IDENTITY AND INTERACTION: The Suevi and the Hispano-Romans

King Miro and St. Martin of Braga (1145) Austrian National Library De virtutibus quattuor (Federzeichnung lm Co. 791, fol. 109v).

Jorge C. Arias
Advised by: P.J.E. Kershaw Spring 2007 University of Virginia

INTRODUCTION
The Suevi (or Sueves, Suebi) are one of the least known and least studied of the Germanic groups that invaded the Roman Empire in the fifth century C.E. Although they did not achieve the historical importance of the Visigoths or the Franks, the Suevi nevertheless played an important role in Iberian history throughout the almost two centuries that their kingdom lasted, and even after. They formed the first stable

Germanic/barbarian kingdom in the West and were the first to be ruled by a Catholic monarch, Rechiarius, who assumed the throne in 448. Despite seeming to be one of the smaller groups that invaded Iberia in 409, within 30 years they were able to create a political entity consolidated enough to attempt and almost achieve the conquest of the entire Iberian Peninsula. The Sueves were often portrayed by past historians as pillaging and uncouth barbarians who appropriately enough were the traveling companions of the Vandals. This idea was largely shaped by the unflattering opinions of those few who wrote about them. Hydatius, John of Biclar and Isidore of Seville generally viewed the Sueves as invaders or enemies because they were either negatively affected by Suevic activities or were loyal to Suevic enemies. In fact, the only positive opinion of the Sueves was held by Orosius, but his opinion was also colored by his desire to portray his chaotic Christian epoch as still being better than past pagan ages. Looking past the traditional and superficial portrayal of the Sueves, a different picture emerges. The relationship between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans they conquered seems to have been much more complex and less diametrically opposed than a simple antagonistic relationship between pillaging barbarians and subjected Hispano-

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Romans. But neither was their relationship a peaceful cohabitation that rapidly resulted in the integration of the Sueves into the Hispano-Roman population and the creation of a new people, as portrayed by some more modern authors. Somewhere between these two extreme portrayals of interaction lies a relationship shaped by social, material, institutional, ideological and religious realities. The relationship between them was a complex interaction that was characterized initially by constant Suevic depredatory campaigns but progressively became less antagonistic until the unknown point when the Suevic element, itself absorbed politically into the Visigothic Kingdom, was absorbed into the general Hispano-Roman population. This paper is divided into three major sections. The first section is a review of the historiography of the Sueves. The second section introduces a basic but comprehensive historical review of the Sueves. The third section analyses the relationship between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans in relation to a number of areas, such as identity, Suevic settlement and expansion, power, religion and direct interactions.

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THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE SUEVI1

Suevic historiography is based on a small number of sources. The most important are the written sources. Archaeology, numismatics, epigraphy and linguistics can also contribute, but the Sueves left few examples of this material and consequently their usefulness is limited. These sources will be discussed later in the paper as they become germane to particular discussions. The most important primary sources for the Sueves are The Chronicle of Hydatius, The Chronicle of John of Biclar, Orosius Seven Books of History against the Pagans and Isidore of Sevilles History of the Goths, Vandals and Suevi. Other important documents include the acts of the First and Second Councils of Braga, the Third Council of Toledo, the letters of Pope Leo I and Pope Vigilius, the Parochiale Suevum and other religious writings. Minor references to the Suevi can be found in Jordanes The Origin and Deeds of the Goths (or simply Getica), Gregory of Tours History of the Franks and The Miracles of the Bishop St. Martin (of Tours) and in some writings of St. Martin of Braga. Other references can be found in the writings of Prosper of Aquitaine, St. Jerome, count Marcellinus, Sidonius Apollinaris, The Gallic Chronicles of 542 and 511, The Chronicle of Zaragoza and other works of the period. Additionally, references to the Sueves before they crossed the Rhine in 406 can be found in Strabos Geography, Gaius Julius Caesars Seven Commentaries on the Gallic War, Tacitus Germania and other authors writing about Germanic groups.2 Hydatius Chronicle is certainly the most important source for Suevic studies. Except for Orosius and Martin of Braga, Hydatius is the only author that wrote about the
1

Author names in bold refer to works not directly cited in this paper, all others can be found in the works cited section. 2 Torres Rodrguez, p. 17.

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Sueves based on personal experience. Isidore, John of Biclar and Gregory of Tours wrote what they heard about the Sueves and often this information was already inaccurate and was further colored by the particular agenda of each author. Hydatius, on the other hand, lived in close proximity to the majority of the events that he chronicled and even played a role in Suevic history through his embassy to Atius in 431. Hydatius was a native of Gallaecia and served for much of his life as Bishop of Aquae Flaviae (modern Chaves). He was born around 400 and he had gone on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in his youth where he met St. Jerome.3 This encounter may have been influential in his decision to continue St. Jeromes Chronicle. By his own admission, he wrote his Chronicle as much at the end of the earth as at the end of my life, which leads many authors to date it to around 468 when it abruptly ends.4 His trip to the Holy Land seems to suggest that Hydatius came from a rich and influential pro-Roman family and that his support of the Hispano-Romans against the Sueves was a logical position for him. However helpful, Hydatius Chronicle is infamously terse and is clearly colored by Hydatius negative view of the barbarians. In this Hydatius is usually seen as representing the traditional negative Roman elite attitude towards barbarians. Nevertheless, R.W. Burgess in his edition of the Chronicle calls Hydatius the best Latin historian to survive between

3 4

Hydatius, preface (1), (2). Ibid. (1). Although it is possible that Hydatius may have been writing at least since 456 when his writing seems to change tone from a sympathetic view of the Visigoths as agents of Rome to a more apprehensive view of them due to their sacking of Braga, Astorga and Palencia, as if he was reacting to current events. This change of attitude by Hydatius is supported by Lpez & Rodrguez (p. 554) se trata, ciertamente, de un cambio en el tono de Hidacio. A stronger proof of this is that in 456 he declared that the Suevic kingdom was destroyed (regnum destructum et finitum est Sueuorum), but later goes on to speak of the restoration of the Suevic monarchy under Remismund, thus suggesting that he wrote down these events without knowledge of future events.

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Ammianus Marcellinus and Gregory of Tours, and probably the best in his genre in all of Late Antiquity.5 In opposition to Hydatius, Paulus Orosius painted the most positive portrayal of the Sueves of any author. Similarly to Hydatius, Orosius was a native of Gallaecia and undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He also met and became a disciple of another prominent figure of the early Christian Church, Augustine of Hippo. Soon after his arrival in North Africa around 413 or 414, and with the encouragement of Augustine, Orosius set out to write a history of the world based on the idea that God was directing humanity to progressively better times; thus his Seven Books of History against the Pagans support the thesis that his chaotic times were better than those of the pagans.6 Like Augustine, he wanted to counter those who said that the calamities plaguing the Roman world were caused by the abandonment of the pagan religions and the taking up of Christianity. This is why in Orosius is born a certain disdain for the work of Rome and a great hope for the future of the barbarian peoples.7 John of Biclar was a Visigothic writer born in Lusitania and educated in Constantinople who wrote his Chronicle sometime before 591. His Chronicle is terse like Hydatius and is colored by his single-minded focus on his own people, the Visigoths, to the historical injury of others like the Suevi. 8 Nevertheless, his Chronicle provides essential information about the period from 568 to 591, from which there is no other important contemporary account for the Sueves, except Gregory of Tours.

5 6

Burgess in his introduction to Hydatius Chronicle, p. 10. Livermore, p. 82. 7 Torres Rodrguez, p. 18. 8 Ferreiro, The Sueves in the Chronica of John Biclaro p. 202.

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Isidore of Seville provides a synthesis of these preceding authors in his History of the Goths, Vandals and Suevi. The work is largely a summary of these past writings and rarely includes new information. Isidores Histories have survived in two separate

versions: a shorter one from 619 and a longer one from 624.9 The shorter version contains some factual inaccuracies, such as giving Hermerics reign 14 years instead of 32 years and placing the entrance of the Sueves into Iberia in the Spanish aera 497 instead of the correct 446.10 In fact this is a good example of the types of problems of sources that historians have had to deal with in Suevic historiography. The study of Suevic history until the early twentieth century was intertwined with either Pan-Germanist or Galician nationalist currents. German nationalism encouraged much study on the beginnings and identities of the Germanic peoples. 11 This nationalism sought to create links between the Germans of Late Antiquity and modern Germany, and thus make German identity older and rooted in these energetic peoples. Examples of this scholarship are the studies of Schmidt, Schwantes, Dahn and Mascov.12 This impetus from the Pan-Germanism movement eventually influenced the glorification of the Visigoths and Germanic identity during the Franco regime in its efforts to portray Spanish unity and a European identity.
9

Rodrguez in Isidore of Seville, St. History of the Goths, Vandals and Suevi, p. 25. The Spanish aera was a dating method used by such authors as Hydatius, Isidore and others which corresponds roughly to an addition of 38 years to our dating system. Ex. Spanish aera 494 would equal our year 456. 11 Goffart, p. ix. 12 See Schmidt, Ludwig Allgemeine Geschichte der germanischen Vlker bis zur Mitte des sechsten Jahrhunderts. Handbuch der Mittelalterlingchen und neuen Geschichte. Abt. 2. Munich-Berlin, 1909, pp. 21-68; Geschichte der deutschen Stmme bis zum Ausgang der Vlkerwanderung Erste. Abt. Die Geschichte der Ostgermanen, Berlin, 1910. Schwantes, G. Die swebische Landnahme. Forschumgen und Fortschritte, 1933, p. 197. Dahn, Felix. Die Knige der Germanen. Das Wesen des ltesten Knigtums der germanischen Stmme 1861-1909. Hildesheim, New York: G. Olms, reprinted in 1973. Mascov, Johann Jakob. The History of the Ancient German; including that of the Cimbri, Suevi, Alemanni, Franks, Saxons, Goths, Vandals, and Other Ancient Northern Nations, Who Overthrew the Roman Empire, and Established that of Germany, and Most of the Kingdoms of Europe. translated by Thomas Lediard, esq. London, Westminster: J. Mechell, 1738.
10

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Study of the Sueves in Iberia meanwhile remained sidelined in relation to the more popular study of the Visigoths. During the late nineteenth century, the

Rexurdimento (renaissance/resurgence) of Galician culture and literature led to the study of Suevic history within the framework of Galician nationalism. The most important historians of this trend included large sections on Suevic history in their overviews of Galician history and sought to identify traces of Suevic character in the Galician identity. The best examples of this are Manuel Martnez Murgua, who founded the Real Academia Galega in 1906, and Benito Vicetto.13 While greatly advancing the knowledge of the Sueves, these studies suffered from many problems. For example, Vicetto, basing himself on the problem-ridden shorter version of Isidores Histories figured that a Hermeric II must have existed as successor to who is now considered only a noble, Heremigarius. Because this version of Isidore incorrectly stated that Hermeric rule for only 14 years, instead of 32, Vicetto surmised that Heremigarius must have been a king in between two kings named Hermeric, thus Hermeric I and Hermeric II. Vicetto also conjectured that when Rechiarius converted to Catholicism the rest of the Suevic people must have followed suit, but there is no proof of this and the consensus today is that this did not happen.14 Poor sources, excessive conjecturing and a nationalist agenda hurt the historical value of these works. Spanish historiography underwent a systematization and reorganization in the early twentieth century which was represented by such luminaries as Menndez y Pelayo and Menndez Pidal, especially with his monumental multi-volume Historia de Espaa.

13

Martnez Murgua, Manuel. Historia de Galicia (1888). Vicetto, Benito. Historia de Galicia (1866). Both reprinted in Historia de Galicia: reproduccin facsmil de las an no superadas ediciones de dichos autores. Bilbao, Spain: Editorial La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca, 1979. 14 Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi p. 78.

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Referring to the forgotten state of Suevic historiography, Menndez y Pelayo remarked that the Sueves had often been portrayed as one-dimensional, savage barbarians because these histories were uncritically based solely on Hydatius and the later chronicles. 15 Nevertheless, not much of value in Suevic terms resulted from this reorganization of Spanish historiography and even Torres Lpezs treatment of Germanic Spain in Menndez Pidals compilation quickly became outdated.16 The modern study of the Sueves was pioneered by Wilhelm Reinhart in 1952 with the first monograph on the subject, Historia general del reino hispnico de los Suevos.17 Reinharts book is short, but it is a valuable introduction to the study of the Sueves. After Reinharts revival of Suevic study, a number of articles and larger works which partially dealt with the Sueves began to appear, some of the major authors being Pierre David, Alain Tranoy, Fermn Bouza Brey and Casimiro Torres Rodrguez. Alberto Ferreiro is the leading bibliographer of Germanic Iberia and all of these works can be found in his two extensive bibliographical collections and a bibliographical article.18 The second and last monograph written on the Sueves to this day was penned by Torres Rodrguez under the dual titles of El reino de los suevos and Galicia sueva in 1977. 19 While his monograph is full of conjectures and a loose interpretation of historical facts, which has been criticized as lacking a scholarly historical analysis, his voluminous work does
15 16

Reinhart, p. 65. Collins, p. 248. Although the new editions edited by M. Jover Zamora have greatly improved this collection. Historia de Espaa Menndez Pidal, volume III. Madrid, Spain, 1991. 17 Collins, p. 251. 18 Ferreiro, Alberto. The Visigoths in Gaul and Spain, A.D. 418-711: A Bibliography. Leiden, ND: E.J. Brill, 1988. Ferreiro, Alberto. The Visigoths in Gaul and Iberia: A Supplemental Bibliography, 1984-2003. Leiden, ND: E.J. Brill, 2006. Ferreiro, Alberto. Sueves and Martin of Braga: Historiography and Future Research Projects. In Suevos/Schwaben. Das Knigreich der Sueben auf der Ibersichen Halbinsel (411585). Coloquio Interdisciplinar. Universidade do Minho, Braga, 4-6 March 1996. Tbingen: Gunter Narr Verlag, 1998, pp. 37-62. 19 Torres Rodrguez, Casimiro. El reino de los suevos (or Galicia sueva). La Corua, Spain: Fundacin Pedro Barri de la Maza, 1977.

