie
examines childhood
$86
Leone
LaRoche
Babiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
generations racialized
how
gendered
and
not just that certain aged. It is ior were taught and reinforced
American
Graves
triation Act (NAGPRA); some feel it has been a helpful experience, whereas others feel it has not. There is little ambiguity among his
torical archaeologists that descendent com
as colonial Virginia and middle Tennessee, Galle & Young (2004) have produced the first
multi-authored collection focusing on gen
munities and their members should be involved in the archaeology of African Amer
icans sues and related that to the results dealing with are positive. The stakehold States the Bris is various
particular archaeologists.
neither
develop and publish a body of intellectually satisfying interpretations of the lives and expe riences of black women. With the exception of Galle & Young (2004), publications address ing this woefully neglected topic are lacking.
We urge Women cal record. a change. are present One of in the archaeologi areas obvious experiences identification research remains, proto New
sought to commemorate the of Cabot's voyage from Bristol quincentenary tol City Council
to mainland America, Bristol's black commu
the most
nity contested the "uncritical and celebratory tone of the Cabot 500 festival, bringing to a head feelings of 'official' silence about Bris tol's historic role in the slave trade" (Hicks 2000). As a result, the Bristol Slave Trade Ac
tion Group, cillors, seum an informal coalition members workers, of the black teachers, in an effort to of city coun mu community, was and academics, bring about a more
York City's ABG as well as the First African Baptist Church site in Philadelphia contained
numerous cultural, female burials containing ethnic, and gendered analytical components
established
2004, Rankin-Hill
the experiences of black recently, in the have been of included analysis sites. In works such as archaeological
tracted for the erection of a federal office building on what is now known as the ABG site inNew York City, the burial ground has
had ested munity a profound public as well. but on the impact not only on the archaeological Historical archaeologists inter com have
Archaeology of Inequality (McGuire & Paynter 1991), Race andAffluence (Mullins 1999), Lines That Divide (Delle et al. 2000), and Race and the Archaeology of Identity (Orser 2001), the
voices of black women are being recovered.
Edwards-Ingram's (2001) work on enslaved black women andmedicinal practices relating to pregnancy, childbirth, child care, and the death of children is particularly compelling.
Future studies will of understanding black women. add to our also materially the lives and experiences of
ally, and politically sensitive sites. Sites such as the burial ground mirror the lessons of theNAGPRA inways that have fun damentally changed how archaeologists think
about the role and power as how of public the public reactions engages to our work, as well
with sites or projects they identify as critically important. The burial ground is just one of
www.annualreviews.org
587
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
sites
at which
the
public, the
in of
communities, guardians.
stakeholders,
or
self-identified
main com
The
pact on
the many
diasporic
munities involved with the project centered on the identity, ethnicity, and material and physical conditions of the enslaved Africans represented in the New York City graves.
One of the other critical requirements voiced
chaeological community. Internally,McDavid & Babson's (1997) seminal Historical Archaeol ogy thematic issue "In the Realm of Politics"
set cal an agenda with which to the archaeologi partic community as a ularly teaching continues tool. engage,
"Seizing
Intellectual
1997), an arti
to be widely
identify the geographical areas inAfrica from which these enslaved peoples had originated. The desired goal was to connect diasporic peoples to a specific physical place, a necessity
for any diasporic project. Showing riences of enslaved and free Africans, "the expe their var
taught and cited, particularly for discussions of ethics in archaeology and working with Similarly, Mack & "Until the Blakey (2004) view, discipline views
descendant pants in the communities comprehensive as integral research partici effort,
descendant communities.
ied interactions with other populations, and their place in the creation of the global econ omy and 'Western' society" (Mack & Blakey
2004, p. 15) gives relevance to present descen
dent political groups. The complexities of working with these communities and the dearth of African Amer
ican sure and that other outreach research archaeologists to stakeholders strategy. Outside of color remains the work en a
vestigations of the African Diaspora" (p. 16). Yet, after 14 years of engaging with texts
about gists set of community not be may involvement, fully aware of with Answers archaeolo the complex
difficult
difficult;
stakeholders elusive.
