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As President Bush has said, “Freedom can be resisted, and freedom can be delayed,
but freedom cannot be denied.” In the long run, citizens who sacrifice for their
dignity and their rights will prevail, just as the Havels and the Mandelas did
before them. Like those towering figures, many of today’s defenders of human
rights are denounced and persecuted, vilified as traitors, and targeted for
repression by their own governments – just for insisting upon the freedoms
enshrined in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. These
impatient patriots are an inspiration to their fellow citizens, and the high
standard they set continues to give hope to people everywhere who work peacefully
for their liberty, their dignity, and their rights.
These values are the basic endowments of all human beings, and the surest way to
protect and preserve them is through effective, lawful, democratic governance. To
be sure, no nation’s path to democracy is smooth or straight. Along the way, there
are bound to be stumbles and setbacks. Even under the best of circumstances, it is
not easy to transform democratic ideals into effective democratic institutions.
Transitions to democracy can be unsettling, and progress may falter because of
instability and insecurity, crushing poverty and disease. Governments rife with
corruption or without adequate resources can fall short of their meeting the high
hopes of their people, causing them to lose faith in the promise of a better life.
Leaders who are insufficiently committed to reform may revert to authoritarian
habits or take disastrous detours from the rule of law. Other governments have not
even taken the first step toward guaranteeing the rights of their citizens.
These challenges to human rights, and many others, are fully recorded in the
country reports that follow. Still, this document is collected and written with
the confidence that no corner of the Earth is permanently condemned to tyranny.
Change may take time, but change will come. As long as citizens around the world
champion the universal values of human rights, there is hope, and we continue to
believe that it is the duty of responsible governments everywhere to support these
courageous men and women.
Condoleezza Rice
Secretary of State
In the early 1970s the United States formalized its responsibility to speak out on
behalf of international human rights standards. In 1976 Congress enacted
legislation creating a Coordinator of Human Rights in the Department of State, a
position later upgraded to Assistant Secretary. In 1994 the Congress created a
position of Senior Advisor for Women's Rights. Congress has also written into law
formal requirements that US foreign and trade policy take into account countries'
human rights and worker rights performance and that country reports be submitted
to the Congress on an annual basis. The first reports, in 1977, covered only the
82 countries receiving U.S. aid; this year 196 reports are submitted.
In 1993 the Secretary of State strengthened the human rights efforts of our
embassies by asking all sections to contribute information and corroborate reports
of human rights violations, and there was a renewed effort to link mission
programming to the advancement of human rights and democracy. In 1994 the
Department of State reorganized the Bureau of Human Rights and Humanitarian
Affairs, renaming it the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. This move
reflected both a broader sweep and a more focused approach to the interlocking
issues of human rights, worker rights and democracy. As part of that effort, the
annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices represent the bureau's continuing
effort to report human rights violations. The reports reflect the work by hundreds
of State Department, Foreign Service, and other U.S. Government employees.
Our embassies, which prepared the initial drafts of the reports, gathered
information throughout the year from a variety of sources across the political
spectrum, including government officials, jurists, armed forces sources,
journalists, human rights monitors, academics, and labor activists. This
information-gathering can be hazardous, and U.S. Foreign Service Officers
regularly go to great lengths, under trying and sometimes dangerous conditions, to
investigate reports of human rights abuse, monitor elections, and come to the aid
of individuals at risk, such as political dissidents and human rights defenders
whose rights are threatened by their governments.
After the embassies completed their drafts, they were sent to Washington for
review by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, in cooperation with
other State Department offices. As they worked to corroborate, analyze, and edit
the reports, Department officers drew on their own sources of information. These
included reports provided by U.S. and other human rights groups, foreign
government officials, representatives from the United Nations and other
international and regional organizations and institutions, experts from academia,
and the media. Officers also consulted with experts on worker rights, refugee
issues, military and police topics, women's issues, and legal matters. The guiding
principle was to ensure that all information was assessed objectively, thoroughly,
and fairly.
