Anton-Hermann Chroust

A Brief Account of the Traditional Vitae Aristotelis

In: Revue des tudes Grecques, tome 77, fascicule 364-365, Janvier-juin 1964. pp. 50-69.

Abstract The Vita Aristotelis of Diogenes Laertius to a large extent relies on Hermippus whose original account might be reconstructed with the help of Diogenes Laertius. Hermippus' is a strange though in the main encomiastic melange of fact and fiction, praise and slander. With the exception of the Vila Hesychii (Vita Menagii), all the other Vitae the Vita Marciana, the Vita Vulgata (Vita Pseudo-Ammoniana ) , the Vila Latina, the two Syriac Vitae and the four Arabic Vitae ultimately go back to, or are derivates of a Vita (or an epitome of a Vita) of Ptolemy (el-Garib), a member of Porphyry's or Jamblichus' school of Neo-Platonists. The Vita of Ptolemy, the essential contents of which can fairly well be reconstructed with the help of its several derivates, is strongly encomiastic. It is based on what seems to be an adequate mastery of the biographical materials available around 300-400 A. D., but its uncritical admiration for Aristotle greatly reduces its historical value.

Citer ce document / Cite this document : Chroust Anton-Hermann. A Brief Account of the Traditional Vitae Aristotelis. In: Revue des tudes Grecques, tome 77, fascicule 364-365, Janvier-juin 1964. pp. 50-69. http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/reg_0035-2039_1964_num_77_364_3767

A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE TRADITIONAL VITAE ARISTOTELIS

In recent years there has been a stupendous and most fruitful revival of historical studies of Aristotle, both of the man and of his philosophical work. W. Jaeger's evolutionary theses, first expounded in 1912 (1) and further elaborated in 1923 (2), have stimulated a veritable flood of important scholarly investigations which are by no means concluded (3). One of the most significant by-products of Jaeger's work was a renewed interest in the socalled lost or exoteric compositions of the young Aristotle (4). (1) W. Jaeger, Studien zur Enlwicklungsgeschichle der Metaphysik des Aristoteles (1912). It should be noted, however, that T. Case, in his article Aris totle, in : Encyclopaedia Britannica (llth edit., 1910), vol. 2, pp. 501-522, already anticipated some of Jaeger's evolutionary theories. (2) W. Jaeger, Aristoteles, Grundlegung einer Geschichte seiner Enlwicklung (1923). (3) See, for instance, A.-H. Chroust, The First Thirty Years of Modern Aristotelian Scholarship (1912-1942) , to be published in Classica el Mediaevalia, vol. XXIV (1964). (4) See, for instance, I. During, Aristotle's Prolrepticus : An Attempt at Reconstruction, Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia, vol. 12 (1961) ; A.-H. Chroust, Aristotle: Prolrepticus A Reconstruction (1964) ; P. Moraux, A la Recherche de VArislole Perdu : Le Dialogue Sur la Justice , Aristote, Tra ductions et tudes, Collection publie par l'Institut Suprieur de Philosophie de l'Universit de Louvain (1957) ; M. Untersteiner, Arislolele : Delia Filosofia (1963). Several scholars at present are attempting to reconstruct some of the more important lost works of the early Aristotle : O. Gigon, Aristoteles' Dialog Eudemos : Ein Versuch der Wiederherstellung ; P. Wilpert, Aristoteles'' Dialog Ueber die Philosophie ; Ein Versuch der Wiederherstellung ; S. Mansion and . de Strycker, Arislole Du Bien : Essai de Reconstruction; and G. E. L. Owen, Aristotle's Essay On Ideas: An Attempt at Reconstruction. All these attempted reconstructions await publication in the near future. See also, in general, E. Berti,, La Filosofia del Primo Arislolele, Universit di Padova Pubblicazioni dlia Facolt di Lettere e Filosofia (1962).

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At the same time it was pointed out repeatedly and emphatically that in order to understand more adequately the development of Aristotle's philosophic thought we must pay increased attention to the ancient biographical tradition concerning the Stagirite (1). The following pages are an attempt to give a brief account of the traditional Vitae Aristolelis which, compiled in antiquity, have managed to survive in one form or another. The most important ancient biographies (2) of Aristotle which have come down to us are : Diogenes Laertius, The Lives of Eminent Philo sophers, book V, chapters 1-35 ; the Vita Hesychii (3) ; the PseudoHesychius (4) ; the Vila Marciana (5) ; the Vita Vulgata (6) ; the Vita Lascaris (7) ; the Vila Lalina (8) ; the Vila Syriaca I (9) ; (1) See here, in general, I. During, Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition, Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis (1957), passim. (2) Except for the purpose of shedding some additional light on the several Vitae Arislotelis, no attention will be paid here to occasional biographical references to Aristotle by a host of ancient authors, historians, grammarians, critics, etc. For an exhaustive treatment of our subject, see also I. During, op. cil. supra note 1, passim; O. Gigon, Interpretationen zu den Antiken Aristoteles-Viten,, Museum Helveticum, vol. 15 (1958), pp. 147-193. Also, no mention is made here of the abridgement found in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Epist. ad Ammaeum I. 3-6. This epitome, it will be noticed, is based on several Vitae Aristotelis that were in circulation during the latter part of the first century B. C. (3) This Vita, which contains an important list of Aristotle's writings , is also known as the Vita Menagiana or Vita Menagii. It is reprinted in V. Rose, Aristotelis Fragmenta (1886), pp. 9-18. (4) This relatively unimportant Vila is a brief compilation from Diogenes Laertius and the Vita Hesychii. (5) This important Vita was first edited by L. Robbe, Vita Aristotelis ex Codice Marciano Graece (1861) ; V. Rose, op. cil. at pp. 426-436. See here, in general, A. Busse, Neuplatonische Lebensbeschreibung des Aristoteles , Hermes, vol. 28 (1893), pp. 252-273. The Vita Marciana is dependent on an abridgement of Ptolemy's lost Vila Aristotelis. (6) This Vita, which is also called Vita Pseudo-Ammoniana, is probably an abridgement of Ptolemy's Vita Aristotelis. See A. Busse, Die Neuplaionischen Ausleger der Isagoge des Porphyrius (1892), passim. (7) This Vita is an unimportant abridgement of the Vita Marciana. (8) This Vita, which can be found in V. Rose, op. cit. at pp. 442-450, is a rather liberal Latin translation from the Vita Marciana with some minor additions from the Vila Vulgala. (9) This brief Vita, which might be called a Syriac version of the Greek Vita Vulgata (see supra note 6), goes back to Ptolemy's Vita which probably was brought to Nisibis when Emperor Zeno closed down the Neo-Platonic school in Edessa. It was edited and translated by A. Baumstark, SyrischArabische Biographien des Aristoleles (1900), appendix to p. 130, and ibid. at p. 38.