self-identified
guardians
is often
ties, see Potter 1991, McKee 1994, Brown & & Leone McDavid 1997, Logan 1997, extent to Babson 1997, McDavid the 1999),
which new gists descendant knowledge are, however, and lack the communities remains seeking unclear. to work are using the Archaeolo with other
versely, archaeologists lic support and local results that range The this will that from
of each to be must
indicates
although or ef
to suit particular
Archaeology
continues
fective consultation skills for overcoming "the negative legacy established by the practices of
previous ignoring generations the human of archaeologists factor in the past, such as well as
fully in the public imagination. What stake holders often know implicitly is that interpre tations of the past affect identity formation
in the present and are thoroughly contempo
as in the present (Agbe-Davies 1998, pp. 1-2). Unlike NAGPRA or the mandates contained in Section 106, the archaeological community
has no legal source of authority when work
as it is about
and
$88
Leone
LaRoche
Bahiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
or coerce
or to
glorify
and empower.
Over
the
past 10 years since Singleton & Bograd (1995) wrote their defining article, archaeologists
have increasingly concerned themselves with contributory aspects and public components,
particularly with receptivity of their work (Agbe-Davies 1998, Brown 1997, Franklin & McKee 2004). The role of power in the scholarship of the African diaspora is now becoming more clearly articulated in the archaeology of black Americans. The scientists of the ABG project
have done a great deal to demonstrate the abil
nated atHoward University in Washington, DC, andmoved through Baltimore, Philadel and Newark before a phia, Wilmington, at flotilla arrival Wall Street at the site of New York's colonial slave market (Calendar of Events 2003). "At each of the memorials,
the emotion and pain of centuries was on view, Africans, as the descendants of once-enslaved
as one person commented, 'finally piad] the chance to be in the presence of and to cry for those who lived through slavery, those who made it possible for us to be here today'" (Car rillo 2003). With
remains and the
ity of scholars to work with, follow the leads provided by, and enrich descendent commu
nity members. community successful four from The and effort very idea of a descendent comes and teach human now-famous that none of from from the the its members to and study nineteen
hundred
tery. We
ical activity that has consistently surrounded the site be taken as accidental or incidental by
historical archaeologists. Instead, we hypoth
rial design to be placed at the burial ground site, Rodney Leon's design has now been cho sen (Katz 2005). The final major component of the project, the Final Report, should bring heightened scholarly interest in the site and
provide current and future archaeologists and
esize both a trend and even an inevitability in the involvement of the lay community inwhat
were to be thought discoveries. archaeological once arcane or irrelevant
2004).
legacy. On September
Trade Center, which
chaeological laboratory of the Five Points site aswell as theAfrican burial site, was destroyed by an act of terrorism. Although virtually all the artifacts from the Five Points site were lost, the artifacts from the burial ground were
not on site and were spared.
and how
that bears
on how
On October 4, 2003, the remains were reinterred inwooden coffins draped inKente cloth and hand carved inGhana, West Africa
(Figure 1, see color insert). The coffins were
we might represent ourselves" (Hall 1996, p. 4). The myth of racial democracy in Brazil is
one curs. example Under of the how guise identity of formation democracy, oc racial
reburied in lower Manhattan in seven large crypts placed along the western edge of the original burial site. The magnitude of the im pact of the burial ground on the American
public Rites can be seen by the four-state, of Ancestral Return tribute multi-city that origi
dominant white groups in Brazil perpetuate state and local levels of racism by identify ing differences and justifying inequality as
cultural and economic rather than as racial
(Hanchard
democracy
$89
www.annualreviews.org
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
constructs
a type
of
racism
and unrecognized Brazilians by many as it attempts to difficult fight against, color as a signifier. standards, By U.S.
is
indigenous peoples within the diaspora in combination with specialists inAfrican Amer
ican and studies alternative record. are necessary interpretations to expanded bring to the archae
ological
Historical archaeologists working within the African diaspora approach the field with a
researchers of political variety agendas. Many ex use and European colonialism, capitalism, as their whereas foundation, pansion scholarly others explicitly and deconstruct Some state the desire to racism focus on expose in the the us
the
recognize resources
to control a certain language of the past to control people and this includes and the categories
present.