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provide the most complete history of the Sueves yet and updated the archaeological record of the Sueves to 1977.20 The most important British historian to study the Sueves was E.A. Thompson who wrote much on them in his later years. His main work on the Sueves was a collection of articles in Romans and Barbarians which demonstrated a changing face of Suevic historiography. 21 While still betraying a traditional onedimensional negative view of the Sueves, Thompson brought the rigor of British historiography to their study and his works are more accessible, clear and factual than the more convoluted works of other historians. The change that Spanish historiography experienced after the end of the Franco regime also affected Suevic historiography. Two important trends define the

contemporary study of the Sueves. The first is the systematization and reincorporation of Spanish historiography into international historical currents. A new generation of

historians with training outside of the Spanish university system brought Spanish historiography out of its isolation and introduced into it modern methods of historical analysis. This is especially exemplified by the work of one of the most important historians dealing with the Sueves today, Pablo de la Cruz Daz Martnez. The modern approach is to strip away the excessive conjectures and assumptions of past historians and concentrate on writing factual history, we must bear in mind the sparseness of the literary sources and the difficulty of reconciling them with confusing archaeological remains: these have too often led to a scholarly controversy that makes up for the

20 21

Ferreiro, Sueves and Martin of Braga p. 41. Thompson, E.A. Romans and Barbarians: The Decline of the Western Empire . Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1982. Thompson, E.A. The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi to Catholicism. In Visigothic Spain: New Approaches. Ed. Edward James. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1980, pp.77-92.

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minimal evidence with a superfluity of unsupported hypothesis. 22 In line with this approach, the new edition of the Chronicle of Hydatius by R.W. Burgess completely eclipses the standard text of Mommsen, not to mention Tranoys highly eccentric Sources Chrtiennes edition and the uncritical text of Campos often used in Spain.23 The second trend in contemporary Suevic historiography is the strong support it receives from a renewed sense of Galician nationalism. A result of the end of the Franco regime, the rise of regional nationalisms in Spain has increased the institutional support and audience for subjects like Suevic history. Going back to the support of Torres Rodrguez for his monograph by the Fundacin Pedro Barri de la Maza in 1977, Galician cultural, academic and political organizations (such as this Fundacin, El Instituto de Estudios Galegos P. Sarmiento, the Real Academia Galega and even the Xunta de Galicia) have shown a strong willingness to support Suevic studies within the framework of increasing the knowledge of Galician history and identity. 24 This renewed interest in Suevic history has yielded a renewed vigor in Suevic historiography which is evinced by the rise in the number of publications dealing with them.25 Since Suevic historiography has never been a very popular subject and it is usually the work of lone historians, it is difficult to characterize and organize it into neat categories; thus much of the preceding text is a broad generalization. Fortunately, this lack of unity and cooperation (cooperation which in the past was only seen between the few Spanish, usually Galician, historians who wrote about the Sueves) seems to have
22 23

Daz Martnez & Menndez-Bueyes, The Cantabrian Basin in p. 266. Bowes & Kulikowski, p. 15. Hydatius. Chronicle. In The Chronicle of Hydatius and the Consularia Constantinopolitana. Edited and translated by R.W. Burgess. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1993. 24 For example, Galicia: da romanidade xermanizacin, problemas histricos e culturais . Santiago de Compostela, Spain: Seccin de Prehistoria e Arqueloloxa do Instituto de Estudios Galegos P. Sarmiento, 1993. 25 Again see Ferreiros extensive bibliographical collections.

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been somewhat eroded as the number of scholarly collaborations and congresses increases.26 Hopefully, the effects of these two contemporary trends will lead to a more systematic and collaborative study of Suevic history.

26

For a review of these see Ferreiro, Alberto. Sueves and Martin of Br aga: Historiography and Future Research Projects. In Suevos/Schwaben. Das Knigreich der Sueben auf der Ibersichen Halbinsel (411585). Coloquio Interdisciplinar. Universidade do Minho, Braga, 4-6 March 1996. Tbingen: Gunter Narr Verlag, 1998, pp. 37-62.

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THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

According to studies on the origins of the various Germanic tribes, a collection of peoples called the Suevi seem to have occupied areas of Denmark, Schleswig-Holstein and the southwest of the Scandinavian Peninsula during the Bronze Age. Slowly they expanded south into northwest Germany before the Iron Age (c. 800-600 B.C.E.) and by the latter date Schwantes believes that they could be found occupying the southern Danish islands and both sides of the Elbe River.27 Then they moved south into lands of the Celts, whom they expelled, eliminated or absorbed into their group, and came to occupy an area from the eastern bank of the middle Rhine to the Main River further west.28 Hence, this group would have occupied an area that would have cut horizontally across the middle of modern Germany encompassing parts of the modern German states of Saxony, Thuringia and Hesse. It must be remembered that these accounts belong to an older scholarship that has largely been displaced in favor of the view that Germanic groups were not as cohesive, and their migrations far more complex and indiscernible, than previously thought. Nevertheless, there is still a consensus that by the first century C.E. the middle Danube was full of Sueves.29 The first historical accounts of the Sueves come from Strabo and Julius Caesar. Strabo lists various tribes of the Sueves and states that they excel all the others [Germans] in power and numbers. 30 Caesar recounts his fight against the powerful Suevic king, Ariovistus, for control of central Gaul in the first century B.C.E. Caesar
27

Torres Rodrguez, p. 23. Reinhart, p. 13. See Schmidt, Ludwig Allgemeine Geschichte der germanischen Vlker bis zur Mitte des sechsten Jahrhunderts. Handbuch der Mittelalterlingchen und neuen Geschichte. Abt. 2. Munich-Berlin, 1909, pp. 21-68; Geschichte der deutschen Stmme bis zum Ausgang der Vlkerwanderung Erste. Abt. Die Geschichte der Ostgermanen, Berlin, 1910. Schwantes, G. Die swebische Landnahme. Forschumgen und Fortschritte, 1933, p. 197. 28 Torres Rodrguez, p. 23. 29 Goffart, p. 82. 30 Strabo, IV, (3) 4.

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emerged victorious and the Sueves were turned back from their attempt to conquer and settle Gaul and turned east.31 They settled around the area of modern Slovakia and for the next four centuries they interacted with Rome as neighbors, which included times of peace and war (as evinced by the Marcommanic Wars of the 160-170s C.E.)32 Eventually, a number of pressures seem to have created an impetus among the settled tribes of this region to emigrate.33 The situation was one of complicated displacements and movements of these different groups with likewise complex interactions. Similarly to other

Germanic groups, what little evidence there is suggests that Suebi did not designate a rigidly defined group.34 The name seems to refer to an umbrella group made up of some of the tribes identified as Suevi by Tacitus and other Roman authors, such as the Marcomanni, Quadi, etc., but it also seems to include elements of their Sarmatian, Alemanni and Asding Vandal neighbors. 35 This variable ethnicity is evinced by the various names used to refer to the Suevi. Gregory of Tours (c. 594) called them the Suebi, also called the Alamanni and St. Jerome, writing in 409, never even uses the word Suevi.36 It is from these circumstances that a section of the Danubian Suevi together with other groups began to emigrate towards the Rhine. St. Jerome wrote that it was

specifically the Quadi tribe of the Suevi which accompanied the Vandals and Alans on this migration.37 Eventually, on the last day of the year 40538

31 32

Gaius Julius Caesar, I, 31-51. Reinhart, p. 19-21. 33 The traditional explanation is the Hunno-Alanic expansions. See Goffart, p. 75-78. 34 Hummer, p. 16. 35 Ibid. Torres Rodrguez, p. 25. 36 Gregory of Tours, St. The History of the Franks II, (2). Jerome, St. p. 301. 37 Reinhart, p. 23. Jerome, St. p. 301. 38 Goffart, p. 74. For this new exact dating see Kulikowski, Michael. Barbarians in Gaul, Usurpers in Britain. Britannia 31 (2000), pp. 325-331.

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Siling and Asding Vandals, the Sueves and the Alans crossed the Rhine and from there followed the route Mainz, Trier, Reims, Tournai, Ameins and Arras, where they split.39 There is some disagreement as to the precise routes taken by these invaders. 40 Van Schoor writes that they split into two groups; one followed a more northerly route through Orlans and Tours, while the second group, including the Suevi, headed to Iberia by way of Bordeaux.41 Torres Rodrguez, following Courtois, writes that they split into their individual groups and headed into Gaul in a fork formation. 42 It seems that the Sueves may have intended to head for Britain but they were repelled by the armies of the pretender Constantine III at Cambray and Valence. 43 It is this migrating period which may have been instrumental in the ethno-genesis of a distinctive Suevic identity that emerged with a relatively strong royal authority (seemingly hereditary from this point forward) and built on a client aristocracy.44 It is not clear that the invaders had Iberia in mind as an ultimate target, for according to the chronicles they wandered through Gaul during the chaos of those years.45 What seems to have been the case was that the invaders could not find land on which to settle and so kept raiding and depredating until there was no more to pillage in Gaul. Then on either the 28th of September or the 12th of October, 409, the Alans, Vandals and Sueves entered Hispania as the next logical place to pillage.46

39 40

Van Schoor, p. 335. For further controversies on this subject see Reinhart p. 27. 41 Van Schoor, p. 335. 42 Torres Rodrguez, p. 34. See Courtois, Christian. Les Vandales et lAfrique. Paris: Arts et mtiers graphiques, 1955. p. 45. 43 Torres Rodrguez, p. 34. 44 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 599. 45 Reinhart, p. 29 following Isidore of Seville, St. 71. 46 Hydatius, 34. Note: This Burgess edition uses different numeration than the old standard of Mommsen.

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The history of the Suevi in the Iberian Peninsula is best divided into six periods:47 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Arrival and settlement (409-438) Territorial expansion (438-456) Crisis and Visigothic tutelage (456-468) Dark period (468-c. 550) Consolidation of the Suevic Kingdom (c. 550-583) Integration of the Suevic Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom (583-585)

1. Arrival and settlement (409-438) The Roman civil wars between the pretenders Constantine III, Constans, Genrontius and Maximus against the emperor Honorius and his magister militum Constantius, which had allowed these marauding groups to pillage Gaul for two years, also facilitated similar actions in Iberia. It was not until two years later, in 411, that these invaders decided to divide up Hispania and settle it. There is controversy on whether all or any of these groups were settled under a foedus agreement with Rome, like the Visigoths in Aquitania, which would have entailed a systematic method of dividing up public and aristocratic lands to settle the invaders. This problem will be dealt with later in this paper. For now it is important to know that the invaders had decided to settle because most likely they had consumed all that was available. Estimates of the number of the Sueves range from about 25,000 48 to between 30,000 and 35,000 (with around 8,000 warriors); making them the smallest of the Germanic invaders of Iberia. 49 If we believe in Pliny the Elders calculation for a population of around 700,000 (excluding slaves) in the first century C.E. for the areas in which the Sueves would settle, but take into account the widely supported opinion that populations had decreased in Iberia by the
47 48

Diego, de & Bjar, p. 599. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians... p. 158. 49 Reinhart, p. 32. Estimates of the other Germanic groups (from Thompson): Silings 50,000; Alans 30,00040,000; Asdings 80,000 (although this figure taken from Procopiuss description of the Asdings invasion of Africa (Bellum Vandalicum, I, 5) is held to have been impossibly high because there could never have been enough boats to transport them (Brck, Gerschichte des Kriegskunst, Berlin, 1921).

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early fifth century, then a conservative estimate would place the Suevi at around 5% of the Hispano-Roman population.50 More liberal estimates could yield up to 8-9%. The division of Iberia was done through lots (sorte ad inhabitandum) of the provinces.
51

The Siling Vandals were settled in Baetica, the Alans were allotted

Lusitania and Carthaginiensis, the Asding Vandals took Gallaecia and the Sueves were settled in that part of Gallaecia which is situated on the very western edge of the Ocean.52 Only Tarraconensis remained under the control of Rome. The Sueves seem to have early on chosen Braga as their center of power. Once again there is controversy over the division of Gallaecia between the Asding Vandals and the Sueves, but it will be dealt with later. For now, I will accept the opinion that the Sueves were settled in the western part of Gallaecia containing the conventus of Braga, Lugo and Astorga, and the Asding Vandals on the eastern part. Gallaecia at this time was larger than the modern Galicia. It included Galicia, Asturias, Cantabria, the north of Portugal down to the Douro, and parts of the northern plateau of Castile to Numantia; essentially Iberia north of the Douro from Galicia until a line running north to south from modern Bilbao to Soria.53 The years after the settlement proved to have been quiet and seemingly peaceful for the Sueves. The only conflicts in Iberia that Hydatius records are the expeditions of the Visigoths under their king Vallia to wipe out the Alans and Siling Vandals as part of their agreement with Honorius.54 This was achieved by 418 with the complete destruction of the Siling Vandals and the amalgamation of the few remaining Alans into the Asding

50 51

Thompson, Romans and Barbarians... p. 158. Pliny the Elder, (iii), 28. Hydatius, 41. 52 Ibid. Calliciam Vandali occupant et Suaeui sitam in extremitate Oceani maris occidua. 53 Torres Rodrguez, p. 49. 54 Hydatius, 55, 59, 60.

