Adam Mickiewicz's Apocalyptic Feminism and Spiritual Friendship with Margaret Fuller

Apocalyptic Feminism: Adam Mickiewicz and Margaret Fuller Author(s): Ursula Phillips Source: The Slavonic and East
European Review, Vol. 87, No. 1 (Jan., 2009), pp. 1-38 Published by: the Modern Humanities Research Association and University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25479322 . Accessed: 17/04/2013 13:12
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Modern Humanities Research Association and University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Slavonic and East European Review.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 130.39.62.90 on Wed, 17 Apr 2013 13:12:52 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE AND
SLAVONIC EUROPEAN REVIEW
EAST
Volume
87, Number
-January
2009
Feminism: Adam Apocalyptic and Margaret Fuller Mickiewicz

URSULA PHILLIPS
aspect This
Fuller feminist writer and journalist Margaret (1810-50): and in vision of Woman her role their shared namely, history.2 The views of the two authors had been shaped separately by the spiritual and literary inspirations they had in common before they met but, as I shall argue, these became further radicalized in Mickiewicz's case during the mid-i840s, under Fuller's influence. Com arguably mentators have wondered about the 'extraordinary chemistry' between them, to use Charles Capper's seeming to view their phrase,3 many American
the Polish Romantic poet Adam Mickiewicz
article explores
one
of the 'spiritual friendship'1
between
(1798-1855) and the
Ursula
Studies. European 1 Adam Mickiewicz, poete nationale de la Pologne: Etude psychoana Gille-Maisani, Jean-Charles and Paris, 1988, p. 600 ('une amitie spirituelle'). I believe Montreal lytique et caracterologique, of the nature of the relationship. this to be an accurate representation 2 This study was originally at the examination inspired by the topic set for my doctoral Institute of Literary Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences in 'Woman (March 2006): I wish to express my gratitude to Marta Romanticism'. Piwihska for suggesting I include to the three SEER I am also endebted Fuller. on reviewers who commented Margaret the text, as well as to three other scholars who likewise offered their constructive criticism: Roman Elzbieta Kislak and Grazyna Borkowska. I especially wish to express Koropeckyj, for allowing me to read the my gratitude to Roman Koropeckyj chapter of his forthcoming The Life of a Romantic, Ithaca, NY, (AdamMickiewicz: biography 2008) that covers Mickie in 1846 as well as his relationships with a number of women wicz's break with Towianski in the 1840s including and Delfina Lubienska Fuller, Ksawera Deybel, Konstancja Potocka. 3 Charles Capper, Margaret Fuller: An American Romantic life. Volume 2: The Public Years, New does not consult Polish sources except forMickiewicz's letters York, 2007, p. 319. Capper to Fuller, which were written in French and are available in English. See Leopold Wellisz, The Friendship of Margaret Fuller d'Ossoli and Adam Mickiewicz, New York, 1947.
Phillips
is Honorary
Research
Fellow
at
the UCL
School
of Slavonic
and
East
ADAM as a
MIGKIEWIGZ potential
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
one, especially on Fuller's never be known. When part.4 Their precise feelings for each other will Mickiewicz's letters to Fuller main basis for such speculations) (the are considered in the light of his other, contemporary relationships with women, it becomes this aspect is what doubtful as to whether it exceptional. My emphasis in this article will be on the common made and on how Mickiewicz dis intellectual and religious backgrounds, covered in Fuller not only the fullest embodiment of his spiritual ideals but also a model for their pragmatic transference from the predomi attraction romantic
or actual
into the social and political. However, this too nantly spiritual domain statements about equality, requires caution: because despite his grand and despite his obvious of the qualities of individual recognition women both in his personal relations and in the public sphere, he in fact did very little to advance the cause of women's liberation in prac the time when he was editor of the socialist news tical terms. During La Tribune des paper Peuples (1848-49) and exercised a free hand in this to write on many other progressive political forum prominent public
will become clear and I trust its appropriateness that of Mickiewicz, not my intention to 'deconstruct' course It is this the of article.6 during to methodologies Mickiewicz inspired by late twentieth according to examine his spiritual and political but century gender theory, use women I 'feminism' advisedly the word in the for 1840s. agenda ? and that identifies and in a general sense, to denote an approach
4 See and for instance, Joan Von Mehren, Minerva and Marta Zielinska, NY, 1994, pp. 248-58, in Zielinska (ed.), Tajemnice Mickiewicza, Warsaw, the Muse:
questions, he did not write about this one.5 The impression enthusias commentators several that Mickiewicz embraced American tically by was an activist on behalf of women's is somewhat thus exag rights was a gerated. His conception of equality essentially spiritual and intel lectual one, and although it came to imply (especially under the impact in any of Fuller) also a social and political one, it did not materialize concrete programme in the political arena. After 1849, when the two does friends lost touch, and then Fuller's death in 1850, Mickiewicz not mention it again. His style of 'feminism' was primarily messianic, futuristic, 'apocalyptic', closely linked to his Towianist spirituality. in her 'Apocalyptic feminism' is the term used by Donna Dickenson not to but also Fuller's of Fuller characterize feminism, only biography
Amherst, Fuller', pp
A life of Margaret Fuller, z Margaret 'Tajemnica przyjazni 1998 (hereafter, Tajemnica przyjazni),
63-78. See his writings for the Tribune in Adam Mickiewicz, Dziela. Wydanie rocznicowe 1798 12, pp. 15-296. The paper's editors included the feminist 1993-2005, igg8, 17 vols, Warsaw, wrote on subjects other than women's but Mickiewicz Pauline Roland, emancipation. 6 Donna 1993, p. 182: Dickenson, Margaret Fuller: Writing a Woman's Life, Basingstoke, to an apocalyptic feminism.' subscribed 'Like Fuller herself, Mickiewicz
URSULA aspires Charles ?
PHILLIPS
ideas promi in isolation from the revolutionary socialistic and messianic a close nent in contemporary France.8 Mickiewicz friendship enjoyed at the College and was familiar with de France with Jules Michelet to appear in 1847. his Histoire de la Revolution frangaise, which began was to write voluminously on the subject of woman, inmuch Michelet wrote to Fuller.9 the same millenarian spirit as Mickiewicz
before and Fuller that the views of both Mickiewicz essential to remember on on women cannot not understood be women) properly (and only case inMickiewicz's outside the spiritual context, which governed all to Towian his 'conversion' his actions and pronouncements following in April ism on 30 July 1841, despite his riftwith Towianski 1846, or
to eradicate discrimination on grounds of gender. Coined by active term has been widely applied tomovements the Fourier, It is and the Saint-Simonians.7 the 1840s such as the Owenites
It is significant that the date of their initial meeting and Mickiewicz's for her a first letter to Fuller (February 1847), in which he prophesies as an to women in France and role Poland, transforming example more statements to his with radical almost coincides America, exactly the Towianist Circle of God; these also indicate a shift in emphasis earlier comments from the exclusively Polish context of Mickiewicz's to the world about women's universal, stage. The emancipation at this time was closely involved with one of the fact thatMickiewicz was also in Towianist women, Ksawera regular correspon Deybel, and dence with his former lover and now good friend and benefactress, Lubienska, Konstancja signing himself off in affectionate terms, does or sexual not suggest that Fuller fulfilled any exceptional emotional role for him.10 Fuller, who put herself under Mickiewicz's 'spiritual was likewise radicalized politically, it could be argued, by guidance',11
See Jane Rendell, The Origins of Modern Feminism: Women inBritain, France and theUnited New Jerusalem, London, States, iy80-1860, London, 1985, and Barbara Taylor, Eve and the 1983. See Frank E. Manuel, The Prophets ofParis, Cambridge, G. Charlton, MA, 1962; Donald Secular Religions inFrance 1815-1870, London, Le Christ Romantique, 1963; Frank Paul Bowman, Le Christ des barricades, Paris, the reception of Geneva, 1973, and Bowman, 1987. On ideas by Polish thinkers, see Adam Sikora, Prorocy szcz^sliwych swiatow, Warsaw, Utopian 1982, and Andrzej Walicki, Mi^dzy jilozofiq, religiq i politykq,: Studia 0 mysli polskiej epoki see Rendell, feminist movements in France in this period, romantyzmu, Warsaw, 1983. On Modern Feminism, and Claire Goldberg French Feminism in the Nineteenth Moses, Origins of Century, Albany, NY, 1984. Histoire 9Jules Michelet, de la Revolution francaise (1847-53), L&fo ne (i860), La sorciere
see On Mickiewicz's relationship with Ksawera Deybel, Krzysztof Rutkowski, 'Miejsce w rodzinie Mickiewiczow', inMarta Zielinska Ksawery Deybel (ed.), Tajemnice Mickiewicza, For his correspondence with Warsaw, 1998, pp. 29-62 (hereafter, 'Miejsce Ksawery'). see Mickiewicz, vols 16-17. Dziela Lubienska, ijg8?igg8, 11 Von Mehren, Minerva and the Muse, p. 260.
(1862). 10
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ ?
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
Mickiewicz's messianic politics the revolutionary events in Rome
and especially by his involvement in in 1848. Fuller's enthusiasm for the Polish poet and his support for Mazzini, she had already whom met and admired not only in in London is evident (October 1846), her private correspondence but in the dispatches she sent from Rome during 1848-49 to theNew York Daily Tribune.12 Both Mickiewicz and Fuller were established figures in their own in Paris. Fuller had published before their in March right 1845 meeting her most famous and influential feminist work, Woman in the Nineteenth a collection of her essays had in London Century. In 1846 appeared entitled Papers on Literature and Art. From December 1845 sê had to been the literary editor of the New York Daily Tribune, continuing send articles to the Tribune during her travels in Europe, which had in the summer of 1846.13 Mickiewicz commenced by this time had ceased to write major works of poetry. After the appearance of his long narrative poem Pan Tadeusz in 1834, he remained nevertheless a promi nent figure in the Polish emigration in Paris, not least because of his sect of Andrzej Towianski and conversion inJuly 1841 to the messianic in his his lectures at the College de France (December 1844) 1840-May as Chair of Slavic Literature. capacity Chodzko indicates in his diary that Fuller was familiar Aleksander is no document, such as a clear with Mickiewicz's lectures.14 There statement in a
read Fuller's works, letter, to prove that Mickiewicz I would with argue on the basis of Leopold Wellisz, although, along his letters to Fuller that he appears to have been familiar with at least identified a connection with in the Woman Nineteenth Century.Wellisz the first first letter to her (he believed Fuller's work inMickiewicz's a sentence in of 'and not an accidental line to be a paraphrase, one', to Woman)}5 My is that in article this Fuller's Introduction suggestion Nineteenth Century he was indeed familiar with the text of Woman in the of certain ideas, such as Fuller's exposition because of the coincidence
New York, The Writings of Wade, 1941, Margaret Fuller, ed. Mason 1848) where (19 April p. 452 (29 March 1848) and pp. 461-64 'These Sad But See also Margaret and the Polish Legion. Fuller, and Susan Belasco ed. Larry J. Reynolds Glorious Days': Dispatches from Europe 1846-1850, and Mazzini, Fuller York, 1991, pp. 209-31 Smith, New (pp. 212 and 222-24). On see Fuller, Writings, pp. 439-47; Margaret Fuller, Letters of Margaret Fuller, ed. Robert N. 6 vols, Ithaca, NY, 210, 5, pp. 196-98, 201-02, 1983-93, 4, pp. 240, 248-49; Hudspeth, of Mazzini: View 247-50, and 6, pp. 376-77, and Shirley Smith, 'Anglo-Saxon Women's and The Case of Margaret Fuller', Italian Culture, 10, 1992, pp. 85-96. On Mickiewicz i Mickiewicz see Anna wolnosci, Mazzini, 'Wielcy Apostolowie Tylusinska-Kowalska, idei i czynu', Przeglqd Humanistyczny, 49, 2005, 6, pp. 13-22. braterstwo Mazzini: 13 see Capper, Margaret Fuller: The Public Tears. For a full account of Fuller's movements, 14 Adama Mickiewicza, Poznan, 4 vols, 1890-95, 3, p. 452. Mickiewicz, Zywot Wladyslaw 15 Wellisz, Friendship, p. 14. Fuller, especially Mickiewicz
12 Margaret pp. 405-540, she mentions
URSULA
PHILLIPS
and her specific of a feminine principle, that is her 'idea of woman' even to Mickiewicz refers which directly and conception of 'virginity', I with and in his correspondence which shall address in her, questions more detail below. but without noticed their 'ideological Wellisz bond', thoroughly investigating it, sixty years ago: In her rebellion against themeasurement of the rights ofmen and women with two different yardsticks, in her firm belief in women's abilities and vocation, in the ideological foundation of her philosophical writings and in her conviction thatmankind was capable of attaining new and higher
levels points of development, on most vital and she saw eye social
both had grown out of a fusion of the principles of Christianity with those
of mediaeval contemporary mysticism as well as progressive social
problems
to eye with Mickiewicz. also The coincided.
Their
view
concept
of
ideology.16 'an astonishing similarity between the wording of her Credo in 1842 as a synthesis of her religious and philosophical in this convictions and the utterances of Mickiewicz and Towianski on all 'a of ideas from the period'; profound community questions, was familiar with to reincarnation'.17 Mickiewicz condition of woman The Dial, the Transcendentalist initially edited by Fuller, magazine encountered there Waldo Emerson's article, 'Man the having Ralph that appeared in the April 1841 issue. Mickiewicz is credited Reformer', to a European with having introduced Emerson audience when he referred to Emerson's article in his lecture of 21 February 1843.18Mickie formulated There was
wicz translated several pieces of Emerson into French.19 It is possible he also read the earlier version of Woman, entitled The Great Lawsuit: versus Men. Woman versus in The Dial inJuly Man Women which appeared 1843.20
16 17Ibid., pp. 5-6. Adam Mickiewicz, 'lis se sentirent en profonde Ibid., p. 14; Gille-Maisani, p. 600: communaute sur toutes les questions, d'idees la condition de la femme jusqu'a depuis or Polish are my own unless la reincarnation.' Translations in this article from French otherwise stated. 18 see Emerson in Mickiewicz, Dziela 10, pp. Mickiewicz, 143-44. On ijg8-igg8, Marta i Emerson 'Mickiewicz Skwara, prelekcje paryskie', Pami^tnik Literacki, 85, 1994, w mickiewiczowskich filozoficzna 3, pp. 104-22, and Andrzej Walicki, 'Problematyka see prelekcjach paryskich', %nak, 1998, 12, pp. 80-99 (PP- 94"~99)- On Fuller and Emerson, Margaret Fuller: The Public Tears. Capper, 1 en soi. See Mickiewicz, 'Confiance Dziela 'L'Histoire', 13, pp. 345-464: ijg8-igg8, 'L'homme d'Emerson', Adaptation religieux reformateur'. 20 see Marie The Dial, of the two versions, 1843, 4, pp. 1-48. For a useful comparison Mitchell Oelsen 'Woman in the and Nineteenth Century: Genesis, Urbanski, Form, Tone, Rhetorical in Urbanski New Age, Orono, ME, Devices', (ed.), Margaret Fuller: Visionary of the read either version, itmust have been in English. There 1994, pp. 160-80. IfMickiewicz has never been a translation of Woman into Polish, and a French translation appeared only in 1988: Margaret Fuller, La femme au ige siecle, trans. Sylvie Chaput, Montreal, 1988.
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
are known about the actual Very few precise facts meetings between Mickiewicz and Fuller that took place in Paris and Italy between 1848: there are the references Fuller makes 1847 and May February
to to them in letters to Emerson,21 toMarcus and Rebecca Spring,22 to F. and the diary of Rebecca Giovanni Clarke,23 Ossoli;24 James confided, and which is discussed, Spring, to whom Fuller occasionally for example, in Joan Von Mehren's biography;25 and the brief record sonWladyslaw Mickiewicz, ofMickiewicz's who states thatMickiewicz not so much by her masculine 'was amazed [sic] erudition as by the depth of her conceptions'.26 and fellow Towianist ideas and by what they had in common with includes the record of Mickiewicz's Wladyslaw Aleksander who claims Circle his own friend that Fuller was
perhaps
feminism, they believe is her rightful place in the history of American All scholars who have looked at the literature and philosophy. material agree that it was something special, their first encounter on this. different interpretations have been put though 'exceptional',30
or by the poet himself. Mickiewicz destroyed by Wladyslaw nature the the rather of the relationship scanty 'evidence', Despite ? sometimes and Fuller has been the subject of between Mickiewicz ? has researchers. Its fallen, at voyeuristic study speculation among least until very recendy, to two groups of scholars: on the one hand, in the field of Polish literary studies the 'Mickiewiczologists' working feminists keen to restore Fuller to what and, on the other, American
Chodzko, of God and shared its ideas, and also made such a powerful impression on her that alleges thatMickiewicz on a a century later Mickiewicz's she fainted letters sofa.27 Almost to Fuller (ten in all) came to light in the Library of Harvard College, and were publicized independently of each other by Emma Detti28 and Fuller's letters toMickiewicz have never been recovered, by Wellisz.29 drawn into the Towianist
