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Contemporary South Asia

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Denizens of alien worlds: A survey of students and teachers at Pakistan's Urdu and English language-medium schools, and madrassas
Tariq Rahman Available online: 02 Jul 2010

To cite this article: Tariq Rahman (2004): Denizens of alien worlds: A survey of students and teachers at Pakistan's Urdu and English language-medium schools, and madrassas , Contemporary South Asia, 13:3, 307-326 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0958493042000272212

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Contemporary South Asia 13(3), (September 2004) 307326

RESEARCH NOTE

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Denizens of alien worlds: a survey of students and teachers at Pakistans Urdu and English language-medium schools, and madrassas
TARIQ RAHMAN

ABSTRACT

This Research Note surveys the major types of schools in Pakistan. These are Urdu language-medium schools, madrassas (Islamic seminaries) and elite English languagemedium schools (both cadet colleges and private institutions). These schools are divided according to the medium of instruction and curriculum, as well as on the basis of socio-economic class. While the English language-medium schools cater for the middle, upper-middle and upper classes, the Urdu language-medium schools are aimed at the lower-middle and working classes, and the madrassas provide education for poor, marginalized or very religious people. The expenditure by society and the state on these institutions perpetuates class divisions in Pakistan. Alarmingly, the world view of the students of these institutions, especially the madrassas and private English language-medium schools, is so polarized on issues of militancy (regarding Kashmir) and tolerance (of religious minorities and women) that they seem to inhabit different, and violently opposed, worlds. In the future, this may be a source of social instability, internal conict and violence in Pakistan.

There is a dearth of literature on major types of schoolsUrdu language-medium schools, English language-medium schools, and madrassas (Islamic seminaries)widespread today in Pakistan. A number of otherwise authoritative books1 on the countrys school system defend present policies, talk of the necessity of nation-building and focus on public-funded schooling (i.e. vernacular-medium schools), but fail to describe elitist English-medium schools and madrassas, except in passing. While government reports (see later) do give some space to madrassas and English-language medium cadet colleges, they treat the
Correspondence: Dr Tariq Rahman, Professor of Linguistics and South Asian Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan. E-mail: dr.trahman@sat.net.pk and drt_rahman@yahoo.com ISSN 0958-4935 print; 1469-364X online/04/030307-20 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd DOI: 10.1080/0958493042000272212

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two types of schools as exceptions and therefore not deserving of detailed treatment. Although Education and the State, a collection of articles edited by Pervez Hoodbhoy on the ftieth anniversary of the creation of Pakistan, is exceptional in that it describes madrassas2 and schools run by non-governmental organizations3 as well as community-based organizations,4 it does not touch upon the elitist English-language medium schools.5 This lack of attention is alarming, especially as students of Urdu-language schools, English-language schools and madrassas have such different opinions as to live in different worlds. To understand these different institutions and their graduates is to understand how dangerously polarized Pakistani society today is, and how this has hampered national cohesion and a sense of commitment to unied policies. This article presents a survey of the three major types of school educationUrdu-medium, English-medium (both private and cadet college), and madrassaswith a view to examining how they function and what kind of opinions, or worldview, their students have gained. Methodology The historical part of this article relies upon ofcial Pakistan government documents on education policy and published sources. Its description of the condition of educational institutions at present comes from both published works and unpublished sources, such as school budget statements, interviews of teachers and administrators, and so on. The data on the family income of students and faculty come from a small survey of 230 students and 100 teachers of Urdu-medium schools undertaken in December 2002 and January 2003 (for full details, see Appendix A). This is followed by the results of a larger survey of 618 students and 243 teachers carried out from December 2002 to June 2003 in Urdu-medium schools, English-medium schools (including private institutions and cadet colleges), and Sunni madrassas. This second survey seeks to ascertain the views of students and faculty on controversial issues such as Kashmir, the rights of minorities and women, and other sensitive topics (for full details, see Appendix B). Educational policies in Pakistan Beginning with the National Education Conference of 1947, there have been at least 22 major reports on education issued by the government from time to time. Among the most salient are the Report of the Commission on National Education,6 The New Education Policy,7 The Education Policy (19721980),8 National Education Policy,9 and National Education Policy: 19982010.10 These reports have been summed up very ably by Kaiser Bengali who tells us that setting targets, bemoaning the failure to achieve the same, and setting new targets with unqualied optimism has been a continuing game policy makers have played ad nauseam and at great public expense over the last 50 years.11 308

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Table 1. Government schools in Pakistan Level Primary Middle Secondary Number 170,000 19,100 12,900 Student strength 20,000,000 3,988,000 1,704,000 Teachers 335,100 101,200 165,000

Source: Government of Pakistan, The Economic Survey of Pakistan (Islamabad: Planning Commission, 2003), pp 105106, 159.

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While these educational reports focus on modern education provided in govern ment schools, colleges and universities, separate government-commissioned reports on madrassas are little better.12 All educational policy documents emphasize the ideological role of education in Pakistan. Nation-building is to be encouraged by suppressing ethnicity, and this is to be achieved by ignoring the multi-lingual and multi-cultural aspects of Pakistani society. Islam is to be used as a unifying factor both against ethnicity and against India, the permanent other. Indeed, the security paradigm is paramount, and the countrys armed forces and wars are gloried and sanctied in the name of Islam and nationalism.

Urdu language-medium schools As of today, there are over 200,000 primary, middle and secondary schools in Pakistan, containing over 600,000 teachers and 25 million students (see Table 1). With the exception of Sindhi language-medium government schools (36,750 in 1998) and Pashto language-medium primary schools (10,731 in 1999),13 most of these schools teach in Urdu. Despite their high numbers, Urdu-language schools are not accessible to all children. Even where they do exist, attending them daily requires considerable time, energy and money. Most children travel less than two kilometres to reach their school, although some travel more than ve kilometres. Especially in Balochistan and Sindh, girls going to school have to travel long distances, which is both difcult and unsafe.14 Students in Urdu-language schools are taught through rote learning, and given corporal punishment for mistakes. Analysis is not encouraged at any level. Moreover, the schools are very sparsely furnished with no heating in the winter. Some schools in the cities do have fans but none are air-conditioned. Students sit on hard benches and memorize lessons by singing them in a chorus. The high student/teacher ration and low average expenditure per pupil per year in ordinary Urdu-medium government schools can be judged by looking at the schools of Rawalpindi District in 2003 (see Table 2). 309

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Table 2. Student/teacher ratio and cost per pupil per year in the Urdu-medium schools of Rawalpindi District (2003) Parameter Schools Enrolment Teachers Student/teacher ratio Budget Cost per pupil per year Cost to the state (per pupil per year) Male 1191 389,259 7236 54/1 n.a. n.a. n.a. Female 1213 170,696 6073 28/1 n.a. n.a. n.a. Total 2404 559,955 13,309 42/1 Rs.1268 million Rs.2264.5 Rs.2264.5

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Source: Ofce of the District Executive Ofcer (Education), Rawalpindi, Pakistan. n.a., not available.

Just as the poorest children have the lowest enrolment in schools, they also tend to drop out more than others. Thus, 53% of the poorest quintile dropped out before completing class 6 compared with only 23% of the richest quintile.15 Many parents and teachers explain this failure rate as due to a lack of motivation by students. However, if one considers the extremely harsh conditions at home and the cruel treatment children receive at school, one wonders why more do not drop out. As far as we can ascertain, the teachers and students in Urdu-language schools come from the working class and lower-middle class (see Table A2). Very few families are in higher income brackets. However, note that, due to the social stigma of poverty, over two-thirds of our small survey did not reveal their family income. Based on their monthly income, most teachers in our survey also belong to the lower-middle class (see Table A3). Unsurprisingly, those few families where both spouses work enjoy a higher income that places them in the upper-middle class. Urdu-medium students, being from the upper-working-class and lower-middle-class backgrounds, are less exposed to Western discourses available on cable television, in English books, and during conversations with peer group members, family and friends who have been abroad. Also, most students in Urdu-medium schools study the textbooks provided by the Textbook Boards of the provinces Punjab, Sindh, Northwest Frontier (NWFP), Balochistanthat constitute Pakistan. Ethnicity is denied so as to create a Pakistani identity. Although these centrist policies have been resented by ethnic communities, still the textbooks reinforce them.16 There is also much glorication of war and the military, and many anti-Hindu and anti-India remarks are interspersed throughout the books.17 However, according to our main survey (see Tables B4 and B5), most students and teachers at Urdu-medium schools do not support militant policies. Still, more would support an open war with India than low intensity conict in Kashmir. This group of students and teachers are also quite intolerant of religious minorities, although they do approve of men and women having equal rights. 310

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Table 3. Central boards of madrassas in Pakistan Board Wafaq ul Madaris Tanzim ul Madaris Wafaq ul Madaris (Shia) Pakistan Rabta-tul-Madaris-al-Islamia Wafaq-ul-Madaris-al-Salaa Subsect Deobandi Barelvi Shia Jamat-i-Islami Ahl-i-Hadith Location Multan Lahore Lahore Lahore Faislabad Date established 1958 1960 1962 1986 (unied syllabus adopted) 1978

Source: Ofces of the respective boards.

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Madrassas Madrassas are considered by many as the breeding ground of the Jihadi culture, a term used for Islamic militancy in the English-language press of Pakistan.18 They also have been associated with the former Taliban rulers of Afghanistan, some of whom were students of these schools, as well as with supporting militancy in Kashmir. In India, madrassas have been attacked by Hindu extremists who accuse them of creating hatred against non-Muslims.19 There were approximately 137 madrassas in West Pakistan before independence in 1947.20 In April 2002, Minister of Religious Affairs Mahmood Ahmed Ghazi put their gure at 10,000, with 1.7 million students.21 While madrassas belong to the major Sunni and Shia sects of Islam, Pakistani Muslims are predominantly Sunni, and this is reected in the few numbers of Shia madrassas (which includes three subsects; Deobandis, Barelvis and the Ahl-i-Hadith). The revivalist Jamat-i-Islami also has its own madrassas. The number of madrassas notably increased during the rule of General Zia ul Haq (197788). During the Afghanistan War, the United States sent money, arms and ammunition through Pakistan to help the mujahedeen combat the Soviet Union. Some of these funds are said to have been used to support the madrassas. Later, presumably because religiously inspired madrassa students inltrated across the line-of-control in Kashmir to ght the Indian Army, they were supported by Pakistan, specically the Inter Services Intelligence directorate (as both the Inter Services Intelligence and madrassas deny these links, exact amounts of nancial assistance cannot be determined). However, the increase in the number of registered madrassas is phenomenal, rising from 2002 in 1988 to 9880 in 2002. The Deobandi madrassas, the ones most closely allied to the Taliban, went up from 1779 to over 7000 in number. While there is hardly any credible information available for the mostly unregistered madrassas, those that are registered are controlled by their own central organizations or boards (see Table 3). They determine the syllabus, collect registration and examination fees, send examination papers in Urdu and Arabic to the madrassas where pupils sit for examinations, and declare results. Before Mulla Nizam Uddin (d. 1748) standardized the curriculum known as the 311

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Dars-i-Nizami, different teachers in different madrassas taught different books to students. Today in Pakistan, while the canonical texts are used as a symbol of continuity, identity and to preserve Islamic heritage, more modern books are used to supplement them. The vast majority of madrassas in Pakistan are nanced by voluntary charity provided by businessmen and others who believe that they are earning great merit by contributing to them. Others are allegedly funded by foreign governmentsthe Saudi government is said to help the Ahl-i-Hadith schools and the Iranian government the Shia schoolsalthough proof of this is hard to come by. According to the Jamia Sala of Faisalabad, the annual expenditure on its school of about 700 students is Rs.4,000,000. A Barelvi madrassa gave roughly the same gure for the same number of students. This comes to Rs.5,714 per year; an incredibly small amount of money for education, books, boarding and lodging. As the madrassas generally do not charge tuition fees (although they do charge a small admission fee not exceeding Rs.400), they attract very poor students who would not receive any education otherwise. For instance, the:
Dar-ul-Uloom Haqqania, one of the most popular and inuential Madrassahs [it includes most of the Afghani Taliban leadership among its alumni]has a student body of 1500 boarding students and 1000 day students, from 6 years old upwards. Each year over 15,000 applicants from poor families vie for its 400 open spaces.22

Similarly:
more than 80 percent of the madrassa students in Peshawar, Multan, and Gujranwala were found to be sons of small or landless peasants, rural artisans, or village imams of the mosques. The remaining 20 percent came from families of small shopkeepers and rural laborers.23

Our small survey also showed that both students and teachers at madrassas belong to the working class (see Tables A4 and A5). In Pakistan, the madrassas are performing a vital role in the welfare of the poorer sections of society. They provide free food, clothes, books, notebooks and even jobs (at least in mosques, schools and other madrassas). Their inuence on rural people and poorer sections of the urban proletariat will continue to increase as poverty increases. While Radd (Refutation) has always been part of the religious education in Pakistans madrassas, only in recent years has it been blamed for the unprecedented increase in the sectarian violence in the country. The inculcation of sectarian bias is an offence and no madrassa teacher or administrator would confess to teaching any text refuting the beliefs of other sects. Yet, that each madrassa teaches its own maslak (interpretation of religion) makes their curriculum by denition sectarian or subsectarian. For instance, when questioned specically about the teaching of the maslak, students in the nal year at Jamia Rizvia Zia ul Uloom (Barelvi) in Rawalpindi said that sometimes some teachers recommended supplementary reading material specically for the refutation of the doctrines of other sects and subsects.24 The printed syllabi of a number of 312

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sects also list books that refute the beliefs of other sects, as well as heresies within the Islamic world.25 Pakistans madrassas also continue to refute challenges to the Muslim ideological space, especially from the West. For instance, judging from its 2002 syllabus, the Jamat-i-Islami probably goes to great lengths to make its students aware of Western domination, the exploitative potential of Western political and economic ideas, and the disruptive inuence of Western liberty and individualism on Muslim societies.26 In an attempt to control religious extremism taught in madrassas, Pakistan President General Pervez Musharrafs military government passed the Voluntary Registration and Regulation Ordinance 2002. This law, however, has been rejected by most madrassas, which want no state interference in their affairs. Indeed, only about one-tenth of Pakistans madrassas agreed to be registered with the government; the rest simply ignored the statute.27 Thus, while Radd texts may not be formally taught in most madrassas in Pakistan, they are being printedwhich means they are in circulation. Apart from the madrassas proper, religious parties such as Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and Harkat-ulMujahidin print militant literature that circulates among the madrassas and other institutions. Although these parties recently have been banned, their members are said to be dispersed all over Pakistan, especially in the madrassas. Although a madrassa education may be argued to produce a religious, sectarian, subsectarian and anti-Western bias, it should not be assumed that this bias automatically translates into militancy and sectarian violence of the type Pakistan has been experiencing. Other factorsthe arming of religious young men to ght in Afghanistan and Kashmir, the states clampdown on free expression of political dissent during Zia ul Haqs martial law, the appalling poverty of rural areas and urban slumsmust be taken into account. Nonetheless, our major survey found madrassa studentsand their teachersto be the most intolerant of all educational groups in Pakistan (see Tables B4 and B5). They are the most supportive of an aggressive foreign policy, the most intolerant of religious minorities, and do not support equal rights for men and women. English language-medium schools The stated ofcial policy of the Pakistan government is that public money will be spent on schools that use Urdu (and Sindhi only in parts of Sindh) as the medium of instruction.28 It is often stated that private educational institutions are run by private resources and enterprise. However, this is only partly true, as we shall now see. Cadet colleges/public schools As the armed forces and higher bureaucracy in Pakistan use English for ofcial purposes, they demand entrants who are competent in that language. The armed forces, wishing to equip their own wards at lower cost than elite private schools charged, established a number of cadet colleges and academies29 at the behest 313

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Table 4. Donations, student numbers and cost per student at selected cadet colleges of Pakistan Donation from the Provincial Government (Rs.) 5,819.800 6,000,000 14,344,000 12,000,000 8,096,000 Yearly cost per student to the National Government (Rs.) 10,121 12,500 20,491 16,878 16,867

Institution Cadet College Kohat Cadet College Larkana Cadet College Pitaro Laurence College Cadet College Hasanabdal

Number of students 575 480 700 711 480

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Source: Information about donations and number of students supplied by the ofces of the respective institutions in 2003.

of President General Ayub Khan. In 1966, the students from less privileged schools protested against these institutions. The government-appointed Commission on Students Welfare and Problems agreed that such schools violated the constitutional assurance that all citizens are equal before law.30 Nonetheless, the Commission defended the institutions as the training schools of the future leaders of the country and, as a result, cadet colleges multiplied. Today, the armys Fauji Foundation runs 88 secondary schools and four higher secondary schools (the navy and air force administer similar institutions). As Pakistans cadet colleges are subsidized by the state (see Table 4), they can offer excellent boarding and lodging arrangements, spacious playgrounds, wellequipped libraries and laboratories and faculty with masters degrees. While the rates of tuition vary from rural to urban areas, and from category to category, beneciaries (retired military personnel) pay much lower fees for their children than do civilians. For instance, The Military College Jhelum, a cadet college administered by the army, charges its beneciaries Rs.400 per month tuition and its civilians Rs.1000. Whatever these differences, the nancial advantages of cadet colleges means that the children of both groups, as well as their teachers, can continue to enjoy a high standard of living (see Tables A6 and A7). As might be expected, the curriculum in Pakistans cadet colleges is vastly different from that taught in madrassas. State control is higher; while their textbooks are in English, they are mostly those recommended by the governments Textbook Boards. The teachers at cadet colleges, generally from the middle class, expose students to anti-India and pro-military ideas. Also, as most students are boarders, they are not exposed to the wider world of cable television as are their elite school counterparts. Thus, children of cadet colleges, being less exposed to Western sources of information and role models, are more supportive of militant policies and denial of rights to minorities than are elite English-medium children (see Table B4). 314

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Private elitist English schools Apart from the schools run by agencies of the state itselfin contravention of Pakistans stated policy of providing vernacular-medium education for all at state expensethere are private schools that deal in selling their English-language medium education at exorbitant prices to the sons and daughters of the upper middle-class and above (see Table A8). Private schools catering to the elite have existed since British times. In Pakistan, the convents were such types of schools, and most Anglicized senior members of the elite are from such institutions. However, these schools were not as expensive as those that replaced them from 1985 onwards. The new schools have campuses all over the country (although all are not of equal quality), and charge tuition fees of at least Rs.1500 per month. Their nancial clout also allows them to reward faculty amply (see Table A9). As the aim of the elite English-language schools is to prepare students for the British Ordinary (O) level and Advanced (A) level examinations, their curriculum is much more international in outlook than any of the other types of schools mentioned earlier. Their students read textbooks containing discourses originating in other countries and, both at school and at home, are exposed to cable television, dress, ction and conversations with adults who themselves are familiar with other countries. Children from such schools tend to be more tolerant of the other, be it religious, the West or India, and less supportive of militant policies in Kashmir than their counterparts in other schools (see Table B4). Perhaps surprisingly, themostly femaleteachers at these elite Englishlanguage schools are neither as supportive of a peaceful foreign policy nor as tolerant of religious minorities as their students (see Table B5). One explanation for this is that the teachers belong to middle-class socio-economic backgrounds whereas the students belong to more afuent and Westernized ones. Conclusion Pakistans educational system is stratied according to socio-economic class and can be expressed roughly in terms of type of educational institution. The madrassas cater for very poor children mostly from rural and urban workingclass localities. The Urdu-medium schools cater for lower-middle-class and some middle-class children, while the elite English-medium schools cater for the upper-middle class and above. The cost per student per year in these institutions is perhaps the strongest indicator of the economic apartheid that prevails and is supported by the state in the educational system of Pakistan (see Table 5). The worldview of the students in these schools is so different from each other that they seem to live in different worlds. The most acute polarization is between the madrassa students and those at elite English-medium schools. The former are deprived, but they express their angerthe rage of the dispossessedvia the idiom of religion. This brings them in conict with the Westernized elite, which looks down upon them in contemptalthough its most powerful members 315

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Table 5. Differences in costs in major types of educational institutions in Pakistan (rupees) Average cost per student per year (Rs.) 5714 (includes board and lodging) Cost to the state per student per year (Rs.) None reported (except for some subsidies on computers, books and other educational materials in some madrassas) 2264.5 14,171 (average of ve cadet colleges only) None reported (except for the provision of subsidized land in some cantonments)

Institution Madrassas

Funder(s) Philanthropists and religious organizations

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Urdu-medium schools Cadet colleges/public schools English-medium schools

2264.5 (only tuition) 90,061 (includes tuition and all facilities) 96,000 for A-level (tuition only); 36,000 for other levels (tuition only)

The state Parents and the state (average of six cadet colleges and one public school) Parents

Source: Data obtained from several institutions by eld research in 20022003.

continually legitimize their hold on the state apparatus in the name of Islam. The state has strengthened the Islamic lobby itself by Islamizing education and making the Kashmir dispute almost a matter of religion. Now that the state feels obliged to reverse these policies, it is already facing resistance from the Islamic lobby. This may increase if madrassa-educated young men are marginalized even further while remaining both poor and armed. The majority of the students from the Urdu-medium stream are also alienated, both from their madrassa as well as English-medium counterparts. In socioeconomic terms, they belong roughly to the same class as the madrassa students but their training is different and, hence, their views are also different. Moreover, not sharing the Westernization and the wealth of the English-medium students, they are alienated from them as well, and have a vague sense of having been cheated. These differences in views and dissatisfaction among Pakistans students do not augur well for nation-building or cohesion. They have a divisive potential along class lines that will probably be expressed in a nationalistic and religious idiom in any future crisis. Also, if government spending continues to favour the armed forces and the elite (virtually one and the same), social sector funding will suffer. Indeed, this has already occurred, and both religious extremists and ethnic nationalists have tried to ll the vacant space. If the armies of the unemployed and the marginalized are not to be increased to the point where they become unmanageable, the state should invest in the poor. Pakistans best investment 316

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would be to create a fair and just education system that promotes tolerance, human values and nation-building. Notes and references
1. See, for instance, Syed Abdul Quddus, Education and National Reconstruction of Pakistan (Lahore: S.I. Gilani, 1979); Umme Salma Zaman, Banners Unfurled: A Critical Analysis of Developments in Education in Pakistan (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1981); and Louis D. Hayes, The Crisis of Education in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard, 1987). 2. A. H. Nayyar, Madrasah education: frozen in time, in Pervez Hoodbhoy (ed), Fifty Years of Education in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998), chapter 8. 3. Fayyaz Baqir, The role of NGOs in education, in Hoodbhoy, ibid, chapter 6. 4. Akhtar Hameed Khan, Community-based schools and the Orangi Project, in Hoodbhoy, op cit, Ref 2, chapter 7. 5. For information on English-language schools in Pakistan in terms of language teaching and world-view, see Tariq Rahman, Language, Ideology and Power: Language-learning Among the Muslims of Pakistan and North India (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002). 6. Government of Pakistan, Report of the Commission on National Education (Karachi: Ministry of Education, 1959). 7. Government of Pakistan, The New Education Policy (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, 1970). 8. Government of Pakistan, The Education Policy 19721980 (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, 1972). 9. Government of Pakistan, National Education Policy (Islamabad: Planning Commission, 1992). 10. Government of Pakistan, National Education Policy 19982010 (Islamabad: Ministry of Education: 1998). 11. Kaiser Bengali, History of Education Policy Making and Planning in Pakistan (Islamabad: Sustainable Development Policy Institute, 1999). 12. See, for instance, Government of Pakistan, Qaumi Committee Barae Deeni Madaris [Urdu] (Islamabad: Ministry of Religious Affairs, 1979); and Government of Pakistan, Deeni Madaris Ki Jame Report [Urdu] (Islamabad: Islamic Education Research Cell, Ministry of Education, 1988). 13. Field research carried out in 20022003 (Appendix B). 14. Government of Pakistan, Pakistan Integrated Household Survey Round 4: 20012002 (Islamabad: Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, 2002), p 17. 15. Ibid., p 15. 16. See Tahir Amin, The Ethno-National Movements of Pakistan (Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies, 1988); Tariq Rahman, Language and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996); and Feroz Ahmed, Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998). 17. See K. K. Aziz, The Murder of History in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard 1993); and Rubina Saigol, Knowledge and Identity: Articulation of Gender in Educational Discourse in Pakistan (Lahore: ASR Publication, 1995). For a comparison between the history textbooks of India and Pakistan, see Krishna Kumar, Prejudice and Pride: School Histories of the Freedom Struggle in Pakistan and India (New Delhi: Penguin Books India, 2001). 18. See, for instance, P. W. Singer, Pakistans madrassas: ensuring a system of education not jihad Analysis Paper 14, November 2001, http://www.brookings.edu/views/papers/singer/20020103.htm, accessed 4 February 2004; Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia (London: I.B. Taurus, 2000), pp 191192; and Hussain Haqqani, Islams medieval outposts, Foreign Policy No. 133, December 2002, pp 58-64. 19. Yoginder Sikand, Indian state and the madrassa, Himal, September 2001, http://www.himalmag.com accessed 4 February 2004. 20. Jamal Malik, Colonization of Islam. 21. International Crisis Group, Pakistan: Madrassas, Extremism and the Military (Islamabad/Brussels: International Advisory Group Asia), Report No. 36, 29 July 2002. 22. Singer, op cit, Ref. 18. 23. Mumtaz Ahmad. Continuity and change in the traditional system of Islamic education: the case of Pakistan, in Craig Baxter and Charles H Kennedy (eds), Pakistan 2000 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000). 24. Many ulema and most students of madrassas did not want their interviews to be recorded by name. Those who allowed their names to be mentioned are: Mohammad Hussain, interview with the Nazim-e-Daftar of Jamiat us Saa, Islamabad, 13 December, 2002; and Mohammad Iqbal Zafar, interview with the Head of Jamia Rizvia Zia ul Uloom, Satellite Town, Rawalpindi, 26 December, 2002. 25. For examples, see, for instance, Government of Pakistan 1988, op cit, Ref. 12. 26. Ralta-tal-Madaris: 2002 syllabus, Mansurah, Lahore.

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27. 28. 29. 30. Singer, op cit, Ref 18. Op cit, Ref 7. Ayub Khan, Friends not Masters (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1967), p 43. Government of Pakistan, Report of the Commission on Students Problems and Welfare and Problems (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, 1966), p 18. 31. The quintiles are divided according to income (in rupees) per month as follows: rst quintile of Rs.620.45 and below; second quintile of Rs.620.46 to 769.9; third quintile of Rs.769.1947.53; fourth quintile of Rs.947.541254.53; and fth quintile of Rs.1254.54 and above, op cit, Ref 14, Appendix C.

Appendix A: Survey of socio-economic class and income

Note: While the government of Pakistan provides income statistics in quintiles,31 this survey divides its respondents according to income in rupees per month and therefore socio-economic class (see Table A1).

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Table A1. Socio-economic class and income (Rupees) per month Socio-economic class Working (lower) class Lower-middle class Middle class Upper-middle class Lower-upper class Middle-upper class Income per month (Rs.) Up to 5000 500110,000 10,00120,000 20,00150,000 50,001100,000 Above 100,000

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Table A2. Family income of Urdu-medium school students (rupees per month) Rs.10,00120,000 13 (9.63%) 0 (0.00%) 4 (40%) 3 (2.22%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Rs.20,00150,000 Rs.50,000 100,000 Above Rs.100,000 Total 135 (100%)* 10 (100%)** 10 (100%)**

Source 36 (26.66%) 2 (20%) 4 (40%)

Up to Rs.5000

Rs.500110,000

Father Mother Father and mother

83 (61.48%) 8 (80%) 2 (20%)

Note: * Out of 230 respondents, only 135 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 230 respondents, only 10 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.

Table A3. Family income of Urdu-medium school teachers (rupees per month) Rs.10,00120,000 15 (15.96%) 7 (38.89%) 9 (50%) 0 (0.00%) 2 (11.11%) 9 (50%) Rs.20,00150,000 Rs.50,000 100,000 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Above Rs.100,000 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Total 94 (100%)* 18 (100%)** 18 (100%)**

Source 62 (65.96%) 6 (33.33%) 0 (0.00%)

Up to Rs.5000

Rs.500110,000

Self Spouse Self and spouse

17 (18.09%) 3 (16.66%) 0 (0.00%)

Note: * Out of 100 respondents, only 94 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 100 respondents, only 18 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.

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Rs.500110,000 10 (14.86%) 1 (33.33%) 1 (33.33%) 4 (5.19%) 0 (0.00%) 1 (33.33%) 4 (5.19%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Rs.10,00120,000 Rs.20,00150,000 Rs.50,000100,000 Total 77 (100%)* 3 (100%)** 3 (100%)** Rs.500110,000 3 (16.66%) 0 (0.00%) 1 (100%) 2 (11.11%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Rs.10,00120,000 Rs.20,00150,000 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Rs.50,000100,000 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Total 18 (100%)* 1 (100%)** 1 (100%)**

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Table A4. Family income of Madrassa students (rupees per month)

Source

Up to Rs.5000

Father Mother Father and mother

59 (76.62%) 2 (66.66%) 1 (33.33%)

Note: * Out of 142 respondents, only 77 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 142 respondents, only three chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.

Table A5. Family income of madrassa teachers (rupees per month)

Source

Up to Rs.5000

Self Spouse Self and spouse

13 (72.22%) 1 (100%) 0 (0.00%)

Note: * Out of 27 respondents, only 18 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 27 respondents, only one chose to answer this question and the percentages are for this respondents only.

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Table A6. Family income of cadet college/public school students (rupees per month) Rs.10,00120,000 17 (29.31%) 4 (21.05%) 2 (10.53%) 33 (56.90%) 5 (26.32%) 11 (57.89%) 3 (5.17%) 0 (0.00%) 4 (21.05%) Rs.20,00150,000 Rs.50,000 100,000 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Above Rs.100,000 Total 58 (100%)* 19 (100%)** 19 (100%)**

Source 5 (8.62%) 8 (42.11%) 0 (0.00%)

Up to Rs.5000

Rs.500110,000

Father Mother Father and mother

0 (0.00%) 2 (10.53%) 0 (0.00%)

Note: * Out of 130 respondents, only 58 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 130 respondents, only 19 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.

Table A7. Family income of cadet college/public school teachers (rupees per month) Rs.10,00120,000 28 (56%) 5 (83.33%) 1 (16.66%) Rs.20,00150,000 4 (8%) 0 (0.00%) 5 (83.33%) Rs.50,000 100,000 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Above Rs.100,000 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) Total 50 (100%)* 6 (100%)** 6 (100%)**

Source 17 (34%) 1 (16.66%) 0 (0.00%)

Up to Rs.5000

Rs.500110,000

Self Spouse Self and spouse

1 (2%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%)

Note: * Out of 51 respondents, only 50 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 51 respondents, only six chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.

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Rs.10,00120,000 3 (8.57%) 2 (13.33%) 0 (0.00%) 18 (51.43%) 8 (53.33%) 4 (26.66%) 8 (22.86%) 1 (6.66%) 5 (33.33%) 5 (14.29%) 0 (0.00%) 3 (20%) Rs.20,00150,000 Rs.50,000 100,000 Above Rs.100,000 Total 35 (100%)* 15 (100)** 15 (100%)** 1 (2.86%) 3 (20%) 2 (13.33%) Rs.10,00120,000 18 (33.33%) 6 (60%) 3 (30%) Rs.20,00150,000 10 (15.38%) 2 (20%) 4 (40%) Rs.50,000 100,000 1 (1.85%) 1 (10%) 2 (20%) Above Rs.100,000 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%) 01 of 10 (10%) Total 54 (100%)* 10 (100%)** 10 (100%)** 22 (40.74%) 1 (10%) 0 (0.00%)

TARIQ RAHMAN

Table A8. Family income of English-medium school students (rupees per month)

Source

Up to Rs.5000

Rs.500110,000

Father Mother Father and mother

0 (0.00%) 1 (6.66%) 1 (6.66%)

Note: * Out of 116 respondents, only 35 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 116 respondents, only 15 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.

Table A9. Family income of English-medium school teachers (rupees per month)

Source

Up to Rs.5000

Rs.500110,000

Self Spouse Self and spouse

3 (5.55%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%)

Note: * Out of 65 respondents, only 54 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only. ** Out of 65 respondents, only 10 chose to answer this question and the percentages are for these respondents only.

SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN

Appendix B: 2003 survey of schools and madrassas

This survey was conducted between December 2002 and April 2003 with the help of research assistants Imran Farid and Shahid Gondal. The locations were Peshawar (NWFP) and Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Lahore, Multan, Bahawalpur and Mandi Bahauddin (Punjab). Institutions were used as clusters but only students of class 10 and equivalent were given questionnaires in Urdu or English. The major stratas are: (1) Urdu-medium schools, (2) English-medium schools (3) cadet colleges/public schools, and (4) madrassas (see Tables B1 and B2). The age of students is also presented (see Table B3). Survey questionnaires The questionnaires used in our survey for students and teachers are reproduced here. Please note that while part 1 is different for students and teachers, part 2 (on opinions) is exactly the same for both. The results for part 2 are collated for students and teachers (see Tables B4 and B5). Part 1: for faculty only DO NOT WRITE YOUR NAME TO ENSURE SECRECY. WRITE THE NAME of the institution in which you teach with medium of Instruction. (1) Sex (1) Male (2) Female (2)Education: (1) Below B.A (2) B.A (3) M.A (4) M. Phil (5) Ph.D (3)Which subject (s) do you teach? What is the occupation of your spouse Give his or her rank, title, occupational status; salary; grade; income from all sources etc?

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Table B1. Classication of teachers surveyed School type English-medium Cadet college/public schools Urdu-medium Madrassas Grand total Male 18 51 42 27 138 Female 47 0 58 0 105 Total 65 51 100 27 243

Table B2. Classication of students surveyed School type English-medium Cadet college/public schools Urdu-medium Madrassas Grand total Male 62 130 123 142 457 Female 52 Nil 107 Nil 159 Total 116 130 230 142 618

Table B3. Ages of students surveyed Institution Cadet colleges Madrassas English-medium schools Mean (years) 15.5 19 14.1 Mode (years) 15 20 15 Range (years) 1219 1427 1318

Note: In the case of madrassas, the age range is higher because some of the sanvia class groups had older boys who had joined the seminary late.

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What is your average total monthly income (write income from all sources such as tuition, publications, consultancies, rent etc. What is the medium of instruction of the school in which your children study (or studied)? What was medium of instruction of the school in which you studied most? Part 1: for students only DO NOT WRITE YOUR NAME TO ENSURE SECRECY. WRITE THE NAME of your SCHOOL with medium of Instruction. age. Class Sex (1) Male (2) Female What is the occupation of your father? Give his rank, title, occupational status; salary; grade; income from all sources etc? What is the occupation of your mother? Give her rank, title, occupational status, salary, grade, income from all sources etc?

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Part 2: for both faculty and students What should be Pakistans priorities? 1. Take Kashmir away from India by an open war? (1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know 2. Take Kashmir away from India by supporting Jihadi groups to ght with the Indian army? (1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know 3. Support Kashmir cause through peaceful means only (i.e. no open war or sending Jihadi groups across the line of control?). (1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know 4. Give equal rights to Ahmedis in all jobs etc? (1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know 5. Give equal rights to Pakistani Hindus in all jobs etc? (1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know 6. Give equal rights to Pakistani Christians in all jobs etc? (1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know 7. Give equal rights to men and women as in Western countries? (1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know

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Table B4. A comparative chart of student opinions (%) Urdumedium schools 39.56 53.04 7.39 33.04 45.22 21.74 75.65 18.26 6.09 46.95 36.95 16.09 47.39 42.61 10.00 65.65 26.52 7.83 75.22 17.39 7.39 Englishmedium schools 25.86 64.66 9.48 22.41 60.34 17.24 72.41 18.97 8.62 65.52 9.48 25.00 78.45 13.79 7.76 83.62 8.62 7.76 90.52 6.03 3.45 Cadet Colleges/ Public schools 36.92 60.00 3.08 53.08 40.00 6.92 56.15 36.92 6.92 41.54 36.92 21.54 64.62 31.54 3.85 76.92 18.46 4.62 67.69 25.38 6.92

Abbreviated question 1. Open war 2. Jihadi groups 3. Peaceful means

Response Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont

Madrassas 59.86 31.69 8.45 52.82 32.39 14.79 33.80 54.93 11.27 12.68 82.39 4.93 16.90 76.06 7.04 18.31 73.24 8.45 16.90 77.46 5.63

Know Know Know Know Know Know Know

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4. Ahmedis 5. Hindus 6. Christians 7. Women

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Table B5. A comparative chart of teacher opinions (%) Urdumedium schools 20 70 10 19 68 13 85 10 5 27 65 8 37 58 5 52 42 6 61 33 6 Englishmedium schools 26.15 64.62 9.23 38.46 50.77 10.77 60.00 33.85 6.15 43.07 36.92 20.00 61.54 26.15 12.31 81.54 10.77 7.69 78.46 13.85 7.69 Cadet Colleges/ Public schools 19.61 68.63 11.76 39.22 52.94 7.84 66.66 19.61 13.73 29.41 62.75 7.84 60.78 35.29 3.92 60.78 33.33 5.88 37.25 58.82 3.92

Abbreviated question 1. Open war 2. Jihadi groups 3. Peaceful means

Response Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont Yes No Dont

Madrassas 70.37 22.22 7.41 59.26 29.63 11.11 29.63 66.67 3.70 3.70 96.30 0.00 14.81 85.19 0.00 18.52 77.77 3.70 3.70 96.30 0.00

Know Know Know Know Know Know Know

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4. Ahmedis 5. Hindus 6. Christians 7. Women

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