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Vandals and the withdrawal of the Visigoths to Aquitaine.55 With only the Sueves and the Asding Vandals left in Iberia a conflict between them arose in 419 in which the Vandals, under their king Gunderic, blockaded the Sueves in the Erbasian Mountains, with his first mention of their king Hermeric.56 The Vandals desisted from this under pressure from Astirius, the comes Hispaniarum, and headed south into Baetica.57 In 429, the Vandals decided to leave Iberia and try their luck in Africa. As the Vandals were about to cross, Heremigarius, who seems to have been a Suevic noble, led an expedition against the Vandals, but was defeated around Merida. 58 With the Vandals in Africa, the Sueves became the only Germanic group left in Iberia and this left them free to follow a policy of expansion against a disunited Iberian populace with no real Roman military support. 2. Territorial expansion (438-456) The years of seeming peace with the Hispano-Romans since 411 were broken with Hermerics expedition to pillage the central areas of Gallaecia in 430, which ended with the re-signing of the peace treaty which they had broken with the Gallaeci (Hispano-Romans) after they captured some Suevic hostages. 59 However, the Sueves broke the peace as soon as the opportunity presented itself and Hydatius himself undertook an embassy to seek aid from Atius in 431, who was campaigning in Gaul; he sent the comes Censurius to negotiate between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans.60 Seven years of diplomacy and broken treaties ensued until 438 when the Sueves ratified
55 56

Ibid. 55, 60, 61. Ibid. 63. Isidore of Seville (85) wrote that Hermeric had been the Suevic king when they crossed into Iberia in 409. 57 Ibid. 66. The title comes at this point seems to denote a regional Roman military leader, in this case Astirius would be the military commander in Iberia; the term is often translated to count (Reinhart, p. 42) 58 Ibid. 80. 59 Ibid. 81. This previous peace treaty could be proof of a treaty of settlement between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans since Hermerics campaign of 430 is the first mention in Hydatius of a Suevic attack on Hispano-Romans since they settled in Gallaecia in 411. This controversy will be discussed later. 60 Ibid. 86.

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the terms of a peace treaty with the section of the people of Gallaecia with whom they had been in conflict.61 In that same year, Hermeric, overcome by illness, abdicated in favor of his son Rechila, who immediately defeated a Roman army under a certain Andevotus near the Singilis River in Baetica, seizing his great treasure of gold and silver.62 This battle was the first serious Roman military force that confronted the Sueves, and after this date Roman military power in Iberia was effectively non-existent.63 With this victory, Iberia was left completely open to Suevic conquest. In 439, Rechila conquered Merida where Hermeric would die in 441 and which would become a second center of Suevic power after Braga.64 In 441, he seized Seville and brought under his control the rest of Baetica and Carthaginiensis.65 Around these years, the Church seems to have enjoyed liberty enough for the bishops Antoninus, Hydatius and Thoribius to persecute the heretical Manichees (Priscillianists) in Gallaecia.66 Continuing the expansion of his kingdom, Rechila defeated a Roman army that had been harassing the inhabitants of Carthaginiensis and Baetica in 446, commanded by the future emperor Avitus, after his Visigothic auxiliaries defected. 67 In August of 448, Rechila died a pagan in Emerita [Merida]. His son Rechiarius, an orthodox Christian, succeeded him as king, and though he had a number of rivals from among his own family, they did not reveal themselves.68 Despite being a Catholic and thus seemingly closer to Hispano-Romans, Rechiarius would accelerate the territorial expansion that his father had begun at the
61 62

Ibid. 105. Ibid. 106. 63 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 178. 64 Hydatius, 111, 114. 65 Ibid. 115. 66 Ibid. 122. 67 Ibid. 126. Speaks to the importance of the Visigoths for imperial actions at this date. 68 Ibid. 129. The implications of Rechiarius conversion to Catholicism will be discussed later.

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expense of the Iberian population.69 As soon as he ascended to the throne he invaded the farthest reaches [of Gallaecia] in search of booty.70 He also married the daughter of the Visigothic King Theodoric I to foster better relations with this more powerful Germanic group. In 449, on the return from a visit to his father-in-law, possibly for the marriage ceremony, Rechiarius allied with Basilius, leader of the popular army of the Basque area known as the Bacaude. Together they pillaged the vicinity of Caesaraugusta (Saragossa) and entered into Ilerda (Lleida) by ruse. 71 These invasions mark the widest extent of Suevic expansion. At this point, the Suevic Kingdom held at least nominal control over almost all of Iberia except for the Mediterranean coasts of Carthaginiensis and parts of Tarraconensis. Rechiarius was also the first Catholic Germanic king and the first

Germanic king to issue coinage with his own name. He is famous for the silver siliquae bearing the name of Honorius on one side and the inscription ivssv richiaris reges on the other, which were probably minted in Braga.72 In 455, maybe sensing weakened Roman power after the turmoil caused by the assassinations of Atius and Valentinian III, Rechiarius pillaged the areas of Carthaginiensis that they [the Sueves] had returned to the Romans, probably in a peace treaty in 453.73 This began a series of diplomatic missions between Theodoric II, Avitus and Rechiarius to attempt to force the Sueves to honor the terms of this past treaty.74 Rechiarius sent back the Visigothic and Roman envoys and invaded Tarraconensis twice in 456. In reaction to this, Theodoric II, in obedience to the wishes and command of the
69

This could mean that either his conversion did not really bring closer ties to the Hispano-Romans or that his campaigns could have been supported and assented to by some Hispano-Romans living under the Sueves. 70 Hydatius, 129. 71 Ibid. 134. 72 Metcalf, p. 357. 73 Hydatius, 161, 147. 74 Ibid. 163, 165.

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emperor Avitus, entered Spain with his own vast army.75 Their armies met twelve miles from Asturica (Astorga) on the Orbigo River on the fifth of October, 456. The Sueves were defeated soon after the onset of the engagement and the Suevic rank and file were slaughtered, some were captured, but most were put to flight.76 Rechiarius was wounded and fled towards Portus Cale (Oporto), but was later captured by the Visigoths. Immediately after his victory, Theodoric II headed to Braga and sacked it in an action which, although accomplished without bloodshed, was nevertheless tragic and lamentable.77 With the sack of Braga and the capture of Rechiarius, Hydatius declared thus was the kingdom of the Sueves destroyed and brought to an end.78 3. Crisis and Visigothic tutelage (456-468) The power vacuum created by the destruction of Hermerics dynasty resulted in a period of confusing civil wars between different Suevic factions. Theodoric II had left Gallaecia by December of 456, after the execution of Rechiarius. He sent Visigothic forces into the plains of Gallaecia [also known now as the Gothic Fields or the CastileLeon plains], where they seem to have remained garrisoned as a tool of Visigothic control over the Sueves. 79 Promptly, the Sueves who had remained in the farthest reaches of Gallaecia set up as their king the son of Massilia, who was named Maldras.80 Simultaneously, a certain Aioulfus deserted the Goths and settled in Gallaecia, meaning that he was employed by the Visigoths before, probably as a local ruler or

75 76

Ibid. 166. Ibid. 166. 77 Ibid. 167 78 Ibid. 168. regnum destructum et finitum est Sueuorum. A curious statement since Hydatius would later go on to speak of the restoration of the Suevic monarchy with Remismund in 464. 79 Ibid. 171. Reinhart, p. 48. 80 Hydatius, 174.

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agent.81 It is likely that this is the same person who Hydatius names as Agiulfus, who assassinated the comes Censurius in Seville in 449, possibly to destabilize relations between the Sueves and Rome.82 However, by June of 457, he died in Oporto while he was aspiring to the kingdom of the Sueves.83 Soon after another Suevic faction made Framtane king and because they had been split into factions, the Sueves solicited peace from the Gallaecians. 84 Nevertheless, these civil wars only exacerbated the conflicts between the Suevi and the Hispano-Roman because each Suevic faction carried out its own pillaging campaigns. Maldras raided Lusitania and that part of Gallaecia bordering on the Durius River soon after the mentioned peace treaty.85 Framtane died between Easter and Pentecost of 458, possibly too early to have carried out any depredating campaigns, but he was succeeded, whether in the same faction or another, by Rechimund.86 In 459, Maldras and Rechimund undertook separate campaigns in Lusitania and Gallaecia and intensified the hostile relations between the Sueves and the Gallaecians.87 Rome and the Visigoths, after settling some differences, intervened in Iberia to prepare Majorians failed invasion of the Vandals in North Africa, but also to harass the Sueves who revolted in Lucus (Lugo). 88 This expedition was betrayed by the informers Dictynius, Spinio and Ascanius, who seem to have been Hispano-Roman collaborators

81

Ibid. 173. Jordanes (233) states that Aioulfus was a Varn and that Theodoric had placed him in charge of the Sueves. 82 Hydatius, 131. 83 Ibid. 180. 84 Ibid. 181. 85 Ibid. 181, 183. 86 Ibid. 182, 188. 87 Ibid. 188, 191. 88 Ibid. 192, 195, 196.

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of the Sueves. 89 After the assassination of Maldras, probably linked to his own assassination of his brother, another pretender, Frumarius, appears leading another faction in 460. 90 With the help of the same collaborators who sabotaged Majorians invasion, Frumarius kidnapped Hydatius from his see of Aquae Flaviae and pillaged this same conventus, holding him captive for three months.91 Simultaneously, Rechimund was raiding the areas close to him, both the territory of the Auregenses and the coastal areas of the conventus of Lucus.92 Then, Frumarius and Rechimund were caught in a direct struggle for the throne, which afforded the Hispano-Roman population with a respite from their individual depredating campaigns.93 A series of diplomatic exchanges between the Visigoths and the Sueves followed, but the pillaging continued in an intermittent manner. At this point another factual controversy arises. Hydatius mentions that upon the death of Frumarius, a certain Remismund, who had been involved in the diplomatic exchanges with the Visigoths and who Isidore says was the son of Maldras, by his right as king, brought all the Sueves back under his sovereignty and restored the peace that had lapsed. 94 The disagreement involves whether Remismund is the same person as Rechimund. Since this is not a substantial problem, it will suffice to continue with Remismund as king, since this is what Hydatius uses from this point forward. Under Remismund the Suevic monarchy was restored in 464 and he seems to have enjoyed the support of Theodoric II since he received gifts, weapons and his own

89 90

Ibid. 196. Ibid. 193, 190, 196. 91 Ibid. 196, 202. 92 Ibid. 197. 93 Ibid. 198, 199. 94 Ibid. 219. Isidore of Seville, St. 33, 89.

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wife, who Theodoric had been keeping.95 Most historians believe that this wife was a Visigothic princess and that Theodoric had sent her to tie the Suevic monarchy to Visigothic control. 96 An Arian priest named Ajax 97 was sent to the Sueves from the Gallic home of the Goths, with the approval of Remismund to convert the Sueves to Arianism, a task in which he seems to have had at least solidly converted the Suevic nobility.98 Thus, Theodoric II supported Remismund as the single king of the Sueves, but it is obvious that he did so in order to control their kingdom. Nevertheless, Remismund was not a simple puppet king. He clashed with the people of Aunona in 465, against the wishes of Theodoric.99 When Theodoric II was killed by his brother Euric, Remismund used the situation to assert a higher level of independence. He returned the envoys sent by Euric, crossed into Lusitania and took Ulixippona (Lisbon) in 468 with the aid of its Hispano-Roman governor, Lusidius.
100

After concluding a peace treaty with the

Aunonenses, Remismund sent marauding expeditions to Lusitania and the conventus of Asturica while Visigothic troops did likewise in the same provinces probably to counter the Suevic expeditions, although the Sueves and Visigoths never met in battle. 101 Hydatius last mention of the Sueves is that Remismund sent envoys, with Lusidius at the

95 96

Hydatius, 222. See Diego, de & Bjar, p. 604. Reinhart, p. 51. Torres Rodrguez, p. 175. 97 Different authors argue if this Ajax was a Gaul, Greek or Galician. Hydatius uses the phrase Aiax natione Galata 228. A Galician origin is almost always thrown out since there is no other proof of a Gallaeci being called a Galata. Many authors, including Burgess, translate it to a mean a Greek, in the idea that Greek authors used this word to describe Celts (as in the Celts that settled in Anatolia, the Galatians). A more convincing argument is that of Torres Rodrguez (p. 175) who argues that since Hydatius had visited the East as a child, he may have been aware of this Greek way to refer to Celts. He goes on to say that Hydatius meant that Ajax was a Celt from Gaul, thereby making the widely-supported hypothesis that he was sent by Theodoric II more plausible. 98 Hydatius, 228. 99 Ibid. 229. 100 Ibid. 234, 236, 240. 101 Ibid. 243, 244.

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head, to the emperor Antemius in 468.102 With this the Chronicle of Hydatius ends and a period of nearly one hundred years of historical darkness ensues. 4. Dark period (468-560) At the beginning of this period there seems to have been a normalization of frontiers and relations between the Sueves and Visigoths. 103 It is known that certain borders were defined to some extent between Sueves and Visigoths from the last actions described by Hydatius. The actions in Lusitania suggest a frontier developed along the Tagus with Coimbra and Idanha as southern outposts of the Sueves and Santarem and Merida as Visigothic outposts, although Hydatius never mentions that the Visigoths even retook Lisbon from the Sueves. The eastern border of the Suevic Kingdom probably stretched as far as the Castile-Leon plains to which Theodoric II had sent Visigothic troops following his victory in 456. Here, Astorga would have been the Suevic outpost and Palencia the Visigothic one.104 Very little else is known about this dark period since there are no surviving chronicles or other major sources of information; that which we know is based on archaeological finds and indirect allusions from certain sources. Isidore says that after Remismund many kings of the Sueves remained in the Arian heresy. 105 There exist mentions of kings that seem to fit within this period. Father Antonio de Yepes (c. 1615) mentioned he had an ancient manuscript, which has not survived today, that mentioned a
102 103

Ibid. 245. This, and what follows, are merely conjectures based on the assumption that Remismund was able to consolidate the Suevic kingdom after its defeat in 456 and stabilize the chaotic situation. Logically, the argument has been made that maybe one reason no author wrote about this period (especially St. Isidore) is that there was not much to mention, meaning that it was a stable period of consolidating states (Sueves and Visigoths) in Iberia (see Reinhart, p. 54). The argument supporting borders is evinced by the fact that by the incorporation of the Suevic Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom in 585, the Suevic Kingdom had well defined borders which had their foundations sometime after 468 (see Diego, de & Bjar, p. 606). 104 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 606. 105 Isidore of Seville, St. 90.