21 Fuller, Letters, 4, pp. 258-62; 5, pp. 55, 63-64. 22 6, pp. 376-78. Ibid., 4, pp. 262-64; 23 Ibid., 5, pp. I73-76 24 Ibid., 5, pp. 124-26, 129-30. 25 and the Von Mehren, Minerva Muse, pp. 257-58. 26 Mickiewicz, Zywot, 3, pp. 451-52. Wiadyslaw 27 as passage, Ibid., p. 452. The Chodzko quoted by Wellisz, Aleksander Wydanie Friendship, pp. 9-20, and Capper, z Adamem Chodzko, 'Rozmowy 1933-38, sejmowe, 16 vols, Warsaw, Fuller Ossoli
is included Mickiewicz, by Wiadyslaw Margaret Fuller: The Public Years, p. 318. See also in Dziela wszystkie. Mickiewiczem', Mickiewicz, 16, pp. 203-44 (these are not included inDziela 1942.
Emma Detti, Margaret 29 Wellisz, Friendship. 30 Ibid., pp. 9-10.
e i suoi correspondent, Florence,
URSULA to show whether or not
PHILLIPS
in love,31 or whether they were Attempts Mickiewicz may have been the father of Fuller's illegitimate son (born ? more vital September 1848),32 distract, however, from something ? more which might interesting to the history of ideas and of feminism ofMickiewicz's broaden our understanding thought after he ceased to feminists (Donna Dickenson, write poetry. The American Joan Von and Elaine Marie Mitchell Oelsen Urbanski33 Showalter34 Mehren, and among others) who have explored Fuller's intellectual background social ideas inmuch more detail than the Polish scholars have perhaps come closer to appreciating the nature of Mickiewicz's impact on on not the Polish poet and his cultural Fuller, despite being specialists influence of Fuller on Mickiewicz, however, heritage. Any possible on their part. remains unexplored
in accordance with the general ignoring of Fuller was overlooked, women writers of the past, by the established Polish authorities on Mickiewicz: Juliusz Kleiner, Waclaw Borowy, Konrad Gorski, Stanislaw in his more Kazimierz Wiktor Weintraub, Likewise, Wyka. Pigoh, recent biography, Zbigniew Sudolski mentions only Chodzko's account of Fuller's faint, and her allegedly dreamy and depressive personality;35 are included otherwise his few references to the Fuller correspondence to in track Mickiewicz's whereabouts only Italy. Similarly, another recent biographer, Tomasz Lubienski, emphasizes only Fuller's faint for Mickiewicz, and her 'weakness' that he does make the except ? observation that with she certain French interesting belonged along ? women to 'some new generation ofMick attracted to Towianism iewicz's female friends entirely from outside the Polish or wider Slavic other recent scholars of Polish literature, however, circle'.36 Among
31 was notes the rumour, allegedly taken up by Emerson, Danilewiczowa thatMickiewicz to divorce his wife Celina and marry Fuller, but I am aware of no evidence for planning Pierscien z Herkulanum i plaszcz pokuty, London, this; see Maria Danilewiczowa, i960, p. 79. indicates that the suggestion was also made Capper by Rebecca Spring: Capper, Margaret Fuller: The Public Tears, p. 333. Similarly, Manfred 'Adam Mickiewicz and Margaret Kridl, in Kridl Fuller', 1951, p. 259: (ed.), Adam Mickiewicz, Poet ofPoland: A Symposium, New York, 'One is tempted to speculate whether Mickiewicz had not a more interest in "earthly" the attractive American than to convert her to his faith and help her to carry out her "mission".' 32 later has second thoughts about Zielifiska, Tajemnica przyjazni, pp. 63-78 (p. 74). Zielihska her speculations thatMickiewicz this may have been the father of Fuller's child, describing as see Jaroslaw Marek malo prawdopodobna'): Dorota 'unlikely' ('hipoteza Rymkiewicz, and Marta Siwicka, Alina Witkowska 2001, p. Zielinska, Mickiewicz: Encyklopedia, Warsaw, Mitchell Oelsen 'Woman in the Nineteenth Century': A Urbanski, Margaret Fuller's Literary CT, Study ofForm and Content, of Sources and Influence, 1980. Westport, 34 Elaine Showalter, Inventing Herself: Claiming a Feminist IntellectualHeritage, New York, 2001, PP-4i-6i. Sudolski, Mickiewicz: Warsaw, 1995, p. 646. Zbigniew Opowiesc biograficzna, 36Tomasz Lubiefiski, M jak Mickiewicz, Warsaw, 2005, pp. 198, 201-02. 158. 33 Marie
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
Fuller's intellectual importance for Mickiewicz has been recognized, even if mentioned only briefly. Zielinska, although she focuses on their sexual involvement), nevertheless attachment (and possible personal a notes that 'To discuss what they had in common would require recent in Another Polish scholar, Marta Skwara, separate work'.37 Transcendentalism and its influence on Polish her study of American writers, also points to the intellectual impact of thismeeting of minds, had earlier fully appreciated it; but she does claiming that only Wellisz not develop the theme herself.38 Likewise Ewa Kossak, in her study of the impact of Fuller on Mickiewicz, the Towianist women, mentions but this is not the focus of her study and she also does not develop
His meeting with such an unusual being sparked a real new and holy formulations from Mickiewicz.'39 eruption of is discussed by Capper.40 Cap Fuller's relationship with Mickiewicz intellectual heritage and also implies, but the common per appreciates was familiar with the text of does not precisely argue, thatMickiewicz am somewhat doubtful as to whether Mickiewicz's Woman, though I was so 'Mickiewicz had ferreted out all her interest in Fuller calculated: to Fuller cer favourite themes.'41 His first letter (or written address) as some terms in of women's way exclusive in tainly marks her out and I shall return to this below, but I am liberation and empowerment, interest on less convinced about any sustained exclusivity of personal letters exude less of the provocative Mickiewicz's part. His subsequent that Capper sexual piquancy suggests and more of the slightly patron ? ? of yet intimate (and blunt) authority also characteristic izing to Lubienska his contemporaneous letters Konstancja (quoted below). reference to 'Mickiewicz's pro-women's rights circle', which Capper's some were in kind of proactive that involved Towianists the suggests movement claim by like the similar for women's emancipation, to in his introduction Fuller's essays ('Mickiewicz Reynolds Leopold was also an ardent advocate of women's rights'), needs qualification of the for Mickiewicz The and contextualization.42 importance some attention from Roman in his receives Koropeckyj friendship Lubienska. where forthcoming biography ofMickiewicz, Marie Sand and d'Agoult, Margaret George he suggests that alongside Fuller may also have had
'She [Fuller] embodied the values he had once sought inCelina [his wife] and inKsawera [Deybel], inDelfina [Potocka] and Konstancja
it:
37 Zielihska, Tajemnica przyjazni, p. 65. 38 Marta Skwara, Krqg transcendentalistow amerykanskich w literaturzepobkiej XIX idei ipowinowactw z wyboru, Szczecin, 2004, pp. 61-67. Dzieje 39 recepcji, Boskie diabfy, Ewa K. Kossak, Warsaw, 1996, p. 289. 40 Fuller: The Public Years, pp. 316-19, 333-35, 376-77. * Capper, Margaret ibid., P. 319 'These Sad But Glorious Days', p. 13. Ibid., p. 318; Fuller,
iXX
wieku:
URSULA
PHILLIPS
new the 'urgency' with which he approached something to do with the women's issue in the winter of 1846-47. where he directly focus here will be the texts by Mickiewicz My a political or in a religious in either the women's addresses question, de France of 17June context, or in both: his lectures at the College to the Circle of and his addresses Towianist 30 April 1844, 1842 to Fuller inMarch written between his letters God 15 1847, Margaret 1849, and t'ie List ofPrinciples (Sklad 1847 an^ 9 September February (1848). I shall also consider briefly some zasad) of his Polish Legion of his letters to Lubienska written during this same period, where he addresses a woman's independence. personal and moral text discussed here will be her best-known As to Fuller, the main in the work Woman Nineteenth Century (1845), a lengthy treatise on the as much from a spiritual, literary condition of contemporary woman ? as from the social or and philosophical perspective political though the latter is certainly a major part of it: the ills of contemporary the inadequate education marriage, usually afforded to prostitution, women and their subsequent lack of'self-reliance', their exclusion from the public any profession ability to undertake sphere yet potential or 'office', ifyou will', soldier or carpen that of'sea-captain, including in a literary style of engaged enthusiasm and ter,43 all this delivered to New York she moved When from New England prophetic destiny. and took up her role as a correspondent for theNew York Daily Tribune, her social criticism became more pronounced, though themain themes to visiting pro in Woman. In addition had already been established a defender of stitutes in Sing Sing Prison, she became marginalized ? Indian Americans, 'others' Jews, Irish immigrants, to whose dis on behalf of her own sex must advantaged positions her activism surely have sensitized her.44 Her vision for woman was without question one of social action, in Woman it depends is one yet the ideal of the feminine on which mentors male Fourier Goethe, prescribed by spiritual (Swedenborg, among others), that is it is one that seems readily to adopt the postula tions (elevated to the status of 'truths') that spring from the imagina tions of men, without questioning the stereotyping of women evident as some commentators in such prescriptions. However, have argued, and Charles Capper, Fuller's conception including Joan von Mehren
43 Nineteenth Century and Other Writings, ed. Donna Fuller, Woman in the Margaret Dickenson, from this edition will be indicated by page Oxford, 1994, pp. 115-16. Further quotations references in the text. 44 See Margaret A. Lukens, of Conscience: 'Columnist Fuller's New York Margaret in Urbanski, in Fuller, Writings, New Age, pp. 183-96, and dispatches Years', Visionary of the and Fuller, 'These Sad But Glorious Days'.
10
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
one: 'in her most radical move, is rather an 'androgynous' that the core of "femality" is androgynous. The notion of a bigender humanity and even divinity had been a strong undercurrent to Swedenborg, in hermetic thought from the Neoplatonists eventually as as into well German later French social Romanticism.'45 flowing Von Mehren is linked to suggests that Fuller's 'gender multiplicity' 'the theory of sexual identity that sprang from her concept of the soul as without gender',46 which completely developed interestingly resonates with a claim made by Mickiewicz to in one of his addresses are triat to inMarch 'Women the Circle of God called 1847 equality; of gender she posits including Mickiewicz, spirits do not have gender'.47 The Towianists, as 'spirits in female shells' and addressed them as referred to women on at to 'brother' or 'brethren'. Mickiewicz the least surface, appears, share this idealized 'androgynous' vision of woman informed by similar and French Romanticism). inspirations (Swedenborg, German Fuller
the cultural notions of femininity and sometimes detaches marked female or male biologically, there from individuals masculinity in instances she attached that these greater significance by suggesting to the qualities than to their physical embodiments. She says: 'it is no more the order of nature that it [Femality] should be incarnated pure in any form, than that the masculine energy should exist un and female represent the two sides mingled with it in any form. Male of the great radical dualism. But, in fact, they are perpetually passing to solid, solid rushes to fluid. There into one another. Fluid hardens is no wholly masculine man, no purely feminine woman' (p. 75). She men all for 'who like of mentions Percy Bysshe Shelley, example, comes close which feminine shared the 74), development' (p. genius, to Mickiewicz's identification of the poet with the feminine voice in earlier poem Romantycznosc (Romanticism, 1822). The poet in his much reason and the identifies with Romantycznosc rejects cold scientific extreme feeling of a young peasant woman who cannot accept her lover's death: 'Feeling and faith speak more powerfully to me/ Than and the glass eye of the philosopher [m^drca szkielko i oko] / [...] a heart and look into the heart!' Have (lines 64-6C)).48 This famous as a what is exhortation, which concludes defining generally regarded an raises of Polish Romanticism, manifesto important question about the poet identify himself as a of himself. Does the poet's perception feminine voice? Jaroslaw Lawski, drawing on similar interpretations of
45 Fuller: The Public Tears, p. 118. 46Capper, Margaret and the Von Mehren, Minerva Muse, p. 168. 47 Leonarda 'Przemowienie dia Kola Adam Mickiewicz, Mickiewicz, 48 Ibid., Dziela ijg8-igg8, 1, pp. 55-57. 13, pp. 278-84 (p. 283).
Rettla
5 marca
1847',
in
URSULA
PHILLIPS
II
in the world'.50 Fuller writes about real women's actual life a or female not about the 'idea of feminine woman', just experience, Towards the end of her treatise she claims that principle. 'By being more a soul, she will not be less a woman' own sense (p. 117).My ? ? is that there is a real live and unresolved tension between this situation to the world. Whilst Capper and a gynocentricapproach is androgynous a fixed to claim that for Fuller right 'gender like religion is neither social construct but a dynamic cognitive category nor a meaningless and relational sign of the metamorphosing soul of the universe', I am less convinced by his subsequent suggestion: 'Indeed, so dynamic is her seem to preclude any gender idea of gender that itwould androgynous cannot for women.'51 I of program agree that her understanding yet neither is it driven by gender is unproblematically 'androgynous'; a consistent sense of an essential difference between the sexes. Sexual identity, in other words, including that of the author herself, appears highly unstable. It is also my contention that when Mickiewicz speaks even of the equality of women, though he may speak of 'spirits' (duchy) as being without gender, he likewise does not transpose gender into an androgynous spiritual 'beyond': he also takes account of the physical both her potential for real action in the reality of embodied woman, public sphere, and her private needs. He follows the statement about 'spirits' not having gender with the following: 'they [spirits] are equal to the differences in their organiza and called to actions appropriate tion [sic]' which would in seem, fact, to be a recognition precisely of difference.52 But I am leaping ahead. Several of the specific spiritual inspirations mentioned in Woman, and whom Fuller treats as authorities in her promotion of woman's spiritual capacities and hence in justification of her claims for equality,
49Jaroslaw Lawski, Marie romantykow. Metafizyczne wizje kobiecosci: Mickiewicz-Malczewski is also discussed by Zofia Krasinski, Bialystok, 2003, pp. 20, 85-90. The gender dimension 'O "Romantycznosci"', in Stefanowska, Proba zdrowego rozumu,Warsaw, Stefanowska, 1976, de Beauvoir's Simone in Toril Moi, What discussed is a Woman? And formulation, Other Essays, Oxford, 1999, pp. 59-72. 51 is discussing here the Capper, Margaret Fuller: The Public Tears, pp. 118-19. Capper earlier version (The Great Lawsuit), but these passages are in Woman. unchanged 52 Dziela Mickiewicz, 13, p. 283. iyg8-iggg,
in this poem associates femininity with Goethe, argues thatMickiewicz intuitive and superiorpowers of cognition, with seeing (like the poet) with 'the mind's eye' and having a more direct route to absolute truth.49 All this suggests that the male authorities on whom Fuller draws In the case of also had an androgynous of gender. understanding ? whether it be intentionally, both Fuller and Mickiewicz, however ? the material, bodily woman and consciously or despite themselves the way she experiences the world also come into play, woman 'as a
12 map
ADAM onto
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
to Mickiewicz's those that contributed intellectual and de Maistre formation, religious including Joseph (1755-1821), Claude Henri de Boehme Saint-Simon (1760-1825), Jacob (1575?1624), Emmanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772), and the poet Johann Wolfgang von Goethe all these, but her chief three (1749-1832).53 Fuller mentions are and the French and Goethe, Swedenborg, political philosopher socialist Charles An Fourier additional, Utopian major (1772-1837).54 influence on Mickiewicz's religious formation and attitude to official Catholicism was Felicite de Lamennais (1782-1854). Fuller encountered in Paris before she met Mickiewicz Lamennais and commented favour on his newspaper not she him in does mention but L'Avenir,55 ably Woman as significant to the development of her own ideas. as her chief Fuller and Goethe Fourier speaks of Swedenborg, a female model for ('a self-possessed, wise inspirations establishing to and graceful womanhood', the changing role of p. 79) sympathetic woman in contemporary life: 'One of prominent interest is the unison of three male minds, upon the subject, which, for width of culture, and dignity of aim, take rank as the power of self-concentration of the prophets coming age':
Swedenborg came, he tells us, to interpret the past revelation and unfold a new. He announces the new church that is to prepare the way for the New Jerusalem [...]. His idea of woman is sufficiently large and noble to interpose no obstacle to her progress. His idea ofmarriage is consequendy Man and woman share an angelic ministry, the union is from sufficient.
one
As theNew Church extends its ranks, the needs ofwoman must be more
considered. As and aposde supersede [...] of the new the old order, that was of the based social on fabric that is to rise Fourier Swedenborg a from comes love,
to one,
permanent
and
pure.
in an outward order, many expressing, a was secret stranger springs. [...] He was on the outward fixed more needs new
strife, Charles facts of which to the
next, saw the seer eye of
the divine order [...]. He