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the Vita Syriaca II (1) ; the Vita Arabica I (by an-Nadim) (2) ; the Vita Arabica II (by al-Mubassir or, Mubashir) (3) ; the Vita Arabica III (by al-Qifti) (4) ; and the Vita Arabica IV (by Usaibia) (5). According to C. A. Brandis, . Zeller, R. Susemihl, E. Heitz, W. Christ, R. Littig, W. Jaeger, D. W. Ross, L. Robin, I. During, and others (6), Hermippus, the disciple of Callimachus and librarian at Alexandria (towards the end of the third century B. C), must be considered the main source for the biographical notations found in Diogenes Laertius. It has been claimed that as a distinguished librarian at Alexandria this Hermippus had at his disposal ample materials on Aristotle. In the year 306 B. C, when all alien philosophers were banished from Athens by the decree of Demet riusPoliorcetes, Ptolemy Soter, the King of Egypt, invited Theophrastus, Aristotle's successor in the scholarchate of the Lyceum, to come to Egypt and thus transfer the Peripatetic School and its library to Alexandria. Although Theophrastus turned down this (1) This very brief and relatively unimportant Vila was translated by A. Baumstark, op. cit. at p. 116. It follows Ptolemy's Vita. (2) This Vita is based on Ptolemy (el-Garib)'s Vita. It was translated by A. Baumstark, op. cit. at pp. 39 ff. (3) This Vita, which shows the influence of the Vita Marciana, Ptolemy's Vila, the Vila Vulgala, the Vita Syriaca I and //, and the Vita Arabica I, was translated by A. Baumstark, op. cil. at pp. 39-51, and ibid, at pp. 120-124 ; and by J. Lippert, Studien auf dem Gebiete der Griechisch-Arabischen Uebersetzungslileralur (1894), pp. 4-19. (4) This Vita, which is a sort of article on Aristotle, to a large extent is based on the Vita of Ptolemy as it has been excerpted by several Arabic authors. See J. Lippert, Ibn al-QifiVs Tarih-al-hukuma (1903) ; M. Steinschneider, Al-Farabi : Des Arabischen Philosophen Leben und Schriften (1869), pp. 187-191. (5) This Vita, which likewise follows Ptolemy's Vita, contains the important Catalogue of Aristotle's Writings by Ptolemy (el-Garib). See here P. Moraux, Les Listes Anciennes des Ouvrages d'Aristoie (1951), passim. The important Greek Vita Aristotelis of Ptolemy, which underlies the Syriac and Arabic Vilae, is preserved only in the garbled, mutilated and abridged form of these Vilae. See infra. (6) These scholars were opposed by V. Rose, J. Bernays, H. Diels, A. Gerke, and others, who insisted that the primary source of information used by Diogenes Laertius was Andronicus of Rhodes, the alleged restorer of the Corpus Aristotelicum around the middle of the first century B. C. The thesis which sees in Andronicus the original source of Diogenes Laertius by now has been completely abandoned.

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invitation, his disciples, Strato of Lampsacus and Demetrius of Phaleron, went to Egypt (1). Undoubtedly, these two men brought to Alexandria some of the writings of the Peripatetics, including probably some of Aristotle's compositions or, at least, notes and excerpts from his works. It has also been suggested that on his death Theophrastus (died in 288/7 or 287/6) left and bequeathed his as well as Aristotle's writings to Neleus of Scepsis (2). Neleus (or his heirs) subsequently sold parts of this collection of writings to Pto lemy Philadelphus, the successor to Ptolemy Soter (3). All this would indicate that in the course of the third century B. C, Alexandria had become one of the great centers of Aristotelian or Peripatetic scholarship, a fact which enabled Hermippus to draw much reliable information concerning the life and works of Aristotle from the accumulated materials. This somewhat idealistic picture, however, was badly shattered by I. During, who on the strength of his detailed and searching studies came to the well-founded conclusion that Hermippus' reports were uncritical accounts heavily slanted in favor of Aristotle (4). In keeping with the general literary tendency of the times primarily to entertain and amuse his readers, Hermippus, according to During, concocted a strange mlange of fact and fiction, history and anecdote, truth and gossip, praise and slander. Hence, Hermippus' biography contains many items which are correct or almost correct. But it is also replete with fanciful stories wholly devoid of all foundation in fact. His most important contribution to the biographical tradition about Aristotle was probably his effort to make Aristotle out to be the true and sole founder of the whole Peripatetic School. Among the many fanciful stories he invented, probably the most conspicuous was the legend, subsequently widely accepted, that Aristotle seceded from the Academy and from Plato's basic teachings while Plato was still (1) Strato probably went to Egypt because he was an alien, Demetrius because of political difficulties. (2) See A.-H. Chroust, The Miraculous Disappearance and Recovery of the Corpus Arisiotelicum , Classica et Mediaevalia, vol. 23 (1963), pp. 50-67. (3) Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae I. 3AB. See here also I. During, Notes on the History of the Transmission of Aristotle's Writings, Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, vol. 56 (1950), pp. 59-60. (4) I. During, Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition, Acta Univers itatis Gothoburgensis, vol. 68 (1957), pp. 464-467.

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alive (1), a story intended to demonstrate the original genius of Aristotle which developed in complete independence from Plato. According to I. Diiring's conjectural sketch of the likely content of Hermippus' biography of Aristotle, the latter probably contained the following bits of information : descent and family of Aristotle (Diog. Laert. V. 1) ; Aristotle was the most genuine disciple of Plato (ibid.) ; Aristotle's personal appearance (ibid.) (2) ; Aris totle had a son (Nicomachus) by his concubine Herpyllis (ibid.) (3) ; Aristotle seceded from the Academy during Plato's lifetime (Diog. Laert. V. 2) (4) ; the metaphor about Aristotle's spurning Plato as colts kick their mother who bore them (ibid.) ; on the whole Aristotle was ungrateful towards Plato (5) ; after Plato's death Speusippus became the new scholarch of the Academy, and when Speusippus died during Aristotle's absence in Macedonia as Athe nian envoy to King Philip, Xenocrates was elected scholarch (ibid.) ; on his return from Macedonia and with Xenocrates as the new head Aristotle founded his own school in the Lyceum (ibid.) ; Aristotle's rivalry with Isocrates and the beginning of Aristotle's course of lectures on rhetoric (Diog. Laert. V. 3) (6) ; Aristotle's departure to join Hermias in Atarneus (ibid.) ; Aristotle's friendship (1) Hermippus, it seems, made use of a story, probably invented by the frequently slanderous Aristoxenus of Tarentum, that during Plato's sojourn in Syracuse in 361/60 a few young members of the Academy, in a spirit of antagonism to Plato, started a rival school. Later authors apparently identified these rebellious young men with Aristotle a substitution which seems to have suited Hermippus and his plan to depict the young Aristotle as an independent philosopher and founder of an independent school of thought . When Speusippus died in 339/8, Aristotle should have been made the scholarch of the Academy instead of Xenocrates, but at that time he was at the court of Philip on a diplomatic mission. And when he returned from Macedonia in 335, he established his own school in competition with the Academy. These are, in brief, Hermippus' main contributions to the biographical tradition about Aristotle. See I. During, loc. cit. (2) See also Vita Hesychii 1 ; Plutarch, De Adulaiore et Amico 9 ; Plutarch, De Audiendis Poelis 8. (3) See also Aristocles, in : Eusebius, Praeparalio Evangelica XV. 2 ; Suda, article Nicomachus; Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae XIII. 589 C. (4) See also Aelian, Varia Hisloria IV. 9. (5) Aelian, loc. cit. ; Eusebius, loc. cit. (Aristoxenus, Aristocles) ; Aelius Aristides, Oratio II, p. 249 ; Origen, Contra Celsum II, p. 397. (6) See also Cicero, De Oratore III. 35. 141 ; Cicero, Tuscul. Disput. I. 4. 7; Quintilian, Institutio Oratorio III. 1. See also Gellius, Attic Nights XX. 5 ; Syrianus, Scholia ad Hermogenem IV. 297 (edit. Walz).