ages of material
and oppressed therefore use poses By cavate, of identity, archaeology and
for domination
subordination.
groups
Although archaeology is a vehicle through which the origin and evolution of black com
munal and cultural formations can be under
for modern
stood, specific training in African American history or history of the African diaspora is
not We a requirement advocate and for working that historical that the in this subfield. archaeologists requires,
virtue
archaeologists
researching
the African
in shifting
to
develop,
profession
a strong historical
American of African history in the African and diaspora American in general practices American of has
knowledge
studies. historical been much
in African
Exploitation sources and less evident excavating exceptions
life. The
shifting
emphasis
away from on
influences
exist (Adams & Smith 1985, Brown & Cooper 1995, 1991, Singleton 1990, Ferguson Paynteretal. Historical
create material analytic forms
opportunity in action.
to
rel for
anthropology.
of history
as Northern
plantations,
the UGRR, or the discovery of the ABG in New York have led to new thematic issues
within torical archaeology as well. that are setting the his
communities
archaeology,
and
agenda
in
CONCLUSION
In this review, we locate the resistance to slav
and using
new
knowledge
is emerg Archaeol
of archaeology.
among the
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
data
with
which or has
change tions,
as well of
that must working it is our interpreta changed; as our awareness of the con interpretations, that must
we
are
racial Most
sequences change.
these
condition of exploited
hemisphere. depended diasporic but also Be on peo stand
Historical archaeologists would do well to follow the example set by Morgan. In his American Slavery, American Freedom (1975),
he wrote tion, of an extensive slavery, including system that was of exploita to required
for survival and profit, slavery can be seen as ples living with, that process. ing against, vast The majority
ologists working in the United States are intellectually conservative and politically lib
eral. U.S. pora, scholars however, working are far more and are more within focused politically the on dias chang active.
the United
interested
Yet the archaeologists of African America have explored those most exploited by the Amer
ican of economic system to broaden in our is meant peoples, ask whether the level democratic This voices, First, we participation is what voiceless must modern
They
and
to problematize
capitalism, traditional
the
relationship
by notions and muted this world we has and must ma using we di are
scholars within
greater willingness
exhibit
the econom
or were from
can
learn. We
with also
asporic
survivals
inseparable,
self-identity interpretations
for or against
answers
fication of not only identity but also of com plex cultural and political processes and in teractions with the landscape. It is not the
the
tie
capitalism,
a better
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Mark Leone is indebted to Jay B. Haviser andKevin C. MacDonald for allowing access to their volume African Re-Genesis: Confronting Social Issues in the Diaspora, to be published byUniversity as of London Press of the One World part College Archaeological Series. Leone's knowledge
of maroon indebted settlements to Lisa Kraus and the issues constant they raise comes and from this volume. Jennifer Babiarz is for her advice collaboration.
www.annualreviews.org
$pi
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
LITERATURE CITED
Adams WH, Smith SD. 1985. Historical perspectives on black tenant farmer material ture: the Henry C. Long General Store Ledger ofWaverly Plantation, Mississippi. Singleton 1985, pp. 309-34
Agbe-Davies Soc. Am. Agorsah EK. A. 1998. "Race" Matters 63rd, Seattle Archaeological, Ethnographic, Univ. West Indies transformation to Nati. patterns Geogr. Soc. Maroon of and the and Historical Perspectives. in African-American Archaeology. Presented at Annu. Archaeol., 1994. Maroon Jamaica: Canoe
cul See
Meet.