The reports in this volume will be used as a resource for shaping policy,
conducting diplomacy, and making assistance, training, and other resource
allocations. They also will serve as a basis for the U.S. Government's cooperation
with private groups to promote the observance of internationally recognized human
rights.
Universal human rights seek to incorporate respect for human dignity into the
processes of government and law. All persons have the inalienable right to change
their government by peaceful means and to enjoy basic freedoms, such as freedom of
expression, association, assembly, movement, and religion, without discrimination
on the basis of race, religion, national origin, or sex. The right to join a free
trade union is a necessary condition of a free society and economy. Thus the
reports assess key internationally recognized worker rights, including the right
of association, the right to organize and bargain collectively, the prohibition of
forced or compulsory labor, the status of child labor practices, the minimum age
for employment of children, and acceptable work conditions.
Within the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, the editorial staff of the
Country Reports Team consists of: Editor in Chief – Stephen Eisenbraun; Office
Directors – Bruce Connuck, Victoria Middleton, and Francisco Palmieri; Senior
Editors –Jonathan Bemis, Frank B. Crump, Daniel Dolan, Stephen Eisenbraun, Cheryl
Harris, Jerome L. Hoganson, Sandra Murphy, and Julie Turner; Editors – Naim Ahmed,
Joseph S. Barghout, Kate Berglund, Lisa Bonifer, Serban Brebenel, Sarah M.
Buckley, Laura Carey, Elise Carlson-Rainer, Ryan J. Casteel, Sharon C. Cooke,
Susan Corke, Stuart Crampton, Tamara L. Crouse, Mollie Davis, Douglas B. Dearborn,
Cortney Dell, Joanne Faulkner, Joan Garner, Saba Ghori, Karen Gilbride, Michelle
Greco, Matthew Hickey, Patrick Harvey, Lisa Heller, Victor Huser, Stan Ifshin,
Simone Joseph, Moizza Khan, Jane S. Kim, Kim Klarman, Anne Knight, Lawrence
Lesser, Jessica Lieberman, Kathryn Lurie, John McKane, Gregory Maggio, Gaither
Martin, Mari Masuko, Stacy May, David Mikosz, Jennie Munoz, Daniel L. Nadel,
Catherine Newling, Eugene Oleynikov, Karen Paikin, Peter Sawchyn, Amy Schmisseur,
Patricia Meeks Schnell, Wendy Silverman, Rachel Spring, James Todd, Rachel
Waldstein, Emily Weaver, and Nicole Wilett; Contributing Editors – Lynne Davidson,
Alfred Anzaldua, Tu Dang, Caitlin Helfrich, Mancharee Junk, Mark Mittelhauser,
Richard Patard, Gregg Rickman, Gabriella Rigg; Editorial Assistants – Adrienne
Bory, Karen Chen, Carol Finerty, Donna G. Ifill, Jamie Petersen, Lynda Walker-
Johnson; Technical editor – Kimberley Jorgensen.
Introduction
Respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms reflected in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, is, as President Bush has said, “the foundation of
freedom, justice and peace in the world.” Today, on every continent, men and women
are working, often against great odds and at great risk, to secure the basic
rights to live in dignity, to follow their conscience and speak their minds
without fear, to choose those who would govern them and hold their leaders
accountable, and to obtain equal justice under the law.
We take all of our human rights commitments seriously and, in our good faith
efforts to meet those commitments, we value the vital role played by civil society
and independent media. We do not consider views about our performance voiced by
others in the international community to be interference in our internal affairs,
nor should other governments regard expressions about their performance as such.
Indeed, under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it is the right and the
responsibility of “every individual and every organ of society to promote respect
for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and
international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and
observance.”
In 2007, the countries that experienced serious regressions in human rights and
democracy captured the headlines. Some countries scored significant advances
despite formidable remaining challenges, but the vast majority struggled somewhere
between making incremental progress and suffering setbacks. We cite the following
in illustration:
Ghana celebrated its 50th anniversary as an independent state in March 2007. The
past 15 years have seen successive free and fair democratic elections, the
emergence of a vibrant civil society, and a commitment to seek sustainable reforms
through the responsible administration of its branches of government. Under the
leadership of President Kufuor, who is constitutionally prohibited from running
for a third term and who served until recently as African Union (AU) Chairman,
Ghana also has taken an active role in promoting democracy and stability in other
African countries.