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with Hermias (ibid.) ; Aristotle's stay in Assos (1) ; the death of Hermias (Diog. Laert. V. 6) and Callisthenes' encomium on Hermias (2) ; the Hymn to Hermias (Diog. Laert. V. 7) (3) ; Aristotle's epigram on Hermias (Diog. Laert. V. 6) (4) ; at the request of King Philip Aristotle went to Macedonia to become the tutor of Alexander (Diog. Laert. V. 4) ; he asked Philip to rebuild Stagira (ibid.) (5) ; he devised a code of laws for the restored city (ibid.) (6) ; Aristotle returned to Athens leaving behind his nephew Callisthenes as his successor in the tutorship (Diog. Laert. V. 4-5) (7) ; he stayed in Athens for twelve years as the head of his school (Diog. Laert. V. 5) ; indicted by Eurymedon for impiety, Aris totle fled to Chalcis (ibid.) ; some bitter remarks of Aristotle on the occasion of his flight (8) ; the several stories about the cause of Aristotle's death (Diog. Laert. V. 5-6) (9) ; he was 63 years old at the time of his death, and 17 years old when he joined the Academy (Diog. Laert. V. 9-10) ; the story that he selected his own successor (10) ; Theocritus' of Chios epigram on Aristotle (Diog. (1) See also Areius Didymus, In Demoslhenis Oraliones Commenlaria (edit. H. Diels and W. Schubert, 1904), vol. I, p. , 21 ff., and ibid, at vol. I, p. 5, 51 ff. ; Philodemus, Aeademicorum Philosophorum Index Herculanensis (edit. S. Mekler, 1902), p. 22, col. V. (2) See also Areius Didymus, op. cit. at I, p. 5, 64 fi\, and ibid, at I, p. 6, 50 ff. (3) See also Areius Didymus, op. cit. at I, p. 6, 18. (4) See also Areius Didymus, op. cit. at I, p. 6, 36. (5) See also Diodorus Siculus XVI. 52. 9 ; Valerius Maximus V. 6. 5 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat. VII. 109 ; Plutarch, Ne Suaviler Ouidem Vivi Posse Secundum Epicurum 15 (1097 B) ; Dio Chrysostom, Oratio II. 29, and Oralio XLVII. 8 (frag. 657 Rose) ; Aelian, Varia Historia XII. 54, and ibid, at III. 17. (6) Plutarch, Adversus Coloten 32 (1126 C). (7) See also Diogenes Laertius V. 10 ; Plutarch, Alexander 53 ff., and ibid. at 55 ; Arrian, Anabasis IV. 9. 10 ; Valerius Maximus VII. 2. 11 ; Themistius, Oratio X, p. 155, 6 (edit. Dindorf), and ibid, at p. 112, 12; Suda, article Callislhenes. (8) See Philochorus, in : Vila Marciana 9-12 (Frag. Graec. Hisior. 328 F. 223, Jacoby) ; Aelian, Varia Hisloria III. 36 ; Origen, Conlra Celsum I. 380 (MigneXI, p. 781 B) ; Elias (olim David), Commenlaria in Porphyrii Isagogen el in Aristotelis Categorias (edit. A. Busse, 1900), in : Commenlaria in Arislolelem Graeca, vol. XVIII, part 1, p. 123, 15; Eustathius, In Odyss. H. 120-121; Seneca, Dialogus VIII. 8, 1. (9) See also Strabo X. 1. 11 ; Gellius, Attic Nights XVII. 21. 25, and ibid. at XVII. 21. 34 ; XIII. 5 ; Justin Martyr, Cohorlalio ad Graecos 34 ; Gregory of Nazianzus, Oralio IV. 72 ; Procopius VIII. 6. 20 ; Censorinus, De Die Natali 14. (10) Gellius, Attic Nights, XIII. 5.

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Laert. V. 11) (1) ; Timon's epigram on Aristotle (ibid.) ; Aristotle's testament (Diog\ Laert. V. 11-16) (2) ; some anecdotes about Aristotle credited to Lycon (Diog. Laert. 16) (3); the list of Aristotle's writings (Diog. Laert. V. 22-27) ; and possibly some of the sayings ascribed to Aristotle by Diogenes Laertius (V. 17-21) and others. It will be noted that Hermippus cites as his authorities Eumelus, Bryon (Bryson?) from whom he quotes Theocritus of Chios, Timaeus, Timotheus, Lycon, and Timon. But we have no assurance whatever that he cites all of the sources from which he derived his information, or even his main source (4) ; or that he cites them correctly. In complete opposition to the general views held by a vast majority of scholars, P. Moraux vigorously advanced the farreaching thesis that a Vila Aristotelis by Ariston of Ceos, the scholarch of the Peripatus towards the end of the third century B. C, rather than the biography of Hermippus, constitutes the main source of information relied on by Diogenes Laertius (5). Moraux observed that in his biographical remarks about Strato of Lampsacus, Diogenes Laertius expressly mentions Ariston of Ceos as his authority (6). As a matter of fact, Ariston is quoted here as the (1) See also Areius Didymus, op. cil. at I, p. 6, 43 f. ; . Diehl, Anlhologia Lyrica Graeca, vol. I (2nd edit), p. 127 (Theocritus of Chios) ; Plutarch, De Exilio 10 (603 C). (2) See also Athenaeus, Deipnosophislae XII. 589 C. (3) See also Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica XV. 14 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. XXXV. 162; Theoderetus, Graecorum Affeclionum Curatio VIII. 34, and ibid. at XII. 50-51. (4) See I. During, op. cit. supra note 4 (on p. 53), at p. 466. The remainder of Diogenes Laertius' Vila, that is, V. 28-35, which contains a brief and rather superficial account of Aristotle's philosophy, in all likelihood is not by Hermippus. O. Gigon, op. cit. supra note 2, (on p. 51), subjects the Vita Aristotelis of Diogenes Laertius and its reliance on Hermippus to a searching analysis. At the same time he occasionally disagrees with some of the findings of I. During and, in all probability, will also disagree with some of the stat ements found in this paper. (5) P. Moraux, Les Listes Anciennes des Ouvrages d'Aristote (1951), pp. 243247, et passim. See also the criticism of Moraux's theses by G. Berbecke, Les Listes Anciennes des Ouvrages d'Aristote , Revue Philosophique de Louvain, vol. 50 (1952), pp. 90-112. For a summary (and criticism) of Moraux, see I. During, Ariston or Hermippus?, Classica et Mediaevalia, vol. 17 (1956), pp. 11-21. (6) Diogenes Laertius V. 64.