settlements Suriname
preliminary
submitted
Portland, OR: Portland State Univ. Agorsah EK. 2001. The secrets ofMaroon heroism as pioneer freedom fighters of the African diaspora. In Freedom inBlackHistory and Culture, ed. EK Agorsah, pp. 1-25. Middletown, CT: Arrow Point Aondofe
World: 2005. Armstrong
culture"
slave
settlement:
archaeological
investigations
at
See Singleton 1985, pp. 261-87 Baker VG. 1978.Historical Archaeology at Black Lucys Garden, Andover,Massachusetts: Ceramics from the Site of aNineteenth Century Afro-American. Andover, MA: Phillips Acad. Baker VG. 1980. Archaeological visibility of Afro-American culture: an example from Black
Lucy's Garden, Andover, Massachusetts. In Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in Amer
DraxHall.
ica, ed. RL Schuyler, pp. 29-37. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Bancoff AH, Winter FA. 2003. The archaeology of slavery at the Van CortlandtMansion, Bronx,
New RI York. Presented at Annu. Conf. on Hist, and Underwater Archaeol., 36th, Providence,
Bankoff HA, Ricciardi C, Loorya A. 2001. Remembering Africa under the eaves. Archaeology 54:36-40 Beckles H, Sheperd V. 1991. Caribbean Slave Society and Economy.New York: New Press BlakeyML, Rankin-Hill LM. 2004. Skeletal biology final report?volume 1.Howard Univ., Wash
ington, DC. http://africanburialground.com/ABG_FinalReports.htm
Bordewich FM. 2004. Digging into a historic rivalry. Smithson.Mag. Feb.:96-107 Brown KL. 1997. Some thoughts on archaeology and public responsibility, hi African-American Archaeology:Newsletter of theAfrican-American ArchaeologyNetwork, ed. JPMcCarthy, Vol.
18. http://www.newsouthassoc.com/newsletters/newsletterl8.html Brown KL, Cooper DC. 1990. Structural 24:7-19 continuity in an African-American slave and tenant
community.
Hist.
Archaeol.
Bush B. 1990. Slave Women in Caribbean Society, 1650-1838. Kingston, Jamaica: Heinemann the Colonial African Calendar of Events. 2003. Rites of Ancestral Return: Commemorating _No Heritage. http://www.africanburialground.com/OPEI_Documents/OPEI_Vol3 10_FaUWinter_2003.pdf
Carrillo KJ. 2003. Rites Oct. of ancestral 10: return' re-inters remains of 419 colonial-era Africans. Amsterdam News http://www.amsterdamnews.org/News/article/article.asp?
NewsID=33192&sID=4
%gi Leone LaRoche Bahiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Catts
WP,
Silber
BH. laborers
2003. at
Blacksmith,
Mason,
an
Bevewyck
plantation,
Jersey.
and Underwater
Archaeol.,
36th,
Providence,
More Than 300 Sites. Chadwick B. 2000. Traveling theUnderground Railroad: A Visitors Guide to New York: Citadel Christian CM. 1995. Black Saga: The African American Experience, A Chronology. Washington, DC: Counterpoint Collins PH. 2000. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and thePolitics ofEmpower ment. New York: Roudedge Collins PH. 2004. Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and theNew Racism. New York: Roudedge Deagan KA. 1995. FortMose: Colonial Americans Black Fortress ofFreedom. Gainesville: Univ.
Press DeCorse Fla. CR. 1999. Oceans apart: Africanist perspective on diaspora archaeology. See Single
ton 2001, pp. 132-55 Deetz JJ. 1996. In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology ofEarly American Life. New York: Doubleday Delle JA, Levine MA. 2004. Excavations at theThaddeus Stevens and Lydia Hamilton Smith
Site, Lancaster, Pennsylvania: archaeological evidence for the Underground Railroad?
SA, Paynter R, ed. 2000. Lines That Divide: Historical Archaeologies ofRace,
Knoxville: Univ. Tenn. Press
Drake SC. 1987. Black Folk Here andThere: An Essay in History andAnthropology. Los Angeles:
Univ. Calif. Los Angeles Afro-Am. Stud. Cent.