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king Hermeneric who ruled circa 485 and who was said to raze churches and be a persecutor of Catholics.106 An inscription found at Salvador de Vairo with an inscribed fifth-century date, and dated to the sixth century, mentions a Suevic king Veremundus.107 Reinhart states that he found a twelfth-century document that mentions a king Theodemundus between Remismund and Theodomir, inside this dark period. This

mention is contained in a document on the Visigothic king Wamba's ecclesiastic divisions, which leads Reinhart to believe that at the time this was written there must have been an older source on which to base this listing.108 Nevertheless, we hardly know anything about these kings save their name and it is hard to place dates to their rule. An important occurrence for Suevic history during this period was the increasing level of immigration of Visigoths from Gaul after their defeat by the Franks at Vouill in 507. After the loss of the majority of their territory in Gaul, the Visigoths moved their center of power to Toledo and consolidated their hold on Iberia. This added emphasis on Iberia in the Visigothic mind further isolated the Sueves to the northwest corner of the Peninsula and probably resulted in more stabilized borders for each kingdom. 5. Consolidation of the Suevic Kingdom (c. 550-583) The Sueves come back into historical view around 550, but another controversy ensued. This one involves the succession of kings in this period and how the Sueves were converted to Catholicism. This problem is still unresolved, but for the sake of continuity all the kings in contention will be discussed here. King Chararic (Carriaric) (c. 550-559) is only mentioned by St. Gregory of Tours in The Miracles of the Bishop St. Martin. Gregory recounts how the son of King Chararic became ill with leprosy and in
106 107

Lpez Carreira, p. 40. Ferreiro, Sueves and Martin of Braga p. 48. 108 Reinhart, p. 55.

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order to try to cure him Chararic sent an embassy to the tomb of the famous St. Martin of Tours, saying that if his son would be cured he would take up the Catholic religion of Martin. The envoys brought back a silk cloak that they had laid on Martins tomb and that had miraculously increased in weight from soaking in the favor of this saint and the king's son was miraculously cured. Chararic then renounced the Arian heresy and the province was freed from the threat of leprosy. At the same time, circa 550, the future St. Martin of Braga (or Dume) arrived in Galicia, roughly at the same time as Justinian's Byzantine armies were retaking parts of southern Iberia in 551. 109 Another king only mentioned in one account is Ariamir. He is mentioned in the Acts of the First Council of Braga in 561. The acts state that the council was held in the third year of the reign of Ariamir and that the bishops had wanted to hold a council in years past, but they were prohibited from doing so, thus we can trace back Ariamir's reign to begin either in 558 or 559.110 The other sources on this period only mention Theodomir as the first Suevic king following the dark period. Isidore of Seville writes that Theodomir followed those anonymous Arian kings of the dark period and restored the Sueves to Catholicism with the aid of St. Martin of Braga.111 John of Biclar states that in 570, Miro was made king of the Suevi after Theodemir. 112 Since Gregorys story is all that is written about Chararic his existence is often doubted, but besides his possible conversion to Catholicism, his existence is largely inconsequential. Thus, most historians believe that Theodomir was the king who brought about the complete conversion of the Sueves, even
109 110

Gregory of Tours, St. The Miracles of the Bishop St. Martin 11 (p. 211 in Van Dams edition). Acts of the First Council of Braga in Martin of Braga. Opera Omnia. The beginning of Ariamirs reign is most often prescribed to 559. 111 Isidore of Seville, St. 90, 91. 112 John of Biclar, 14.

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if Chararic could have possibly begun such a process if he indeed existed. As Isidore writes, it was he who with the help of St. Martin of Braga brought about this conversion.113 Ariamirs existence is often not even noted by historians, but if the acts of such an important council, signed with the consent of eight bishops, mention him he must have existed in some form. The usual solution to this is to believe that Ariamir was the same person as Theodomir, and that if Chararic existed that Ariamir/Theodomir was the ill son who was cured by the intervention of St. Martin of Tours.114 St. Martin of Braga is an enigmatic figure, though not by sixth-century standards in Iberia. A native of Pannonia born between 510 and 520, Martin was said to have been inspired while in the Holy Land to devote his life to missionary work in the West, which he began by founding the monastery of Dume near Braga.115 Gregory of Tours wrote that Martin of Braga arrived on the same day as the relics of St. Martin of Tours arrived in Gallaecia.116 Gregory also wrote that Martin of Braga died in 580 and that he lived in Gallaecia for 30 years, thus his arrival in Gallaecia can be placed around the year 550, which can give us some dates for the reign of Chararic (if his story is real) since the relics of Martin of Tours arrived at the same time as Martin of Braga.117 Soon after his arrival he was proclaimed Bishop and would later become the Metropolitan of Braga, in which

113 114

Isidore of Seville, St. 91. Torres Rodrguez (p. 274) believes that most likely Theodomir changed his name from Ariamir when he was baptized, much like Hermenegild changed his name to Juan Bautista when he was baptized. 115 Barlow in Martin of Braga. Opera Omnia, p. 2. 116 Gregory of Tours, St. The Miracles of the Bishop St. Martin 11 (p. 211 in Van Dams edition). 117 Gregory of Tours, St. The History of the Franks V, (37), this version reprinted in Martin of Braga. Opera Omnia (appendix 6). Barlow (p.3) also writes that a largely unknown breviary held in a church in Braga (reprinted in his appendix 16) states that Martins episcopate lasted 23 years, not the 30 that Gregory states. Barlow believes that Gregory probably rounded this figure and that this breviary is likely correct. Nevertheless, Martins arrival in Galicia would still be placed in the early half of the 550s and his death around 580.

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capacity he would direct the Second Council of Braga in 572. 118 Isidore wrote that besides aiding in the conversion of the Sueves, Martin through his faith and science worked to reorganize and strengthen the Church in Gallaecia, but he is most remembered for having converted the Sueves from Arianism to Catholicism, whether this involved Chararic, Ariamir or Theodomir.119 Martin also seems to have been close to Theodomirs successor, Miro, as he dedicated his Formula Vitae Honestae to this king and wrote in the introduction that the advisors of this king should read it to be able to better council him.120 Though little is written about Theodomirs reign various inferences have been made about the period of his rule. We know that the First Council of Braga took place in 561 shortly after the lifting of a ban on ecclesiastical meetings which must have logically followed a large conversion of the Sueves to Catholicism,121 but it did not even mention Arianism as the Third Council of Toledo would do in 589 when the Visigoths renounced it in favor of Catholicism. The First Council of Braga was more concerned with

Priscillianists and outlining the right practices for monks to follow. Maybe Arianism still had strong support either from a Suevic faction or more realistically from Visigothic interests to keep the Sueves Arian and thus less independent. Nevertheless, probably beginning with Theodomir, many historians see an increasing level of internal organization and independence and a growing Suevic influence in northwest Iberia. 122 These historians point to documents such as the Parochiale Suevum and the acts of the
118

Barlow in Martin of Braga. Opera Omnia, p. 2, 4. Barlow writes that Martin was probably appointed bishop by 556 and Metropolitan of Braga sometime between 561 and 572. 119 Isidore of Seville, St. 91. fide et scientia. 120 Martin of Braga. Formula Vitae Honestae in Opera Omnia. 121 Though it must be remembered that any conversion was not total as St. Martin of Braga finds the need to write a sermon (De correctione rusticorum) preaching against some pagan practices still being followed in areas outside of the effective control of the Church. 122 See Torres Rodrguez, p. 221. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608.

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First and Second Councils of Braga as demonstrating a closer relationship between the monarchical state and the Church, an increasing level of organization of the Suevic Kingdom and a slight increase in the territorial area of Suevic influence, if not control. The Parochiale Suevum, though its authenticity has been questioned by some, demonstrates a clear reorganization of structure on the ecclesiastical level, which may have mirrored, or more likely influenced, a similar civil reorganization.123 It may have also been part of the reorganization process that Isidore attributes to St. Martin of Braga since he seemed to be closely tied to the monarchy. The introduction to the Parochiale also mentions a council that took place in Lugo in 569 from which this reorganization began, though no acts or other mentions of this council survive today. 124 The Parochiale also demonstrates closer ties between the monarchy and the Church since the introduction states that Theodomir oversaw this council and presumably this reorganization. Emboldened by the Byzantine actions against the Visigoths in Baetica and a sense of alliance with the Byzantines and Franks against the Visigoths based on their common Catholic religion, Theodomir may have began to reassert Suevic independence from Visigothic policy. Once the Sueves and Hispano-Romans shared one religion, not to mention more than 150 years of sharing the same territory, it is likely that the Suevic Kingdom would appear to have been firmly integrated into Gallaecia. The expansion of the number of bishoprics from the First Council of Braga to the Second (from 9 to 12), including bishoprics that most likely should have been under Visigothic jurisdiction, such as Astorga, Viseo, Lamego, Coimbra and Idanha, suggests an expansion of Suevic

123 124

Parochiale Suevum in Itineraria et Alia Geographica. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608.

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influence.125 Maybe John of Biclar alludes to this deterioration of Visigothic boundaries when he stated that Leovigild restored to its former boundaries the province of the Goths, which by that time had been diminished by the rebellions of various men.126 Thus, a consolidation and strengthening of the Suevic Kingdom seems to have been underway by the late 560s, probably under the rule of Theodomir. Theodomirs successor, Miro who came to the throne in 570 and ruled for 13 years, seems to have attempted to continue this policy of consolidation and may have even been eyeing expansion.127 In the second year of his rule, 572, he presided over the previously mentioned Second Council of Braga which dealt largely with the ecclesiastical organization of parishes and bishoprics and the role of clerics.128 It is interesting to note that the acts of the Second Council of Braga contain the same territorial divisions as those in the Parochiale Suevum, which may add credibility to the authenticity of the Parochiale. In the same year, Miro attacked the Ruccones, who were most likely a Cantabrian people, which could be seen as proof of Miros desire to expand his kingdom. 129 However, Miros expedition in the Cantabrian region was answered by Leovigild with a Visigothic expedition to Sabaria, probably in the region between Zamora and Salamanca, to preempt Miros designs on this region. 130 A year later in 574, Leovigild entered Cantabria and restored the province to his dominion.131 In response to this, Miro sent ambassadors to the Frankish king, Guntram, asking for help but the envoy and any help

125 126

Torres Rodrguez, p. 221. Orlandis & Ramos-Lisson, p. 151. John of Biclar, 10. 127 Ibid. 14, Isidore of Seville, St. 91. 128 Orlandis & Ramos-Lisson, p. 150. 129 John of Biclar, 21. Isidore of Seville, St. 91. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608. 130 John of Biclar, 27. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608. Reinhart, p. 59. 131 John of Biclar, 32.

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were delayed by King Chilperic, possibly as a result of an agreement with Leovigild. 132 Leovigild continued his harassment of the Suevic borders and in 575 attacked the Aregensian Mountains near Ourense and captured the lord of the region, along with this wife, children, and riches, bringing the region under his power. 133 Many historians interpret this episode as an example of a local Hispano-Roman landowner who resisted the Visigoths in favor of the Suevi.134 Leovigild kept this harassment until 576 when at the behest of Miro he granted them peace for a short time, probably because Leovigild had other worries, mainly the Byzantines. 135 This peace treaty marked the end of this revival of the Suevic Kingdom, but its consolidation still remained evident even after its incorporation into the Visigothic Kingdom. It is important to note that beginning with Remismunds rule there are no longer mentions of Suevic pillaging, but rather what seems more like conflicts with Hispano-Roman groups that resist Suevic control, further suggesting the theory of the consolidation of this period. 6. Integration of the Suevic Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom (583-585) The last interaction between Miro and Leovigild, involving the rebellion of Leovigilds son Hermenegild in 579, began the process of the incorporation of the Suevic Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom. Having been converted to Catholicism through the influence of his Frankish wife and Bishop Leander of Seville, Leovigilds son, Hermenegild, barricaded himself in Seville. In 583, Leovigild besieged Hermenegild in Seville and King Miro came to storm Seville in support of Hermenegild and there he

132 133

Gregory of Tours, St. The History of the Franks V, (41). John of Biclar, 36. 134 See Torres Rodrguez, p. 249. 135 John of Biclar, 40. Reinhart, p. 59.

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ended his days.136 Isidore confuses this event by stating the Miro came to aid Leovigild against Hermenegild, but this does not make sense according to the religious and political animosity between Sueves and Visigoths and the fact that Miro attempted to foster diplomatic relations with Byzantium and King Guntram of the Franks against the Visigoths.137 Not only were the Sueves symbolically castrated (and weakened) by their forced withdrawal in Seville against the stronger Visigothic forces, Miro was succeeded by his adolescent son Eboric (Euric) who within a year, in 584, was overthrown by the usurper Audeca.138 Audeca married Siseguntia, Miros widow, and sent Eboric to a monastery.139 However, Audecas crime was soon punished by Leovigild who dethroned him, tonsured him and dignified [him] with the honour of the priesthood, after having held that of the kingship and sent him to the city of Beja. 140 Thus, Audeca received his deserved retribution in a likewise manner as he had committed his crime. 141 John of Biclar wrote that Leovigild devastated Galicia, deprived the captured King Audeca of his rule, and brought the people, treasure, and territory of the Suevi under his own power. He made Galicia a province of the Goths.142 Isidore declared that the kingdom of the Sueves was destroyed and incorporated into that of the Visigoths after having lasted 177 years. 143 He also reflected that the kingdom which they [the Sueves] held in idle lethargy, they have now lost at an even more shameful cost, although it may seem quite

136 137

John of Biclar, 66. Isidore of Seville, St. 91. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608. 138 Isidore of Seville, St. 92. John of Biclar, 68. 139 John of Biclar, 68. 140 Ibid, 76. 141 Isidore of Seville, St. 92. 142 John of Biclar, 73. 143 Isidore of Seville, St. 92. Isidore seems to be erroneously dating the start of the Suevic Kingdom to 408 when the consensual date is 409, thus giving the Suevic Kingdom a lifetime of 176 years.

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amazing that they had managed to retain up to the present day that which they have now given up without any show of resistance.144 But there was one show of resistance, led by Malaric in the same year, 585, but he was quickly defeated by King Leovigilds generals and was captured and presented in chains to Leovigild.145 Hence, the Suevic Kingdom was incorporated into the Visigothic Kingdom as a province retaining largely the same boundaries, with the addition of a few regions from Lusitania to the south but the loss of territory to Carthaginiensis in the northeast.146

Suevic Kings Hermeric (409?-438) Hermeric and Rechila (438-441) Rechila (441-448) Rechiarius (448-456) Aioulfus (456-457) Framtane and Maldras (457) Rechimund and Maldras (457-460) Rechimund and Frumarius (460-464) Remismund (464-?) Hermeneric c. 485? Veremundus c.485? Theodemundus ? Chararic ?(c.550-559) Ariamir (559-565?) Theodomir (565?-570) Miro (570-583) Eboric (583-584) Audeca (584-585) Malaric (585)

144 145

Ibid. 68. John of Biclar, 77. 146 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 609.