Haiti held three rounds of democratic elections in 2006, including electing a new
president and parliament. In 2007, however, Haiti failed to hold the required
Senate elections.
In Georgia, the advance of human rights and democracy was uneven. The government’s
human rights record improved in some areas during the year. The government opened
the High School of Justice to train judges, and Parliament adopted legislation
that prohibited communication between judges and parties about cases outside the
courtroom and a Code of Ethics for Judges. Respect for freedoms of expression,
press, and assembly, however, suffered during the fall political crisis, when
police and protestors clashed and the government used excessive force to break up
demonstrations, temporarily suspended operations at the most watched television
station, as well as two others, and declared a temporary state of emergency. In
the wake of the crisis, President Saakashvili resigned and called for early
presidential elections.
The government of Bangladesh’s human rights record worsened, in part due to the
state of emergency and postponement of elections. The Emergency Powers Rules of
2007, imposed by the government in January and effective throughout the year,
suspended many rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of press,
freedom of association, and the right to bail. The anti-corruption drive initiated
by the government, while greeted with popular support, gave rise to concerns about
due process. For most of the year the government banned political activities,
although this policy was enforced unevenly. While there was a significant drop in
the number of extrajudicial killings by security forces, these forces were accused
of serious abuses, including custodial deaths, arbitrary arrest and detention, and
harassment of journalists.
The Colombian government’s steps to improve the human rights and security
situation showed demonstrable results. The Justice and Peace Law process helped
clarify more than 3,000 crimes and led to the exhumation of mass graves,
facilitating the identification of more than a thousand remains. The Supreme Court
and Prosecutor General’s investigations of links between politicians and
paramilitary groups implicated a number of elected leaders, several of whom were
in jail at year’s end. A Ministry of Defense directive resulted in the transfer of
approximately 600 human rights cases from the military justice system to the
civilian courts.
In Iraq, the constitution and law provide a framework for the free exercise of
human rights, and many citizens contributed to efforts to help build institutions,
both civil and security, to protect those rights. Nonetheless, sectarian, ethnic,
and extremist violence, coupled with weak government performance in its ability to
uphold the rule of law, resulted in widespread, severe human rights abuses and the
creation of large numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). The
year began with the war’s most deadly six-month period, followed by a steep
reduction in civilian deaths in the second half of the year as a new strategy
gained ground. Aided by new military efforts, violence declined as a ceasefire by
some Shi’a militias took hold and local citizen watch groups countered extremists.
During the year, government institutions were greatly stressed and faced
difficulty in successfully responding to the challenges presented by widespread
human rights abuses and attacks by Al Qaida in Iraq terrorists and extremist
groups. Terrorist groups continued to attack civilians and security forces.
Democracy and human rights progress inLebanon continued to face opposition in the
form of a campaign of violence and assassination and foreign-backed efforts to
prevent the functioning of the government. Militant groups continued efforts to
terrorize public and political figures, including through a series of car bombings
and assassinations during the year. The May to September Nahr al-Barid conflict
between the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and the terrorist group Fatah al-Islam
resulted in a death toll of 168 LAF soldiers and an estimated 42 civilians and the
internal displacement of some 30,000 Palestinian refugees. The Lebanese
opposition, backed by outside forces, continued to block the election of a
president by refusing to allow parliament to convene. Nonetheless, the Lebanese
Cabinet, led by Prime Minister Fouad Siniora, continued to work intensively to
ensure the functioning of the government.
With the assistance of the UN and the international community, order was restored
in Timor-Leste following the violence of 2006, and the country successfully
conducted two rounds of democratic elections: presidential voting in April and May
and parliamentary elections in June. The government launched reforms, including a
restructuring of the national police, but continued to rely heavily on external
security forces not under its direct control. Although the judiciary made some
progress toward reform, it remained heavily dependent on international personnel
and assistance. Despite efforts to address the regional, personal, and political
rivalries at the root of the country’s disorder, the ongoing presence at year’s
end of armed renegades continued to pose a significant threat to Timor-Leste’s
democratic development.
Great hope met the March signing of the Ouagadougou Political Agreement for Côte
d’Ivoire brokered by Burkina Faso President Compaore. Ivoirian President Gbagbo
and former rebel New Forces leader Guillaume Soro moved quickly to form a
transitional government, but key aspects of the peace process – including
disarming armed factions, reunifying the country, determining citizenship of
persons lacking documentation, and preparing for elections to identify a new
president – have proceeded slowly and sporadically in an atmosphere of weak
political will.
In Uganda, security and human rights conditions have improved significantly since
the military pushed the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) out of the northern
part of the country in 2005 and began peace talks, brokered by the Government of
Southern Sudan, in 2006. There were no reports of LRA attacks during 2007.
Approximately 400,000 displaced Ugandans returned to or near their homes in 2006
and 2007, with more poised to do so if the ceasefire holds. Improved security in
the north has virtually eliminated the practice known as “night commuting,” where
children traveled from conflict areas or IDP camps each night to urban centers to
avoid abduction by the LRA.
Burma’s abysmal human rights record continued to worsen. Throughout the year, the
regime continued to commit extrajudicial killings and was responsible for
disappearances, arbitrary and indefinite detentions, rape, and torture. In
September, security forces killed at least 30 demonstrators and detained over
3,000 others during a brutal crackdown on peaceful demonstrators, including monks
and pro-democracy protesters. Despite promises of dialogue, the regime did not
honor its commitment to begin a genuine discussion with the democratic opposition
and ethnic minority groups. Defying calls from the UN Security Council and the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations for the early release of all political
prisoners, the regime continued to hold opposition leaders under incarceration,
including Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who remained under house
arrest.
The Iranian regime violated freedom of speech and assembly, intensifying its
crackdown against dissidents, journalists, women’s rights activists, labor
activists, and those who disagreed with it through arbitrary arrests and
detentions, torture, abductions, the use of excessive force, and the widespread
denial of fair public trials. The regime continued to detain and abuse religious
and ethnic minorities. Authorities used stoning as a method of execution and as a
sentence for alleged adultery cases despite a government moratorium in 2002
banning the practice. The regime continued to support terrorist movements and
violent extremists in Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon and called for the destruction of a
UN member state.
Syria’shuman rights record worsened this year, and the regime continued to commit
serious abuses such as detaining an increasing number of activists, civil society
organizers, and other regime critics. The regime sentenced to prison several high-
profile members of the human rights community, including a number of leaders of
the National Council for the Damascus Declaration in December. The regime
continued to try some political prisoners in criminal courts. For example, in
April and May, respectively, authorities convicted human rights activists Anwar
al-Bunni and Michel Kilo in criminal courts on charges of “weakening the national
sentiment during the time of war.” The Syrian regime continues to support
international terrorist groups and violent extremists, enabling their
destabilizing activities and human rights abuses in Lebanon, the Palestinian
territories, and elsewhere.
The year2007 was the worst year yet for human rights defenders in Zimbabwe.
Despite recent efforts by regional leaders to resolve the ongoing crisis, the
assault against human rights and democracy by the government significantly
increased. The Mugabe regime accelerated its campaign to limit political
opposition. Official corruption and impunity remained widespread. Security forces
harassed, beat, and arbitrarily arrested opposition supporters and critics within
human rights NGOs, the media, and organized labor, as well as ordinary citizens.
Recent reporting from independent organizations operating in Zimbabwe cite over
8,000 instances of human rights abuse in 2007, including some 1,400 attacks
against students alone and at least 1,600 cases of unlawful arrest and
detention.Human rights groups reported that physical and psychological torture
perpetrated by security agents and government supporters increased during the
year. Victims reported beatings with whips and cables, suspension, and electric
shock.
Cuba remained under totalitarian control under Acting President Raul Castro and
Communist Party First Secretary Fidel Castro. The regime continued to deny
citizens basic rights and democratic freedoms, including the right to change their
government, the right to a fair trial, freedom of speech, freedom of the press,
freedom of assembly, freedom of movement, and the right of association. Although
the estimated number of political prisoners decreased to 240 from the 283 reported
the previous year, prison conditions remained harsh and life-threatening, and
authorities beat, harassed, and made death threats against dissidents both inside
and outside prison. Of the 75 peaceful activists, journalists, union organizers,
and opposition figures arrested and convicted in 2003, 59 remained in prison.
Government-directed mob attacks against high-profile dissidents decreased in
number and intensity compared to previous years, but the rate of short-term
arrests and detentions of ordinary citizens expressing dissent from the regime
appeared to rise.
The Eritrean government’s human rights record remained poor. There were severe
restrictions of the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and
religion, particularly for religious groups not approved by the government.
Authorities continued to commit numerous serious abuses, including the abridgement
of citizens’ rights to change their government through a democratic process;
unlawful killing by security forces; torture and beating of prisoners, some
resulting in death; arrest and torture of national service evaders, some of whom
reportedly died of unknown causes while in detention; harsh and life threatening
prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; arrests of family members of
national service evaders; executive interference in the judiciary; and the use of
a special court system to limit due process.
Some authoritarian countries that are undergoing economic reform have experienced
rapid social change but have not undertaken democratic political reform and
continue to deny their citizens basic human rights and fundamental freedoms.
For example, China’s overall human rights record remained poor in 2007. Controls
were tightened on religious freedom in Tibetan areas and in the Xinjiang Uighur
Autonomous Region and the treatment of petitioners in Beijing worsened. The
government also continued to monitor, harass, detain, arrest, and imprison
activists, writers, journalists, and defense lawyers and their families, many of
whom were seeking to exercise their rights under the law. Although the government
pursued some important reforms, such as the Supreme People’s Court’s resumption of
death penalty review power in cases handed down for immediate execution, efforts
to reform or abolish the reeducation-through-labor system remained stalled. New
temporary regulations improved overall reporting conditions for foreign
journalists, but enforcement of these regulations was not consistent, hindering
the work of some foreign journalists. The year 2007 saw increased efforts to
control and censor the Internet, and the government tightened restrictions on
freedom of speech and the domestic press. The government continued to monitor,
harass, detain, arrest, and imprison journalists, Internet writers, and bloggers.
NGOs reported 29 journalists and 51 cyber-dissidents and Internet users remained
in jail at year’s end. There was a 20 percent increase over 2006 in convictions of
citizens under China’s overly broad state security law that is often used to
silence government critics. In December, well-known human rights activist Hu Jia
was arrested at his home and detained for suspicion of “inciting subversion of
state power.” His wife and infant daughter were reportedly put under house arrest
at the same time. NGOs, both local and international, faced intense scrutiny and
restrictions.
Three essential and mutually reinforcing elements must be present for progress to
be made and sustained in any democracy:
One: free and fair electoral processes. Democratic elections are milestones on a
journey of democratization. They can help put a country on the path to reform, lay
the groundwork for institutionalizing human rights protections and good
governance, and open political space for civil society. But free and fair
elections involve more than a clean casting and honest counting of ballots on
Election Day. The run-up to the voting must allow for real competition by peaceful
forces opposed to the government in power, and full respect for the basic rights
of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. This means that political
parties must be allowed to organize and put forth the vision they offer through a
free press, rallies, and speeches.
In the aftermath of severely flawed elections in April, there were positive signs
that Nigeria’s fragile democracy was not defeated by the widespread fraud and
incidents of violence that marked the April polls for presidential, legislative,
and state-level positions. In tribunals established to hear over 1,200 petitions
contesting election results at all levels, the judiciary asserted its
independence, leading to the nullification of a number of senatorial and
gubernatorial election results. In response to strong pressure, the government
created a committee to recommend reforms of the Independent National Electoral
Commission, whose sluggish preparations significantly undermined the credibility
of the polls. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission continued its work to
investigate allegations of corruption at all levels of government, but the year-
end reassignment of its chairman was widely perceived as a blow to the
anticorruption effort.
For civil society and the independent media, the freedoms of expression,
association, and peaceful assembly are oxygen. Without these fundamental freedoms,
democracy is deprived of its life’s breath. Regrettably in 2007, governments in
every region abused their power and misused the law against NGOs, journalists, and
other civil society activists.In addition totherestrictions on and/or repression
of civil society and independent media mentioned previously in this introduction,
we also cite in illustration the following:
During the year, the scope for media freedom in Azerbaijan significantly
deteriorated. Observers considered the conviction and imprisonment of eight
journalists during the year, and that of one journalist remaining in prison from
2006, to be politically motivated. (Seven of these journalists were subsequently
released in 2007. The other two remained in prison.) Another journalist whose
arrest was considered politically motivated remained in pre-trial detention. Two
newspapers that the government suspended in May remained closed at year’s end. The
number of defamation suits threatening the financial viability of the print media
increased. Journalists remained subject to harassment, threats, and acts of
physical violence that appeared to be connected to their criticism of the
government or specific public officials.
In Vietnam, NGO activity remained limited because the government closely monitors
organizations. Civil society was constrained by the government’s continued
crackdown on dissent, which resulted in the arrest of a number of human rights and
democracy activists and the disruption of nascent opposition organizations,
causing several dissidents to flee the country. The government and Communist
party-controlled mass organizations monopolized all print, broadcast, and
electronic media and blocked a range of websites on international news and human
rights. Some media organizations, however, increasingly pushed the limits of
censorship.
While the challenges remained formidable, 2007 saw concerted international efforts
at the global and regional levels in support of human rights and democracy:
The challenge of protecting and advancing human rights and democratic principles
worldwide requires innovative approaches.
The UN Democracy Fund, proposed by President Bush in his speech to the General
Assembly in 2004, continued to grow by leaps and bounds. By the end of 2007, the
Fund totaled $36 million and projects were being identified for a second round of
grant-making. The number of proposals submitted increased from 1,300 in 2006 to
1,800 in 2007. A priority was funding projects to support the efforts of NGOs in
emerging democracies, such as that of Hungary’s International Center for
Democratic Transition, and to support for civilian participation in the Broader
Middle East and North Africa Initiative.
Organizations at the regional level also made strides in promoting human rights
and strengthening their institutional capacities to implement human rights
commitments more effectively.
The AU continued to develop bodies and mechanisms to move forward its human rights
and democracy agenda, including the adoption in January of the African Charter on
Democracy, Elections, and Governance. The Charter enshrines African governments’
commitments to political pluralism, free and fair elections, and the rule of law
and good governance.
Inspired by the Community of Democracies, the OAS and the AU came together in July
in Washington to create the OAS-AU Democracy Bridge. Via the Bridge, they will
share best practices and lessons learned with a view to better implementing their
respective democracy charters and strengthening democratic institutions in both
regions.
In the Broader Middle East and North Africa, non-governmental groups continued
their activities related to the Forum for the Future, culminating in the Parallel
Civil Society Forum in Sanaa, Yemen, in December. The gathering brought together
more than 300 civil society leaders from across the region. The participants
issued a report identifying benchmarks for reform and setting forth action plans
for 2008 to address critical issues of freedom of expression and women’s political
empowerment.
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The United States’ efforts to promote human rights and democratic freedoms around
the world reflect the core values of the American people. They also advance our
core interests. As President Bush has said: “Freedom is the non-negotiable right
of every man, woman, and child, and the path to lasting peace in our world is
liberty.”
We unite our values and our interests when we work in partnership with fellow
democracies and human rights defenders to build democratic systems and expose
abuses, to foster tolerance and protect the rights of ethnic and religious
minorities and workers’ rights, to promote equal rights for women, and to stop the
trafficking in human beings. Our values and our interests are never more in
synchrony then when we support the development of vibrant, independent civil
societies, work to ensure free and fair elections, and strengthen law-based
democracies. Whenever human rights defenders are the targets of repression, our
longstanding values and our long-term interests are best served when we show by
word and deed our abiding solidarity with them.