1915. The Negro. New York: Holt 1940. Dusk ofDawn: An Essay TowardAn Autobiography of a Race Concept.New
Brace Y. 2001. African American medicine and the social relations of slavery. See
Edwards-Ingram
inNew York City. InHistorical Archaeologies of Capitalism, ed.MP Leone, PB Potter Jr, pp. 81-110. New York: Plenum
Epperson TW. 2001. the archaeology "A separate house of race and identity for the Christian slaves, one for the negro See Orser slaves": 2001, in late seventeenth-century Virginia.
pp. 54^70
Fanon F. 1968. Black Skin, White Masks. Transi. CL Markmann. New York: Grove
Fennell CC. 2000. Conjuring boundaries: inferring past identities from religious artifacts. Int. J. Hist. Archaeol. 4(4):281-313 Ferguson L. 1978. Looking for the "Afro" in Colono-Indian pottery. Conf.Hist. Sites Archaeol. Pap. 12:68-86 Ferguson L. 1991. Struggling with pots in colonial South Carolina. In The Archaeology of Inequality, ed. RH McGuire, R Paynter, pp. 28-39. Oxford: Blackwell Ferguson L. 1992. Uncommon Ground:Archaeology andEarly African America, 165 0-1800.Wash
ington, DC: Smithson. Inst. Press
Franco JL. 1968. Cuatro siglos de lucha por la libertad: los palenques. In La Presencia Negra En El Nuevo Mundo, ed. JL Franco, pp. 91-135. Havana: Casa de lasAmericas Franklin M. 1997. "Power to the people": sociopolitics and the archaeology of black Americans. Hist. Archaeol. 31(3):36-50
www.annualreviews.org The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times 5575
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Franklin
M.
2000.
The
archaeological
and
symbolic
dimensions
of soul
food:
race,
culture,
and
Afro-Virginian identity. See Orser 2001, pp. 88-107 Franklin M. 2001. A black feminist-inspired archaeology. J. Soc.Archaeol. 1(1): 108-2 5 Franklin M, McKee L. 2004. African diaspora archaeologies: present insights and expanding
discourses. Hist. Archaeol. 38:1-9
Franklin JH, Schweninger L. 1999. Runaway Slaves: Rebels on thePlantation. New York: Oxford
Univ. Fremmer Press R. 1973. Dishes in colonial graves: evidence from Jamaica. Hist. Archaeol. 3:59-60
Railroad
Ohio Hist.
in
102:98-117
Funari PP. runaway 1999. Maroon, settlement. race and gender: Palmares material Back from culture the Edge, and social relations M in a Hall, In Historical ed. PP
Archaeology:
Funari,
S Jones, pp. 308-27. London: Routledge Funari PP, Hall M, Jones S, ed. 1999. Historical Archaeology: Back from the Edge. London: Routledge Galle JE, Young AL, ed. 2004. Engendering African American Archaeology: A Southern Perspectve.
Knoxville: Univ. Tenn. Press
Indiana
Guillot CF. 1961.Negros RebeldesYNegros Cimarrones {Perfil Afro-Americano En La Historia Del Nuevo Mundo Durante El SigloXVI). Montevideo, Uruguay: Farina Editores Hall S. 1996. Introduction: Who Needs "Identity"? In Questions ofCultural Identity, ed. SHall, P Du Gay, pp. 1-17. London: Sage
Hanchard M, ed. 1999. Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil. Durham: Duke Univ. Press
America. San Diego: Harcourt Harding V. 1981. There isa River: The Black Strugglefor Freedom in
Brace Harrison FV. 2002. Subverting and Toleration: the New cultural Perspectives, logics of marked ed. K Hastrup, and unmarked G Ulrich, racisms. pp. 97-125. In Dis The
crimination
Hague: Martinus Nijhoff (an imprint of Kluwer Law Int.) H?user M, Armstrong DV. 1999. Embedded identities: piecing together relationships through
compositional Caribbean, analysis ed. JB Haviser, of low-fired pp. 65-93. earthenwares. Princeton: Markus In African Wiener Sites Archaeology in the
Haviser J, ed. 1999. African Sites Archaeology in the Caribbean. Princeton: Markus Wiener Haviser JB,MacDonald KC, eds. 2005. African Re-Genesis: Confronting Social Issues in theDias
pora. London: Univ. Coll. London Press. In press
Henson
J. 1877. Uncle Tom's Story ofHis Life: An Autobiography of theReverend Josiah Henson. London: Christian Age Off; Reprint 1971. London: Cass House ofBondage. London: Cass Heuman G, ed. 1986. Out of the Hicks D. 2000. Ethnicity, Race and the Archaeology of the Atlantic Slave Trade. Public ity leaflet from the Respect. Trade Exhib., Bristol City Mus. Art Gallery, 1999.