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source from which Diogenes Laertius derives his information about the last will and testament of Strato of Lampsacus. Moraux also insisted (1) that Ariston of Ceos not only wrote a History of the Peripatetic School (2), but also that he transmitted, perhaps in the form of a Collection , the testaments of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Strato of Lampsacus, and Lycon (3). In the opinion of Moraux, these four testaments were not handed down separately, but were part of a major History of the Peripatetic School (or, History of the Peripatetic Scholarchs ) which contained a great deal of biographical materials concerning the members or scholarchs of the School, as well as lists or catalogues of their writings (4). The fact that Diogenes Laertius' account of the Peripatetic school ends with Lycon, according to Moraux, is a definite indication that the Alexandrian biographies, on which Diogenes Laertius relies, are under the spell of the History of the Peripatetic School by Ariston of Ceos, the successor of Lycon in the scholarchate (in 226/5 B. C). And we know that Ariston wrote an account of his prede cessors (5). The theses advanced by P. Moraux were seriously challenged by I. During (6), who re-affirmed the traditional view that Hermippus constitutes Diogenes Laertius' prime source of info rmation concerning the life and writings of Aristotle. During made the following arguments in favor of Hermippus : 1) A number of ancient authors credit Hermippus with having composed a bi ography of Aristotle in several books (7). 2) Hermippus authored the catalogue of Theophrastus' writings (probably in his Life of

(1) P. Moraux, op. cit. at p. 244. (2) Indeed, we actually possess five minor fragments of Ariston's biography (or, biographies) of his predecessors in the scholarchate. (3) See Diogenes Laertius V. 1 1-16, and ibid, at V. 51-57 ; V. 61-64 ; V. 69-74. Ibid, at V. 64, Diogenes Laertius actually speaks of a Collection () by Ariston of Ceos. (4) See also K. Praechter, Die Philosophie des Allertums, in : UeberwegHeinze, Grundriss der Geschichle der Philosophie, vol. I (12th edit., 1926), p. 485. (5) Ariston of Ceos is also credited with having written a general history of the several philosophical schools in antiquity. (6) See note 5, (on p. 56), supra. (7) See, for instance, Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae XII. 589 C, and ibid. at XIV. 696 F.

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Theophrastus ) (1). 3) There exist some ancient references to the differences that exist between Hermippus' catalogue of Aristo telian writings and the catalogue of Andronicus of Rhodes (2). This in itself would indicate that already in antiquity there existed at least two major catalogues, namely, that of Hermippus and a later catalogue, that of Andronicus. But During conceded that it is impossible fully to ascertain whether Hermippus is the original author of Diogenes Laertius' list of Aristotelian compositions. 4) The stichometric method the method of reporting the sum total of lines published by an author (3) is definitely a method that must be traced back to the Alexandrian library (and Her mippus, though not Ariston ofCeos, was a librarian at Alexandria) (4). Since Diogenes Laertius uses this method in his accounts of Aristotle and Theophrastus (as well as of Speusippus and Xenocrates), his source must have been Hermippus rather than Ariston of Geos who probably never employed this particular method of stating the total literary output of an author. I. During admitted, however, that it is impossible to ascertain with absolute certainty whether Hermippus was in fact the original source of information used by Diogenes Laertius or, to be more exact, the source from which the latter derived his catalogue of Aristotelian writings and. for that matter, some of his biogra phical data about Aristotle. Since Hermippus was practically a contemporary of Ariston of Ceos, and since Hermippus' biogra phical work in all likelihood was composed around the year 200 B. C., it is not impossible, During conjectured, that Hermippus made use of Ariston's biographies of the Peripatetic scholarchs from Aristotle to Lycon, of Ariston's Collection of their last wills and

(1) See here H. Usener, Analecla Theophraslea, in : Kleine Schriften, vol. I (1910), pp. 50 ff. That Hermippus was interested in compiling lists of the works of famous authors, in the opinion of I. During (op. cit. at p. 18), is confirmed by Diogenes Laertius VIII. 85, and ibid, at VIII. 88. (2) See H. Usener, op. cit. I, p. 69. See also Plutarch, Sutla 26. (3) See, for instance, Diogenes Laertius V. 27 (Aristotle), and ibid, at V. 50 (Theophrastus). See also ibid, at IV. 5 (Speusippus) ; IV. 14 (Xenocrates). (4) P. Moraux, op. cil. at pp. 242-243, insisted, however, that the sticho metric method antedates the Alexandrian library. I. During (op. cit. at p. 19), with equal determination, maintained that this method was first used in the Alexandrian library and, perhaps, even invented there.

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testaments (1), and of some of the anecdotes preserved by Ariston (2). But the bulk of Hermippus' (and, hence, Diogenes Laertius') information about Aristotle and his writings, in all likelihood, is based on materials that go back to the days of the Early Peripatus and, perhaps, to the times of Theophrastus himself (3). These materials, it must be assumed, gradually were collected in the Alexandrian library. By common consensus the extant Vita Ilesychii must be conside red an abridged version of a more detailed biography which or iginally might have constituted a part of Hesychius' Onomalologon. Although it is extremely difficult to reconstruct with any degree of definiteness the sources used by Hesychius for his Vila a difficulty which is multiplied many times by the fact that we possess only an abridgement it is possible to establish some likely connections between the Vila Ilesychii and other extant Vitae. Thus it seems that Hesychius draws upon Hermippus (possibly through the intermediary of Diogenes Laertius) ; on Diogenes Laertius (4) ; on some Neo-Platonic Vitae Arislotelis (including, perhaps, the Vita Arislotelis of Ptolemy) (5) or some other Neo-Platonic materials ; perhaps on Theocritus of Chios (6) ; onTimaeus (probably through Hermippus via Diogenes Laertius) (7) ; perhaps on Apollodorus' Chronica for his chronology ; and probably on Eumelus as he is quoted in Diogenes Laertius (8). Hesychius' catalogue of Aristotle's writings has been discussed and analyzed in great detail by P. Moraux (9). The first 139 titles seem to follow (1) See here also I. During, Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition (1957), pp. 464 ff. (2) During doubted, however, whether Ariston's biographies included detailed catalogues. These catalogues, During surmised, probably were compiled by Hermippus. See I. During, Ariston or Hermippus ? , op. cit., vol. 17, p. 20. (3) Ibid, at p. 20. (4) Hesychius 1, for instance, sounds very much like Diogenes Laertius V. 1. And Diogenes Laertius' biography of Aristotle, as has been shown, to a large extent relies on Hermippus. (5) Or, perhaps, on some of the sources used by Ptolemy. (6) Hesychius 2 and Diogenes Laertius V. 3 indicate that both used a source unfavorable to Aristotle. This particular source might have been Theocritus of Chios or, perhaps, Demetrius of Magnesia. See Diogenes Laertius V. 3. (7) Compare Hesychius 4 and Diogenes Laertius V. 1, where Timaeus is cited. (8) Compare Hesychius 6 and Diogenes Laertius 6, where Eumelus is cited. (9) P. Moraux, op. cit. supra note 5, (on p. 56), at pp. 195-288, especially at pp. 195-209.

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fairly closely the list of Hermippus as it is preserved by Diogenes Laertius. The remainder of Hesychius' catalogue is probably a compilation from a variety of sources that can no longer be identified accurately. It appears, however, that Hesychius did consult the list of Aristotelian writings compiled by Andronicus of Rhodes. With the sole exception of Diogenes Laertius' and Hesychius' reports, all other extant biographies of Aristotle, whether Greek, Latin, Syriac or Arabic, by common consensus go back exclusively to a Vita Aristotelis of Ptolemy. But we possess no reliable info rmation about this Ptolemy, who has been identified by many with Ptolemy Chennos, and whom the Arabic authors called Ptolemy-elGarib, that is, Ptolemy the Stranger (1). Until quite recently this Ptolemy has also been called a member of the Alexandrian School of Aristotelians or of the Peripatus of the Early Roman Empire (2). This view, which was advanced by W. Christ and others, has been vigorously attacked by P. Moraux, who flatly denied that Ptolemy Ghennos and Ptolemy-el-Garib, the author of the Vita Aristotelis, are one and the same person (3). I. During likewise objected to this identification, insisting that the Vita Aristotelis of our Ptolemy in essence is a glorification of Aristotle and as such undoubtedly Neo-Platonic in tendency and character (4), (1) Since the days of W. Christ (see Christ-Schmid, Geschichle der Griechischen Literalur, vol. I (6th edit., 1912), p. 723, note 4), this Ptolemy has been identified with Ptolemy Chennos who lived and wrote during the latter part of the first and early part of the second century A. D. His surname Chennos probably came to be confused with the Greek word (stranger). Hence the Arabic el-Garib which means the Stranger . See here, in general, A. Chatzis, Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos part I, Studien zur Geschichte und Kullur des Alterlums, vol. VII, Heft 2 (1914), pp. ix ff. See also E. Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen, vol. IT, part 2 (3rd edit., 1879), p. 54, note 2. For additional literature on this problem, see P. Moraux, op. cit. supra note 5, (on p. 56), at pp. 292-293, notes 15-22; for additional information about Ptolemy Chennos, see Suda, article Plolemy, and article Epaphroditos. This Ptolemy, it seems, was born in Alexandria after 160 A.D., where he received his edu cation ; he spent some time in Rome ; and he authored a mystery play entitled The Sphinx, an Epop consisting of twenty-four rhapsodies, an Anti-Homer, a History of Unusual Events, and a Strange () History which was much used by Eustathius and Tzetzes, and of which Photius has preserved a lengthy extract in his Bibliotheca. (2) See K. Praechter, op. cit. supra note 4, (on p. 57), at p. 561. (3) P. Moraux, op. cit. supra note 5 (on p. 56), at pp. 292-294. (4) I. During, op. cit. supra note 1 (on p. 59), at p. 210.

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as might be gathered from the works of Porphyry, Iamblichus and the majority of the Neo-Platonic commentators. Our Ptolemy, During continued, must have been a member of Porphyry's (232/3c. 310 A. D.) or Iamblichus' (a pupil of Porphyry) School of NeoPlatonists (1). In brief, During maintained that we should discard the traditional but unfounded identification of our Ptolemy with Ptolemy Ghennos ; that Ptolemy's Vila Aristotelis clearly indicates that its author was a Neo-Platonist ; and that this Ptolemy wrote his Vita during the first half of the fourth century A. D. (2). Dissenting to some extent from the views held by P. Moraux (3), I. During also maintained (4) that of the Neo-Platonic Vita Aristot elis composed by Ptolemy there exist three Neo-Platonic abridge ments, all of the fifth century A. D. or there-abouts, namely, the Vita Marciana, the Vita Vulgata, and the Vita Latina (5). The two Syriac Vitae (6), which likewise are abridgements of the Vita of Ptolemy, belong to approximately the same period. The four Arabic Vitae (7) also go back to a translation of an abridgement of Ptolemy's biography (8). Hence, all these nine Vilae have a single common source : Ptolemy's Vita or, to be more exact, an abridge ment or epitome of Ptolemy's Vita. This is eloquently brought out by the fact that the materials contained in the nine derivative Vitae on the whole are fairly uniform in their general tenor, although on occasion they manifest some differences of detail. The main characteristics, tendencies and peculiarities of Ptolemy's Vita, as they are reflected in its nine derivatives , may be seen in its boundless exaltation of Aristotle a typical NeoPlatonic feature. According to Ptolemy, Aristotle was held in (1) V. Rose, De Aristolelis Librorum Ordine et Aucloritale Commentatio (1854), p. 45, already had identified our Ptolemy with a Neo-Platonist of the same name mentioned by Iamblichus, Proclus and Priscinus. (2) See also I. During, op. cit. supra note 1 (on p. 59), at p. 475. The surname, el-Garib, according to During, means nothing more than the Unknown . It was given to our Ptolemy in order to distinguish him from Ptolemy, the author of the Almagest. Ibid, at pp. 208 ff., and p. 475. (3) P. Moraux, op. cit. supra note 5 (on p. 56), at pp. 289 ff. (4) I. During, op. cit. supra note 1 (on p. 59), at pp. 469 ff. (5) See notes 5, 6 and 8 (on p. 51), supra, and the corresponding text. (6) See notes 9 (on p. 51) and 1 (on p. 52), supra, and the corresponding text. (7) See notes 2, 3, 4 and 5 (on p. 52), supra, and the corresponding text. (8) This translation, which dates back to the end of the ninth century A. D., was probably the work of Ihaq ibn Hunayn.

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highest esteem by all people with whom he came in contact, be they kings, conquerors, scholars or plain common folk. In contrast with other biographers, Ptolemy also makes ample use of Aristotle's letters (1), probably relies on Hermippus' chronology of Aristotle's life, and in all likelihood derives some of his detailed information from the self-same Hermippus (2) as well as from a number of other biographers, historians or authors who can no longer be identified. On the whole he manifests an unquestionable ability of carrying on extensive scholarly investigations. Whenever he refutes stories about Aristotle that might be damaging to the latter's reputation, he displays a certain critical acumen. But his uncritical admiration for Aristotle in itself detracts much from his reliability as a reporter, although it appears that on the whole his Vita is based on an adequate knowledge of the biographical materials that were avai lable around the year 400 A. D. In the opinion of the present author, I. During (3) has made a most successful attempt to piece together, in form of a collection of materials culled from the nine Vitae Arislolelis which ultimately are based on Ptolemy, the likely content of Ptolemy's original Vila Arislolelis (4). This Vita probably began with Aristotle's name and, possibly, with the etymology of his name (5), his family and (1) Ptolemy probably relied on the Collection of Letters by Artemon as well as on a later Collection by Andronicus of Rhodes. (2) From Hermippus, for instance, Ptolemy probably derived the story that because Aristotle was on a diplomatic mission to King Philip of Macedonia and, hence, absent from Athens, he was not elected scholarch of the Academy after the death of Plato in 348/7. (3) I. During, op. cit. supra note 1 (on p. 59), at pp. 472-474. (4) According to Elias, Ptolemy wrote about Aristotle's list of writings, life and last will and testament . Elias (olim David), Commentaria in Porphyrii Isagogen et in Arislolelis Categorias (edit. A. Busse, 1900), in : Commenlaria in Aristotelem Graeca, vol. XVIII, part 1, p. 107, 11. See also Vita Arabica I (an-Nadim) 19, subsequently cited as I VA 19 : Ptolemy-el-Garib... is the author of a book ' On the Life of Aristotle, His Death, and the Classification of His Writings '. Similarly Vita Arabica III (Al-Qifti), subsequently quoted as III VA ; and Vita Arabica IV (Usaibia), subsequently quoted as IV VA. Combining all available information we might conjecture that the original title of Ptolemy's work was something like On the Life of Aristotle, His Last Will and Testament, and a List of His Writings . (5) The etymology of Aristotle's name (I VA 1 ; II VA 1 ; III VA), and the epigram (Vita Marciana 1, subsequently cited as VM 1 ; Vita Vulgata 1, subsequently quoted as VV 1 ; and Vita Latina 1, subsequently quoted as VL 1), cannot be found in Diogenes Laertius and, in all probability, was not a part of Hermippus' Vita.

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descent, his birth place, and his date of birth (1). In his early youth he received a liberal and well-rounded education (2). After the death of his father, Aristotle was sent to Plato by his uncle and guardian Proxenus of Atarneus (3), presumably on the advice of the Delphic Oracle (4). He was then seventeen years of age (5).

(1) With some very minor exceptions all the Vitae agree on this. (2) VM 4; VV 3; VL 4. II VA 3-4 contains an elaborate account of Aristotle's early youth which probably goes back to Ptolemy : (3) When he [scil., Aristotle] was eight years of age he was sent by his father to the country of Athens... and there the boy stayed at the Lyceum. His father handed him over to a school of poets, orators and school-masters, and he stayed there for nine years. (4) This branch of learning, namely, the knowledge of language, was called 'the all-embracing [education]' by the Greeks... . This elaboration on Aristotle's earliest education probably goes back to Ptolemy's somewhat exaggerated efforts to counteract some stories, unfavorable to Aristotle, that before he met up with Plato he was a boorish and uneducated barbarian. See. for instance, Epicurus, frag. 171, Usener. The remark found in VM 2, thai from his father, and in keeping with family tradition, he [scil., Aristotle] inherited an inclination towards the natural sciences and towards medicine , might imply that, in keeping with an old family tradition (Aristotle's mother was a descendant of Asclepius), young Aristotle was initiated into the science of medicine. E. Barker, The Politics of Aristotle (1946), p. xi, for instance, suggests that young Aristotle studied anatomy, and J. Aubonnet, Introduction Aristote, vol. I (1960), p. ix, believes that in his early youth Aristotle studied the works of Hippocrates. (3) VM 3 ; VV 2 ; VL 3 ; IV VA 3. Usaibia, in IV VA 3, states that some maintain that he [scil., Aristotle] was entrusted to Plato [by Proxenus]... because Proxenus and Plato were personal friends . (4) VM 5 ; VV 4 ; VL 5 ; Vita Syriaca I 4 (subsequently quoted as I VS 4) ; I VA 4 ; IV VA 3. II VA 3 relates that Aristotle was brought to Athens at the age of eight. See note 2, supra. At the same time al-Mubashir, II VA 9, emphasizes that he joined Plato only at the age of eighteen. (5) VM 5 ; VV 4 ; VL ; II VS 2 {Vila Syriaca II 2) ; II VA 11. The statement in VM 11 that Aristotle was approaching forty when he entered the Academy is probably based on a scribal error. Diogenes Laertius V. 6, who attributes this story to Eumelus, reports that at the time he entered the Academy Aristotle was thirty years old. VL 11, which completely garbles its sources, states that Aristotle was with Plato forty years. I VS 6 points out that it is not true what is said about him [scil., Aristotle], namely, that he did not turn to philosophy until he was thirty years old, and after having practiced medicine . See also I VA 6 : He [scil., Aristotle] began his study of philosophy at the age of forty. IV VA 12 : ... those who maintain that he [scil., Aristotle] did not devote himself to the study of philosophy until he had reached the age of thirty, and that up to that time he tried his hand at governing cities, are wrong. These stories, unfavorable to Aristotle, probably had already been refuted by Ptolemy, as might be gathered from VM 9-12, and VL 8.

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He joined the Academy while Eudoxus was (the acting) scholarch (1) and he stayed in the Academy for twenty years (2). During all this time he was on excellent terms with Plato who admiringly referred to him as the great reader and the brain () (3). Because he made such a favorable impression on Plato, the latter instructed him personally, not wishing him to be taught by others (4). When Plato departed on his third journey to Syracuse (361), he made Aristotle (acting) scholarch of the Academy during his absence (5). Then probably followed a description of Aristotle's personal appearance (6). There were some ill-informed people who maligned Aristotle and invented untrue stories about his unpleasant relations with Plato (7). On the contrary, Aristotle was a life-long friend and admirer of Plato, as evidenced not only by the fact that he dedicated

(1) VM 11 ; VL 11. This bit of information, not to be found in the other Vilae, might go back to Philochorus. At that time (367-365) Plato was in Syracuse. (2) Found in all Vilae. (3) VM 6-7 ; VV 5 ; VL 7 ; I VS 5 ; II VA 11-12 ; III VA ; IV VA 29. In II VA 38 we are told that Aristotle was a persistent reader of books . Some of the stories which make Aristotle's attitude towards Plato appear in an unfavorable light, are expressly (or by implication) refuted : VM 25 ; VV 6 ; VL 25 ; I VA 5 ; II VA 10, and ibid, at 13 ; IV VA 4. See also II VS 2. Some doctrinal disagreements between Plato and Aristotle are likewise explained in a manner favorable to Aristotle. VM 28-30 ; VV 7-10 ; VL 26-29 ; II VA 37. For some other unfavorable stories, see Aelian, Varia Historia III. 19, and ibid, at IV. 9, as well as the stories that go back to Aristoxenus and Epicurus. (4) II VA 10. II VS 2 reports that Aristotle studied under Plato's (personal) guidance. (5) I VA 5 ; II VA 13 ; IV VA 4. See also II VS 5, where this story is some what garbled. All these biographies apparently confound the second (366365) and the third (361-360) Sicilian journey of Plato. -According to Suda, Heracleides of Pontus was acting scholarch during Plato's third journey to Syracuse. During his second journey, that is, at the time Aristotle entered the Academy, Eudoxus was scholarch. (6) II VA 38 ; III VA ; IV VA 36. According to al-Mubashir (II VA 38), Aristotle was fair, a little bald, of a well-proportioned figure, and very bony. He had small blue eyes, an aquiline nose, a thick beard, a small mouth and a broad chest. Usaibia (IV VA 36) differs from al-Mubashir only in one respect when he claims that Aristotle had a sparse beard . VM 31 likewise points out that Aristotle had a well-proportioned figure . See also VV 24. (7) The ultimate source of some of these unfavorable stories is probably Aristoxenus and Aristeides. VM 25 ; VL 25. See also note 1 (on p. 54), supra.

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and inscribed an altar in honored memory of Plato (1), but also by his letters in which he boasted having been a disciple of the kingly Plato (2). After Plato's death Speusippus was elected Plato's successor as the new scholarch of the Academy because at the time Aristotle was in Macedonia (on a diplomatic mission) (3). Shortly after the death of Plato Aristotle went to Hermias of Atarneus (4). King Philip of Macedonia then called him to Pella and made him the tutor of Alexander (5). When Alexander became king, according to the Arabic Vitae, Aristotle returned to Athens (6), leaving Callisthenes with Alexander (7). According to the Greek Vitae, he accompanied Alexander to Persia (8). But per turbed by unfavorable omens he tried to dissuade Alexander from undertaking the Persian expedition (9). He returned to Athens (1) VM 26 ; VV 11 ; VL 30. See also Olympiodorus, Scholia in Plalonis Gorgiam (edit. W. Norwin, 1913), pp. 192-197, especially at p. 197. Olympio dorus reproduces here Aristotle's elegy on Plato which contains the famous line calling Plato the man who alone or first among mortal men revealed it clearly for everyone to see that man becomes happy if he becomes good . An echo of this elegy can still be discovered in VM 26, VL 30, and perhaps VV 11. It is not unlikely that Olympiodorus quoted this elegy as he found it in Ptolemy's Vita Arisloielis. VM 26, VV 11, and VL 30 are probably based on a badly garbled summary of Ptolemy's Vita which mutilated and, perhaps, misunderstood this elegy. (2) VM 27. See here also M. Plezia, Arislalelis Epistolarum Fragmenta (1961), pp. 100 ff. (3) VM 13-14; VV 13-14; VL 13-11. II VS 4 reports that when Plato died, Speusippus, since he was his nephew, became scholarch. He sent a message [to Aristotle in Macedonia] requesting him to return and take charge of Plato's school . (4) II VA 17 ; IV VA . These two sources would indicate that Ptolemy mentions (briefly ?) Aristotle's sojourn with Hermias. Although this Hermias episode on the whole casts an unfavorable light on Aristotle, Ptolemy, despite his studied efforts to turn his Vita Arisloielis into an encomium of Aristotle, could not possibly suppress it entirely. The Hermias episode cannot be found in VM, VV, or VL. (5) VM 14 ; VV 14 ; VL 14 ; II VA 18 ; III VA ; IV VA 6. (6) I VA 10 ; II VA 19, and ibid, at 24 ; IV VA 6, and ibid, at 23. AnNadim (I VA 10) expressly mentions Ptolemy as his source. (7) II VA 19 ; IV VA 6. This bit of information might go back to Hermippus. See Diogenes Laertius V. 4. We know that Callisthenes, the nephew of Aristotle, accompanied Alexander on his Persian expedition. He was unjustly accused of having been involved in a conspiracy against Alexander and put to death in 327 B. C. (8) VM 23 ; VV 23 ; VL 23. The abridgement used by the Greek Vitae might have confounded here Aristotle and Callisthenes. (9) VM 23. This story might be an invention by Ptolemy. REG, LXXVII, 1964/1, n 364-365. 3

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either after the conclusion of the Persian War (1), or after the death of Alexander (2). After his return to Athens, Xenocrates and Aristotle succeeded Speusippus in the Academy and in the Lyceum (3) ; or, according to the Arabic Vitae, Aristotle founded the Lyceum (4). After the death of Alexander and during the ensuing revolt at Athens, Aristotle was indicted for impiety by the hierophant Eurymedon and expelled (or voluntarily withdrew) from Athens (5). Not wishing to share the fate of Socrates (6), and remarking that it is difficult to be a stranger in Athens (7), he fled to Ghalcis

(1) VM 23 ; VV 23 ; VL 23. (2) VM 23 ; VL 23. This information might be based on a misunderstan ding : Alexander died in 323 B. C, Aristotle in 322. Perhaps the abridgement used by the Greek Viiae confounds the death of Philip with that of Alexander. (3) VM 24 ; VV 18 ; VL 24. This tradition implies that at one time the Academy and the Lyceum were joined under one scholarch, and that after the death of Speusippus they became separated, Xenocrates taking over the Academy, Aristotle the Lyceum. See here also Philochorus, frag. 224, in : F. Jacoby, Frag. Graec. Histor. part III, vol. 2 (1954), p. 484. (4) II VS 5 ; I VA 11 ; II VA 14, and ibid, at 25 ; IV VA 4, and ibid, at 6 and 23. The same sources, to which II VA 14 should be added, also contain an explanation of the term Peripatetic . See also Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis I. 14 ; Diogenes Laertius V. 2 (Hermippus ?). It is not impossible that the story of Aristotle's founding of the Lyceum goes back to Hermippus. Prior to Clement of Alexandria, Aristotle was referred to only as the founder of the Peripatetic School , and only after the death of Theophrastus were the members of this School called Peripatetics . (5) VM 41 ; VV 19 ; VL 43 ; II VA 20-21 ; IV VA 7-9. Apparently three charges were brought against Aristotle : Heretical views (Origen, Contra Celsum I. 380) ; cult of Hermias (Diogenes Laertius V. 4, and ibid, at 6) ; and treasonable dealings with Antipater, a charge trumped up by the antiMacedonian party in Athens. The hierophant Eurymedon is also mentioned in Diogenes Laertius V. 5, who, on the authority of Favorinus, also names Demophilus as the prosecutor of Aristotle. Ibid. The reports of al-Mubashir (II VA 20) and Usaibia (IV VA 7) sound very much like the indictment of Socrates. Usaibia also states that Aristotle speaks of this incident in his letter to Antipater . See also VM 42 and VL 44. Aristotle's inscription for Hermias' statue at Delphi is cited in Diogenes Laertius V. 6. (6) VV 19 ; II VS 3 ; II VA 21 ; IV VA 8. (7) VM 42. See also VM 41 ; VV 18-20 ; VL 44. VL does not mention the fact that Aristotle was a foreigner . IV VA 10 denies that Aristotle wrote a rebuttal of Eurymedon's charges. Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae XV. 697 AB ; Diogenes Laertius V. 9 (Favorinus) ; and Origen, Contra Celsum I. 380, on the other hand, mention an apology of Aristotle, although Athenaeus adds the remark, provided this Apology is not a forgery .

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(on the Island of Euboea) (1). There he died (2), and his remains were brought to Stagira (3), where a (meeting) place was named after him (Aristoteleion) (4). This was followed by Aristotle's last will and testament (5) ; a reference to his children (6) ; and an enumeration of his disciples (7). He was a benefactor and friend of individuals (8) ; of

(1) VM 41 ; VV 19 ; VL 43 ; II VA 21-22 ; IV VA 7-9. Al-Mubashir and Usaibia apparently confound Chalcis and Chalcidice. (2) VM 43 ; VL 46, and ibid, at 19 ; II VS 7 ( watching the ebb and flow of the Euripus ) ; II VA 22-23 ( watching the ebb and flow of the Euripus ) ; IV VA 11. The Arabic sources and II VS 8 make Aristotle 68 years old at the time of his death ; I VA 15, 66 years. See also Justin Martyr, Cohortatio ad Graecos 34 ; Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio IV. 72 ; Procopius, History of the Wars VIII. 6. 20. (3) VM 17-18 ; VL 19 ; I VS 10 ; II VA 29 ; IV VA 13, and ibid, at 30. (4) VM 18 ; VV 17 ; VL 19 ; I VS 10 ; II VA 29-30 ; IV VA 13, and ibid. at 30-31. Al-Mubashir (II VA 30), who is also quoted by Usaibia (IV VA 31), reports : They [scil., the citizens of Stagira] sought comfort at the place of his tomb, and peace and tranquillity where his bones rested. When something in the domain of philosophy or learning seemed to them too difficult, they went to that place and sat down to deliberate. They talked there with one another about the matter, until that which previously was obscure became clear, and until they were certain about that which had been an object of dispute. For they believed that their coming to the place where Aristotle's remains were buried would purify their minds, improve their judgment, and increase their understan ding of things. They went there, too, in order to pay their respect to him after his death, to show their mourning for his departure, and to manifest their grief over the misfortune they had sustained by the loss of the source of wisdom that he had been to them . This report indicates that a visit to Aristotle's last resting place, aside from being an act of homage to the memory of Stagira's benefactor and greatest son, not only gave wisdom to the visitor, but also purified his mind definitely a Neo-Platonic twist. In brief, Aristotle's tomb became a sacred shrine. See also ibid, at 32. (5) VM 43 ; VL 46 ; I VA 17 ; II VA 33-34 ; III VA ; IV VA 34. He also appointed Theophrastus as his successor to the scholarchate. I VA 16 ; II VA 32 ; IV VA 34. VM 43 and VL 46 indicate that the abridgement made use of Andronicus as well as Ptolemy. (6) VM 44 ; VL 47 ; I VS 11 ; II VA 33 ; IV VA 36. (7) VM 44 ; VL 47 ; II VS 6 ; II VA 31 ; III VA ; IV VA 33. (8) VM 15-16, and ibid, at 46 ; VV 15-16 ; VL 15-16 ; I VA 12 ; II VA 26 : [Aristotle... began to devote himself] to supporting the feeble ; to getting maidens married ; to protecting orphans ; to assisting those who were anxious to learn and acquire an education, whoever they might be and whatever schooling they might desire, and to obtaining ' scholarships ' for that purpose ; to collecting alms for the poor... IV VA 24, which practically repeats II VA 26 verbatim. See also III VA.

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cities (I) ; of Athens and the Athenians in particular (2) ; and of the whole of mankind (3). Probably here were inserted some remarks about Aristotle's personal traits and about his character in general (4). After Plato he was the greatest philosopher among the Greeks (5). For his many noble deeds and achievements he was esteemed and honored by King Philip (6) ; by kings and princes in general (7) ; and by cities and communities (8). (1) At Aristotle's request King Philip rebuilt Stagira. VM 17; VV 17; VL 17 ; I VA 13 ; II VA 27 ; IV VA 25. Aristotle devised a code of laws (or, a constitution) for rebuilt Stagira. I VS 7 ; II VA 27 ; IV VA 14. At Aristotle's request Philip spared Eressus. VM 19 ; VV 17 ; VL 18. The story that he persuaded Philip to rebuild Stagira and that he drew up a code of laws for that city, is also told in Diogenes Laertius V. 4, and, hence, might go back to Hermippus. (2) VM 20 ; VL 20 ; IV VA 17, and ibid, at 18. Usaibia (IV VA 18) ment ions that Aristotle had intervened [on behalf of the Athenians] with King Philip, and had succeeded in persuading the King that they should be well treated... . This passage might actually be a summary (and Usaibia's version) of the content of an inscription honoring Aristotle. (3) VM 21 (see also ibid, at 22) ; VL 21 ; I VA 12 ; II VA 25-26 ; IV VA 16, and ibid, at 24. VM 21 and VV 21 specifically cite Aristotle's work On Kingship as one of his significant contributions to the welfare of mankind. VV 22 merely mentions this work. As a matter of fact, throughout these sources the impression is being created that his writings were deathless gifts to mankind. Al-Mubashir (II VA 25) states that he devoted himself to working for the common weal . Similarly VM 15. Usaibia (IV VA 16) maintains that he strove to serve well his fellow men , and that by negotiations he promoted their affairs and proved to be of great service to them . (4) VM 15-16, and ibid, at 31-32 and 46 ; VV 15-16 ; VL 15, and ibid, at 17 and 33-35; I VA 7, and ibid, at 12 ; II VA 26, and ibid, at 28 ; III VA; IV VA 15, and ibid, at 24 and 26. The story, told in I VS 9, that a swarm of bees was found around the urn containing his ashes , implies that he was a most righ teous man. See Porphyry, De Antro Nijmpharum 19, where we are informed that the bee is a symbol of the soul of a righteous man. (5) I VA 7. An-Nadim (I VA 7) in fact states : He [soil., Aristotle] was the most eloquent among the Greeks, and their most eminent writer of learned works, the most distinguished of their philosophers after Plato, and the one who attained the highest reaches of philosophy. See also III VA. Plutarch, Alexander 9 : He sent for Aristotle, the most learned and most celebrated philosopher of his time. (6) VM 15, and ibid, at 46 ; VV 15 ; VL 15, and ibid, at 49. VM 15 and VL 15 also contain the information that Philip erected a statue in Aristotle's honor. A statue erected in honor of Aristotle by Philip (or Alexander) in Stagira is mentioned by Pausanias, Description of Greece VI. 4. 8. (7) VM 23, and ibid, at 49 ; VV 21 ; VL 49 ; I VA 8 ; II VA 28 ; IV VA 15. (8) VM 17-18, and ibid, at 20 ; VV 17 ; VL 17, and ibid, at 19-20 ; I VS 10 ; II VA 29-30; III VA ; IV VA 13, and i6id. at 17-18, 21, and 30-31. For

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The whole report concluded with a list or catalogue of his writings (1), and possibly with a cursory (and probably not too accurate) summary of his philosophic teachings (2). There probably was also a general chronology of Aristotle's life. In the light of the surviving Vitae Aristotelis, which seem to be dependent or, at least, to a large extent dependent on Ptolemy's Vila Aristotelis or on some abridgement of Ptolemy's Vila, this is about all that might safely be said about Ptolemy's original bio graphy. Ours is not a reconstruction or, perhaps, a collection of fragments or quotations in the traditional sense of the term, but at best a kind of tentative and, in all likelihood, disorderly table of probable main contents of Ptolemy's Vila, frequently based on optimistic conjecture lacking precision and ultimate confirmation. Needless to say, such a tentative table of probable contents must limit itself to some fairly vague statements. For at this point we cannot possibly know the exact wording of Ptolemy's Vita or the particular order in which he originally presented his materials. Mediaeval Institute of the University of Notre Dame, Indiana. Anton-Hermann Chroust.

his meritorious deeds the people of Stagira celebrated in his honor an annual festival, called the Aristoteleia, and named one month of the year Slageirites. VM 17 ; VV 17 ; VL 17. They also erected an altar and a monument (VL 19), and named a place Aristoteleion, in his memory. IV Y A 13. The story that the Athenians erected a statue with a laudatory inscription in Aristotle's honor (IV VA 17-21) is probably spurious. But they erected one in honor of King Philip, and later voted a decree of proxenia in honor of Alexander and Antipater. These honors apparently were transferred to Aristotle by some of his admiring biographers. There also exists an inscription dedicated to Aristotle, expressing the gratitude of the Amphictyonic League at Delphi for his services to the League. See W. Dittenberger, Syll. Inseript. Graec. (3rd edit.), no. 275. (1) VM 45 ; II VA 35 ; Index Librorum in I VA 18 ; II VA ; III VA ; and IV VA. For additional detail see P. Moraux, op. cil. supra note 5 (on p. 56), passim. (2) VM 29-40, and ibid, at 47-49 ; VV 24-29 ; YL 35-42 ; II VA 6-9, and ibid. at 37 ; II VA ; IV VA 27.