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IDENTITY
The Suevi Ascertaining a cohesive and stable sense of Suevic identity is a difficult task. As a consequence the scholarship of nineteenth and early twentieth century historians, who defined clear patterns of Germanic migrations and held notions of cohesive peoples, has largely fallen out of favor. Scholarship today focuses on more complex measures of identity and the idea that the Germanic groups of the fifth century were undergoing important changes that resulted in shifting identities, the popular term for this being ethno-genesis.147 The term Suevi was originally an umbrella name for various Germanic tribes. Ancient Roman authors used the term to speak of a large confederation of groups which included subgroups known as the Quadi, the Marcomanni, the Semnones and others. 148 There is little proof that these people saw themselves as separate and exclusive nations or ethnic groups as we define these terms today. Roman writers also may have had troubles in identifying separate groups since they tended to use superficial customs such as hairstyles and dress to identify groups, attributes that could more easily cross over than deeper demarcations of identity.149 Hence, the picture of the Sueves that invaded Iberia in 409 may not necessarily be that of one cohesive group. At most we can ascertain a level of group cohesiveness enough to differentiate itself from similar peoples like the Vandals, and which seemed to maintain some sense of unity throughout their marauding from the Rhine to Iberia. The story of the Sueves experiences in Gaul and then in Iberia seems to suggest that this migration period may have had an important influence in shaping a
147 148

Hummer, p. 1, 16. Tacitus, 38 also 38-45. 149 Ibid. 38.

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separate Suevic identity, enough to differentiate themselves from the Hispano-Romans and other barbarian groups. Much like it happened with other barbarian groups, many separate peoples became one when they entered Roman soil (and Roman manuscripts), as in this case the multiple denominations of Danubian Sueves turn into Sueves alone in Spain.150 One feature of barbarian groups is the ability of charismatic leaders to weld together a group consciousness and unity necessary to exercise political power. This feature seems to have been influential in the ethno-genesis of the Iberian Sueves: the process of creating and recreating the internal composition of barbarian groups through the agency of strong warlords was endemic to the barbarian world, especially in the east [where the Sueves were located before their move west in the late fourth century]. 151 In the case of the Sueves, their first king, Hermeric, seems to have played this role. While it is not clear if Hermeric was king when the Sueves entered Iberia it is clear that he passed power onto his son, which suggests that Hermeric had accrued a certain amount of legitimacy as leader of the Sueves. 152 Some historians state that after the Marcomannic Wars of the 160s-170s C.E., the Suevic region near modern Slovakia was ruled by tribal leaders who elected a king in time of war.153 This view of a tribal council electing a king fits within the pattern of Germanic customs that ancient writers reported. 154 Thus, Hermerics handing of the kingship to his son Rechila, without Hydatius mentioning any election, is significant. This has led most historians to believe

150 151

Goffart, p. 83. Hummer, p. 17. 152 Isidore assures that he was king at this time, but Hydatius first mentions him in 419. Among these two Hydatius should be the more credible source since Isidore largely based his Histories on past writers. 153 Reinhart, p. 21. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 166. 154 Tacitus, 7.

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that by Hermerics reign the Sueves had developed a hereditary kingship which seems to have been held to be legitimate by its subjects.155 This consensus is widely supported today: Isidores Historia Sueborum shows that a Suebic kingship developed among those Suebi who relocated from the Rhine in 406 to Hispania. The leader (princeps) Hermeric led Suebi into Hispania, seized Galicia with the Vandals and Alans, and took sole possession after the Vandals left for Africa. He presided (praefuit) in Hispania for thirty-two years, but after twenty-five years, because of illness, Hermeric placed his son Rechila into royal power (in regnum), who ruled (regnavit) for eight years after his fathers death. The switch in vocabulary from princeps to in regnum and from praefuit to regnavit belies a process by which Hermeric established himself as a leader of the Suebi, probably due to his skills as a commander during the journey to Hispania, and consolidated his position to a degree that allowed him to bequeath royal power to his offspring. In short, he founded a dynasty among a group which lacked one.156 This establishment of a hereditary and consolidated Suevic monarchy seems to have been central in the creation of an Iberian Suevic identity throughout their early history marauding through Gaul and Iberia and in their settlement in Gallaecia. In general not much is known about other facets of Suevic identity. Politically they seem to have been largely united since we hear of no factions, coups, revolts against regal authority or division[s] into pro-Roman and anti-Roman policies and factions until the civil wars after 456. 157 Some attempts have been made at reconstructing the social structure of the Sueves. Reinhart, basing his view on general traits of Germanic groups and their Roman contemporaries, believes that the Sueves were divided into three

155

Torres Rodrguez, p. 84, 268. Van Schoor, p. 335. Reinhart, p. 69, disagrees with this concept of a hereditary kingship by citing examples of the multiple kings after the Visigothic invasion of 456, but this can largely be seen within the framework of a civil war as most transitions of Suevic regal authority occurred from father to son. 156 Hummer, p. 18. 157 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 165.

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social classes, nobles, freemen and slaves, each containing its generally attributable characteristics.158 Seemingly, there was no ban on marriage with foreigners.159 Thompson cites as examples the various Suevic royal marriages to Visigothic princesses (Rechiarius and Remismund) and Ricimers mixed Suevic and Visigothic parentage; but most interestingly the epigraphic proof of a marriage between a Roman man and a Suevic woman in the year 624 found at Mogadouro near the Douro River.160 This suggests that Suevic identity was distinct and separate from that of other groups, even as late as 624. More importantly it suggests that the Sueves did not support policies of ethnic exclusion between themselves and other groups, particularly Hispano-Romans, as did the Visigoths. This supports the idea that close and positive relations were possible between the Sueves and Hispano-Romans. One significant possible identity attribute of the Sueves is that they were an agricultural people and returned to this practice immediately after settling in Gallaecia. This idea is based on the assumption that the Germanic peoples of the middle Danube (of whom the Suevi were a part of) were settled agricultural peoples. Hence, long settled as country people, they [the Sueves] quickly took root in Gallaecia [and] alone of the invaders, they established themselves permanently in the lands assigned to them. 161 Similarly, Torres Rodrguez believes that the Sueves were an agricultural people who

158

Reinhart, p. 67-68. For example, the obligation of freemen to fight in a citizen army, vote in assemblies and the slaves quality as property. 159 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 170. 160 Ibid. Inscription drawn from Vives, Jos. Inscripciones cristianas de la Espaa romana y visigoda . Barcelona, Spain: M Viader Impresor, 1942, pp. 502-503. Protheus fecit Thuresmude, uxori sue. Obiit ipsa sub die viii Kl. Ianuar. era DCLXXII 161 Livermore, p. 59.

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took up arms when needed. 162 The main support for this view comes from Orosius famous quote about the barbarians trading in their swords for plows when they settled down in 411.163 In addition, the Sueves may have introduced the heavy northern plow to Iberia and some of the few Suevic words that have survived in Galician-Portuguese suggest rural interests.164 Also, the apparent peace between 411 and 430 would support this view. Of course, the major obstacle to this view is the fact that the Sueves

continually sent pillaging campaigns throughout Iberia after 430 which suggests that they had a standing army of some sort. The conflict here is between an army made up of citizen farmer/warriors and an army of royal retinues in the Germanic tradition, or something in between. The most likely answer seems to be that these depredatory campaigns were the result of pressures from the nobles for wealth, but at least sometimes with the aid of common soldiers; otherwise it is impossible that the Sueves could have achieved their expansion throughout most of the Peninsula in the 430s-450s.165 A clear Suevic identity is hard to define because of the lack of sources informing us. Even though there is little evidence to suggest that the Sueves were as Romanized as the Visigoths when they entered the Empire, there had nevertheless been contact between the Sueves and Romans since Julius Caesar and Strabo first described them. 166 Also, there is much proof that the Sueves, and other barbarians, quickly adopted Roman modes and customs. Thus, the Sueves could have quickly lost much of their Germanic identity

162 163

Torres Rodrguez, p. 269. Orosius, VII, (41) 7. barbari exsecrati gladios suos ad aratra 164 Livermore, p. 93. Torres Rodrguez (p. 291) writes that it was the great Portuguese ethnographer Jorge Das who first suggested the introduction of the heavy northern plow by the Sueves. Examples of these words: lbio (grapevine), laverca (lark). 165 There is a difference between plundering, pillaging campaigns and systematic Suevic military campaigns which suggest that the expansion was the result of a premeditated desire of the state (as embodied in the king) and not just lust for booty. 166 Hummer, p. 12-16.

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when they entered and settled Iberia. Their small number versus the Hispano-Roman population and their limited remains today are strong proofs of this. Nevertheless, a Suevic identity seems to have survived as a separate entity well into the seventh century and played an important role in the history of Iberia, in large part, through its interactions with the Hispano-Romans. The Hispano-Romans The Hispano-Romans of Late Antiquity shared many features with the other Romanized peoples of the Empire. While there is strong proof that six centuries of Roman control did not completely destroy pre-Roman identities in Iberia, by the time the Sueves entered it, the Roman superstructure had taken strong roots. Since this paper focuses more on the Sueves it will only include a brief description of elements of Hispano-Roman identity which are pertinent to their interactions with the Sueves. The role of the Church and religion will be discussed later. The Roman class system had become entrenched in Iberia by the time the Sueves appeared. The nobility was a much Romanized class who lorded over the freemen and the slaves through their control of the land and the Church. With the breakdown of Roman civic power after 409 they would become increasingly more influential, although this process seems to have slowly been taking place since the chaos of the third century C.E. It was this class which held the most extreme dislike of barbarian peoples, of which Hydatius is often seen as an example, and which seems to have been the most affected by the conquering Sueves.167 Although Gallaecia is generally held to have been the least Romanized province of Iberia, it is clear that Roman identity had become dominant by the fifth century. From
167

Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 231.

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archaeological evidence it can be surmised that this region contained some of the greatest late Roman villas in all Hispania, suggesting a strong Roman cultural context and the power of the landowners.168 This increased level of urbanization makes sense since in the north-west of Hispania in the Roman period the civitas was a fundamental means by which Roman political power was established. 169 Although Roman identity had become dominant, many hold the opinion that especially in Gallaecia, elements of pre-Roman identities survived and played a role when Roman power collapsed. There is a growing consensus about a trend towards the localization of power in fifth-century Iberia which was accompanied by a re-emergence of older ethnic identities. Proof of this comes from the long series of ethnic designations in the Parochiale Suevum and archaeological proof of a reoccupation of the pre-Roman castros. 170 It is this society, ruled by a landowning elite, moderately urbanized and Romanized, but with surviving pre-Roman elements, that was to confront the alien Suevic invaders.

INTERACTION
Settlement and Expansion The way in which the Sueves settled Gallaecia and later expanded throughout Iberia had an important impact on how relations between them and the Hispano-Romans unfolded. The most likely conclusions that we can draw from their settlement is that there seems to have been an area of concentrated Suevic settlement in the region around Braga, that it affected habitation patterns in Gallaecia but it was not catastrophic and that
168 169

Daz Martnez & Menndez-Bueyes, p. 287. Castellanos, p. 2. 170 Daz Martnez & Menndez-Bueyes, p. 295-296. Daz Martnez, El alcance de la ocupacin p. 219.

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it did not likely take place under a foedus agreement, though local compacts possibly existed. The period of Suevic expansion points to a consolidation and strengthening of the Suevic Kingdom, and could possibly suggest a collaborative relationship between some Hispano-Romans and Sueves because their conquests seem to have required more resources and manpower than they had until then demonstrated. There is a strong consensus that Suevic settlement was heavily concentrated along the western coastal region of Gallaecia, centered on Braga. This fits with Hydatius description that the Sueves settled in that part of Gallaecia which is situated on the very western edge of the Ocean and that the Asding Vandals settled in the eastern interior.171 Another proof of this is the location of Germanic toponyms in Iberia outlined in the studies of Sachs and Piel.172 Sachs found that 90.5% of the Germanic toponyms found are concentrated in the northwest of Iberia and most heavily in the regions of Braga and Oporto, with decreasing density extending north and south from there.173 The other major proof of this is Hydatius descriptions of Suevic raids and activities. Thompson

concludes that since the Sueves never seem to have raided Braga and its rural environs (including the Oporto region) this region must have been their area of core settlement, and outside of this western coastal swath they mostly settled in cities (such as Lugo and Astorga); in addition this area was the focus of Theodoric II in his attempt to destroy the
171

Hydatius, 41. Calliciam Vandali occupant et Suaeui sitam in extremitate Oceani maris occidua . This view is more accepted today, but older interpretations of this suggested that the Sueves were settled in the southwestern part of Gallaecia and the Asding Vandals in the northern part. A good review of this debate is found in Lpez & Rodrguez De los Romanos a los Brbaros pp. 530-537, although their critique of the east-west settlement theory in support of the north-south theory is not convincing. 172 See Sachs, G. Die germanischen Ortsnamen in Spanien und Portugal. Leipzig, Germany: Jena, 1932. Piel, J.M. Os nomes germnicos na toponimia portuguesa. Boletim de Filologa, vol. II. Lisbon, Portugal: 1936. 173 Reinhart, p. 100-101. Moreira, p. 400-401. The argument that these Germanic toponyms are Suevic and not Visigothic is based on the fact that most of them are found below the Minho River, an area which was not reconquered until the end of the ninth century, thus they could not be Visigothic toponyms from the early Reconquista.

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Suevic Kingdom and this is to where Rechiarius retreated after losing the battle at the Orbigo River.174 Denser Suevic numismatic finds also seem to be contained within this region.175 We do not know much about the state of relations between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans inside this region but it seems that the Hispano-Romans of this territory assented to living under the Suevic monarchy, an acceptance which may have mirrored the creation of a patron-client type of relationship on the same bases as the Gallaeci had done so with the Romans.176 The arrival and settlement of the Suevi affected the living arrangements of Gallaecia, but not in a catastrophic way. It is generally held that in reaction to this invasion, the Hispano-Romans seemed to have abandoned low-lying areas, major roads and diversified activities (such as mining, cash-crop agriculture and fishing) to move to safer hill settlements, old towns with fortifications and to rely more on their family farms.177 A proof of this shift in habitation patterns is the apparent reoccupation of preRoman fortified settlements known as castros. Thanks to a more precise chronological dating of ceramic artifacts, archaeologists have been able to pinpoint an increased level of occupancy in these castros and oppida in the early fifth century, especially on the left side of the via romana that goes from Lugo to Vila Real in Portugal (which is roughly outside of the area of dense Suevic settlement in Gallaecia).178 The written sources also agree with this view. Hydatius speaks of those Hispano-Romans who remained in possession of the more secure forts in central Gallaecia, that is, within this area of

174 175

Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 158. Daz Martnez, El alcance de la ocupacin p. 213. 176 Pena, p. 55. 177 Carr, p. 199-203 178 Lpez & Rodrguez, p. 549

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increased fortified settlement.179 According Olympiodorus of Thebes, walled cities were the places in which the Romans had sought refuge early in the days of the invasions of Iberia.180 However, it is still a controversy whether this reoccupation can be determined to have been an example of a conscious Hispano-Roman reaction to regroup and oppose the Suevi or whether this, and the isolated instances of cities and regions resisting the Suevi, merely point to sporadic reactions directed towards immediate safety. 181 Despite these effects of Suevic settlement, historians today seem to support the view that it was not such a catastrophic event as Hydatius portrayed it. Basing

themselves largely on the archaeological record, they conclude that the problems created by the settlement did not result in great chaos, for example it did not stop imports from Gaul and the Mediterranean and it did not result in social upheavals. 182 Also, large landowners seemed to have survived the fifth century and cities were simply taken over by the Sueves, who maintained their existing structures.183 In the rural areas of central and western Gallaecia, there is a general continuity of settlement between the fifth and sixth centuries, and tombs in this area show a clear continuity with Roman tradition and no traces of Suevic influence, thus suggesting that this area was probably left largely alone by the Sueves, except for the constant raiding. 184 But there is also the possibility that the Sueves were already Romanized by 411 and simply absorbed and reused earlier structures, as even the rich villas, some of which must have been undoubtedly acquired by Suevic lords, continued to be occupied without significant
179 180

Hydatius, 81. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 171. Olympiodorus of Thebes. Histories, 33. In Photius. Bibliotheca. 181 For the first view see Ferreira de Almeida, p. 194 and Castellanos, p. 6. For the second view see Daz Martnez, El alcance de la ocupacin p. 216. 182 Ferreira de Almeida, p. 198. 183 Van Schoor, p. 337. 184 Chavarria, p. 545.

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changes at least through the first half of the fifth century.185 The Sueves seem to have generally absorbed preexisting structures in both areas of dense and sporadic Suevic settlement, but east of their region of concentrated settlement they seem to have had even less influence, suggesting a certain amount of freedom for Hispano-Romans in this region, though they were still plagued by Suevic raids. While it seems that their settlement took place in a less ad hoc fashion than the rest of their journey from the Rhine, it is unlikely that the Sueves were settled under a foedus type agreement. While many important Suevic historians have supported the view that they were settled according to a structured Roman model (for example under an ius hospitii agreement), most historians today, especially Daz Martnez and Thompson, have shifted to the opinion that there were no such orderly methods of settlement.186 The best proof of this latter view is that the Sueves would have had to act in the service of Rome (like the Visigoths when they annihilated the Alans and Siling Vandals) if a foedus agreement really existed.187 However, it is possible that local agreements between the Hispano-Romans and the barbarians could have taken place during the distribution of Iberia. The two most important supports for this view come from trustworthy sources. Hydatius mentions that in Hermerics failed campaign of 430 the Sueves restored the peace treaty which they had broken.188 Since this is the first time that a Suevic offensive campaign is noted by Hydatius, this reference to a past treaty could likely refer to a peace

185 186

Ibid. p. 546, 552. See Torres Rodrguez, p. 71, 270 and Reinhart, p. 35. Hydatius (41) use of the words ad inhabitandum about the distribution of Iberia in 411 led Torres Rodrguez and Reinhart to assume that this referred to an ius hospitii type of agreement whereby the Sueves were given territory from the public lands and large landowners, hence being settled by the state. Daz Martnez and Thompson question whether ad inhabitandum carried any technical or legal meaning in El alcance de la ocupacin p. 213 and Romans and Barbarians p. 155. 187 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 154. 188 Hydatius, 81.

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treaty that ensured the quiet years from 411-430 and which could have been drawn up to maintain peace while the Sueves settled Gallaecia. An even stronger support is Orosius quote about the Sueves and the remaining Alans and Vandals (after 418) entering into a pact with the Romans with the same docility as Vallia had done (clearly referring to his foedus with Honorius). Orosius then writes that they sent a message to Honorius asking him to maintain peace with them in exchange for hostages, and that they may fight between themselves for their individual gains and losses, but for the glory of Rome.189 A related controversy is whether Rome voluntarily accepted or was forced to accept the settlements of the barbarians in Iberia. Amici, for example, believes that Atius wanted to integrate and Romanize the Sueves to serve as Roman agents in Iberia.190 However, it is very difficult to accurately ascertaining the real intentions of a cunning politician such as Atius and it seems more logical that the Sueves would have not have been an attractive ally/agent for Rome since they were relatively weak. The settlement of the Sueves in the northwest of Iberia simply might just have been a calculated loss on the part of Rome, a loss that seemed increasingly less recoverable after the failed expeditions of Andevotus and Avitus. This state was later reversed as Rome was unable to prevent the Sueves from expanding outside of their area of settlement and conquering most of Iberia in the 430s-450s.

189

Orosius, VII, (43) 14. quamuis et ceteri Alanorum Vandalorum Sueborumque reges eodem nobiscum placito depecti forent mandantes imperatori Honorio: tu cum omnibus pacem habe omniumque obsides accipe; nos nobis confligimus, nobis perimus, tibi uincimus, immortali uero quaestu reipublicae tuae, si utrique pereamus. 190 Amici, p. 140 (note 23). Aezio persegu favorire lintegrazione dei barbari nel clima sociale e demografico dellimpero puntava sulla romanizzazione degli svevi. Another proof for this theory of integration might be fact that the Sueves were saved twice from stronger enemies by Rome, by Constantius when he recalled the Visigoths to Aquitaine after they destroyed the Alans and Siling Vandals and when the Asding Vandals ended their blockade of the Sueves under pressure from the comes Hispaniorum Astirius in 420; though these events have been difficult to interpret clearly because Hydatius does not hint at any reasons why the Sueves were spared through Roman intervention.

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The expansion of the Suevic Kingdom outside of Gallaecia beginning in 430 may suggest that the Suevic monarchy and state were strengthened during the preceding 19 years of apparent peace. The reasons why the Sueves embarked on this expansion are not clear. One view is that it was a conscious decision to expand the Suevic state and possibly bring all of Iberia under Suevic control. 191 Under this view, the years of tranquility must have resulted in a growth in population and increasing pressures on the distribution of land.192 Thus, Hermeric was forced to seek expansion. Another hypothesis is that the civil chaos created by the rebellious Bacaude in Tarraconensis (and certainly added to the failures of Roman armies in Iberia) prevented Roman and/or Visigothic interference and gave the Sueves a free hand to conquer Iberia as an outgrowth of their raiding campaigns.193 What is clear is that with Rechilas ascension to the throne, Suevic campaigns change from the small raiding expeditions of Hermeric to what seem like more systematic and larger military campaigns with goals above simple looting. Hermerics campaigns are always referred to by Hydatius as pillaging or plundering campaigns which were resisted by Hispano-Roman groups with attempts at negotiation. 194 But as soon as Rechila became king, he defeated Andevotus near the Singilis River far away in eastern Baetica and entered Merida before the end of the year.195 This suggests that Rechila changed Suevic policy towards a conquest-driven goal and that he must have been able to tap into more resources than his father had available. From this it is logical to surmise that the Suevic monarchy had indeed become stronger

191 192

Torres Rodrguez, p. 84-87. Ibid. p. 66, 69. 193 Van Schoor, p. 335. 194 Hydatius, 81, 86, 91, 105. 195 Ibid. 106, 111.

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and maybe had the possibility of calling on Hispano-Roman resources to accomplish its goals. An interesting, though still conjectural hypothesis is that the Suevic expansion was proof of a positive and collaborative relationship between some Hispano-Romans and the Sueves. Many believe that Rechilas conquests could not have occurred if he had not been able to gain the cooperation of Hispano-Romans. The lack of revolts and conflict inside the area of dense Suevic settlement may suggest that the Hispano-Roman inhabitants within this region accepted Suevic rule, probably because it was free of Suevic raiding, and thus could have possibly cooperated in Rechilas conquest.196 It may even have been that its strength derived from support in the Spanish interior, a region whose human resources had been obvious ever since Galba marched on Rome in the year of the four emperors. 197 For some, the requirements of manpower and resources for these conquests assure that there was some amount of Hispano-Roman cooperation.198 Though this hypothesis lacks physical proof, its logic makes it a compelling explanation for a possible cooperation between Hispano-Romans and Sueves. The issuing of numismatic copies of Roman designs, and more impressively, a coin with the name of King Rechiarius, shows the growth in power and legitimacy of the Suevic state, as well as an attempt to challenge Visigothic power in Iberia during this time of expansion. The deliberate latinization of the coinage [in the early period] was a reflection of the struggle for supremacy in the Iberian Peninsula between the Sueves and the Visigoths.199 Because the Visigoths were Arian at this time, by stressing the Latin

196 197

Carr, p. 128. Lpez Snchez, p. 511. 198 Torres Rodrguez, p. 87. 199 Metcalf, p. 355.

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continuity of their coinage the Sueves proclaimed a direct cultural challenge to the Visigothic state by reinforcing its cultural ties with Rome.200 The consolidation of the Suevic state is demonstrated by its ability to control currency in its dominion, as in Suevic territory it was not only the minting of the coinage that was controlled but also, apparently, the circulation of the coinage, as only Suevic coinage is found in Suevic territory.
201

The development of a national coinage sometime after 438, and

increasingly after 580, further supports the claim to legitimacy of the Suevic states authority.
202

These coins included regalia which articulated their pretension to

legitimacy, such as a spearhead denoting military power on the legend of a Suevic tremissis in the name of Valentinian III.203 Also, comparing the locations of Suevic mints east and south of Braga (ex. Len) with evidence from the Second Council of Braga it becomes apparent that by the 570s the Sueves controlled areas far outside of their original region of settlement. 204 From all this data it is evident that the Suevic monarchy was slowly able to increase its power in Iberia. Power The current view of power in fifth-century Iberia is that it became localized. Without the overarching authority of Rome, local landowners, influential clerics and a primitive Suevic monarchy shared and contested power in Iberia. While the Suevic monarchy did achieve a high level of consolidation and legitimacy among its people, it was not able to create an effective enough state to monopolize power. Suevic law was not effective enough, nor did it have the coercive support of a strong enough state, to
200 201

Ibid. Ibid. p. 361. 202 Grierson, p. 13. 203 Lpez Snchez, p. 512. 204 Metcalf, p. 363.

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become a singular and organizing legal system. This is why power became localized and the strongest body of a certain region often became the wielder of power. However, there seems to have survived a large measure of continuity in elements of Roman administration. Ecclesiastic power also became more important as high members of the Church often took over political roles of administration and diplomacy. The Church was also able to maintain a high level of independence under the Suevic monarchy. The interactions between the Sueves and Hispano-Romans thus occurred in and were shaped by this complex system of power. The Suevic monarchy largely failed to monopolize power within its realm. While inside its immediate region of settlement there seems to have been an effective and stable quasi-state, which is evinced by the lack of fighting in this area (except during the civil war period after 456), outside of this area Suevic power seems to have been almost always based on coercive methods which could not always be implemented. Some even go so far as to suggest that to the east of this Braga-Oporto-Lugo axis a politically and territorially independent region under Hispano-Roman control was able to exist and oppose Suevic actions.205 While this is a bit extreme, it is true that in the early history of the kingdom the Sueves rarely seem to have left their area of dense settlement, and after that they only launched small pillaging expeditions to the eastern parts of Gallaecia and northern parts of Lusitania. When their expansion began in earnest, Suevic power

became more effective as they conquered most of Iberia and seemed to have held it without much physical opposition from the native Hispano-Romans. Much later during the period of consolidation, Suevic power also became strengthened as it developed religious, interest-based and even identity-based alliances with the Hispano-Romans.
205

Lpez & Rodrguez, p. 552.

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This inability to monopolize power resulted in, and is proven, by the localization of power. Early in Hydatius Chronicle we can trace the gradual atomization of power and the substitution of Roman administrative machinery with local authorities of diverse forms and scope. 206 While it is true that Rome attempted to reassert its authority in Iberia after 409, we know that they were unsuccessful from the failures of Andevotus in 438 and Avitus in 446. Thus, the Hispano-Romans were left to fend for themselves, such as when they successfully brought Hermeric to negotiate in 430 by holding Suevic hostages. In these cases it is clear that authority became atomized and that the peace agreements to which Hydatius occasionally refers were either negotiated by individual cities or local communities capable of unified will and action. 207 Daz Martnez summarizes it well: The fifth century invasions set in motion mechanisms of organisation and defence of a local type which would accelerate to an almost irreversible process of segmentation of power, a process of division from any centralized power, which benefited local manifestations associated with powers not emanating from distant and strange theorisation, but from near and immediate economical and coercive powers the only defence against the invaders had been headed by large landowners.208 This important role played by the elites as wielders of local power is logical as landownership was in our view the defining feature of social hegemony, and it gradually permeated not only social and economic structures but politics, ideology and psychology as well.209 The recuperation of pre-Roman ethnic identities could also have fostered and

206 207

Daz Martnez & Menndez-Bueyes, p. 266. Ibid. p. 294. 208 Daz Martnez, City and Territory p. 19. 209 Castellanos, p. 15.

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been caused by this localization of power as they could have functioned as units of both political and ecclesiastical administration.210 Despite the breakdown of Roman civic power and authority, a large amount of continuity in function seems to have existed after the Suevic invasion. This makes sense because the majority of the population (the Hispano-Romans) had already had centuries of experience with this system and the Suevic organizational system was not advanced enough to replace it. Many historians believe that the Sueves simply used the existent Roman system to serve its needs, for example in collecting taxes that now went to the Suevic king instead of Rome.211 They also maintained the Roman system to control the Hispano-Romans. By keeping the social status quo largely intact they could prevent mass discontent and rebellion, for example Hydatius use of the word rector in Lugo implies that even in 460 the Roman provincial governor still continued to function in the province of Galicia.212 Of course by 460 there is little chance that this rector could have been appointed by or answered to Rome, he was purely a local functionary. 213 It is also known that the Roman judicial districts, called conventus by Hydatius, survived in the fifth century in Galicia alone. 214 Cities also seem to have maintained a largely autonomous life with little change in administration, justice and finances.215 While it is true we know little about any sort of Suevic legal system because there are no references in any of the sources to Suevic laws, the consensus today is that the Sueves probably used a mixed legal system of Roman law and Germanic customary law.

210 211

Daz Martnez & Menndez-Bueyes, p. 295. Reinhart, p. 64. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 164. 212 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians... p. 169. Hydatius, 194. 213 Daz Martnez, City and Territory p. 17. 214 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians... p. 169. 215 Torres Rodrguez, p. 271.

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This duality, for some, delayed the integration of the Sueves into the Hispano-Roman population base because it separated both groups, Sueves being ruled under Germanic customary law and the Hispano-Romans continuing the use of Roman law.216 This view fits well into the localization hypothesis since we never hear that Hispano-Romans were forced to live under the same circumstances as the Sueves, a fact evinced by the seeming separate communities of Sueves and Hispano-Romans within the same city, as in the Easter attack in Lugo in 460.217 It is believed that the Sueves maintained their customary law tradition from studying the influence of Germanic customary law in the early fueros of Iberia, especially in their greater influence on those of the Northwest.218 As a unified and influential body, the Church was often able to fill parts of the power vacuum of the fifth and sixth centuries. It was the ecclesiastical organization which survived the least weakened out of all the Roman institutions of Iberia. 219 Leaders of the clergy took over or facilitated much of the local administrative functions. As we have seen, government continued as best it could, perhaps with the clergy gradually taking a larger role to compensate for the loss of Roman central control.220 In some ways the Church became a state within a state as it took over legal and economic administration, something which must also have strengthened the role and influence of the Church, as evinced by its eventual influence on the Suevic monarchy during the reigns of Theodomir and Miro.221

216

Daz Martnez, La modalidad del asentamiento suevo p. 360. Daz Martnez, El alcance de la ocupacin p. 219. 217 Hydatius, 194. 218 Reinhart, p. 119. See Hinojosa, Eduardo. El elemento germnico en el derecho espaol (1915). Reprinted in Obras, II. Madrid, Spain: Ministerio de Justicia y Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas, 1955, pp. 405-470. 219 Torres Rodrguez, p. 268. 220 Carr, p. 26. 221 Daz Martnez, La modalidad del asentamiento suevo p. 362.

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There is also proof that the clergy played an important role as diplomats and brokers of power. An early example occurs in 433 when Hermeric sent Bishop

Symphonius as an envoy to the court in Ravenna, but nothing came of it. 222 Most famously, Hydatius mission to seek help from Atius in 431 is seen as the best example of this.223 Though little help came, Hydatius seems to have become a leader of HispanoRomans interests. This likely played a role in his incarceration by Frumarius in 460.224 The Bishop of Braga during much of the early fifth century (c. 415-448), Balconius, is seen by some historians to have been a pro-Suevi cleric who tried to reconcile relations between them and the Hispano-Romans, thus forming a counterpoint to Hydatius. 225 Jordanes also states that the Suevi sent priests to Theodoric II as supplicants after the battle at the Orbigo River, and that they were received and inspired compassion on Theodoric so that he let the Suevi choose their own king, Remismund.226 The Church also showed a great deal of independence from Suevic authority. The Sueves seemed rather fickle about their religious attachments and did not impede the functioning of the Church.227 One important example of this ecclesiastic independence was the ability of the Church to reorganize itself during the course of the fifth and sixth centuries, culminating with the territorial and administrative reorganization presented in the Parochiale Suevum. 228 Another proof of this is Hydatius and Thoribius legal persecution of Manichean heretics without any sort of Suevic intervention. 229 This

222 223

Hydatius, 92. Ibid. 86. 224 Ibid. 196. 225 Torres Rodrguez, p. 93. 226 Jordanes, 243. Jordanes story somewhat contradicts Hydatius account and of the two Hydatius had the best vantage point for these events. 227 Daz Martnez, La modalidad del asentamiento suevo p. 363. 228 Ibid. p. 364. 229 Hydatius, 122.

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independence, however, seems to have been interrupted during the period of the Arian kings. After Remismund converted to Arianism under the aegis of Theodoric II, there seems to have been a restriction on the ability of the Catholic clergy to meet in councils. This restriction is attested to in the Acts of the First Council of Braga.230 However, these restrictions must have been only partially limiting of ecclesiastic independence because after this period it is evident that the Church emerged stronger and more influential. Religion Religion played an important role in the relations between the Suevi and the Catholic Hispano-Romans. The Suevi seemed to take a largely indifferent attitude

towards religion before the 560s. The picture that emerges from the primary sources is that of a monarchy that viewed religion as a political tool. In their early history, the Sueves stood aside from religious matters. Except for Rechiarius conversion to

Catholicism in 448, there is no important mention of religion and the Sueves until the 550s-560s. After this period, the monarchy and the Church seemed to develop closer and more numerous ties. Very little is known of the Sueves religious view before they entered Iberia. Most historians believe that since no sources mention any Christian Sueves before Rechiarius they must have been pagan and followed religious practices similar to those of other Germanic groups outside of the Roman Empire.231 Unlike the Visigoths, the Sueves had not settled inside the Empire before they arrived in Iberia, and thus were not as heavily exposed to Roman religious practices. However, their long stay near the Roman border near modern Slovakia probably meant that they had encountered Christianity.

230 231

Acts of the First Council of Braga in Martin of Braga. Opera Omnia. Torres Rodrguez, p. 112.

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Reinhart states that some of the Sueves neighbors in this region, like the Vandals, were already heavily Arian Christians.232 He points to a letter from St. Ambrose of Milan to a Marcomannic princess named Fritigila, in which she asks for dogmatic clarifications.233 Thus, it is likely that the elements that made up the Suevic migration had been exposed to Christianity and some of them might have even converted. There is also the fact that Hydatius never mentions that the Sueves were pagans. Judging from his ingrained dislike of the barbarians it is logical that if the Sueves were all pagans or heretics this could have been another front of criticism for Hydatius. 234 However, we also know that Rechila died a pagan in 448.235 The most likely conclusion would be that the Sueves were not monolithically of one religion. The seeming indifference of the Sueves to religious matters or attachments before the 560s is often judged from their lack of religious persecution and intervention in Church matters, as well as the many conversions of its kings (from pagan to Catholic to Arian and back to Catholic). In contrast to the Visigoths persecution of Catholics and Jews, a religious motive is never presented in any of the Sueves raids, attacks or policies. 236 The Sueves also did not meddle in Church affairs and only interact with clerics on a non-religious basis. They did not intervene in the persecution of heretics and allowed the Church administrative and organizational independence.237 In accordance to their tendency to maintain Roman structures, the Sueves seemed to have left the Church to function independently.
232 233

Reinhart, p. 32. Ibid. 21. The Marcomanni were a Suevic tribe and possibly some of them were present in the migration to Iberia. 234 Ibid. p. 72. 235 Hydatius, 129. Rechila rex Sueuorum Emerita gentilis moritur. 236 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 196-197. 237 Ibid. Reinhart, p. 79.

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Rechiarius ascension to the throne marks the first time a barbarian kingdom is ruled by a Catholic. Hydatius quote, and though he had a number of rivals from among his own family, they did not reveal themselves, suggests a possible Suevic disapproval of his conversion, but this came to naught. 238 While Rechiarius conversion is a monumental occurrence, it is unlikely that the rest of Sueves followed his example because Hydatius would surely have reported explicitly the triumph of the truth among them.239 In fact, we have no proof or suggestion of how much this conversion affected relations with the Hispano-Romans. Since there is no proof that Rechiarius conversion forged closer ties with the Hispano-Romans, we can only base this conclusion on logic. Thus, some historians opinions about the fusion of them into one people at this time are exaggerated.240 However, the idea of closer ties between Sueves and Hispano-Romans is still a viable possibility. The Visigoths sacking of Braga, with its storming of basilicas, destruction of altars, abductions of the virgins of God and the stripping of the clergy naked, may suggest Visigothic retribution for a supposed Catholic support of Rechiarius.241 Nevertheless, whatever positive effects this conversion may have had on the interactions between Sueves and Hispano-Romans they were surely erased by Remismunds support and conversion to Arianism. We know two facts about the religious interactions between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans during the dark period. We know that even though the Suevic kings of this era were Arian, Catholics remained un-persecuted. In 538, the Metropolitan of Braga, Profuturus, received a response from Pope Vigilius to his questions about dogma, clerical

238 239

Hydatius, 129. Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi p. 78. 240 Torres Rodrguez, p. 112. 241 Hydatius, 167. Torres Rodrguez, p. 141.

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discipline and the proper Catholic methods of baptism.242 In the letter, Vigilius writes that the Suevic kings had behaved in a correct manner towards the Church. 243 The other fact we know is that the Arian kings prohibited Catholic councils. The Metropolitan of Braga Lucretius declares in the Acts of the First Council of Braga (561) that he had wanted to organize a Church council, but that it could not have been done until King Ariamir called this one, insinuating a royal ban that existed throughout the dark period. 244 This prohibition is often seen as a Visigothic imitation or imposition as the Visigothic King Agila began banning them around 549-555, most likely as a reaction to the Byzantine invasion of southern Iberia in 552; the purpose being to prevent the possibility of Catholicism being used against the Visigoths to instigate alliances between the Franks, Suevi and/or the Catholic Hispano-Roman population of Iberia.245 The most important period of religion-based interactions between Sueves and Hispano-Romans was that which followed the Sueves conversion to Catholicism around the 550s-560s. While the exact timeline of events is still not clear today, we can be sure that sometime between the arrival of St. Martin of Braga, c. 550-556,246 and Ariamirs calling of the First Council of Braga in May 561, the conversion of the Sueves was cemented, if not wholly completed.247 Martins role in this conversion is unclear except that it was judged important by Isidore.248 Maybe his founding of a monastery at Dume, so close to Braga, was influential in the conversion. The Acts of the First Council of Braga provide our first substantive glimpse into the religious climate shortly following
242 243

Vigilius, Pope, 15-19. Torres Rodrguez, p. 189. Reinhart, p. 76. 244 Acts of the First Council of Braga in Martin of Braga. Opera Omnia. 245 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 205. 246 See note 117 in historical background section. 247 See Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi to Catholicism for the best treatment of this period and its controversies. 248 Isidore of Seville, St. 91.

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the Sueves conversion. We know that the council was convened by the royal authority of Ariamir, who had lifted the ban on Catholic councils, and that the Metropolitan Lucretius, who headed the council, recognized that Ariamir acted inspired by God. 249 In the acts we also learn that the fight against the Priscillianists is still taking place, and in this council the power of the Church and the monarchy seem united for the first time to combat this heresy.250 Curiously, Arianism is not mentioned at all in this council, it is not abjured as in the Third Council of Toledo in 589. The first mention would not occur until the phantom Council of Lugo in 569 under Theodomirs reign. Even if the First Council of Braga suspiciously omits this, the fact that the council was called by royal authority and the kings divine inspiration was recognized by the bishops is clear proof of a completely distinct political-religious landscape in the 560s than before. The Council of Lugo of 1 January 569 is often overlooked because its existence is questioned. We have no surviving acts of this council, but the introduction to the Parochiale Suevum mentions that Theodomir called this council in order affirm the Catholic faith. 251 This introduction has been seen as a later forgery, but Thompson defends its authenticity. 252 This affirmation of Catholicism is seen by Thompson as Theodomirs attempt to abjure Arianism and the reason why Isidore thought of Theodomir as the destroyer of Arian impiety.253 Theodomirs other action in relation to this council is to bring up the point of poor ecclesiastical organization: in the whole of the wide region of Gallaecia there are so
249

Acts of the First Council of Braga in Martin of Braga. Opera Omnia. Orlandis & Ramos-Lisson, p. 140. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 607. 250 Orlandis & Ramos-Lisson, p. 140. 251 Parochiale Suevum in Itineraria et Alia Geographica. Theodemirus princes idem Sueuorum concilium in ciuitate Luco fieri praecepit ad confirmandam fidem catholicam (Trans. P.J.E. Kershaw). 252 Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi p. 90. 253 Isidore of Seville, St. 91. Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi p. 91.

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many dioceses and so few bishops, so that certain churches are barely able to be visited once a year by a bishop.254 This call was answered in the reorganization presented in the Parochiale Suevum. This seemingly Theodomir-inspired reorganization involved the division of the Suevic bishoprics into 13, with the inclusion of new bishoprics that formerly belonged to the province of Lusitania (Lamego, Viseo, Coimbra and Idanha).255 Lugo was also raised to Metropolitan rank to stand alongside Braga as the two principal ecclesiastical centers in the Suevic Kingdom.256 This reorganization is echoed in the Acts of the Second Council of Braga held in 572, called by King Miro and headed by Martin, now the Metropolitan of Braga.257 The twelve signatories of the acts are divided into two groups, those belonging to the Metropolitan See of Braga and those belonging to the Metropolitan See of Lugo, and we find the same bishoprics in both the Parochiale Suevum and this council, with the exception that in Second Braga the bishopric of Portugalensem is called Magnetensis (in the adjective form), whereas in the Parochiale, Magneto was a parish of Portugalensem. The other exception is that there is no signatory from the bishopric of Dume at Second Braga. Maybe this meant that King Miro himself could have been the representative of this bishopric called Ad Dumio familia seruorum (very close to sueuorum) in the Parochiale. This council also seemed to imply that Arianism and Priscillianism had been largely rooted out of the Suevic Kingdom. In Thompsons opinion, Martins phrase, by the help of Christs grace there is no doubt in this province about the unity and

254

Parochiale Suevum in Itineraria et Alia Geographica. quia in tota Galleciae regione spaciosae satis dioceses a paucis episcopis tenentur, ita ut aliquantae ecclesiae per singulos annos uix possint a suo episcopo uisitari (Trans. P.J.E. Kershaw). 255 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608. 256 Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi p. 90. 257 Acts of the Second Council of Braga in Martin of Braga. Opera Omnia.

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correctedness of the faith, could not have been believed unless the Arian heresy and its organization were no longer existent in Gallaecia.258 Also, the existance of four bishops in both councils of Braga bearing Germanic names suggests that Suevic influence had already had an impact on the high echelons of Church organization, whether they were Sueves themselves or were Hispano-Romans bearing Suevic names (Hilderic in the first council, Remisol, Witimer and Adoric in the second).259 Besides convening and overseeing the Second Council of Braga, Miro also used religion to attempt to forge alliances with the Franks, Hermenegild (Leovigilds rebellious son) and possibly with the Byzantines, although there is no proof of the last. We know that Miro sent envoys to the Frankish king Guntram in 574 in response to Leovigilds expedition to Cantabria, most likely to try to effect an alliance.260 Miro also led an army to Seville, where the Catholic Hermenegild was being besieged by his father, but Miro did not participate in any action, probably due to the pressure of Leovigilds superior forces.261 But above all, Miro used religion as a tool of unification of his subjects, as exemplified by his collaboration with ecclesiastic authority in Second Braga. 262 Besides his role in the Second Council of Braga, it appears that Miro and Martin of Braga had close ties. In his Formula Vitae Honestae, which he dedicated to Miro, Martin praises Miros piety and desire for wisdom, and urges his advisors to read it in order to better counsel the king.263 These closer ties between the Church and the Suevic monarchy exemplified the important role of Catholicism in Suevic history after 561. The

258 259

Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi p. 91. Orlandis & Ramos-Lisson, p. 139, 151. 260 Gregory of Tours, St. The History of the Franks V (41). 261 John of Biclar, 66. 262 Torres Rodrguez, p. 232. 263 Martin of Braga. Formula Vitae Honestae in Opera Omnia.

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assumption of a common creed for the kingdom certainly contributed to the social integration of the Sueves into the Gallaecian base and increased the legitimacy and authority of the Suevic monarchy.264 These closer ties were also mirrored in the direct interactions between Sueves and Hispano-Romans, as a similar trend of more positive relations emerged following the dark period. Direct Interactions The pattern of direct interactions between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans was very complex because it was based on shifting realities and circumstances. Nevertheless time and the reality that the Sueves were not going to disappear from Iberia like their traveling companions ensured that they would eventually become integrated into the Hispano-Roman population which they conquered. Even though their

interactions were replete with conflicts, deaths, plundering and perfidy, they incrementally developed closer relationships and at some unknown point after the seventh century simply became one populace. While it is likely that even at an early date the Sueves could develop good relations with some Hispano-Romans, it is not until Remismunds reign that a substantial change is noted in this relationship. The important occurrence here is Hydatius no longer using the words pillaging or plundering after Remismund became king, actions which are also not mentioned in accounts of later Suevic interactions with Hispano-Romans. This may suggest that the pillaging

campaigns that most eroded the Suevic/Hispano-Roman relationship in the early period seemed to have largely ended by the 460s and that after this the Sueves only fought against Hispano-Roman groups that seemed to resist Suevic political control. This shift

264

Diego, de & Bjar, p. 607.

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in policy also reflects the increasing consolidation of the Suevic state throughout the fifth century, which would ultimately culminate in the 550s-570s. The early phase of interaction between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans was quiet and seemingly peaceful. In this period, from the settlement in 411 to Hermerics first depredatory campaign in 430, it is likely that Sueves and Hispano-Romans coexisted tolerably well. Orosius tells us that after the two years of pillaging and looting, the Sueves settled the land in 411 and treated the remaining Romans as allies and friends and that there were some Romans who preferred to live among these poor and free barbarians rather than face the burden of Roman taxation.265 Further, he writes that even though the barbarians could take whatever and kill whomever they wanted, they only asked for a small compensation for their services or for carrying a load.266 Salvian of Marseille also echoes that many Romans preferred to live under the barbarians than be reduced to nothing by Roman taxes.267 This attitude makes sense since in any social change there are those who profit and those who lose. Also, most members of Roman society benefited little from the economic status quo and for them the Sueves might have simply been the replacement of one foreign lord with another. The first opposition to the Sueves occurs when Hermeric launches his first raiding campaign in 430. In this case, and many others, it seems that local units of HispanoRomans sometimes formed disunited elements of opposition to Suevic raiding, most likely because Suevic troops must have particularly affected farmers since fifth-century troops in general seem to have eaten wheat they could find as they went.268 Thus, these

265 266

Orosius, VII, (41) 7. Ibid. VII, (41) 5. 267 Salvian of Marseille, IV, 4. 268 Carr, p. 128.

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efforts only occurred in reaction to specific campaigns and not as a continual organized opposition. Hydatius mission to Atius in 431 seems like an attempt at a concerted effort to get help from Rome, but Censurius seven years of inefficient negotiations must have surely disheartened the Hispano-Romans from trying this method in the future. In fact, whatever disdainful opinion Hydatius held of the Sueves, and may have been exemplary of the Hispano-Roman elite, opposition to the Sueves does not seem to have been deep rooted. From what we know, it is likely that the Sueves for the most part maintained the status quo, adopted Roman structures and did not persecute the HispanoRomans. For example, although the early kings were pagan, we never find that they are accused of persecuting their Christian subjects they [only] plundered the Romans as property-owners.269 Thus, except for the plundering raids, living under Suevic rule may not have been all that different than living under Roman rule. The major source of friction between them seems to have largely disappeared when the Sueves began their expansion. From 438 to 456 there are only two cases of real pillaging. Rechila only pillaged the regions of Carthaginiensis and Baetica in response to Avitus expedition to these provinces in 446. 270 Rechiarius only real pillaging campaign was the one upon which he embarked immediately after becoming king in the farthest reaches [of Gallaecia] in search of booty.271 All the other campaigns of Rechila and Rechiarius were aimed at lands outside of their control and most seemed to have been directed towards conquest, for example Rechilas taking of Seville in 441 and Rechiarius invasions of Tarraconensis, and areas of Carthaginiensis that he had given

269 270

Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi p. 77. Hydatius, 126. 271 Ibid. 129.

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back to the Empire. However, this respite from Suevic raiding ended when Theodoric IIs invasion of 456 destroyed the stable Suevic dynasty of Hermeric. The period of anarchy between Rechiarius defeat at the Orbigo River in 456 and Remismunds ascension in 464 was probably the most conflictive in the relations between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans. The break up of Suevic power into the hands of multiple leaders (who seemed to base their success on plundering) increased the Suevic raids that most harmed the Hispano-Romans. Maldras in particular launched four raiding expeditions in his four years of power. 272 Rechimund and Frumarius also launched their own individual plundering campaigns. The only respite from raiding seems to have been when the different Suevic leaders clashed directly with each other, as when they solicited peace from the Gallaecians because they had been split into factions, or when a shadow of peace was established between the Gallaeci and the Sueves when a dispute over royal power arose between Frumarius and Rechimund.273 It was during this period that Hydatius was imprisoned by Frumarius with the help of Dictynius, Spinio and Ascanius, Hispano-Roman collaborators who had also propitiously alerted the Sueves to a Visigothic attack on Lugo.274 These collaborators have often been cited as proof that even in this time of aggravated conflict, there were some HispanoRomans who sided with the Sueves.275 The turning point in Suevic relations with the Hispano-Romans came when Remismund became king in 464 and restored unity and stability to the Suevic monarchy. During his reign, Hydatius only mentions two depredatory campaigns, in 466-467 when

272 273

Ibid. 181, 183, 188, 190. Ibid. 181, 199, 198. 274 Ibid. 196. 275 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 171.

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the Sueves who had been dispersed in their usual manner in search of booty, were recalled and in 467 when deceived in a time of peace, Conimbrica was plundered.276 However, even this plundering seems to have been instigated by past events. In 464465, Remismunds troops treacherously entered Conimbrica [and] robbed the noble family of Cantaber, kidnapping the mother and her sons.277 This attack seems to have had only one objective, to harm this noble family. Maybe both of these attacks were Suevic responses to rebellious elements in that city; certainly the precision attack on the Cantaber family suggests a premeditated goal. The phrase in their usual manner in search of booty is more troublesome and it suggests that under Remismund some depredatory campaigns must have existed. Nevertheless, under Remismund there seem to have been fewer campaigns directed at simple raiding and more towards definite rivals. The case of the long conflict with the Aunonenses is the best example of this. This conflict seems more organized and long standing than a simple raid; the Aunonenses resisted the Sueves for 2-3 years, which suggests that they were motivated by more than simply resisting Suevic raiding. 278 Maybe they were simply rebelling against Suevic attempts to control or absorb them. The result was a compromise agreement between both parties, one which the Sueves seem to have respected, in contrast to the many past agreements with Hispano-Romans that they betrayed. 279 Lastly, the handing over of Lisbon by its governor, Lusidius, in 468 is another example of a Hispano-Roman collaborator. 280 Later, Lusidius continued his service and was sent as an envoy of

276 277

Hydatius, 236, 237. Ibid. 225. 278 Ibid. 229, 235, 243. 279 Ibid. 243. 280 Ibid. 240.

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Remismund to the emperor Anthemius.281 Most of Remismunds campaigns seem to have been attempts to recover Suevic control of areas lost after Theodoric IIs invasion, while a few others seem to be directed at what possibly were rebellious groups who opposed Remismunds efforts to increase his power. Unfortunately we do not know the end of Remismunds story as Hydatius Chronicle ends abruptly in 468, but what seems to be occurring is a growing acceptance by Hispano-Romans, especially the elites, of Suevic rule.282 Since little is known about the dark period after 468, most historians agree that it is unlikely that very significant events could have taken place; otherwise they would have probably been reported by the few authors writing at this time. If we judge Remismunds reign to have been one of increasing Suevic integration and stabilization of relations with the Hispano-Romans, then it becomes logical that this long, seemingly quiet period must have led to better relations, especially taking into consideration the stabilization of the borders of the Suevic Kingdom at this time. By 468 the Sueves had been settled in Iberia for 57 years and it is likely that the subsequent 100 years only increased the level of integration of the Suevic element into the Gallaecian environment. 283 With the only exception of Remismunds support of the Arian heresy, there is reason to think that relations between the Sueves and Hispano-Romans were at least stabilized. A second turning point in the relations between the Sueves and Hispano-Romans was the conversion of the Sueves to Catholicism and the concomitant strengthening of the Suevic monarchy under Theodomir and his successor Miro. A key figure in both

281 282

Ibid. 245. Daz Martnez, El alcance de la ocupacin p. 218. Daz Martnez, City and Territory p. 21. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 606, 607. 283 Torres Rodrguez, p. 193.

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events was St. Martin of Braga, who many believe arrived in Gallaecia under the auspices of Byzantine interests.284 However, there is no proof that he specifically worked to ally the Sueves to the Byzantines. After the consolidation of religious and

administrative ties with the Hispano-Romans during Theodomirs reign, it appears likely that Miros attempts to increase his control and influence outside of the Suevic borders were rooted in his strengthened position. The incorporation of new peripheral

ecclesiastic territories evident from the Parochiale Suevum and the acts of the first two Councils of Braga is one example of increased Suevic influence on its Hispano-Roman neighbors. Miros expedition against the Ruccones near Cantabria is another example of this desire to expand. This expedition also suggests that the Sueves rarely, if ever by this point, carried out raiding expeditions against Hispano-Romans because this expedition was against a foreign people who probably resisted Suevic expansion. Lastly,

Leovigilds capture of Aspidius and his estate in the Aregensian Mountains near Ourense in 575 is seen as an example of a Hispano-Roman noble who resisted the Visigoths, possibly as a result of his support for the Sueves.285 Thus, near the end of the Suevic Kingdom, both Sueves and Hispano-Romans could potentially have been united in facing a common enemy, the Visigoths. However, Visigothic power proved too much for this possible alliance and the Suevic Kingdom succumbed in 585. After the incorporation of the Suevic Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom, the Suevic element slowly became absorbed into the Gallaecian general environment, although in 687 the memory of a

284 285

Ibid. p. 215. John of Biclar, 36. Torres Rodrguez, p. 248.

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separate Suevic identity still lingered as Egica ordered Witiza to live in the city of Tuy so that the father would hold the kingship of the Goths and the son that of the Suevi.286

CONCLUSION
The interactions between the Suevi and the Hispano-Romans were complex and multifaceted because they were dependent on changing realities and identities. While they experienced periods of conflict and rivalry, the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans also experienced moments of stable cohabitation and cooperation. The stereotypical portrayals of Hydatius and others of the Suevi as barbarous and depredating invaders who brought catastrophe upon the Roman world are exaggerations that do not capture the reality of the Suevic experience in Iberia. However, the Sueves were also not virtuous invaders who quickly formed bonds of friendship and integration with the HispanoRomans, as some overly optimistic authors attempt to argue. The Sueves were a small group of peoples who probably began their journey near the middle Danube and who seem to have been forced to look for new lands elsewhere. They ended up in the remote northwest corner of Iberia and attempted to make a living there with the aid of a unified monarchy. The overall trend of interaction between them and the Hispano-Romans began with a tumultuous early phase of intermittent conflict, which eased into better relations as the Sueves slowly became a fixture of the Iberian environment and cemented their ties to its pre-existing inhabitants.

286

The Chronicle of Alfonso III, 4.

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