http://www.shef.ac.Uk/assern/5/hicks.html
Hine DC. 1989. BlackWomen inWhite: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession 1890-1950. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press Hodder I. 1986. Reading The Past. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press Hodder I, ed. 2001. Archaeological Theory Today.Maiden, MA: Blackwell
$94 Leone LaRoche Babiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Jackson
FLC.
2004.
Human
genetic
variation
and health:
new
assessment
approaches
based
on
ethnogenetic layering. Br.Med. Bull. 69:215-3 5 Jackson FLC, Jackson KM, Khan LF, Haywood S, Raslan L, et al. 2000. Strategies for over
coming RW. the current limitations on comparative genetic studies of the African diaspora. Hist.
Archaeol. 29(4):39-58 Johnson M. 1999. Archaeological Theory.Maiden, MA: Blackwell Katz WL. 1986. Black Indians:A Hidden Heritage. New York: Atheneum Katz WL. 1987. The BlackWest. New York: Simon and Schuster Katz C. 2005. Architect Picked for Burial Ground. Daily News, http://www.nydailynews.com/ lchtml news/local/story/305034p-26103 Kittles RA, Doura M, Sylvester N, Jackson FLC, Blakey M. 2000. From African to African American: insight on the formation of African American mtDNA variation. Am. J. Phys. Anthropol. 30:197-98 Klingelhofer E. 1987. Aspects of early Afro-American material culture: artifacts from the slave quarters inGarrison Plantation, Maryland. Hist. Archaeol. 21(2): 112-19 Krieger AR. n.d. Initial report of phase I survey of the Lick Creek African American Settlement
Orange USDANatl. County, Indiana 1817-1911. Cult. Nati. Resour. Reconnaissance Rep. No. 09-12-04-170. Forest Serv., Hoosier Forest
Kusimba C. 2004. Archaeology of slavery in East Africa. Afr. Archaeol. Rev. 21(2):59?88 LaRoche CJ. 1994. Beads from the African Burial Ground, New York City: a preliminary
assessment. Beads: J. Soc. Bead Res. 6:3-20
LaRoche CJ. 2004. On the edge of freedom: free black communities, archaeology,and theUnderground Railroad. PhD Diss. Univ. Maryland LaRoche CJ, Blakey ML. 1997. Seizing intellectual power: the dialogue at the New York African burial ground. Hist. Archaeol. 31(3):84-106 Leone MP, Fry GM. 1999. Conjuring in the big house kitchen: an interpretation of African
American belief systems based on the uses of archaeology and folklore sources. J. Am. descent.
Foftfor* 112(445):372-403
Leone MP, Fry GM, Ruppel T. 2001. Spirit management among Americans of African
See Orser 2001, pp. 143-57 Leone MP, Logan GC. 1997. Tourism with
African-American past through collaborative
examines
An Applied
Perspective, ed. E Chambers, pp. 129-46. New York: State Univ. NY Press Levine L. 1977. Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thoughtfrom Slavery toFreedom. New York: Oxford Univ. Press Lovejoy PE, Trotinan DV. 2003 a. Introduction: ethnicity and the African diaspora. See Lovejoy & Trotman 2003b, pp. 1-8 Lovejoy PE, Trotman DV, eds. 2003b. Trans-Atlantic Dimensions of Ethnicity in theAfrican
Diaspora. London: Continuum
MackME,
BlakeyML. 2004. The New York African Burial Ground Project: past biases, current
and future research opportunities. Hist. Archaeol. 3 8(1): 10-17
dilemmas,
Mackenzie D. 2005. Ahead of its time? Smithsonian Jan. :2 6-2 8 Malakoff D. 2004. The vestiges of northern slavery. Am. Archaeol. 8(l):38-43 Material culture and the performance of sociocultural identity: community, McCarthy JP. 1997. ethnicity, and agency in the burial practices at the First African Baptist Church Cemeteries, Philadelphia, 1810-1841. In American Material Culture, The Shape of the Field, ed. AS Martin, JR Garrison, pp. 359-79. Knoxville: Univ. Tenn. Press
www.annualreviews.org The Archaeology ofBlack Americans in Recent Times 595
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
McCorvie
M.