era [...] too places He woman
has filled one department of instruction for the

on an entire equality with man, and wishes to
experiences. highest of man. Yet too, was he,
His
give to one as to the other that independence which must result from intellectual and practical development. [...] The object of Fourier was to give her the needed means of selfhelp, that she might dignify and unfold her life for her own happiness and that of society, (pp. 79-81)56
53 Woman, pp. 66, 71, 79-85. 54Fuller, 80-81. 55 Ibid, pp. Fuller: The Public Tears, pp. 313-16. 56Capper, Margaret at Brooke Farm The Transcendentalists' experiment phalanx.
was
inspired
by
Fourier's
URSULA I agree with Marie Urbanski social concerns, as first and New England distinguished when
PHILLIPS
13
foremost
also has elements of the classical oratio. The applicatio of the sermon is that women must act to save themselves, a sentiment in tune with shows Emerson's exhortations of self-reliance or self-culture. Urbanski how the work is informed not only by Transcendentalist spiritual and ethical concerns, but also their theory of art, where the overwhelming on the individual, on subjective experience, on the author emphasis is the basic assumption is 'the superiority of the of where intuition, ity an to in the with which Mickiewicz had much letter',61 spirit approach common, especially by the 1840s. Mickiewicz does not allude to the same spiritual icons as Fuller in
'revolutionary more politi spiritualism', the feature that separates Fuller from other, as or the feminists (such Fanny Wright cally oriented contemporary how the work, con Urbanski demonstrates anti-slavery women).58 sidered by some critics as 'incoherent and rambling',59 is structured as a sermon, for which the key text is Matthew 5, verse 48: 'Be ye perfect' a call to both men and women, inWoman this is (pp. 7-8).60 Although tone is 'didactic' and 'hortatory', and The the focus is on women.
Transcendentalism all by what above
she describes Woman, despite its a a religiouswork, product of of the late 1830s and early 1840s,57 Urbanski calls its
as such, yet it is the context of women's emancipation significant that he promotes them in broader terms, because they expressed unconven to tional (that is non-doctrinal with regard the traditional theology of ideas about many aspects of religious the official, established Church) life. In some of his own renderings of these mystical thinkers, Mickie wicz comments, for example, on the ideal spiritual marriage: 'Man is the spirit of woman, woman is the soul of man and everything unites in joint leadership there woman ties herself to [w spolnym wodzu]; man a true and finds soul. is This pure spirit, pure (Louis de marriage' or on human woman's Saint-Martin); 'original' 'androgyny', 'genesis' 'divinity' (Boehme). He does so, however, without directly asserting any specific agenda other than to indicate, by the very act of selecting them, that such issues were of interest to him.62 and
57 Fuller's Woman, pp. 97-127. See also David M. Robinson, 'Transcendentalism Urbanski, Its Times', in Joel Porte and Saundra Morris (eds), The Cambridge Companion toRalph Waldo Emerson, Cambridge, 1999, pp. 13-29. 58 Fuller's Woman, p. 124. Urbanski, 59 InventingHerself, p. 53. 60 Showaiter, Fuller's Woman, pp. 128-45. Urbanski, and See Mickiewicz's translations (p. 342), and essay Jakub Boehme'
Il Ibid, pp. 134-35.
of Saint-Martin in Dziela (1853) in ibid, pp. 465-85
iyg8-igg8, (pp. 475-76,
13, pp. 480-81,
341-44 484).
14
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ discovered Boehme
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
Mickiewicz de Saint-Martin Russia
(1743-1803)
spiritual formation by the mid-1830s when he compiled his Apothegms and Sayings (?dania i uwagi), the subtitle of which is: 'From theWorks of Silesius and Saint-Martin5 dziel Boehme, Jacob ('Z Jakuba Angelus i S^-Martena').64 Aleksander records Chodzko Sl^zaka Bema, Aniola as two in of these Mickiewicz said, 1852, having mystics and of
(1824-29).63 Although these two as well as another 1624-77) were already of
through the works of Louis-Claude he read when he was in exile in was his Boehme much later essay (1853), mystic Angelus Silesius (Johann Scheffler, to Mickiewicz's considerable importance whom
Swedenborg: Of themodern mystics, the greatest isBoehme, a soul burning with a great, pure flame and painting its visions with fierywords. He is also a Divine prophet and a seer for the Christian people of today just as Isaiah was for
the Hebrews.
more
Second after Boehme is Swedenborg, but he is neither so purely nor so deeply initiated into theworld of the spirit.He sometimes has great visions,
often lesser ones.
understood Boehme well; he dwelt among sceptics, Voltaire, Rousseau, at a most difficult time for believers [that is during the ? UP], and is the third prophet.65 Age of Reason Saint-Martin In discussing Goethe, her third 'guru', Fuller ismost in her element. with Goethe's of German literature and acquaintance knowledge and she played texts,many of which she translated, was phenomenal;66 a key role in spreading of German culture in the the appreciation was his Immortal Beethoven: United the music of States, including Her
translation of Sayings isKoropeckyj's is beyond the scope of the present article; for a good analy the title. A detailed discussion 'Notes etpensees (Zdania i uwagi) d'Adam Mickiewicz: sagesse et Maslowski, sis, see Michel inMaria solitude', par lui-meme, Paris, 2000, pp. 35-53. See (ed.), Mickiewicz Delaperierre i uwag Adama Mickiewicza also Andrzej Lam, podobienstwo wykazujacych 'Metryki Z^ Aniola do epigramatow 1, pp. 145-70, and Andrzej Pami^tnik Literacki, 99, 2008, Slazaka', and Ewa Hoffmann-Piotrowska Fabianowski 2005, mistyczny, Warsaw, (eds), Mickiewicz i uwagi and on Boehme. several essays on Zdania which contains 65 Dziela wszystkie, 16, p. 241. Mickiewicz, 66 of German See Renate Interpreter and Translator 'Margaret Fuller: Delphendahl, Literature', in Urbanski, also Arthur R. Schultz, New Age, pp. 54-100; Visionary of the ? in Joel Myerson Transcendentalist Literature', Interpreter of German 'Margaret Fuller onMargaret Fuller, Boston, MA, and Henry A. 1980, pp. 195-208, (ed.), Critical Essays in ibid, pp. 228-46. Pochman, 'Margaret Fuller and Germany',
(Saint-Martin), Encyklopedia, pp. 479-81 see of Saint-Martin for Fuller, Jeffrey significance in Margaret in of Transformation', Fuller, Woman New Text, Backgrounds, Criticism, ed. Larry J. Reynolds, 'Rhetoric of Transformation'), pp. 278-97 (pp. 293-94). directiy in Woman. ^Mickiewicz: Encyklopedia, pp. 621-23. Apothegms and
63 Mickiewicz:
the possible pp. 49-50 (Boehme). On Fuller's Rhetoric Steele, 'Margaret the Nineteenth Century: An Authoritative York and London, 1998 (hereafter, Saint-Martin She does not mention
URSULA Beloved
PHILLIPS
15
to Fuller?67 another prototype of the feminine which appealed 'In Faust, the 'redeeming power' of the female inFaust She emphasizes we see the redeeming power, which, at present, upholds woman, while the Mater for a better day, in Margaret Dolorosa [sic]. To waiting she appeals for aid. [...] In the second part, the intellectual man, after he his manifold strivings, owes to the interposition of her whom had betrayed his salvation. She intercedes, this time herself a glorified Gloriosd (Fuller's emphases, spelling and punc spirit, with the Mater a not Hence the female saviour tuation, p. 82). only herself represents to with the ultimate intercede salutary principle, but has the power the Mother of God. Fuller refers here of course redeeming principle: to Goethe's 'eternal feminine' which Lawski identifies as the overriding female figures up to and feminine principle underlying all Mickiewicz's in those Pan Tadeusz (1834). including such as Leonora and Fuller refers to other heroines of Goethe, Iphigenia, but it is to the female figures in Wilhelm Meister's Lehrjahre (1821) and Wanderjahre (1829) that srie 'would especially refer' (p. 83). Wilhelm's is populated progress to maturity and wisdom by a series of or means of the feminine by feminine types embodiments of which he
as the ones them as formen' (p. 84). Fuller identifies two in particular, she finds most acceptable: Mignon and Macaria. 'the soul of Macaria, a star, i.e. pure and perfected intelligence embodied in feminine form', is the last (and highest) stage in Wilhelm's initiation: 'She instructs him in the archives of a rich human history, and introduces him to the of the heavens. bound with the contemplation [...] In the Macaria, in fixed revolutions, the centre of all relations, her heavenly bodies ? unrelated [my emphasis; here Fuller means: unattached, virgin UP], he expresses theMinerva side of feminine nature' (pp. 83-84). But it is not only the 'Minerva side' that Fuller believes is important. She also identifies another of Goethe's female types inWilhelm Meister as crucial to the definition of female nature: Mignon, 'the finest expression ever to what I have called the in woman' element yet given lyrical (p. 83); is the nature' electrical, inspired, lyrical 'Mignon (p. 84). Here we have the origins and prototypes of Fuller's two 'sides' to female nature, or
'In all is initiated into different aspects of experience and knowledge: she says, 'the aim of Goethe is satisfac these expressions of woman', tory to me. He aims at a pure self-subsistence, and free development of any powers with which they may be gifted by nature as much for
67 See Ora Frishberg Salomon, in America, 'Margaret Fuller on Beethoven 1839-1846', as a The Journal of identified Beethoven 1992, Winter, pp. 89-105. Towiahski Musicology, would Christian be who in understood the 'distant uniquely inspired prophet fully only future'; see Andrzej Towiahski, 2004, Wybor pism i nauk, ed. Stanislaw Pigoh, Wroclaw, pp. 244-47.
l6
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
specifically female nature with the notion of 'androgyny': Fuller must herself have had wavering views on the subject. But it is 'only in the present crisis', she suggests, 'that the preference to Minerva' to become is given self-sufficient and (women need ? so as to be taken learn the 'powers' of 'continence' and 'self-poise' not appear to does Fuller seriously by patriarchal society); ultimately, time has favour thismodel, but theMuse, that the Muse's recognizing not yet come: 'The especial genius of woman I believe to be electrical I inmovement, intuitive in function, spiritual in tendency. [...] What mean by theMuse is the unimpeded clearness of the intuitive powers to every admonition of the higher which a perfectly truthful adherence instincts would bring to a finely organized human being. Itmay appear or as as the she associates poesy' (pp. 75-77). Moreover prophecy with the feminine: and 'The 'mystical' spiritual tendency is 'spiritual' towards the elevation of woman, but the intellectual by itself is not so ever more masculine than feminine; [...]. But the intellect, cold, is woman in The element has not been the electrical, [...] magnetic out at be any period. Everything might expected from fairly brought are more it than man' Minerva and theMuse she has far of it; (p. 66). not opposites, however; they should not be regarded as the poles of a binary rather they reveal two different aspects of one opposition; nature. Minerva is and developed, has to be educated but the Muse to assumed essential and hence innate, God-given (and by implication to all women). be common inMickie It is not my intention here to analyse images of women that is in his work prior to 1841 and his Lawski's analysis of the coincidence with, in his general conception of woman, and potential influence of, Goethe as in common with Goethe however, isworth noting since it has much a case for what he believes the is makes Fuller. Lawski portrayed by Mickiewicz's poetical work: overriding vision of femininity contained in Goethe's das model 'eternal the of the feminine', Ewig-Weibliche, namely does the intercessor between earthly man (sicl the 'salvation' of woman a toposof Romanticism not feature) and the Transcendental, European poetical production, to Towianism. conversion and Platonic that grew out of both Christian thought, but acquired as a result of the Poles' in the Polish poets, characteristics additional
68 The p. 168. tide of Von Mehren's see also Von Minerva and
'Femality', as she calls it (which is a much more neutral term than the 'femininity'?): 'There are two aspects of woman's culturally loaded and Minerva' nature, represented by the ancients as Muse (p. 74).68 I et al., such an exposition of find it impossible to reconcile, pace Capper
wicz's
biography;
Mehren,
the Muse,
URSULA
PHILLIPS
17
situation, although, Lawski 'psycho-spiritual' specific historical and in Mickiewicz is the narrative subordinate insists, national-patriotic to this more universal conception of woman's role in the Divine plan and in cultural history. Hence the images of ideal salvational women in for Pan instance, (Zosia, Tadeusz) functioning more on the symbolic ? as collective saviours of nations and level than the level of the plot of humankind, not merely as saviours of male scholar-poets. Interpret ed in this philosophical-cultural context, the dramatic role of such an as Ewa, the maiden at prayer inDiiady insignificant figure apparently sees III in her mind's Part who eye the young poet (Forefathers' Eve) on his way to Siberian and who is judged by some messiah exile, critics to be an infantile irrelevance,69 acquires a stature not usually ascribed to her. She has more in common with Mickiewicz's prophetic formulations of the 1840s than may be immediately apparent, suggest an ing ideological continuity between these 'embryonic' models and the in Fuller.70 'saviour' Mickiewicz would later perceive The model of female patriotism that Mickiewicz portrays in the narrative poem Grazyna (1823) and in the well-known short poem Smierc puffcownika (The Colonel's Death, 1832) depends, however, on total sacrifice cause in support of or in of a woman's subjectivity for the patriotic men. The clearest of (however factually inaccurate) of place example the is Mickiewicz's in the transgressing gender boundary portrayal of Smierc Emilia soldier-heroine of the Plater, poem pulkownika 1830-31 insurrection in Lithuania, later eulogized by Fuller in Woman.11 Such in Polish history and heroines literature, already had precedents as Maria in but the early 1830s, portrayed Janion explains,72 by Mickiewicz the background of the tragedy of the 1830-31 against
69 Lawski, Marie Wale. Jan70
romantykow, pp.
224-45.
Lawski
quotes
the critics Waclaw
Borowy
and
Father Piotr's prophetic vision (now Scene V); ibid, p. 80. 71 Polish aristocratic woman Fuller, Woman, pp. 25-27, 116. Fuller's use of this exceptional as an example to encourage women norms and American 'to challenge patriarchal to participate as a feminist model. in public life' is, however, See Halina problematic 'The Wounds of History: Gender Studies and Polish Particularism', in Helena Filipowicz, and Beth Holmgren Goscilo Modern Polish Culture, Indiana Slavic (eds), Poles Apart: Women in woman writer Studies, 15, 2005, pp. 147-67 (pp. 160-61). Fuller was not the first American to eulogize Plater, but Lydia Maria in her History of the Condition ofWomen (1838): Child Emilia Plater as a model of female patriotic behaviour in Urbanski, Woman, p. 87. On several Polish 'The Daughters in of Emilia Plater', literary texts, see Halina Filipowicz, and Sibelan Forrester Pamela Chester and (eds), Engendering Slavic Literatures, Bloomington Indianapolis, 1996, pp. 34-57. 72 Maria Warsaw, Janion, Kobiety i duch innosci, 1996, pp. 78-99 (pp. 79-81).
in addition observes is an androgynous that Ewa Koropeckyj figure, referred to by the choir of angels as 'braciszek' (little brother) and 'kochanek' (an exclusively male lover); see Roman The Poetics ofRevitalization: Adam Mickiewicz's Forefathers' Eve, Part 3 and Koropeckyj, scene with Ewa appears as Scene Pan Tadeusz, Boulder, CO, IV of 2001, pp. 51-52. The came after and not before the drama, though inMickiewicz's original order it probably
l8
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
November they acquired Uprising, symbolic and even mystical value as emblems of a feminine courage exclusive to Polish women. Most gave at the important in this context is the lecture Mickiewicz on de France of Course 17 June 1842 (Lecture 30 College Two), where he discusses Antoni Malczewski's narrative poem Maria (1825), another of the works scrutinized by Lawski, the eponymous and describes heroine as the 'ideal Polish woman'. This is one of the occasions when Mickiewicz refers directly to female emancipation, that and concludes 'the great question of women's liberation is significandy more advanced in Poland than in any other country'.73 This is entirely 'liberation' on on not 'In this Polish self-sacrifice, however, dependent rights: woman has liberated herself; here she has greater freedom than any where else, she ismore respected, feels herself to be man's companion [towarzyszkq mqzczyzny]. Not by insisting on women's rights, not
achieve [sic: urojone] theories will women by proclaiming imaginary importance in society, but by sacrifice [ofiara].' He uses the example of to depict his ideal type: 'a daughter bound to her Maria Malczewski's into the fire.' He claims that father, a wife ready to follow her husband women the several such 1830 uprising during emerged and specifically mentions Emilia Plater and Klaudyna Potocka. He lists the activities to 'In Poland a woman be emulated and admired: takes part in conspira and brothers, risks her life to bring cies together with her husband as a traitor to the state, is help to prisoners, is sometimes condemned to Janion, sent to Siberia.' According in this matter 'Advancement on women that Polish should be active the fact hinges [emancipation]
not in order to liberate themselves, but to sacrifice themselves. Sacrifice domestic sanctions the right to freedom. Transgressing beyond women's role is not so much a transgression, as a moral adjustment to historical that for Mickiewicz We should note, however, circumstances'.74 'sacrifice' was a gesture incumbent upon all Polish patriots and thus transcended gender. in sanctioned model of female behaviour The heroic-patriotic Mickiewicz's earlier poetry, is a sub this lecture, and which appears in category, however, of a more general symbolic conception of woman; women fit a more universal model: as Lawski argues, Mickiewicz's the
Romantic
own quest for so-called 'real' womanhood. The patri poet's more to Mickiewicz's otic element is therefore subordinated general of search for eternal femininity. Lawski claims that the perceptions on women views Mickiewicz's critics have distorted nineteenth-century emphasis to his patriotic heroines: by giving unwarranted
Dziela 9, pp. ijg8-igg8, 74Janion, Kobiety, p. 96; her emphases. 73 Mickiewicz,
385-86.
URSULA
PHILLIPS
ig
It is a strange paradox that despite everything, these two ideals existed that had an activist dimension (the Polish alongside one another. One female patriot) and another that had an exotic, contemplative, ideal dimen sion (woman as the symbol of the spiritual dimension). [...] The fact that neitherin Mickiewicz or Slowacki the 'patriotic' Malczewski, nor in paradigm entirely
dominated
tant is the fact that it dwells in the shadow of those extended poetic madonnas, morning stars (jutrzenki). images of angels, female devils (diablice), one Hence assume, literature, may preserved for itself that deeper look at the 'feminine element' not connected or not only connected with the patriotic-insurrectionist calling of Polish Woman.75 is persuasive since such a universal of analysis conception in Mickiewicz's earlier would woman, allegedly present (poetic) work, seem to have prepared the ground for his stance in the 1840s, when he as Walicki became, puts it, a 'universalistic religious thinker [...] a thinker'.76 every inch a European revolutionary Francophile, Lawski descibes Mickiewicz's vision of woman and femininity as a clear distinction not both 'mystical' and 'metaphysical' does make (he to life (that is between these), or 'symbolic' of the spiritual dimension as outside the 'eternal', time), conscientiously eschewing sociological, he seems to believe Mickiewicz to this conception also did. Crucial is the whole gamut of associations of woman the inspired by Mary of God and a range of other Marys, Mother 'Marian' conceptions and not only in religious mother-figures, accumulated thought but also, and as as as was concerned, far Mickiewicz in importantly perhaps just seem a to It would be works.77 stable and immutable consistent, literary ideal of femininity, not contingent on an historical or sociological calls an 'archetype'.78 Emerging from this is context, which Lawski seem to be the further point that the 'mystical' and 'metaphysical' ? themselves interpreted as marks of the feminine this in addition to the 'superior' powers of intuition and cognition already ascribed to women in Romantycznosc. This is an interesting idea, especially when we carry it forward into a formulations of reading of Mickiewicz's the 1840s, such as his letters to Fuller, where he speaks of the role of women in the salvation of the world, all couched in the mystical tones of Towianist-speak. and vocabulary the mid-1840s Mickiewicz During expressed views that were a radi cal advance on the limited version of 'liberation' he had idealized in a specifically Polish context, granting women first the right to priesthood This
75 Lawski, Marie romantykow,p. 22. 76 Andrzej Walicki, Mesjanizm Adama Mickiewicza 11-12. pp Marie 78Lawski, Ibid., p. 26. romantykow,pp. 264-84.
theirpoetic
achievements, may
come
as
surprise.
Even
more
impor
perspektywieporownawczej, Warsaw,
2006,
20
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
Lecture (12 of Course Four), dated 30 April 1844, he is still talking

about the predominandy spiritual and patriotic orientation of women no here of their own subjectivity, social rights or mention (there is sexual liberation): In themiddle ages a woman prayed in her domestic chapel for the same cause as her husband fought on the batdefield. [...] This state of affairs
still exists in Poland where a woman enters
and then 'equal rights that he initially posits a becoming more socially Fuller (February 1847),
in all things'. What is interesting, however, is role for women, only predominandy spiritual committed at about the same time as he met and/or, I suspect, read her book. In another
husband to Siberia, and sometimes defends her country on horseback. There families still strive to live the great lifeof the nation. This is already continues to desire the care of a priest out of love for the past or in order to avoid the serious tasks of life today. In the early centuries of Christian itywomen did not fear the seriousness of this religion and did not stub bornly keep the counsels of the pagan priests: in Christianity they guessed through feeling a higher and stronger life.Today that same feeling warns them that they have nothing to expect from philosophical and social
systems lacking in the other great countries of Europe. Let no one say that woman
conspiracies,
accompanies
her
The
spirit of woman,
of her personal
[...].
like the spirit of one of the common people

occupations, sometimes needs to breathe
a full breast the great life of religion and the nation. That life is created and maintained by great deeds. Is it imaginable that a woman would cast aside her golden altar and abandon the preacher, in order to go and listen to social projects, speculative reflections, academic speeches? And who would suppose for a moment that the common people would deny its
respect
irrespective
with
[lud\,
Not
to replace the ideal of the early Church and the ideal of themiddle with the ideal ofmodern times [ideakm czasow nowozytnych].79
to overcome the past and is only one way past. There at once more true present, itwith the equally powerful
in thisway will women
to great
people
in order
to
and the common people be torn from the

that is to confront glorious: and more
worship
great
theories?
[..
.]
ages
But on 4 and 5March 1847 (note that the dates coincide with the initial wrote to Fuller, between lettersMickiewicz 15 February and the end in to the Circle of God addresses made Mickiewicz of March 1847) in the 'church' (here, not just a which he raised the topic of women ? but to the wider 'church' reference to Roman Catholicism including a kind of postscript to his own conclu the Towianists themselves). As in his book otherwise concludes with sions (the treatment ofMickiewicz from the first of these (4 Pan Tadeusz), Lawski quotes a long passage on women, confers where Mickiewicz describing priesthood March),
79 Mickiewicz, Dziela iyg8-igg8, n, pp. 147-60 (pp. 159-60).
URSULA Mickiewicz
PHILLIPS
21
of the American triad: Margaret Transcendentalist as were as these thinkers However, Fuller). political they were religious, in of the the the earthly and the transcen day combining Utopian spirit dental in visions of societal and political renewal (the rhetoric of a new world order, the 'new era' and the regeneration of mankind, the of politics, claims of 'brotherhood' Christianization and 'equality'), in statements at this which women would play a key role. Mickiewicz's time subscribe to exactly such a vision; his 'priesthood' for women was not merely a spiritual exercise in support of men, but a vision of what women could be in society and in the world, irrespective of whether or not he actually did anything practical to make this happen. On 4 March Mickiewicz opens by claiming that the official (Roman a mere administrative had become Catholic) Church organization (a in its own control, eager to maintain today's parlance) 'bureaucracy' by marginalizing more genuine spiritual gifts (which the official Church to its authority); the Church marginalized considered dangerous such and gifts by shutting them away in religious orders and monasteries, was thus able to tolerate them, as their influence became marginalized. 'What I said about the Church', he continues, 'also illuminates the question of the second half of the human race: women.'82 He describes the marginalized in Old Testament spirituality of 'Israelite woman' times ('the youngest boy would blossom in all the delights of the a very small part of itwas revealed to woman', spiritual world, while contrasts and this with the new revelation of Jesus: Jesus Christ p. 273)
80 Marie *' Lawski,
themselves, where Mickiewicz clearly integrates contemporary society Lawski also identifies at this point a list of into his postulations. would have been aware thinkers of whom Mickiewicz contemporary have turned his thoughts to the 'place of the new and who would women of the near future': 'Saint-Martin and Saint-Simon, Fourier or Emerson' Thoreau the latter but not and Considerant, (he mentions the third member
as a 'mystical feminist'.80 Lawski insists that this is a purely ('duchowe kaplanstwo kobiet'), not a sociological 'spiritual priesthood' or historically contextualized call for the emancipation of women: 'Mickiewicz thinks of humanity, including nineteenth-century women in categories of mystical cooperation, living in a desirable and perfect women share common rights and unity with men, and with whom ? a not in and however understood duties societal, "spiritual" etc. professional way.'81 to question when we look at the texts This is open conclusion
romantykow,pp. 717-21. ibid., P. 719. do Braci 4 marca 'Przemowienie Dziela Mickiewicz, 1847', inMickiewicz, 13, pp. 271-77 (p. 273). Further page references will be given in the text.
iyg8-igg8,
22
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
indicated the whole freedom of woman; he went about surrounded by women: a new and unheard of in He gave the Samaritan Israel. thing woman a drink of water, to word the his Samaria; [at well] taking he celebrated with her a banquet. This freedom has been stifled by
present-day feminist theologians.86 Like the latter, he also puts blame on the interpretations of Paul: 'Saint Paul raised the significance of woman of the Old Testament, but always with somewhat above that ? as an the idea of her administrator he did not dare [administratorka] give her all prerogatives. The epoch had not arrived for this. One should know that not everything that the aposdes wrote came from the (p. 274). He claims spirit of God. Only that which Christ said is of God' that such 'suppression of gifts in the Church, just like the slavery stems fact Church has lost its of women' the that the from [niewola]
the spirit of Christ into the tight controls of the Church of squeezing Rome' (pp. 273-74).83 In referring to the Samaritan woman,84 Mickiewicz the anticipates classic arguments of certain contemporary women writers85 as well as
ability to 'distinguish attributes [cechyY: Only he who himself has the gift of prophecy can evaluate and endorse it [Mickiewicz implies himself here?]; only he can respect a woman's higher calling who can sense the importance of that calling in society[my emphasis ? UP]. What is considered today to be the highest thing in a woman? She is praised for being a good administrator, a well-organized housewife. Yet it is only pure, God-fearing people who lift up these qualities; for the earth has sunk even lower: itworships female charms, attractions. If then the most impoverished type is regarded as the universal one, what kind of similar gift? Such gifts cannot free themselves and soar except through the people in whom they unfold. Woman must have support either in the priesthood ofmen, or in her own priests, (p. 274)87
significance can the gift of prophecy have, or the gift of mercy, or another
Mickiewicz's nized and
women have gone unrecog implication is that the gifts of the energies that the world is poorer for it. By channelling
83 Note the use of'banquet' (1841) was the title of Andrzej Towiahski's (biesiada). Biesiada first exposition of his doctrine. 4: 1-42. 84John 85 Alienated Women: A Study on Polish Women's Fiction i84j-igi8, See Grazyna Borkowska, trans. Ursula Phillips, Budapest and New York, 2001, pp. 129-88, and Narcyza Zmichowska, and Helena 2007, Wanda, ed. Barbara Winklowa Zytkowicz, Warsaw, Listy. Tom V:Narcyssa i of with the woman conversation for women's equality of Christ's significance In Memory ofHer: A Schussler for example, is discussed, Samaria Fiorenza, by Elisabeth Feminist Theological Reconstruction ofChristian Origins, 2nd edn, London, 1995, pp. 326-29, and F. Sawyer, God, Gender and the Deborah 2002, pp. 108-13. Bible, London, 87 so there uses the feminine grammatical form here, 'w swoich kaplankach', Mickiewicz can be no doubt about his intentions. 88. p. 86 The
URSULA of women bypassed

The in
PHILLIPS
23 calling has been
their prophetic into lesser activities, now their time is imminent): (but
peoples,
administrative primitive
goes towar or sleeps.War is for him the only way of liberating his spirit; having done it,he does not want to do anything else! Israel too, soaring in the spirit, off-loaded the entire share of earthly toil onto woman. Yet it is
not the calling of woman to be only a domestic servant.
can see how most to man. convenient We type is the man the woman does labours, everything; ploughs,
And here he cites the preference Christ showed to Magdalena [sic] over Martha, to the one who 'felt the word of God' over the one who tells the Circle busied herself about the kitchen.88 He that they must 'Ask God to give us in the Circle a woman priest [kaplanka]' recognizing at the same time that such 'freedom brings great responsibilities' This passage about women concludes with a reference to the French Revolution and how it inspired women 'suddenly [to] take freedom', ? ? to but that their role was not initially contrary popular thinking were as violent or irresponsible: is claimed, monsters and not, 'they on harlots' (pp. 275-76). Here he draws the positive portrait of revolu inMichelet's Histoire de la Revolution frangaise. I find it tionary women hard to believe thatMickiewicz intended all this to be purely 'mystical'.
(P- 275)
next day (5 made another address. Here he March), Mickiewicz women of the role of and of the significance of speaks again prophetic the present epoch in the renewal of the world. Whilst his statements have a universal application, he specifically addresses Polish women on and calls again the examples of Emilia Plater and Klaudyna before these were regarded as Polish patriots but whereas Potocka; sacrifices for a specifically national cause, now Polish women making The as a nation, France to play a key role along with Poland and the Jews (the three chosen nations in Mickiewicz's 'prophetic' references both in these addresses and in his Paris Lectures) in a more universal renewal of the spirit: are called
it undoubtedly has a mystical connection, he clearly refers to Although the role of historical and contemporary women in the family and in social life, as well as to their historical destiny.
There are among us in Poland [here he refers to the virtual Poland that existed in theminds of the emigres, especially the Towianists, not merely to the actual territories of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth ? that disappeared from the political map in 1795 UP] great and powerful
88 The
story ofMary
[sic] and Martha,
Luke
io: 38-42.
24
spirits
ADAM
among
MICKIEWICZ
the Jews and
AND
among
MARGARET
our common
FULLER
people, the peasants:
Israels [Polish: Izraele] ,89 And so all nations liberated in the spirit are now called to the Cause God: [of 'Sprawa Boza', as Towianski expressed it], Poland and France. [...] especially should know that today's epoch is very important You, Polish Women, for you. It is the epoch of the liberation of women. The Master [that is a has revealed that this is crucial of the Cause.90 part Towianski] clearly Whoever does not recognize and feel this, is not in the Cause. Women are called to equality; spiritsdo not have gender [the statement discussed above as a possible claim for androgyny, though it is somewhat at odds with the ? idea of a mystical principle of eternal femininity UP], they are equal and called to actions appropriate to the differences in their organization convenient one for a husband. Woman could not interfere in were to household her. The qualities of The the kitchen, given anything. women were wrongly understood. [...] In their very upbringing theywere taught affectation and hypocrisy, how to hide themselves and shine only in the most
outward [sic]. Until now you were slaves; you were given a subordinate role,
romances
oppression of women has begun to be felt by women in recent times, especially by French women, but they have started to liberate them selves in thewrong way: they despise everything, and have begun towrite This
even more free than those by men. And so you should recognize
appearances.
thatwomen are called to brotherhood [sic] in the Cause, to an important ? for role. After all, among us this spirit ofwomen has already awakened was in and mocked Warsaw. Emilia who misunderstood Plater, example, Many of our women, such as Klaudyna Potocka, were more capable of sitting ? on councils,ingovernment, both because of their intelligence than many men ? and the power of their spirit! [my emphases UP]91
Patronowi uczelni w dwusetnq rocznicq urodzin ijg8-igg8, Poznan, 1998, Ksi^ga Mickiewiczowska. in Dziady. Part III, see elements of Kabbalistic For an important exploration pp. 419-48. in Adam Mick Subtext Kabbalistic 'Konrad and Jacob: A Hypothetical Stuart Goldberg,
to the special historical-messianic roles of the three Israels ? in his second (without direcdy specifying Pole) See doctrinal work, Wielki period (27 March Towianski, 1844). Wybor pism, pp. 91, 109-14. For an interpretation of the specific use of 'Israel' or the three 'Israels' in Mickiewicz's see Abraham 'The Mystery of the Jews in Mickiewicz's G. Duker, Towianist writings, on Slav Literature', influ The Polish Review, 7, 1962, 3, pp. 40-66. The Lectures Towianist ? ? on Towiahski's is ence of Judaism doctrines and their elaboration by Mickiewicz the scope of the current article. For an overview of the treatment by scholars of beyond see Krzysztof A. Makowski, 'Watek zydowski w bada inMickiewicz, the Jewish elements and Zbigniew in Zofia Trojanowiczowa niach nad Mickiewiczem', (eds), Przychodniak the Jew, gives prominence and the Frenchman the Slav
89 Towianski
iewicz's Forefathers' Eve, Part III, Slavic and East European Journal, 45, 2001, 4, pp. 695-715. 90 in Biesiada 'liberation' does not refer at all to women's Towiahski (1841) or Wielki period that he record (see below) from Seweryn Goszczynski's (1844), but it is clear, for example, it in conversations. discussed 91 Rettla Leonarda dia Kola 'Przemowienie 5 marca 1847', m Mickiewicz, Mickiewicz, igg8-2004, 13, pp. 278-84 (pp. 282-84).
Dziela
URSULA Whilst
PHILLIPS
25
de France, and especially Course Four (December College 1843-May ? a forum for as the doctrine and it was for this 1844), promoting reason, which included his sanctioning of the supreme role Towianski ? had conferred on the spirit of Napoleon that the lectures Bonaparte were was not a 'theol the French Towianism authorities. stopped by a 'sect',93 on or rational not but tradition, ogy' dependent scholarship ? on the insights allegedly man one to but 'revealed' and thinking an exclusive and obscurantist in clear expressed language, though they to contemporary notions common 'unofficial' religious ly absorbed or reincarna thought, such as belief in palingenesis, metempsychosis as as well material the rehabilitation of the tion, (the body, the flesh) and the imminent sacralization of history.94 The reasons why Mickiewicz seized on Towianski and his doctrines are probably threefold: Towianski cured Mickiewicz's wife allegedly
toMickiewicz: 921 refer the reader Encyklopedia, in Mickiewicz, studies: Stanislaw Pigoh, 'Wstep', and pp. 541-48, Dziela wszystkie, to the following key 7-120; Adam Sikora, 1967; Adam
to analyse the literature on this is not the place exhaustively a movement few about this need to be underlined Towianism,92 points at this point, especially the role played by women, because Mickiewicz's in this notions and formulations make most sense when understood we as a charlatan who context. Whether Towianski regard Andrzej seduced his followers with his magnetic gaze and charismatic words (or on one's as a hypnotic mumbo-jumbo, depending point of view) or a new revelation, there is no doubt thatMickiewicz bearer of genuine took him entirely seriously and believed that his mission was prophetic in fact I would and divinely sanctioned; claim, as I did above, that Mickiewicz said and that did following his 'conver everything thought, his in April of break with Towianski sion', irrespective 1846, was at the informed by the Master's He used his Lectures spirituality.
Sikora, Poslannicy slowa: Hoene-Wronski, Towianski, Mickiewicz, Warsaw, Towianski i rozterki romantyzmu, Warsaw, Gorski, Mickiewicz-Towianski, Warsaw, 1969; Konrad Siwicka, Ton i bicz: Mickiewicz 1986; Alina Witkowska, Towianczycy, Warsaw, 1989; Dorota wsrod towianczykow, Warsaw, Braterstwo albo smierc: âbijanie Rutkowski, 1990; Krzysztof w Kole Boskie diabfy. Mickiewicza 1999, and Kossak, Sprawy Bozej, 3rd edn, Gdansk, 93 to the first I apply this term according meaning given in The New Shorter Oxford English to views divergent from those Dictionary, 5th edn, 1993: 'A body of people subscribing of others within the same religion; a party or faction in a religious body; spec, a religious faction or group regarded as heretical or as deviating from orthodox tradition.' In this sense was a 'sect' within Roman Towianism Catholicism. 94 in Andrzej Walicki See Adam Sikora, 'Towianski', (ed.), Filozofia polska, Warsaw, 1962, pp. 253-69; Filozofia i mysl spoleczna w latach 1831-1864 (700 lat mysli polskiej), ed. Andrzej 'Francuskie Walicki, Warsaw, 13-101, and Andrzej Walicki, 1977, pp. inspiracje mysli inWalicki, Migdzy filozqftq i religiq, pp. 45 nlozofkzno-religijnej Augusta Cieszkowskiego', to In in addition his interest Lamennais 99. (Mickiewicz: Encyklopedia, pp. 262-64), Mickie wicz was familiar with developments in contemporary German theology and biblical that questioned many established notions fundamental to 'official' scholarship Christianity. In Lectures 18 and 24 of Course he discusses 22 he in Lecture Three, Schleiermacher, refers to D. F. Strauss and Feuerbach; see Mickiewicz, Dziela 10, pp. 222-23, iyg8-igg8, 272, 293.
11, pp.
26
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
wicz for him to be recognized: Mickiewicz 'sought and called forth his alter ego, summoned the wolf from the murk of the Lithuanian not been promoted by Mickiewicz, it Had Towianism backwoods'.95 not have been a significant episode in the history of Polish would
culture.
'official' Church, of the Vatican's both because repressive political record and refusal to support Polish liberationist actions, and because he sought a form of spiritual truth that came from within himself (in the ? and indeed Emerson or Boehme style of Saint-Martin, Swedenborg, from and third, without; Fuller) rather than one that was imposed Towianski provided a small group of Polish emigres with a spiritual solution to the agony of exile by revealing a divine reason for their a crucial role in the suffering, prescribing for them spiritual regenera tion of the world. Rutkowski the Lithuanian suggests that when in Paris, the signs had already been set by Mickie 'Messiah' appeared
Celina of her mental illness (the immediate event that most commenta tors agree prompted his 'conversion'), though this did not resolve the in relations with his wife; fundamental Mickiewicz's incompatibility himself was dissatisfied with the contemporary second, Mickiewicz
may have been recognized within the relatively small group of adher liberation for any form of women's ents, but they did not campaign run as a cult of of God was outside the closed circle. The Circle and where confessions, informing on self-castigations personality,
'brothers' were the norm, as was the maintenance of the correct 'tone'.96
the inclusion of women as prominent players in the running Despite of its activities, the sect's more inclusive methods were by no means to portray the Towianist Circle democratic. Also, it is a misconception as some kind of women's for women's lobby rights; 'equal' spiritual gifts
type of self-discipline that this (in fact repressive) atmosphere ? as well as the psychology that inclined intelligent people to inspired ? in ismost effectively documented be attracted to it in the first place another the diary kept by (1801 Seweryn Goszczyfiski poet-adherent, insider witness, as well as from 76). It is evident from this contemporary and Kossak, the recent studies of the Towianist women by Rutkowski were the ones who both closest to the Master that the two women mem controlled access to him, and maintained discipline among the Anna her sister Guttowa and Karolina bers: Towiafiski's wife (nee relations These women played a significant role inMickiewicz's Max). to them from inside the But the response and rift with Towianski. The
95 Braterstwo albo smierc, p. 44. 96Rutkowski, in Pigoh, Wsrod tworcow: Studia i szkice z See Stanislaw Pigon, 'Adoracja Towianskiego', i rozterki romantyzmu; Sikora, Towianski 1947, pp. 86?126; dziejow literatury i oswiaty, Krakow, Braterstwo albo smierc. Boskie diabfy; Rutkowski, Siwicka, Ton i bicz; Kossak,
URSULA movement was
PHILLIPS
27
not a negative one; on the contrary, Goszczynski, in a in the passages quoted above, praises the similar vein toMickiewicz as is evident in his poem to long suppressed spiritual gifts of women, sees in woman shackled Anna Guttowa dated 25 July 1847: '[God] ? / until now/ What she has been awaiting for eighteen centuries as Man, as set On and free herself/ earth through just Mighty in adversity finally/ her spirit is in heaven' (stanza 7); 'May woman Liberate unravel women herself by His the world [Christ's] example and way/ May to a new law: the brotherhood itself according [sic] of free in Christ' (stanza 13).97 The dominant female influence in the Circle on Mickiewicz, how was nor neither Towianska but the ever, Guttowa, probably spiritually initiated Ksawera the 'Princess of Israel', a sobriquet conferred Deybel, on and indicating that she was numbered among Deybel by Towianski the superior 'Israelite' had
shows how until recently the role played by Deybel in Mick life had remained unacknowledged (suppressed by Wladyslaw as with Fuller's letters, keen to preserve the public Mickiewicz, possibly ? but that itmay have had an important impact image of his father) not only on his views on women but on his general health and outlook. Rutkowski iewicz's Gille-Maisani sexual claims involvements in his psychoanalytic to Mickiewicz's approach was the his that this life, throughout only 'healthy' had for a woman: that it actually did him 'good' have helped him gain 'independence'
it is (izraelskie) souls in the Circle.98 Mickiewicz, a sexual affair with in whilst she lived Deybel generally agreed, to the Mickiewicz household assist the sick Celina with (initially the upbringing of the children) and had at least one child by him.
as a kind in understanding Deybel right ? as as was of revelation that is far Mickiewicz (or embodiment) ? concerned of such Swedenborgian notions as the awakening and matter in of the actions' releasing Spirit entrapped through 'physical (which potentially included the sexual), notions also linked toMickie wicz's idea of a 'poetry of action' (poezja czynna)which he believed would lead the Spirit released by the Circle to transform political life and save to have been highly talented in the world, no less.100 Deybel appears
Kordaczuk Dziennik Sprawy Bozej, ed. Zbigniew Sudolski, Wieslaw 2 vols, Warsaw, See also 1, pp. 375-81, 1984, 2, pp. 306-07. on women where Goszczynski includes notes he made after a conversation with the in the same exalted Master these are written women's (Towiahski); style, and emphasize and superior intuitive powers. 'magnetism' 98 See note 89 above. 99 Adam Mickiewicz, Gille-Maisani, p- 822. 100 Rutkowski, pp. 29-32, 47-52. 'Miejsce Ksawery', 97 Seweryn Goszczyhski, and Maria M. Matusiak,
feeling Mickiewicz (and furthermore that itmay from Towianski).99 I sense that Rutkowski is
28
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET through
FULLER
the spiritual.101 As Rutkowski a link between mysticism and sects often One add that also Christian 'unorthodox' sexuality. might as in sexual 'unorthodox' such practices, polygamy, whilst indulge own in totalitarian their rules. Also, to what extent, if enforcing being ? was not the at all, can Deybel's obvious sexual charge Mickiewicz ? man to in it be from her the Circle feel only distinguished 'spiritual' should be careful in making any automatic energy? Perhaps we and the 'liberation' of between 'freer' sexual dynamics connection women in the wider sense. harmony observes, historians dominant position in the Circle indicates how highly Mick Deybel's seem to have exceeded iewicz valued her exceptional talents, which those of any of the men. Is then the Swedenborgian 'Princess of Israel' was also the priestess of his address of 5March Or this princess 1847? a more to the reference priestess general untapped spirituality of all In February Mickiewicz had met Fuller. His first letter to her women? a after their meeting unique (February 1847), in which he affords her statements not role as a about Fuller's contains status, only prophetic ? ? and interconnected leader of women but also the vital question about her continued 'virginity':
the rituals practised 'magnetic' eyes, inspirational more stars above tears, visions, singing, impromptu ability to 'see' seems to have head than the other brothers. Mickiewicz theMaster's as entirely as regarded her talent revealing 'the truth', genuine, that is and was particularly impressed by the apparent naturalness with which ? she communed with the Spirit there seemed to be an effortless between the physical and have often noted
expressing the 'movements' of the Spirit in the Circle. In addition there were her
A spiritwho has known the old world, who has sinned in the old world and who seeks tomake known that old world in the new. Her base is in the old world; her sphereof action is in the new world; her peace is in theworld to come. She is called upon to feel, to speak, tomove within these threeworlds. The only one among women initiated into the antique world, the only one to whom it has been given to touch thatwhich is decisive in today's world and to comprehend in advance theworld to come. Your spirit is bound to the history of Poland, of France, and begins to bind itself to the history of America. You belong to the second generation ofminds. Your mission is to contribute to the deliverance of the Polish, French
and American woman.
have acquired the right to know and maintain obligations, the hopes and exigencies of virginity. You
101 Ibid., p. 48.
the rights and
URSULA
PHILLIPS
29
For you, the first step in your deliverance and in the deliverance of your sex (of a certain class) is to know if it is permitted to you to remain
virgin.102
the context course, the Towianist language is crucial to appreciating as are to the references the of souls and the vari here, transmigration or orders of ous the in and is style generations keeping with spirit;103 Mickiewicz's addresses to the Circle of God, quoted above, which are And he signs it as: 'Your Brother Adam'. exactly contemporaneous. I would his that Fuller's continued suggest question challenging or a not not to is reference her sexual life 'virginity' primarily, only, in terms of its private benefits (he would refer to that directly later), but to her principle of female chastity as she portrays it inWoman, yet with a as with the role in the Circle special emphasis: played by Deybel so too released in Fuller's case, (the Spirit through 'physical actions'), sees to Mickiewicz her affect possibly potential power positive change on a release of her spiritual energy, which in the world as dependent can only come about by renouncing 'virginity' (thus raising again the as to where the difference lies, if there is one, between question 'spiri tual' and 'sexual' energy). Hence Elaine Showalter is probably right when she claims 'He was telling her that in repressing her erotic energies she was denying herself her full power, and thus limiting her usefulness as a leader of women'.104 Seen in this light, Mickiewicz's vision for Fuller is daring: he urges her to renounce her conception of for female emancipation virginity inWoman as a necessary precondition and effectiveness (as he saw them), positing instead the release of wom Of en's spiritual energy through sexual release. As this particular focus on the questionable value of female virginity does not appear anywhere else inMickiewicz's oeuvre, as far as I can discover, this convinces me more than anything that he was familiar with the text of Woman and the model understood of self-sufficient femininity proposed in it by Fuller. Virginity, chastity or celibacy, was the cornerstone of Fuller's idea of the truly self-reliant and empowered woman (though Mickiewicz as we can see, whether itwas in fact questioned, empowering). Virgin ity is not seen by Fuller as a negative state of repressed sexuality; for her it represented a positive choice. She invokes various famous virgins of classical mythology and their reworking in Western literature as heroines of (including Goethe): Diana, Iphigenia, the Vestal virgins,
102 I prefer here the translation in Fuller, Letters, 5, p. 176; Mickiewicz, Dziela ijg8-igg8, 16 pp. 415-17 (p. 415). See Sikora, Towianski i rozterki romantyzmu; Rutkowski, Braterstwo albo smierc, and the works listed above by Walicki. 104 Showalter, InventingHerself, p. 55.
30
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
figures had to be 'pure' was commonplace perception for women, advanced education in her criticism of George much had forfeited her credibility as female
of God, and historical Cassandra, Electra, as well as the Virgin Mother as I such the and the Polish Joan Elizabeth figures Virgin Queen of Arc, Emilia Plater. This is a model of ideal femininity which does not depend on sexual recognition by a man but on its own spiritual in an age when the whole perception of empiri authority. Meanwhile on her role as or ideal) woman's cal (not mythical value depended a literal wife and mother confined to the private sphere, such idealized
in order to have any authority; the that any public activity, including was itself 'unchaste'. Fuller states as Sand, whom she admired yet believed a model of womanhood through her A unconventional useful of Fuller's use lifestyle (pp. 48-49). explication of these classical virgins is provided by Jeffrey Steele: One of themost warlike of the classical goddesses, Minerva (orAthena, as she is otherwise known) embodies a fierce independence, what Fuller calls
'the virgin, traits such steadfast soul.' This as figure evokes
century Americans usually gendered masculine. Then, by associating female strength with virginity, Fuller went even further, striking at the very heart of middle-class definitions of thematernal as the ideal female characteristic. Her use of the virgin as a symbol of self-reliance, reflecting the ancient ideal of virgin goddess beyond male control, defined a vision so threatening that it evoked the misunder of independent womanhood
and standing the unmarried
intelligence,
strength,
and
will
a ?
set of female that most
qualities nineteenth
'betrothed to the sun') as a model
of her of many anger Minerva (or analogues
reviewers, such as
who
were
an American
unwilling Indian
to
see
woman
of female being.105
here with the concept of Significantly, Steele notes the connection Homme in Le of Saint-Martin Nouvel (1792), where he depicts 'in virginity to make the transformation needed detail the process of psychological new, spiritual man. Before "divinity can penetrate us," he argued, "it must traverse us in our ignominy and in our grief." After "nourishing within ourselves the [...] grief of spirit," we reach a moment of "virgin in us, and not before takes place ity" and then "the annunciation we in us as has taken place that the holy conception long perceive
well.'"106
of Woman, Fuller hints at the imminence In the closing paragraphs a of a new kind of woman, spiritually self-sufficient female messiah, never be a time when self-centred, would 'Woman, anticipating an to her as to absorbed by any relation; itwould be only experience man. [...] Mary would not be the only virgin mother. Not Manzoni
105 'Rhetoric of Transformation', Steele, 106 Ibid., pp. 293-94. pp. 290-91.
URSULA alone would celebrate in his wife
PHILLIPS
31
the virgin mind with the maternal soul is ever young, ever virgin'. conjugal she goes on. 'The woman who shall 'And when will she appear?' vindicate their birthright for all women; who shall teach them what to claim and how to use what they claim? Shall not her name be for her era Victoria, for her country and life Virginia?' (pp. 117-18). Mickiewicz text in to in his letter this special role this refers assigning surely to Fuller herself. In discussing the concept of virginity in relation to The Great Lawsuit, and in this instance the texts of the two versions of observes with reference to this passage Woman are identical, Capper she touts single states, not as all her 'as with that gender models, as self correct of psychic but behaviour, experiments universally at Walden three economic experiment sufficiency that, like Thoreau's years later, alter one's perspective and thereby liberate one's sense of is a trope for the ever-youthful soul and [...] Virginity possibilities. wisdom and affections. The Transcendental and the conjugal Manzoni in the itself, Fuller believed ? to remain the female mind of the source, according 'virgin' potential ? a time to her, of its strength implying that she did in fact foresee own age when women might be able successfully to com beyond her bine public fulfilment with private (that is with sexual intimacy and was also motherhood). hinting at this ('For you, Perhaps Mickiewicz the first step in your deliverance and in the deliverance of your sex [...] Meanwhile, state suggests being itself.107 the reference to Alessandro that even within marriage
is to know if it is permitted to you to remain virgin'): it is as though he unhinges Fuller's ideal 'femality' from the necessity for individual women to deny themselves as bodily, sexual beings; he questions the a woman not that conviction could deeply ingrained contemporary thus play a public role and be a mother, and be sexually fulfilled. He a claim for the individual embodied woman and her personal makes desires; it is not only a matter of releasing her sexual energy so that she ? in the public space the two go together. might be empowered seem to When we look at his subsequent letters to Fuller, thiswould to not be borne out. Mickiewicz tells her live in books, constantly only ? but in experience and even urges her in the direction of Giovanni Ossoli ('Don't reject unthinkingly those who would stay with you. I am referring to that little Italian whom you met in the church').108 Apart from telling her, in Showalter's words, 'that in repressing her erotic was as she herself her full energies denying power',109 he also behaved
107 The Public Tears, p. 115. Capper, 108 Letter of 26 April 1847; Mickiewicz, translation here. 109 Showalter, InventingHerself, p. 55.
Dziela
iyg8-igg8,
16, pp.
427-31
(p. 427), my
32 an
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
difference between the visionary 'tone' of his first letter to Fuller, and even intimate the more accessible, letters (the style of the subsequent last being 9 September Fuller life advice, 1849), where Mickiewicz gives sometimes in blunt and realistic terms, at times even patronizing. Fuller's letters have not been preserved, but it seems fair to suggest, as many commentators him as her spiritual do, that she appointed to and and that (her 'guru' guide 'therapist', according Showalter) she confided her personal problems to him; his letter of 4 May 1848 that Mickiewicz knew of her pregnancy and suggests, for example, and of understood her fear isola and social depression, physical pain tion (as an unmarried mother-to-be, of separated from Ossoli because a are the fighting inRome, and without 'You foreigner money): fright ened at a very natural, very common ailment and you exaggerate it in an extravagant manner. It will depend on you more than you believe whether you suffermore or less. Have more faith in God and accept the cross with courage, if you do not have the courage to be happy a manner about it.Once moral established in is in such you strength as to dominate the physical, God will spare you physical suffering, or will diminish it.'110 ? or so he Mickiewicz also gave advice regarding her need ? to it rather than the cerebral world life, perceived experience of literature and learning. In his letter of 3 August he suggests 1847, moreover that such private experience is crucial to her public role as an advocate of women:
You have
interested friend and confidant (a 'brother' in the Towianist spirit) is a marked identifying her private emotional and physical needs. There
feelings in books. [...] You have forgotten that a spirit becomes incarnate precisely to realize what it has already learned elsewhere. This is the intimate meaning of Christianity. [...] Do not forget that even in your private life as a woman [Mickiewicz's emphasis] you have rights tomaintain. must not be that of Emerson righdy says: give all for love, but this love the shepherds of Florian nor that of schoolboys and German ladies. The relationships which suit you are those which develop and free your spirit, responding to the legitimate needs of your organism and leaving you free
at all times.111
persuaded
yourself
that all you
need
is to express
your
ideas
and
And
1847: again in his letter of 16 September I know well that you often feel gay and always animated internally, espe cially when you meditate or compose. But try to get this inner life lodged and established in all your body. [...] You could well fall into sadness and
110 and in the following I use Wellisz's translations from the Wellisz, Friendship, p. 34. Here translation may be found inMickiewicz, Dziela original French. The French with Polish l6> PP- 54!-43 Wp-'MS* Dziela Wellisz, 16, pp. 451-55. Friendship, p. 24; Mickiewicz, iyg8-igg8,
URSULA
PHILLIPS
33
women who have no discouragement. That is the danger of all sensitive to in life. I tried make understand the purpose and noble you purpose great of your existence, to inspire manly [males] sentiments in you. Your mind stilldoes not wish to believe that a new epoch commences and that it has
already begun. New for woman too.112
March been
Is this the advice of a lover or a 'brother'? Perhaps the distinction does not matter. and self-appreciation, Mickiewicz 'Physical experience seemed to be saying, were the keys to changing her life.'113 But why should Fuller set such store by Mickiewicz's advice, wish to confide her spiritual aspirations, and more interests intellectual to of 15 It would Emerson mundane seem, from her letter problems? in Mickiewicz something she had a for being long time: as I had heard a great deal of him which charmed me, I sent him your 1847, that she recognized looking for in another human
and asked him to come and see me. He came, and I found in him
poems,
the man I had long wished to see, with the intellect and passions in due proportion for a full and healthy human being, with a soul constantly inspiring. [...] How much time I had wasted on others which I might have
given to this real and important relation. In France, among the many
persons that brought me some good thing, itwas only with Mickiewicz, that I felt any deep-founded mental connection.114
And toRebecca Spring (10 April 1847):
I have never sought love as a passion [...]. I do not know whether I have loved at all in the sense of oneness [...]. You ask me ifI loveM [ickiewicz]. I answer he affectedme likemusic or the richest landscape, my heart beat with joy that he at once feltbeauty inme also. When I was with him I was happy; and thus far the attraction is so strong that all theway from Paris I felt as ifI had left my lifebehind, and ifI followed my inclination I should
return at this moment and leave Italy unseen.115
Fuller
had
also made
in you a
letter (the second)

I encountered
ofMarch
powerful impression 1847, he declares:

[Mickiewicz's
on Mickiewicz;
emphasis]. [. ..]
in his
Such an
encounter on life's journey consoles and fortifies. What
true person
happiness
will be it
112 Dziela Wellisz, 16, pp. 461-64. iyg8-igg8, Friendship, p. 25; Mickiewicz, 113 The Public Tears, p. 334. Capper, 114 last sentence quoted above was omitted fromMemoirs Fuller, Letters, 4, pp. 261-62. The Clarke and William Emerson, James Freeman Margaret Fuller Ossoli, ed. Ralph Waldo of 2 vols, Boston, MA and London, Henry Channing, 1852, 2, p. 207, reflecting Emerson's of the Fuller legacy; the only other mention of Mickiewicz in theMemoirs is 'censorship' another very brief quotation in a letter from Fuller to Emerson (2, p. 233). The Memoirs, not long after her death in 1850, are based published entirely on her letters to selected individuals and their own memoirs of her and reflect how the editors wished her to be remembered. 115 Fuller, Letters, 4, pp. 262-63.
34
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
when all women recognize themerit of sincerity and truth. [...] I was in Italy inmy youth and I stayed there a long time. No woman touched me. I preferred the paintings. The time is coming when inner beauty, inner will become the firstand essential quality of a woman. Without spiritual life this quality woman will not exert even physical influence.116 letters 'provocative identifies in Mickiewicz's injunctions Capper to liberate herself sexually', encouragement towards 'some sort of free love doctrine'.117 Mickiewicz's letters do not necessarily imply anything as explicit as a free-love doctrine but, whether by intention or by chance at just the right moment?), Fuller followed Mickie (Ossoli appeared to liberate herself. Yet wicz's exhortation should we be surprised
Fuller's
stance? Does he not urge her towards a similar by Mickiewicz's of the spiritual and material identified by Gille-Maisani combination in his own relationship with the Towianist and Rutkowski 'priestess princess' Ksawera Deybel? However impressed he may have been by emotional
that she fulfilled any exclusive ideas, I remain unconvinced or sexual function inMickiewicz's of life, not only because was the relationship with Deybel, he but because also corresponding an 'old flame' same at with this time Lubienska,118 Konstancja regularly also writing to her in blunt and exhortatory terms, likewise encouraging case more self-reliance and female independence, though in this as the as a fellow adherent of Towianski's Cause of God, obviously short illustrate: excerpts following You
inside
ought often to feel the need

you are superior to what
to write to me.
you. But
[...]
you
I know you, that

are far from feeling
surrounds
and showing that superiority. You are not afraid of armed strength, but you are afraid or fearful ofwhat you call people's opinions. Don't be afraid of these. Spurn them once and for all [...]. And in your soul and heart don't give in to anyone. You have the right to live. That is the one thing I demand of you. [...] Seek everything that comforts you, that raises you up, that puts you in that state in which I once saw and felt beside you.
Because that is life.
Your
old friendAdam.119
[...]
Don't
allow
anyone
to rule
over
you.
Be
free.
[...]
see Mickiewicz: Encyklopedia, pp. 282-84, had an affair with her in the and Mickiewicz, Dziela 16, pp. 754-57. Mickiewicz ijg8-igg8, was interested in the women's and friendly with early 'feminists' question early 1830s. She she wrote novels and Bibianna Moraczewska; Zmichowska in the 1840s such as Narcyza an idealized version of her affair with Mickie 1853, which portrays (including Niedowiarek, she met the Poznah and founded (1840). It is probable journal Dziennik Domowy wicz) as as 1840. Towiahski early 119 Lubienska Letter to Konstancja Dziela 16, iyg8-igg8, 1846) inMickiewicz, (December pp. 402-04.
116 Dziela Wellisz, Friendship, p. 18;Mickiewicz, 117 The Public Tears, pp. 333-35. Capper, 118 information on Lubienska, For biographical
iyg8-igg8,
16, pp. 423-27.
URSULA You accuse me
PHILLIPS
35
of being angry with you. Perhaps now you see it differ have already sensed thatmy conduct flowed from real you ently, perhaps
towards respect soon as possible you, from genuine as free, as strong manly as and love and the desire full of life outwardly to see you as as you are
in your soul. You will not achieve this freedom, you will not find your way on this earth, ifyou continue to have no higher goal before your eyes? the goal about which we have spoken somuch. And it's not enough just to have itbefore our eyes; we should strive,burning, towards it.That striving is the essence of life, and the rest is only a supplement. [...] You know how dear your friendship is tome. [...] Let us both make themost of a friendship which, I hope, will grow purer and purer, and for us both more and more beneficial. [...] Believe inmy deep and unchanging feeling for you. Your Adam Mickiewicz.120 Neither the well-educated active only in her limited sphere Lubienska, of the Poznafi region of Prussian-occupied Poland, nor the 'spiritually' confined to the limited environment of the Towianist talented Deybel, circles, could compare, however, with Fuller's intellectual accomplish ments. Fuller was not only a world-class intellectual and published social spheres and had written on author, she was active in many
the need for social reforms. Although his earlier pronouncements in the Polish patriotic context clearly had about female emancipation a (limited) it was not until after he encountered political dimension, Fuller (and read her book, and perhaps even discussed itwith her) that woman his utterances tone: take on a more is not socially proactive to as release her of revitalize the life the 'church' energy, only spiritual its 'priestess', but to effect political change, literally save the world. This is the extreme, but logical, progression from the vision of the eternal Faust. Lawski is feminine, the female principle as saviour, in Goethe's the predominance of the spiritual inMickiewicz's right to emphasize feminism, but it is also a feminism that is intended, at least in theory, to have a material effect on the social structures and politics of thisworld, himself did anything irrespective of whether Mickiewicz to it. activate practical The is nowhere better political significance of his 'new' woman articulated than in the List ofPrinciples of the Polish Legion, which was founded and led by Mickiewicz and took part in events in Italy in was While the criticized as a crazy ill-judged esca 1848-49.121 Legion all in Polish circles Paris, irrespective of their political pade by emigre and also it had one great admirer: Margaret loyalties, by Towianski,
120 (Letter of October 1847). 121Ibid., pp. 468-69 See Mickiewicz: Encyklopedia, pp. 595-97; Wladyslaw Rok Mickiewicz, Legion Mickiewicza: 1921, and Stefan Kieniewicz, 184.8, Krakow, Legion Mickiewicza 1957. i848-i84g, Warsaw, On in the context of the international the Legion and insurrectionary ferment, ideological see Adam Romantics, Patriots and Revolutionaries 1776-1871, London, Zamoyski, Holy Madness: IQ99
36
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
to initiate, for what other nation had had such truly heroic women? ? not children, servants or is Women indeed playthings.'123 There a political as no doubt that Mickiewicz List the of Principles regarded to be enforced if necessary by military means: however programme more to it have realistic this observers, may appeared impractical to life, if it is not supported by sufficient force'.124 for Fuller in the months his admiration leading up to this a as as from his decided shift well declaration, purely spiritual and/or at roughly the same time as he became limited patriotic 'emancipation' that it does not bear with her, it is difficult to conclude acquainted Fuller's mark. The literary criticWaclaw Kubacki, who wrote a drama 'cannot come Given
29 March 1848) that the struggle for the 'liberation' of (dated Rome, not surprisingly, the liberation of also for included Mickiewicz, Italy is paragraph Poland. But most important for our purpose 11,which I comment to her in with The Fuller's New York translation, along quote of '"To the Tribune: life, woman, citizenship, entire Daily companion This last of of just thought the Poles ought equality rights". expression
The fifteen Fuller, as her reports to theNew York Daily Tribune testify.122 the of Legion's Principles, tersely expressed, again in the paragraphs tone of the defend the 'Christian spirit' in exalted, mystical Towianists, a somewhat free of the 'Word of Roman Catholicism, interpretation God' and the freedom and brotherhood of all believing denominations, 10), and call for the peoples and nations, including theJews (paragraph ? in of all other the of all citizens words, equal rights emancipation in all It is clear this document the peasants three from (serfs) partitions.
of the about Mickiewicz's friendship with Fuller against the background events in entitled in the 1848-49 involvement of both Rome, Rzymska seem to agree. In the closing scene wiosna (Roman Spring, 1955), would 'As with the following words: Mickiewicz bids farewell to Margaret a souvenir of our shared ideas and dreams, I inserted one verse of my List ofPrinciples with the thought of you. [...] The eleventh article To of life, woman, the companion of my political [sic] programme: and citizenship, equal rights in everything.'125 brotherhood
122 Fuller, Writings, p. 452 (29 March (19 April 1848); 'Those Sad But 1848) and pp. 461-64 Glorious Days', pp. 212, 222-24. 123 out the 'brother Fuller, Writings, p. 462. Interestingly (or significandy) Fuller misses formulation: Towarzyszce in Mickiewicz's hood' included zywota, niewiescie, original rowne we wszystkim Adam i obywatelstwo, braterstwo Dziela Mickiewicz, prawo.' !2, pp. io-ii. mS-m8* Letter toMichal Kamiehski, Milan, 9 May (p. 550). 1848 in ibid., 16, pp. 549-51 125Waclaw Kubacki, 1955, p. 77; also mentioned by Skwara, Rzymska wiosna, Warsaw, may have been in love with Krqg transcendentalistow, p. 67. The play suggests that Margaret concern was the Polish cause and his Legion. but that his main Mickiewicz,
URSULA Conclusions
PHILLIPS
37
article has looked at the Polish literary scholarship on the relation and Fuller, at recent American scholarship ship between Mickiewicz on Fuller and at the Polish textual evidence, that is at Mickiewicz's letters to Fuller, as well as his utterances elsewhere during the 1840s as the women's on what was known It contemporaneously question. concentrates on the impact of the relationship on Mickiewicz rather was than on Fuller. It concludes that it is very likely that Mickiewicz familiar with Fuller's Woman in the Nineteenth Century (1845), or at êast with its earlier version The Great Lawsuit (1843), and that Fuller influ on the equality and libera ideas: his declarations enced Mickiewicz's in 1847 and 1848 were decidedly more socially targeted tion of women as well as universal (rather than focused on Poland) than they had been This with in his Paris lectures (1841-44). His acquaintance with Fuller coincides a a more a shift in to from emphasis spiritual socio-political it could be argued that Fuller, already style of feminism. Meanwhile convinced by her friendship with Mazzini of the cause of oppressed more in became herself nations, 1848 under the influence politicized of Mickiewicz's
and the actively political messianism supported in side Rome. revolutionary In September 1849 in his final letter to Fuller (eighteen months after he had last written), Mickiewicz invited her to write for La Tribune des Peuples; but he does not specify any subject matter, and Fuller was capable of writing on a wide range of subjects (the paper closed down, in November): 'You might well send some articles to this however, even if newspaper, only copies of those you write for the American This request suggests that he would happily have received papers.'126 material from Fuller on whatever subject, including on the women's
to intend to use her to promote question, but that he did not appear this particular agenda. In all the articles he himself wrote for La Tribune des Peuples (during 1849), he did not mention this subject. After the not Fuller Mickiewicz did write about women's 'episode' again or otherwise. emancipation, spiritual in the Legion's his demand List of Principles ('equal rights Despite in all things'), Mickiewicz to expand women's did nothing practical educational opportunities or campaign for their access to paid employ ? ment at least, enable in the them to participate or, in France was not 'word' converted into 'action'. Can we political process. The as a supporter of women's as really speak then ofMickiewicz 'rights' some commentators have done? It has to be said that his feminism remained a Romantic idea: essentially religious or spiritual despite its
126 Wellisz, September Friendship, 1849). p. 38; Mickiewicz, Dziela iyg8-igg8, 17, pp. 49-52 (Letter of 9
38 social
ADAM
MICKIEWICZ
AND
MARGARET
FULLER
Mickiewicz
so to at the right moment, speak, as the most complete while Fuller met in of his ideal of spiritual womanhood; not only another Mickiewicz inspirational (following 'poet-preacher' Emerson and Goethe)127 who further fired her 'enthusiasm', but a she chose as the godfather of her trusted friend and advisor, whom reacted to Fuller's death in the son.128 It is unknown how Mickiewicz on her States in off Fire Island shipwreck journey back to the United was a dark Wellisz claims that 'It with Ossoli and the child. 1850 day for Mickiewicz, when the news of Margaret's tragic death reached that 'the answer to him', but quotes no source.129 Zielinska concludes this question remains a mystery',130 and here I agree with her as I can inMickiewicz's letters of his reaction. Fuller's death find no evidence was widely in the international press, so it is contemporary publicized did not hear of it. inconceivable thatMickiewicz to suggest that Fuller played any is no concrete evidence There Mickiewicz's role in life, however. It was Fuller's personal exceptional and achievements her model of independent intellectual extraordinary or her different from Ksawera that made female being Deybel the Mickiewicz very Lubienska, princi although questions Konstancja she based this of 'virginity') on which ple (her special understanding ? tome inWoman in the model Nineteenth Century,which in turns proves ? at least that he was well acquainted with this text. embodiment
Daily Tribune for instance) that Fuller, had she lived, would have tried to realize far greater rights for women in American public life. On the personal level, there is no doubt that the impression they on one another was as I have tried to show, was made profound and, a common to mature minds with of interests. Fuller appeared meeting
on some future 'Christianized' and political claims, predicated devotes less space than other bio order. Donna Dickenson political to about the graphers speculations relationship between Mickiewicz and Fuller, yet she hits on exactly the right 'tone': 'apocalyptic femi nism'. Fuller's feminism sprang from the same spiritual and intellec tual roots and in Woman was similar in tone, yet one suspects on the basis of her more socially orientated work (her articles for theNew York
? 127 as most of and the Von Mehren, Minerva Muse, p. 260: 'For years she had believed ? was at the pinnacle of the human that the poet-preacher the Transcendentalists believed hierarchy.' 1281 agree with Marta Skwara, Krqg transcendentalistow,p. 65, that, given Fuller's scrupulous father as his she would have been unlikely to have chosen the child's biological character, godfather. 129 Wellisz, Friendship, p. 39. 130 Zielinska, Tajemnica przyjazni, p. 78.

Adam Mickiewicz's Apocalyptic Feminism and Spiritual Friendship with Margaret Fuller

Caricato da

Informazioni sul documento

Descrizione originale:

Titolo originale

Copyright

Formati disponibili

Condividi questo documento

Condividi o incorpora il documento

Opzioni di condivisione

Hai trovato utile questo documento?

Questo contenuto è inappropriato?

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

Adam Mickiewicz's Apocalyptic Feminism and Spiritual Friendship with Margaret Fuller

Caricato da

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

Apocalyptic Feminism: Adam Mickiewicz and Margaret Fuller Author(s): Ursula Phillips Source: The Slavonic and East

SLAVONIC EUROPEAN REVIEW

Feminism: Adam Apocalyptic and Margaret Fuller Mickiewicz

the Polish Romantic poet Adam Mickiewicz

of the 'spiritual friendship'1

(1798-1855) and the

URSULA aspires Charles ?

Mickiewicz's messianic politics the revolutionary events in Rome

12 Margaret pp. 405-540, she mentions

to eye with Mickiewicz. also The coincided.

Emma Detti, Margaret 29 Wellisz, Friendship. 30 Ibid., pp. 9-10.

e i suoi correspondent, Florence,

URSULA to show whether or not

strife, Charles facts of which to the

next, saw the seer eye of

the divine order [...]. He

has filled one department of instruction for the

experiences. highest of man. Yet too, was he,

Transcendentalism all by what above

Il Ibid, pp. 134-35.

of Saint-Martin in Dziela (1853) in ibid, pp. 465-85

iyg8-igg8, (pp. 475-76,

13, pp. 480-81,

MICKIEWICZ discovered Boehme

Mickiewicz de Saint-Martin Russia

(1824-29).63 Although these two as well as another 1624-77) were already of

the critics Waclaw

Lecture (12 of Course Four), dated 30 April 1844, he is still talking

like the spirit of one of the common people

in thisway will women

and the common people be torn from the

Mickiewicz's nized and

URSULA of women bypassed

23 calling has been

[sic] and Martha,

URSULA movement was

the rights and

set of female that most

'betrothed to the sun') as a model

of her of many anger Minerva (or analogues

URSULA alone would celebrate in his wife

that all you

And toRebecca Spring (10 April 1847):

letter (the second)

powerful impression 1847, he declares:

encounter on life's journey consoles and fortifies. What

ought often to feel the need

I know you, that

16, pp. 423-27.

URSULA You accuse me

Potrebbero piacerti anche