2004. Archaeology
of
the
Spirit
on
Forest.
http://www.fs.fed.us/i^/forests/shawnee/news/2004/1096606800--1096653891--01
Oct-2004.php
McDavid C. 1999. Contemporary and conversations computers. about the laboration, Town descendants, Presented archaeology at the World of slavery Archaeol. and Congr. tenancy: col 4, Cape
McDavid
C, Babson DW, eds. 1997. In the realm of politics: prospects for public par ticipation in African-American and plantation archaeology. Soc. Hist. Archaeol. 31(3):1
152
McGuire McKee McKee Morgan
New
R, Paynter R. 1991. The Archaeology of Inequality.Maiden, MA: Blackwell L. 1994. Commentary: Is it futile to try and be useful?: historical archaeology and the
experience. Northeast Hist. Archaeol. 23:1-7
African-American
earth is their witness. Sciences March/April, 35(2):36?41 1975. American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia. early American slavery. In Inequality inEarly America, ed. CG
239-66. Hanover: to the Archaeol., Univ. Press New project. RI England Pap. presented at Annu. Sylvester 36th, Manor Providence,
York: Norton
Morgan
Mrozowski Conf.
1999. Rethinking
SV SA. Salinger, 2003. pp. Introduction
Pestana,
Hist,
and Underwater
Mrozowski
Knoxville:
SA, Delle JA, Paynter R. 2000. Introduction. In Lines That Divide: Historical Ar
of Race, Univ. Class, Tenn. and Gender, Press ed. JA Delle, SA Mrozowski, R Paynter, pp. xi-xxxi.
chaeologies
Mullin GR. 1972. Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance inEighteenth-Century Virginia. New York: Oxford Univ. Press Mullins PR. 1999. Race andAffluence: An Archaeology ofAfrican America and Consumer Culture. New York: Plenum Nevin L. 1994. Black loyalists inNova Scotia. Afr Am. Archaeol. Newsl. 11: http://www.
newsoutJiassocxom/newsletters/Suninierl994.html
Nevin L. 1998. Was this the home of Stephen Blucke?: The excavation of AkDi-23, Birchtown, Shelburne County. NSM Curator. Rep. 93 Modern World. NewYork: Plenum Orser CE Jr. 1996. An Historical Archaeology of the Orser CE Jr. 1998. Archaeology of the African diaspora. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 27:63-82 Orser CE Jr, ed. 2001. Race and theArchaeology of Identity. Salt Lake City: Univ. Utah Press Palmi? S, ed. 1995. Slave Cultures and the Cultures of Slavery. Knoxville: Univ. Tenn. Press Payter R. 2001. The cult of whiteness in western New England. See Orser 2001, pp. 125 42 Paynter R, Hautaniemi S,Muller N. 1996. The landscapes of theW.E.B. DuBois Boyhood
Homesite: an agenda for an archaeology of the color line. In Race, ed. S Gregory, R Sanjek,
pp. 285-318. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press PerryW, Paynter R. 1999. Artifacts, ethnicity, and the archaeology of African Americans. See Singleton 1999, pp. 299-310 is the use of plantation archaeology? Hist. Archaeol. 25(3):94 Potter PB Jr. 1991. What
107
Powell S,Nevin L. 1998. Archaeological
the Price tracadie area and testing two sites F. 2003. Forgotten spaces and resident
1998: surveying
(1891
1930). PhD thesis. Univ. New Mexico. Ann Arbor: Univ. Microfilms Int. Price R, ed. 1979.Maroon Societies. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press
596 Leone LaRoche Babiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Raboteau AJ. 1978. Slave Religion. New York: Oxford Univ. Press Rankin-Hill L. 1991 .ABiohistory of 19th-century Afro-Americans theBurial Remains ofa Philadel phia Cemetery. Westport: Bergin & Garvey Ricoeur P. 2004. History, Memory, and Forgetting. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press Rivers S, BeasleyJD, Jordan S. 2003. UHermitage: Interpretinga French-Caribbean Plantation
inWestern Maryland. Pap. presented at Annu. Conf. on Hist, and Underwater Archaeol.,
36th, Providence, RI Roberts D. 1997. The Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning
Pantheon
Ruppel T, Neuwirth J, Leone MP, Fry GM. 2003. Hidden in view: African spiritual places in North American landscapes. Antiquity 77(296):321-35 Sawyer GF, PerryWR. 2003. New Salemplantation: continuing investigations into African captivity
on an 18th century plantation 36th, in Connecticut. Providence, RI Pap. presented at Annu. Conf. on Hist, and Underwater Archaeol.,
Schuyler G. 1980.Hunger in a Land ofPlenty. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Schwegler A. 2000a. On the (sensational) survival of Kikango in 20th-Century Cuba.J. Pidgin Creole Lang. 15:159-64 Schwegler A. 2000b. The African vocabulary of Palenque (Columbia). Part I: introduction and corpus of previously undocumented Afro-Palenquerisms. J. Pidgin Creole Lang. 15:241?
312
Shackel PA. 2000. Archaeology and Created Memory: PublicHistory in aNational Park. New York:
Plenum
Landscapes of New
Shanks M, Tilley C. 1987. Reconstructing Archaeology: Theory and Practice. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press Shepherd VA. 2003. Ethnicity, colour and gender in the experiences of enslaved women on non-sugar properties in Jamaica. See Lovejoy & Trotman 2003 b, pp. 195 217 Singleton TA, ed. 1985. The Archaeology of Slavery and Plantation Life. New York: Academic
Singleton 40 Singleton TA. 1995. Archaeology of slavery the in North America. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 24:119
TA.
1997.
Commentary:
facing
challenges
of a public
African-American
archae
ology. Hist. Archaeol. 31(3): 146-52 Singleton TA, ed. 1999. i, Too, Am America: Archaeological Studies ofAfrican-American Life.
Charlottesville: Singleton TA. 2001. Univ. An Press Va. perspective on African archaeology: toward an archae Americanist
Americas: Guides to Singleton TA, BogradMD. 1995. The Archaeology of the African Diaspora in the the in Literature the of Immigrant Experience America, Number 2. Archaeological Washington,
DC: Soc. Hist. Archaeol.
Stuckey S. 1987. Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the Foundations of Black America. New York: Oxford Univ. Press Americas. New York: Longman Thompson VB. 1987. TheMaking of the African Diaspora in the Trouillot MR. 1992. The Caribbean region: an open frontier in anthropological theory. Annu.
Rev. Anthropol. 21:19-42
www.annualreviews.org
$97
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Walker
Univ. WeikT.
JEEL 1995 [1983]. Free Frank: A Black Pioneer on theAntebellum Frontier. Lexington:
Ky. Press archaeology of maroon societies in the Americas: resistance, cultural con 1997. The
tinuity, and transformation in the African Diaspora. Hist. Archaeol. 31(2):81?92 WeikT. 2004. Archaeology of the African diaspora in Latin America. Hist. Archaeol. 38(1):32 49 White DG. 1985. Ar'n't Ia Woman?: Female Slaves in the Antebellum South. New York: Norton
Wilkie LA. sumer 1996. Medicinal choices and teas and patent medicines: at a Louisiana African-American plantation. women's Southeast. con ethnomedical traditions Archaeol.
5p8
Leone
LaRoche
Babiarz
This content downloaded from 157.253.50.10 on Tue, 4 Feb 2014 16:17:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions