Article

Abstract Ethnic identity descriptions can be viewed as subject positions (Davies and Harr, 1990) that are dynamically adopted and discarded for pragmatic purposes through the medium of social interaction. In the present paper, we use positioning theory to explore the multiple ways our participantsSouth AsianCanadian womenpositioned themselves and others in conversations about their ethnic identity. A discourse analysis of participants talk revealed a tendency to privilege a hybrid Canadian/South Asian identity over a unicultural one. Moreover, in the rare instances when participants positioned themselves with a unicultural identity, subtle social pressure from conversational partners seemed to induce them to reposition themselves (or others) with a hybrid identity. We conclude by giving possible reasons for such a preference and by discussing the ways in which the current study corroborates and expands on the extant literature. Key Words discourse analysis, ethnic identity, multiculturalism, positioning theory, South Asians, visible minorities

Rebecca L. Malhi, Susan D. Boon and Timothy B. Rogers

University of Calgary, Canada

Being Canadian and Being Indian: Subject Positions and Discourses Used in South Asian-Canadian Womens Talk about Ethnic Identity
Louisa: Meera: I am quite satised with my Canadian nationality, but I also love my Indian roots. My roots are in India, and I dene myself as an East Indian.

Elizabeth: I consider myself Canadian. Ive never considered myself East Indian.

As the above quotes from South Asian-Canadian1 women in our study indicate, there are a variety of ways in which people may describe their ethnic identity. Although all three women seem to describe very different ethnic identities, we suggest that these descriptions are subject positions (Davies and Harr, 1990) that may be dynamically adopted
Culture & Psychology Copyright 2009 SAGE Publications (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore) http://cap.sagepub.com Vol. 15(2): 255283 [DOI: 10.1177/1354067X09102893]

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

and discarded for specic purposes during the process of interacting with others in conversation. Previous research has shown that individuals from visible minority groups, regardless of how long they have lived in Canada, may feel that they are viewed as outsiders (Moghaddam & Taylor, 1987). Therefore, participant positions may reect ways in which the women in our study negotiated inherent tensions between disparate Canadian and ethnic identities. Building on a theoretical framework of positioning theory, the present research aims to enrich conceptual understanding of ethnic identity by using discourse analysis to examine ways in which South Asian-Canadian women negotiate and construct their identities in conversation. We investigate how speakers actively chose to position themselves with certain ethnic identities, how they positioned other people, and how they resisted being positioned. To this end, we identify the socially available discourses and devices that participants recruited to support their positions, and we discuss possible reasons why participants may use these positions and discourses.

Ethnic Identity
According to social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), ones identity consists of personal identitythe conceptualization of the self in relation to others, and social identityaspects of the self-concept derived from the persons membership in salient social groups. Social identity can be comprised of many synchronous and overlapping components, including gender, roles, and ethnic, religious, and national identities. Thus, a person might dene herself as a woman, an architect, a South Asian, a Hindu, a Canadian, and so on. Ethnic identity includes aspects such as feelings of belonging towards ones ethnic group, ethnic knowledge and commitment, as well as ethnic behaviours and practices (Phinney, 1990). To some researchers, an individuals ethnic identity is the most important component of his or her social identity. Taylor, Bougie, and Caouette (2003), for example, emphasize that because the characteristics of an ethnic group (shared history, language, traditions, norms, etc.) may be so pervasive, they provide an essential and stable template against which the personal identity of the ethnic individual is articulated. Ethnic identity has also been positively associated with selfesteem and psychological well-being (Hyers, 2001). Other research has indicated that ethnic identity is context-specic and is produced or achieved rather than simply given (Phinney, 1990). Unlike, for example, a component of social identity such as 256

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

gender, which is generally non-negotiable, a persons feelings of ethnicity may vary according to the situation (Williams, 1992) and the people they are with (Rosenthal & Hrynevich, 1985). For instance, one participant in Warikoos (2005) study stated, When Im hanging out with the Indian kids I say Im White, but when Im hanging out with the White kids I say Im Indian (p. 813). This quote illustrates the uid, complex nature of ethnic identity, as well as how it is often negotiated within social interaction. Ethnic identity is not completely exible, however. Although it may seem as if ethnic individuals are able to switch between identities at will, other people or society may challenge their asserted identities. For example, Warikoo (2005) notes that outsiders often ascribed different ethnic identities to the Indian-Guyanese participants (e.g., Hispanic because Guyana is in South America) than what the participants themselves asserted. Similarly, Moghaddam and Taylors (1987) South Asian participants perceived themselves as Canadian, but believed that the dominant group viewed them instead as coloured immigrant women (p. 134). This article focuses on the ethnic identities described by a sample of South Asian-Canadian women. South Asians have been a presence in Canada since the 1800s and are the second largest visible minority group in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2001). However, South Asians face multiple forms of discrimination (Ghosh, 1984). For example, they may be affected by racism at an individual, institutional, or systemic level (Ethnic Diversity Survey, 2002; Henry & Tator, 2002) and have often been viewed as members of a low status social group (Moghaddam & Taylor, 1987). More recently, since the events of September 11, 2001, South Asians (especially Muslims) have been racially targeted by people associating them with terrorism (Rajiva, 2006). South Asian women also have the potential to be discriminated against on the basis of their gender (Ralston, 1997). For example, stereotypes of South Asian women suggest that they are passive, submissive, illiterate, and smell of curry (Bannerji, 1993; Rajiva, 2006; Samuel, 2004). The present research adds to an increasing body of psychological and sociological research, conducted primarily in North America and Britain, which focuses on the ethnic identity of South Asians. Some studies have suggested that this identity is inherently confused and conictual. For example, rst-generation South Asians may experience an identity crisis due to feelings for both the homeland and the hostland (Visweswaran, 1994). Also, mixed up identities (Archer, 2001) and culture value conicts (Inman, 2006) in participants may arise due to the discrepancy between expectations and values held by 257

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

South Asian culture and those prescribed by mainstream European/ North American society. At the same time, other studies have not found such results. Warikoos (2005) Indo-Caribbean participants, for example, described multiple self-identications (Indian, West Indian, Guyanese, etc.), but expressed little or no conict or confusion between these different aspects of identity. The current study, then, has been informed by the two separate, but overlapping, streams of research that we have briey described: rst, by the studies that highlight the challenges faced by South Asians living in Western societies that are not fully accepting of them; and second, by the research which reveals the intricacy and contextual nature of South Asian ethnic identity. In addition, the present study provides insights into how a Canadian identity is negotiated by acculturated South Asian women. By Phinneys (1990) denition of ethnic identity (feelings of belonging to an ethnic group, knowledge and commitment, and certain behaviours and practices), Canadian can be viewed as both a nationality and an ethnic identity (cf. Worchel, 1999). However, Canadian identity is, compared with that of many other countries, remarkably amorphous. Sumara, Davis, and Laidlaw (2001) state: While Canadians cant seem to agree on what they are, they have no trouble at all agreeing on what they are not . . . put more bluntly, Canadians are not Americans (p. 147). This uncertainty about identity is magnied for visible minority individuals who, even though they may have strong feelings of belonging to Canada (Tran, Kaddatz, & Allard, 2005) may also feel that they are not perceived by mainstream society as Canadian (Moghaddam & Taylor, 1987; Rajiva, 2006). For example, for many non-White Canadians, the expected response to the ubiquitous question Where are you from? is that they are from somewhere else, (e.g. India, Africa, etc.; Ash, 2004). According to Mukherjee (1994), Being just Canadian is a privilege only White people enjoy in Canada (p. 202). In the current study, then, we examine how our participants strive to situate themselves with a national/ethnic identity (being Canadian) as well as an ethnic identity (being Indian). In sum, our study uses a discursive approach to examine the nuances and complexities inherent in the ethnic identities crafted by a group of South Asian-Canadian women. Although we acknowledge that these identities were produced by the participants in specic circumstances and for specic purposes, we argue that the discourses and subject positions they utilized in their conversations are, in fact, representative of discourses and subject positions common to many South Asians as 258

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

well as other ethnic individuals. The current analysis, therefore, facilitates an understanding of the intricate negotiation between ethnic and national boundaries that may be engaged in through conversation, and our participants narratives not only provide insights into their social and psychological worlds, but are also starting points for further exploration into the interconnections between ethnicity, nationality, and gender.

Positioning Theory and Discourse Analysis

Postmodern analyses have stressed that language not only represents, but also creates, a persons social reality (Wood & Kroger, 2000). Positioning theory (Davies & Harr, 1990; Van Langenhove & Harr, 1999) provides a useful framework for examining how the construction of social reality andof particular interest to this studyethnic identity, can be accomplished through talk between people. Harr and Moghaddam (2003) state that in every social milieu, there are multiple subject positions which people can adopt, strive to locate themselves in, be pushed into, be displaced from or be refused access (p. 6). Positioning can be deliberate or non-intentional. Individuals can position themselves or others, can resist being positioned, and can reposition themselves. Therefore, positions are always relational, whether to an audience or to other positions. For example, someone might position himself as free-spirited but if he turns up for his desk job dressed in a pink tutu, he might be positioned as eccentric or even as mentally unbalanced. Ethnic identity positions are examples of deliberate self-positioning (Van Langenhove & Harr, 1999). For instance, many South Asians in England identify themselves as British rather than English, as the latter identity is perceived to be more exclusionary than the former (Burdsey, 2006). Similarly, Warikoo (2005) noted that Indo-Guyanese adolescents differentiated themselves from African-Guyanese peers, despite sharing the same birthplace and many cultural practices. Also, in Kuriens (2005) study, participants preferred to describe themselves as Hindu, a position that they considered more authentic than South Asian or Indian. The examples provided above highlight some important implications. First, ethnic self-denitions involve choice because there are multiple, contrasting positions available to individuals. (Recall, however, our previous discussion suggesting that ethnic identities are not entirely exible.) A second implication is that the various subject positions are not selected randomly, but because they have meaning 259

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

and reect larger concerns for the person (such as societal exclusion or claims of authenticity). Thus, certain identities, such as British, IndoGuyanese, or Hindu, in our examples, tend to be preferred and are given privilege over other identities. Finally, a third implication is that adopting an ethnic identity position often involves the use of discursive or rhetorical devices by which the speaker promotes or justies his or her own position in relation to other speakers or positions. One of the primary analytic methods used by positioning theory is discourse analysis (cf. Edwards & Potter, 1992; Wetherell & Potter, 1992). This perspective, which draws upon the concept of a discourse, a repertoire of words, images, ideas, and practices (Henry & Tator, 2002, p. 244), examines how events and psychological phenomena are collaboratively constructed between people using talk and text. Discourses, such as multiculturalism or masculinity, carry social meaning and inherent power, and promote the construction of systems of beliefs or ideologies (e.g., Walton, Coyle, & Lyons, 2003). With discourse analysis, participant accounts are viewed as versions of events, actions, or internal processes that are produced in response to different audiences and which depend on various social, historical, and cultural contexts. Although the content of participant accounts is important, a discourse analyst also examines how the talk is used to achieve particular functions and effects (such as blaming, justifying, etc.). In addition, the analyst looks at the socially available discourses that are drawn upon by the speakers to ascribe meaning to their life experiences and to construct their subject positions (for example, to present themselves as masculine or tolerant). The major objectives in discourse analysis, then, are to identify some of the ways in which people use language, to analyze those cases methodically, and to ground any claims about the sample (and beyond the sample) with concrete examples. In the following two sections, we discuss discourses that are commonly recruited by ethnic individuals when constructing their identities. First, we explicate how multiculturalism may create a situation where members of visible minority groups are expected to have an ethnic identity as well as a Canadian identity.

Multiculturalism and Ethnic Identity: The Discourse of Formal and Felt Identities
To most Canadians, multiculturalism is important to Canadian identity (Treasury Board of Canada, 2004). According to Canadas multicultural policy (Canada Parliament House of Commons, 1971), all residents 260

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

share aspects of a common culture (such as economic and political life), and within this context, ethnic individuals also have the right to preserve and develop their own culture in social, linguistic, and religious ways. In actuality, however, expressions of ethnic identity tend to be acceptable to the dominant society mainly when restricted to the private domain or when viewed as entertainment (Henry & Tator, 1999; Li, 1999). For example, perhaps due to a desire to t in, participants in the current study did not wear South Asian clothing to their workplaces. They were also criticized for bringing smelly Indian food for lunch. The unwritten norm seems to be that members of ethnic groups are expected to be the same as other Canadians in the broader society (i.e., in the public sphere), although they can be different within their homes or communities (private sphere). In effect, the denition of multiculturalism appears to separate people into we and they groups. The we group, or CanadianCanadians (Mackey, 2002), are assumed to be the norm, whereas the they group are seen as different or Other (Henry, Tator, Matthis, & Rees, 1998). For example, Ritu, a participant in Rajivas (2006) study, said Im not Canadian. I love hockey, I can drink beer . . . I love actually the clean, cold winter . . . but Im an Indian. Because people here will never accept what I am (p. 170). As we noted in an earlier section, ones asserted identity can be challenged by other people or society. Although Ritu engages in activities that are stereotypically Canadian and may even feel Canadian, she perceives that her preferred identity position is not, and will never be, acceptable to mainstream society. As a result, she is forced to dene herself by less-preferred positions (not Canadian and Indian). Such experiences of being positioned as Other may compel members of visible minority groups to dene their national and ethnic identities in ways that the dominant majority do not. For example, Weisskirch (2005), writing about Americans, notes that due to societal exclusion based on factors such as skin colour, language, or customs, members of ethnic minority groups perceive themselves as different from typical Americans and that, consequently, they develop dual identities as ethnic group members and as Americans. His point is supported by research indicating that many second-generation South Asians in the United States feel that their brown skins have precluded them from being accepted as Americans (Kurien, 1998), a situation that has tended to promote a strong emphasis on Hinduism and an Indian identity (Kurien, 2005). Similarly, it seems likely that in Canada, a visible minority individual who feels marginalized by the dominant group might develop 261

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

both Canadian and ethnic identities. One way in which this may be accomplished is for the person to make a distinction between his or her formal public identity (nationality, citizenship, etc.) and the private felt identity related to ones ethnic heritage. In Warikoos (2005) study, for example, one participant reported such differentiation between citizenship (I say I am American as far as my nationality would go) and ethnic identity (I am Indian . . . I consider myself West Indian, p. 812). Although the distinction between formal public identity and private felt identity may seem intuitive and has been described in previous literature (e.g., Clemnt & Noels, 1992), we argue that this discourse may be utilized as the result of a visible minority individual (or his or her group) having the experience of being positioned as nonCanadian. As white-skinned ethnic individuals, such as DanishCanadians or Italian-Canadians, are generally not subject to racial marginalization, it seems highly unlikely that they would use this discourse that makes such a sharp distinction between their Canadian nationality and their ethnic heritage.

Accounting for Ethnicity: Discourses of Being, Feeling, and Doing

Overlapping with the discourse of formal/felt identities, another set of socially available discourses that people may draw upon to dene their ethnic identities was described in Verkuyten and de Wolfs (2002) study of Chinese students in the Netherlands. Participants differentiated between being Chinese, feeling Chinese, and doing Chinese, and they exibly used these discourses in tandem or in opposition. For example, they contrasted being a member of a particular cultural group with actually doing activities that might be associated with group membership. Similar discourses of being, doing, and feeling a particular identity were found in Ullahs (1990) study of Irish adolescents in England; a study by Tsang, Irving, Alaggia, Chau, and Benjamin (2003) of Chinese adolescents in Canada; and in our own research. The rst account, being a particular ethnic identity, is based upon essentialist and biological terms. For example, according to Verkuyten and de Wolfs participants, being Chinese meant that the person was born Chinese, they looked Chinese, and their identity as a Chinese person was presented as an inevitable fact. A second discourse, doing a certain identity, is utilized when participants base their ethnic identication on possession of certain 262

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

attributes that are dened as critical or typical of the culture, such as speaking the language. For example, one participant stated that although you always stay a Chinese, he wasnt really Chinese because he lacked Chinese language skills (Verkuyten & de Wolf, 2002, p. 385). Recall, also, the quote by Ritu (Rajiva, 2006) that we discussed in the previous section. Even though she was doing Canadian (loving hockey, drinking beer, etc.), her claim to a Canadian identity was, she believed, rejected by society due to her being Indian. The nal discourse, feeling a particular identity, is similar to the felt private identity that we described earlier. In both cases, priority is given to the persons internal psychological beliefs. For example, some participants in the Verkuyten and de Wolf (2002) study reported feeling frustrated because although they felt Dutch, they looked Chinese, and thus were subject to racist comments based on their phenotypical appearance. In addition, the feeling discourse was often associated with parental upbringinga child raised the Chinese way was seen as inevitably internalizing Chinese identity. It is signicant to the present paper that, of the three discourses, the feeling discourse seemed to be preferred by the Chinese participants, who presented it as more important or real than the being or doing discourses. The current analysis looks at how identity discourses, such as those described above, are used to negotiate and construct the ethnic identities of a particular group of South Asian-Canadian women. Given the signicance and centrality of ethnic identity to people from visible minority groups, it is our belief that an examination of the discourses and subject positions taken up and rejected by our participants will provide new insights into the uid and multi-layered nature of ethnic identity.

Method
Participants Twelve South Asian-Canadian women were recruited for the study through word of mouth (snowball sampling) or referral. As we were interested in examining participants negotiations of national and ethnic identities, our goal was to nd rst- and second-generation South Asian-Canadian women who had extensive interactions (through work, education, etc.) with mainstream society. The stipulation that they had lived in Canada for at least ve years ensured that the respondents were not recent immigrants. The size of the sample, although small by quantitative research standards, is not unusual for qualitative studies, which elicit in-depth 263

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

autobiographical and experiential data from participants (e.g., Rajiva, 2006). Discourse analytic studies, in particular, tend to have small sample sizes, as the focus is on the size of the sample of discourse (in the present case, over 300 pages of transcripts) rather than the number of language users. Demographic information about the conversational partners who participated in each interview is shown in Table 1. Participants ranged from 24 to 70 years of age (M = 39, SD = 12). The length of residency in Canada ranged from 6 to 40 years (M = 25, SD = 10). One participant was retired, but most of the women (n = 9) had white-collar professional careers. Most interviewees also held at least one university degree (n = 9). Procedure A discursive interview is a dialogic process in which the discourse analyst tries to elicit conversations that are, as far as possible, naturally occurring. This emphasis on natural conversations allows the analyst to study how participants pursue or drop topics, conversational turns, and so on. Also, rather than remaining neutral or objective, in a discursive interview the interviewer is expected to be active and fully involved in the interview. Knowledge is assumed to be jointly produced by the interviewer and participants in what Condor (2006) calls collaborative conversational encounters (p. 3).

Table 1. Demographic characteristics for participants by interview Interview* Participant Age Occupation Place of birth Length of residency in Canada (yrs) 18 31 37 34 34 10 28 6 23 23 37 22

1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 6

Maria Sarah Suzanne Rachel Elizabeth Lakshmi Sangeeta Meera Lata Aruna Louisa Jayansegri

43 36 42 43 34 24 31 36 31 27 70 52

Hairstylist Psychologist Actor/writer/director Computer analyst Communications/ public relations Computer analyst Psychologist General manager Human Relations assistant Student Retired school teacher Sales assistant/caterer

India India Tanzania India Canada England South Africa India England England India Pakistan

* The rst author was a conversational participant in each of the six interviews.

264

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

For the present study, six discursive interviews were conducted between two participants and the rst author. As a South AsianCanadian woman herself, the rst author was able to use her status as an ingroup member to establish rapport with the interviewees. Accordingly, during the sessions, her role as interviewer was lessened while her role as participant was increased. At the beginning of each session, a discussion guide listing possible topics of conversation was given to the interviewees. Of particular interest to the research were issues related to ethnic identity and experiences of racism but, as the participants generally controlled the conversational ow, many other topics were raised and discussed. The interviews were conducted in English, as all participants were uent in the language. Sessions lasted for 60 to 90 minutes, and were taperecorded and then transcribed for analysis. Transcription conventions used in the extracts in this article are listed in the appendix. All names used in the extracts (with the exception of the rst author, identied as Rebecca) are pseudonyms.2

Results and Discussion

At the beginning of each interview session, the participants were asked, How do you describe yourself? Although such an open-ended question could elicit many possible responses, all participants understood this question to refer to their national and ethnic backgrounds. The answers they provided indicated ethnic identities that were complex, dynamic, and contextual. Our analysis of these ethnic identities is organized into three major sections. In the rst section, we examine the position that was most prevalent among participants in our study. Ten of the 12 women in this study deliberately chose to position themselves as both Canadian and East Indian/Pakistani,3 a position that we have termed the hybrid ethnic identity. The second section contains a discussion of the narratives given and the discourses drawn upon by the participants who initially provided unicultural ethnic identities. In the nal section, we consider some ways in which participants were able to shift positions uidlyeither their own positions or those of othersin response to the demands of the conversation. In each of these sections, we examine instances of how participants discursively constructed their ethnic identities. In particular, we seek to answer the following questions: How did the participants describe themselves? What discourses and rhetorical devices did each person then draw upon, and which subject positions were afforded through 265

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

the use of these discursive resources? Finally, what functions were served by using the particular positions? The selected extracts are illustrative of the various positions, socially available discourses, and rhetorical devices that were common in the interviews. Hybrid Ethnic Identity
Extract 1: Sangeeta: Um, Ive been in Canada for 27 years. I was born in South Africa, and my parents were born in South Africa, so my grandparents moved when ( ) were 10 years old, and emigrated to South Africa. So Im like, 4th generation. But I still think of myself, and identify myself as an East Indian woman. And the Africa detour isnt part of my identity at all, and that might be because I didnt grow up there at all. But, I see myself as East Indian slash Canadian, but East Indian rst . . . (412) So you feel that the East Indian identies you more than the Canadian? (417) Inside myself. (418)

Rebecca: Sangeeta:

Sangeetas self-positioning began with a biographical narrative describing events from her own and her familys history, the details of which set up a complex identity claim. Twenty-seven years of residence in Canada would logically provide Sangeeta with ample grounds for claiming Canadian-ness, yet she mentioned a Canadian identity only in passing. Instead, she chose to claim that, cognitively and affectively, she was East Indian. Sangeetas claim to an Indian identity is curious, as neither she nor her parents were born in India and she did not grow up there. (Interestingly, she denied having an African identity because she did not grow up in Africa.) Therefore, Sangeeta could be justied in denying her Indian-ness because of her lack of familiarity with India itself. Note, however, that she did not do this. Rather, she adopted a hybrid subject position (I see myself as East Indian slash Canadian), with her Indian identity being privileged above her Canadian identity (East Indian rst). To claim an East Indian identity, Sangeeta drew upon the most common account for ethnic identity in our studythe discourse of feeling East Indian. One reason for the ubiquity of this account may be that a claim to Indian-ness based on feelings cannot be questioned by others without disputing the claimants sincerity or integrity. A persons emotional states are private and unknowable and, in society, 266

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

tend to be respected (Verkuyten & de Wolf, 2002). Thus, Sangeetas assertion that inside herself she is East Indian (418) could be functional, as it served to prevent a challenge from her conversational partners regarding her authenticity as an Indian. Sangeetas distinction between her outer and inner selves was also functional, as it allowed her to position herself with a hybrid, multicultural identity. On the outside, she may have felt that she has the right to identify herself with a public, formal Canadian identity, especially as she has Canadian citizenship and is a long-term resident of Canada. On the inside, however, she is also able to maintain a private, felt Indian ethnic identity. Similar accounts were found in Kuriens (2005) study of second-generation Hindu youth in California. One participant reported that although technically he was not an Indian in terms of nationality and country of residence, he claimed Indian-ness as a cultural and spiritual entity (p. 459). As we mentioned earlier, the discourse of feeling Indian and the discourse of formal/felt identities overlap substantially. In the next extract, Jayansegri positioned herself with a hybrid Canadian/Pakistani identity. However, she also indicated how she might be positioned by people from the dominant group.
Extract 2: Jayansegri: . . . The way I look at myself is, Im Canadian, but I am a Pakistani rst. If it comes down to that. No matter who asks me, I always say, Im from Pakistan. Unless Im with a couple of friends and were joking around, then I say, Im a Paki. Oh, well, we dont call you people, Paki. I said, Yes, behind my back, you will, so I might as well call myself one! ((Laughs)) (621)

Like Sangeeta, Jayansegri asserted a Canadian identity but also privileged her felt ethnic identity (I am a Pakistani rst). Notably, in both extracts (and in general, for the entire study), the participants expressed less emotional attachment towards their Canadian identity than to a South Asian identity. For example, Louisa, Jayansegris conversational partner, also claimed a hybrid Canadian/South Asian identity, but there was a clear difference in the affective terms that she used for each component. Louisa stated that she loves and is proud of her Indian roots, but was quite satised with her Canadian nationality (6196). We argue that even when people from visible minority groups have lived in Canada for decades and have formal rights as citizens, they may feel uncertainty about their acceptance by Canadian society (Moghaddam & Taylor, 1987) and so put less emphasis on feeling their Canadian identity. 267

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

Perhaps the most extraordinary feature of Jayansegris narrative occurred when she surprised her conversational partners (both South Asian women) by describing how, when she is joking around with friends, she may refer to herself with the racial epithet, Paki. Note here the contrast between Jayansegris different self-descriptions. She views herself as Canadian and Pakistani but in certain social situations such as, perhaps, meeting new acquaintances, she says that she is from Pakistan. However, in more intimate or informal social situations with friends, she calls herself a Paki. Regarding this latter self-description, why might Jayansegri choose to make such an unexpected insertion into our conversation? According to Wood and Kroger (2000), reported speech, that is, speech that is attributed by a current speaker to another speaker (p. 103), is a discursive device that may be recruited to make stories vivid or to create involvement. Therefore, one reason why Jayansegri may have raised the topic of what she calls herself when she is with friends is that her joke may have functioned to spice up her narrative or to either shock or increase camaraderie with her audience. However, we believe a more likely alternative explanation is that Jayansegri was resisting being positioned, and was repositioning herself (Harr & Moghaddam, 2003). It is notable that the people doing the positioning were not Jayansegris current conversational partners, but White people from her past. She implied, for example, that she was often questioned about her ethnic origins (No matter who asks me), indicating that she was sometimes positioned as non-Canadian. In addition, Jayansegri made it clear that, although her White Canadian friends rejected labeling her racially as a Paki, they did see her as different, as evidenced by their use of the terms we and you people. Also, later in the interview, Jayansegri described incidents of discrimination that were perpetrated against her, such as being refused a job as soon as the prospective employer saw her. Thus, we suggest that, despite her claim of having a Canadian and Pakistani identity, she may still have felt that she was seen as an outsider by White society. By her deliberate decision to use the term Paki for herself, then, Jayansegri appropriated an ethnic identity that was imposed on her and subverted it into a voluntary one. In this way, she rejected being seen as the victim of a racial slur and may have gained a sense of agency and power. Butler (1997) states that certain speech can be returned to the speaker in such a way that it can be cited against its originary purposes, and perform a reversal of effects (p. 14).

268

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

Unicultural Ethnic Identities Two women in our study initially provided unicultural ethnic identities. In the next extract, Meera explained why she feels Indian but did not feel Canadian.
Extract 3: Meera: I dene myself as East Indian rst. I have been here only six years. So I dont feel Canadian at all. My roots are in India, and I dene myself as an East Indian. (420) Well, for my side, I absolutely feel uprooted. I dont think I could ever feel Canadian. Even when I went and got my citizenship, it really didnt matter to me. I was just doing this out of a process. . . (437)

... Meera:

Meera, who was the most recent immigrant of all the participants, positioned herself solely as an East Indian, even repeating the phrase I dene myself as East Indian for added emphasis. She also drew upon the roots metaphor, a discursive device that appeared frequently in our participants talk and seemed to serve the function of graphically connecting ethnic individuals to pride in their heritage and traditions. Discourse analysts tend to pay particular attention to metaphors, analogies, and gures of speech used by participants, as they often contribute to the participants argument or positioning (Wood and Kroger, 2000). In Meeras case, her statements that her roots were in India (420) and that she felt absolutely uprooted (437) supported her East Indian identity positioning. The botanical metaphor itself is very appropriate and descriptive of the way in which many participants constructed their identity. Roots are a crucial part of a plants structure. Meeras statement that she felt uprooted seems to indicate her distress at being removed from her native soil, and had the connotation that an essential part of her self was damaged. Also, roots are underground and hidden from view. In a similar fashion, most participants portrayed themselves as having a private, highly-valued East Indian identity and a public Canadian identity. We should note, however, that in Meeras case, her East Indian identity was paramount while she totally rejected a Canadian identity (I dont feel Canadian at all, 420). Meeras rejection of Canadian-ness could be viewed by her conversational partners as violating an important social norm, as research indicates that a majority of Canadians support multiculturalism (Berry & Kalin, 1995), and that most ethnic individuals have a strong sense of belonging to Canada (Tran et al., 2005). Therefore, her comment that 269

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

she had been here only six years (420) could be a justication made in order to deect potential criticism. Although the qualier only suggests that, in her view, she had not been here long enough to have developed a Canadian identity, later in the conversation Meera anticipated a permanent rejection of Canadian identity, as she did not think that she would ever feel Canadian (437). In addition to using a feeling discourse (i.e. dening herself as Indian and not feeling Canadian), Meera also drew upon the discourse distinguishing between a formal and felt identity. Despite her self-positioning solely as an East Indian, she is formally a Canadian citizen. Her Canadian citizenship, though, meant very little to her and she just got it as a process (437). Thus, as Meera indicated, having Canadian citizenship does not necessarily impinge on ones felt identity. Kurien (2005), Warikoo (2005) and Tsang et al. (2003) all found similar differentiation between citizenship and ethnic identity in their research. Why might Meera so emphatically reject a Canadian identity? One possible interpretation is that Meera was still experiencing the culture shock of immigration and demonstrating her allegiance to her home country. Therefore, she might feel that rejecting Canadian-ness strengthened her claim of Indian-ness. An alternative interpretation is that she was reacting to prior experiences of discrimination. Later in the interview, Meera mentioned how people had commented negatively on her Indian accent, and described other incidents of potential racism at her workplace. Such negative societal attitudes towards ethnic individuals are often reciprocated (Kalin & Berry, 1996; Robinson, 2005) and, as we suggested earlier, an individual who feels marginalized by the dominant group might develop both Canadian and ethnic identities. Therefore, in our study, Meera might have rejected a Canadian identity and asserted a unicultural Indian identity because she felt that she was rejected as a Canadian by the broader society. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) argue that such reactive ethnicity (p. 284) is a self-defence mechanism against discrimination and marginalization. In a dramatic contrast to Meeras assertion of a unicultural Indian identity, Elizabeth initially described herself with a unicultural Canadian identity.
Extract 4: Elizabeth: . . . Just for me, I consider myself Canadian. Ive never considered myself East Indian. And, even when people ask me questions, I guess, it depends on who it is and on what context. But, I, (+++) I guess its because I dont identify to

270

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

the East Indian culture because Im not familiar with it. And so, when probing questions are to understand about it, I feel very uncomfortable because I dont know anything about it . . . (36)

Elizabeth was the only participant in the study who was born in Canada and also the only person who initially positioned herself as exclusively Canadian. She mentioned that she was uncomfortable when people questioned her about Indian culture and, in fact, her 3-second conversational pause and the use of the phrase I guess twice seem to indicate her hesitancy. Interestingly, the discourses that Elizabeth used were more implicit than explicit. For example, she could have explicitly drawn upon the being Canadian discourse, as she knew that her audience was aware that she had been born in Canada, but she chose not to do so. Neither did she draw upon the doing Canadian discourse.4 Even Elizabeths usage of the feeling Canadian discourse (I consider myself Canadian) seems somewhat lukewarm affectively, especially in comparison to some of the other participants descriptions of feeling Indian. Instead, the major justication she offered for her failure to claim a South Asian identity was that she lacked the necessary knowledge of East Indian culture. In other words, Elizabeths talk seems to show that she did not consider herself an East Indian because she was not able to do Indian. Although Elizabeth and Meera both positioned themselves with unicultural ethnic identities, it is important to recall that such identities may be constructed in response to a particular social context or set of circumstances, such as the surroundings, the ethnicity of the interviewer, and so on. Elizabeth, for example, privileged her Canadian identity, but this may have been affected by the location of the interview (the boardroom of a multinational company). Would she have positioned herself in the same way if the interview had taken place at her home, in the presence of her rst-generation South Asian mother? We think it unlikely. Both Elizabeths rejection of Indian-ness and Meeras rejection of Canadian-ness (Extract 3) could be interpreted by their conversational partners as violations of social normsspecically contraventions of the precepts of multiculturalism. In Elizabeths case, her disavowal of an East Indian identity and her assertion of a Canadian identity occurred in conversation with two other South Asian women. When individuals deny their ethnic heritage, there can be social tension with other members of their group. People who do so are vulnerable to many criticismssuch as lack of respect for parents and culture 271

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

(Verkuyten & de Wolf, 2002) or that they are trying to be White (Kurien, 2005)so they may feel obliged to provide justications or explanations. Thus, Elizabeth was likely aware that her claim of Canadian-ness could be disputed by the other participants in the session. In the following section, we examine how Elizabeth and Meera were able to discursively alleviate any social tensions that may have ensued from their controversial identity claims. Shifting Subject Positions
Extract 5: Rebecca: Elizabeth: I mean there are cultural advantages (330) Im proud of the cultural aspects because on occasions I do like to get dressed up in a shalwar [the shalwar kamiz in South Asian clothing consists of tunic and pants] and, I guess, yeah, then Im denitely acknowledging my roots. (331) Right. But um, like, things like the way you dress, I think thats a different point, because youre showing that youre different, youre showing that this is where my roots are from, and this is what culture Im from, and, this is how we dress, and, right? And that, that just leads to questions. (332)

Lakshmi:

As we discussed earlier, Elizabeths claim of being solely Canadian (Extract 4) was unlikely to be supported by her audience (Lakshmi and the rst author). Shortly thereafter, she drew upon the roots metaphor (Im denitely acknowledging my roots), as well as the doing Indian discourse to clarify to her conversational partners that she was not rejecting an Indian identity when she claimed a Canadian identity. In this way, she was able to reposition herself (Harr & Moghaddam, 2003) as Indian as well as Canadian. As part of this repositioning, Elizabeth picked up on the mention of the cultural advantages available to East Indians and described herself as proud of the cultural aspects (331). The particular cultural aspect she specied as acknowledging her roots dealt with East Indian dress. Throughout the interviews, participants identied South Asian clothing (such as the shalwar kamiz or the sari) as an important aspect of culture, a way of doing Indian. Choosing to wear such clothing is a signicant and deliberate act as it indicated that the person was showing that youre different to mainstream society and inviting questions (332). By drawing on the roots metaphor and the doing Indian discourse, Elizabeth was able to claim the hybrid East Indian/Canadian identity, 272

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

which appears to be, both in our study and in other research, socially preferred (Verkuyten & de Wolf, 2002). Any controversy she might have elicited by her original unicultural positioning was successfully alleviated, as indicated by Lakshmis subsequent agreement (Right) and rephrasing of both the roots metaphor (youre showing that this is where my roots are from) and the doing Indian discourse. As the reader may recall from Extract 3, Meera vehemently asserted a unicultural East Indian identity. Interestingly, the following extract shows how, later in the interview, she chose to promote the hybrid identity, but this time to position other people, including the rst author.
Extract 6: Meera: . . . I dont know how it will be when my kids are born. But I do have some friends, who are much older than us, and they have kids, who are like 18 or 19. Most of the kids are very Indian in the sense that they like the culture, they like to watch Hindi movies with us, and they appreciate and they want to know and learn more about the values. Ive seen them, they have Canadian friends, and they are very very comfortable with them, and the friends they have are both White and, and theyre very comfortable. At the same time, theyre very comfortable with us, because they have no problems talking about the values and the culture ( ), the traditions, the different thoughts that maybe you follow. Theyre always trying to nd out more, because they havent grown up there, but theyre interested in learning about them. (4137)

Just prior to this extract, the rst author had mentioned that her daughter was born in Canada and was 100% Canadian. Meera acknowledged that she did not have children herself, but referred to friends children who were described as very Indian but also very very comfortable with their White friends. Examining the discourses that were utilized in this excerpt, Meeras allusion to the youths interest in, and appreciation of, East Indian culture suggests that she drew upon the discourse of feeling Indian (similar to Verkuyten & de Wolfs participants who associated being raised in the Chinese way with feeling Chinese). She also used the discourse of doing Indian, although the only description of Indian practices given is that the teenagers like to watch Hindi movies. Meeras narrative also contains two discursive positionings. First, Meera utilized the feeling Indian and doing Indian discourses not to position herself, but in order to position her friends teenagers with the 273

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

socially preferred hybrid identity (that corresponds very closely to the multicultural ideal with its emphasis on tting in with Canadian society while retaining ones ethnic heritage). This sets up an implicit comparison between Meeras friends children (who she describes as equally comfortable in the East Indian and Canadian societies) and the rst authors 100% Canadian daughter, who appears to have rejected her Indian-ness. As noted in the discussion for Extract 4, people who apparently reject their ethnic identity are vulnerable to criticism from other members of their group. Furthermore, this entire extract could be interpreted as a way of positioning the rst author. South Asian women tend to have primary responsibility for maintaining cultural traditions and transmitting them to their children (Dasgupta, 1998). Thus, Meeras praise of her friends very Indian children implies that their mothers have raised them well, but it also implies that the rst author has not been as successful. Meera seemed to hold the rst author responsible for her daughters inability to feel Indian or do Indian, and her talk subtly positioned the rst author as a bad East Indian mother. Why might she do so? One possible explanation is given by Jones (2006), who suggests that when speakers position someone else, they are positioning themselves by contrast. Thus, Meera may have positioning herself as a potentially good East Indian mother.

Summary and Conclusions

Social psychology has typically considered ethnic identity a particular manifestation of an individuals social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). It is assumed that membership in an ethnic group, as well as the value and emotional signicance attached to that membership, contributes towards the persons identity, attitudes, and self-concept (Phinney, 1990). The extracts discussed here seem to support this individualistic view, as participants demonstrated in their conversations many of the perceptual, cognitive, and emotional components that are thought to comprise ethnic identity. For example, participants tended to self-identify as South Asian, have positive feelings towards their ethnic group, practise particular behaviours related to their group, and so on. On the other hand, as Howarth (2002) has noted, social psychology does not adequately account for how identities are, to a certain extent, imposed on individuals by other people. She states, However one makes sense of ones sexed body or the colour of ones skin, our identities have to incorporate, negotiate and/or contest representations 274

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

of gender and skin colour. The gaze of the other makes these identities unavoidable (p. 158). We suggest that the analysis we have presented in this article not only complements the traditional social psychological perspective, but also addresses Howarths critique. Specically, using the theoretical framework of positioning theory and the methodology of discourse analysis, we have described multiple ways in which the participants positioned themselves: creating, negotiating, and accounting for their ethnic identities through the medium of social interaction. In addition, we have investigated how the participants positioned other people, resisted being positioned by others, and repositioned themselves. We found that, for the most part, construction of ethnic identity by the participants was smoothly managed. That is, the interviewees talk had very few hesitations, conversational repairs, or contradictions. Perhaps because of their maturity and life experiences, participants appeared to have thought about and made deliberate choices regarding their identities. One of these deliberate choices was the participants use of national and/or ethnic subject positions (Davies & Harr, 1990) in relation to their identitythey could be Canadians, they could be East Indian/Pakistani, or they could utilize a hybrid of both of the Canadian and South Asian identities. The women in our study presented multi-faceted ethnic self-denitions without apparent conict or confusion between these aspects. Previous research has suggested that being able to choose between different aspects of ethnic identity is important to ethnic individuals. As the reader may recall from the introduction, some studies found that South Asians, for certain pragmatic purposes, identied themselves as British (Burdsey, 2006) or Hindu (Kurien, 2005). In our own research, the element of choice even allowed participants to selfdescribe in extreme terms (e.g., Jayansegris reference to herself as a Paki in Extract 2). As we noted in the results and discussion section, the most common and preferred positioning in our study was a hybrid, multicultural identity. In fact, in the few cases when participants positioned themselves with a unicultural identity, subtle social pressure from the conversational partners seemed to have induced them to reposition themselves (or others) with a hybrid identity. This was most evident when the participant initially claimed a unicultural Canadian identity. It is our contention that one reason for this may be because visible minority individuals are often challenged when they claim to be Canadian. It may seem self-evident that South Asian-Canadian women would present themselves as both Canadian and East Indian/Pakistani. 275

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

However, we have argued in this article that our participants selfidentications were complex constructions, produced for particular purposes, and reecting the womens discursive negotiation of various issues such as family history, national boundaries, expectations of members of their ethnic group, and so on. We also pointed out that such negotiations about identity are not generally required by White Canadians. Why do participants prefer a joint Canadian/South Asian identity to a unicultural one? We can only speculate as to the answer to this question, as most participants did not explicitly discuss reasons for their preference. Nevertheless, we can identify a number of possible explanations. For example, an obvious reason for privileging a hybrid over a unicultural identity is that the women consider themselves to be both Canadian and South AsianCanadian by birth, length of residency, or citizenship, and South Asian in terms of appearance, family, or community. Another possible reason is the social norm of multiculturalism; this tends to be viewed by society as progressive vis-a-vis uniculturalism, which may be viewed as restricted or one-sided (Modood, 1998). In the present study, the participants belonged to the privileged class in terms of education and economic advantage, so they may have felt aligned with Canadian society and espoused societal norms, such as multiculturalism. Elsewhere (Malhi & Boon, in press) we have argued that such norms promoting Canada as a tolerant and non-racist country also impelled participants in our study to deny or mitigate their own experiences of racism. A third potential reason why participants positioned themselves with a hybrid Canadian/South Asian identity is that people living in an increasingly globalized society may perceive that it is advantageous to have access to multiple cultures. One woman in our study suggested that being both East Indian and Canadian allowed her to have the best of both worlds. Similarly, Chinese participants in Verkuyten and de Wolfs (2002) study described how they combined the positive sides of western culture with Chinese culture (p. 389). Consistent with these viewpoints, Lehman, Chiu, and Schaller (2004) note that multicultural individuals may have more tools in their toolbox (p. 702) than do unicultural individuals, and may engage in cultural frame switching depending on the demands of the particular situation. Linvilles theory of self-complexity (1987) provides an additional possible explanation for participants preference for a hybrid identity. Participants may see themselves as more multi-faceted or interesting as a result of their multiple backgrounds. Linville also suggests that 276

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

self-complexity is benecial to an individual in terms of buffering threats to their self-esteem. As we described in the introduction, South Asian women often face negative stereotypes and various forms of discrimination, so our participants may indeed draw upon multicultural resources in order to protect their self-esteem. However, as they did not explicitly talk about self-esteem during the interviews, a discussion of such internal states is beyond the purview of a discursive analysis, and must remain as speculation until further research is conducted. Although the analysis of extracts from this study, as well as the ndings from previous research, indicate a strong preference for the hybrid identity among visible minority individuals, some critics might question whether there was any researcher inuence on the talk. In other words, could our participants have produced such selfdescriptions because they thought that the rst author, a South Asian-Canadian, wanted to hear such identication? This explanation is improbable, in part because the participants responded to the question How do you describe yourself? before the rst authors own ethnic identication was discussed. Also, participants did not always conform to the normon occasion, as we have stated, they positioned themselves with unicultural identities. Nevertheless, we do wonder whether participants would have put more emphasis on their Canadian identities in the presence of a White Canadian researcher.

Contributions and Future Directions

We believe that our study contributes to the extant literature on ethnic identity in some important ways. For example, the utilization of positioning theory and discourse analysis was novel, and we have extended the research on the ethnic identity of South Asian-Canadians, noting that our participants drew frequently on discourses associated with multiculturalism. Also, our study has highlighted the heterogeneity of participant positions (e.g., unicultural or hybrid positions) and how social pressures tended to induce conformity to a hybrid ethnic identity. In addition, unlike many prior studies, which had samples comprised of ethnic adolescents, our participants were adult, professional, acculturated South Asian-Canadian women. Thus, we were able to examine how their life experiences contributed to their ethnic self-identications. Finally, this study has provided some insights into how visible minority individuals may claim a Canadian identity in terms of nationality and/or ethnic identity. The results of the present study both corroborate and challenge extant research on ethnic identity. For example, our ndings dispute 277

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

the idea that having multiple ethnic identities is necessarily problematic (c.f. Inman, 2006; Visweswaran, 1994). On the other hand, the results of this study are congruent with the research of other scholars who found similar ethnic identity discourses (e.g., Tsang et al., 2003; Verkuyten & de Wolf, 2002). Our ndings are also valuable in pointing toward a need for future research in this area. For example, although the participants chose to elaborate on aspects of their South Asian identity, there was very little conversation about aspects of their Canadian identity. Some questions that might be answered in future studies include: How do members of visible minorities construe the Canadian identity and do these construals correspond to the construals of White Canadians? To what extent do views of the Canadian identity incorporate the tenets of multiculturalism and how do they encourage or discourage ethnic/ cultural diversity? Another avenue for future exploration includes studying the inuence of gender on ethnic identity. Would South Asian-Canadian men, for example, also prefer a hybrid ethnic identity? It is possible that men, who tend to have more social status and power than women in the South Asian community, would be able to assert a unicultural ethnic identity without as much pressure to conform to societal norms, such as multiculturalism. We suggest that the intersection of gender, power, and ethnic identity should be studied more explicitly. Similarly, the inuence of social class was also noticeably absent from participant talk about ethnic identity. Our participants were generally middle-class, well-educated, professional women. However, future research using samples of individuals with varying levels of education, class, and employment may nd that the discourse of hybrid identity is not as common for those who are less advantaged and who might feel more marginalized from mainstream society. Finally, we noted in the introduction that, despite societal norms of tolerance and diversity, South Asian-Canadians must often deal with experiences of racism and discrimination (Ethnic Diversity Survey, 2002). The effects of such experiences on the targets are long-lasting and include feelings of shame, anxiety, and alienation (Kurien, 2005; Rajiva, 2006). With these real-world consequences in mind, we wanted to highlight the motif that appears consistently throughout the articleethnic identity positions and racist experiences are, in fact, connected. For example, we argued that Meeras unicultural East Indian positioning (extract 3) may have occurred as a direct result of prior experiences of racism in society. In addition, we stated that hybrid ethnic identities develop when visible minority individuals are positioned by 278

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

mainstream society as Other and, as a result, are then forced to dene themselves by their ethnicity. Our analysis, therefore, provides the foundation for a more in-depth examination of the relationship between the various identity positions taken up by visible minority individuals and their negative experiences of racism and discrimination. Notes
1. The term South Asian denotes a person from the Indian subcontinent; that is, from countries such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, etc. The term includes people who have immigrated to another country directly, or over several generations via the Caribbean, Africa, Fiji, and so on (Vassanji, 1996). 2. Pseudonyms were assigned to the participants based on their given names. Therefore, a participant with a South Asian name was assigned a pseudonym that was South Asian. 3. Although the term South Asian is more inclusive, the participants preferred to be described as Indian, East Indian, or Pakistani instead. In the remainder of this paper, we have followed their preference when talking about their ethnic identities. 4. In general, the participants in our study (who controlled the conversational ow) spent limited time talking about their Canadian identity (especially in terms of the being/doing/feeling discourses), preferring instead to discuss their Indian or hybrid identities.

References
Archer, L. (2001). Muslim brothers, Black lads, traditional Asians: British Muslim young mens constructions of race, religion and masculinity. Feminism & Psychology, 11, 79105. Ash, M.C.T. (2004). But where are you REALLY from?: Reections on immigration, multiculturalism, and Canadian identity. In C.A. Nelson & C.A. Nelson (Eds.), Racism, Eh?: A critical inter-disciplinary anthology of race and racism in Canada (pp. 398409). Concord: Captus Press. Bannerji, H. (1993). Popular images of South Asian women. In H. Bannerji (Ed.), Returning the gaze: Essays on racism, feminism and politics (pp. 176186). Toronto: Sister Vision Press. Berry, J.W., & Kalin, R. (1995). Multicultural and ethnic attitudes in Canada: An overview of the 1991 national survey. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 27, 301320. Burdsey, D. (2006). If I ever play football, Dad, can I play for England or India?: British Asians, sport and diasporic national identities. Sociology, 40, 1128. Butler, J. (1997). Excitable speech. New York: Routledge. Canada Parliament House of Commons. (1971). Debates. October 8, 1971. Ottawa: Canadian Government Publishing. Clemnt, R., & Noels, K.A. (1992). Towards a situated approach to ethnolinguistic identity: The effects of status on individuals and groups. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 11, 203232.

279

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

Condor, S. (2006). Public prejudice as collaborative accomplishment: Towards a dialogic social psychology of racism. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 16, 118. Dasgupta, S.D. (1998). Gender roles and cultural continuity in the Asian Indian immigrant community in the U.S. Sex Roles, 38, 953974. Davies, B., & Harr, R. (1990). Positioning: The discursive production of self. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 20, 4363. Edwards, D., & Potter, J. (1992). Discursive psychology. London: Sage. Ethnic Diversity Survey. (2002). Treasury Board of Canada Performance Report 2005 Supplementary Indicator on Discrimination and Racism. Retrieved from http://www.tbs-sct.gc.ca/report/govrev/05/ann302_e.asp. Ghosh, R. (1984). Education, gender, and the immigrant experience. In R.J. Samuda, J.W. Berry, & M. Laferriere (Eds.), Multiculturalism in Canada: Social and educational perspectives. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Harr, R., & Moghaddam, F. (2003). Introduction: The self and others in traditional psychology and in positioning theory. In R. Harr & F. Moghaddam (Eds.), The self and others: Positioning individuals and groups in personal, political and cultural contexts (pp. 111). Westport, CT: Praeger. Henry, F., & Tator, C. (1999). State policy and practices as racialized discourse: Multiculturalism, the charter, and employment equity. In P.S. Li (Ed.), Race and ethnic relations in Canada (2nd ed., pp. 88115). Don Mills: Oxford University Press. Henry, F., & Tator, C. (2002). Discourses of domination: Racial bias in the Canadian English-language press. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Henry, F., Tator, C., Matthis, W., & Rees, T. (1998). The colour of democracy: Racism in Canadian society (2nd ed.). Scarborough: Nelson. Howarth, C. (2002). Identity in whose eyes? The role of representations in identity construction. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 32, 145162. Hyers, L. (2001). A secondary survey analysis study of African American ethnic identity orientations in two national samples. Journal of Black Psychology, 27, 139171. Inman, A.G. (2006). South Asian women: Identities and conicts. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 12, 306319. Jones, R.L. (2006). Older people talking as if they are not older people: Positioning theory as an explanation. Journal of Aging Studies, 20, 7991. Kalin, R., & Berry, J.W. (1996). Interethnic attitudes in Canada: Ethnocentrism, hierarchy and reciprocity. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 28, 253261. Kurien, P.A. (1998). Becoming American by becoming Hindu: Indian Americans take their place at the multicultural table. In S. Warner & J. Wittner (Eds.), Gatherings in diaspora: Religious communities and the new immigration (pp. 3770). Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Kurien, P.A. (2005). Being young, brown, and Hindu: The identity struggles of second-generation Indian Americans. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 34, 434469. Lehman, D.R., Chiu, C., & Schaller, M. (2004). Psychology and culture. Annual Review of Psychology, 55, 689714. Li, P.S. (1999). Race and ethnicity. In P.S. Li (Ed.), Race and ethnic relations in Canada (2nd ed., pp. 320). Don Mills: Oxford University Press.

280

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

Linville, P.W. (1987). Self-complexity as a cognitive buffer against stress-related illness and depression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 663676. Mackey, E. (2002). The house of difference: Cultural politics and national identity in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Malhi, R., & Boon, S.D. (in press). Discourses of democratic racism in the talk of South Asian-Canadian women. Canadian Ethnic Studies. Modood, T. (1998). Anti-essentialism, multiculturalism and the recognition of religious groups. Journal of Political Philosophy, 6, 378399. Moghaddam, F.M., & Taylor, D.M. (1987). The meaning of multiculturalism for visible minority immigrant women. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 19, 121136. Mukherjee, A. (1994). The Race consciousness of a South Asian (Canadian, of course) female academic. In C.E. James & A. Shadd (Eds.), Talking about difference: Encounters in culture, language and identity (pp. 201207). Toronto: Between The Lines. Phinney, J.S. (1990). Ethnic identity in adolescents and adults: Review of research. Psychological Bulletin, 108, 499514. Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. (2001). Legacies: The story of the immigrant second generation. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Rajiva, M. (2006). Brown girls, white worlds: Adolescence and the making of racialized selves. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 43, 165183. Ralston, H. (1997). The lived experience of South Asian immigrant women in Atlantic Canada: The interconnections of race, class, and gender. Toronto: Edwin Mellen Press. Robinson, L. (2005). South Asians in Britain: Acculturation, identity and perceived discrimination. Psychology and Developing Societies, 17, 181194. Rosenthal, D., & Hrynevich, C. (1985). Ethnicity and ethnic identity: A comparative study of Greek-, Italian-, and Anglo-Australian adolescents. International Journal of Psychology, 20, 723742. Samuel, E. (2004). Racism in peer-group interactions: South Asian students experiences in Canadian academe. Journal of College Student Development, 45, 407424. Statistics Canada. (2001). 2001 Census of Population. Retrieved from http://www.statscan.ca. Sumara, D., Davis, B., & Laidlaw, L. (2001). Canadian identity and curriculum theory: An ecological, postmodern perspective. Canadian Journal of Education, 26, 144163. Tajfel, H., & Turner, J.C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behaviour. In S. Worchel & W.G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 724). Chicago, IL: Nelson. Taylor, D.M., Bougie, E., & Caouette, J. (2003). Applying positioning principles to a theory of collective identity. In R. Harr & F. Moghaddam (Eds.), The self and others: Positioning individuals and groups in personal, political and cultural contexts (pp. 197215). Westport, CT: Praeger. Tran, K., Kaddatz, J., & Allard, P. (2005). South Asians in Canada: Unity through diversity. Canadian Social Trends, 74, 2025. Statistics Canada, Catalogue no. 11008.

281

Culture & Psychology 15(2)

Treasury Board of Canada. (2004). Annual report to parliament Report of the President: Views on multiculturalism. Retrieved from http://www.tbs-sct.gc.ca/ rma/eppi-ibdrp/cp-rc-04/cp-rc_e.asp. Tsang, A.K.T, Irving, H., Alaggia, R., Chau, S.B.Y., & Benjamin, M. (2003). Negotiating ethnic identity in Canada: The case of the satellite children. Youth & Society, 34, 359384. Ullah, P. (1990). Rhetoric and ideology in social identication: The case of second generation Irish youths. Discourse & Society, 1, 167188. Van Langenhove, L., & Harr, R. (1999). Introducing positioning theory. In R. Harr & L. van Langenhove (Eds.), Positioning theory (pp. 1431). Oxford: Blackwell. Vassanji, M.G. (1996). Life at the margins: At the thick of multiplicity. In D. Bahri & M. Vasudeva (Eds.), Between the lines: South Asians and postcoloniality (pp. 111120). Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Verkuyten, M., & de Wolf, A. (2002). Being, feeling and doing: Discourses and ethnic self-denitions among minority group members. Culture & Psychology, 8, 371399. Visweswaran, K. (1994). Fictions of feminist ethnography. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Walton, C., Coyle, A., & Lyons, E. (2003). There you are man: Mens use of emotion discourses and their negotiation of emotional subject positions. In R. Harr & F. Moghaddam (Eds.), The self and others: Positioning individuals and groups in personal, political and cultural contexts (pp. 4560). Westport, CT: Praeger. Warikoo, N. (2005). Gender and ethnic identity among second-generation Indo-Caribbeans. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28, 803831. Weisskirch, R.S. (2005). Ethnicity and perceptions of being a typical American in relationship to ethnic identity development. Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29, 355366. Wetherell, M., & Potter, J. (1992). Mapping the language of racism: Discourse and the legitimation of exploitation. New York: Columbia University Press. Williams, T.K. (1992). Prism lives: Identity of binational Amerasians. In M. Root (Ed.), Racially mixed people in America (pp. 280303). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Wood, L.A, & Kroger, R.O. (2000). Doing discourse analysis: Methods for studying action in talk and text. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Worchel, S. (1999). Written in blood: Ethnic identity and the struggle for human harmony. New York: Worth Publishers.

Appendix
The following transcription conventions were followed (as per Wood & Kroger, 2000): (54) Numbers in brackets following the participants speech indicate the turn number. For example, (54) indicates that in interview 5, the segment of conversation occurred in turn 4.

282

Malhi et al. South Asian-Canadian Womens Ethnic Identity

() Underlining ((coughs))

Represents something that was said but was not comprehensible on the tape indicates overlapping talk

indicates emphasis Double parentheses enclose descriptions of non-speech sound or other features of the talk or scene. Examples: ((whispered)) or ((telephone rings)) (++) Plus signs within parentheses indicate untimed pauses. Each + indicates approximately 1 second of pause [local restaurant] Brackets enclose contextual or explanatory information ... indicates that some data has been excised for purposes of readability. The full excerpt is available from the authors.

Biographies
REBECCA L. MALHI is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Psychology at the University of Calgary. Her research interests are centred around the study of culture and intergroup relations. For her Masters degree, she examined how the ethnic identity of South Asian-Canadian women and incidents of racism they experienced were socially constructed in their conversations. Rebeccas dissertation research, partly funded by a doctoral fellowship from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, investigates the problems and issues faced by couples within interracial relationships, both from a societal outsiders perspective and from the insiders perspective of the couples who are intimately involved. Rebecca presented an earlier version of the current paper at the Canadian Ethnic Studies Association 19th Biennial Conference in Winnipeg, Canada in September 2007. ADDRESS: Rebecca Malhi, Department of Psychology, University of Calgary, 2500 University Dr., NW Calgary, AB T2N 1N4, Canada. [email: rmalhi@ucalgary.ca] SUSAN D. BOON is an Associate Professor in the Department of Psychology at the University of Calgary. Her primary research interests focus on the dark side of romantic relationships, with a particular focus on how intimates perceive and respond to relational transgressions. She has also conducted research on grandparentgrandchild relationships, exploring young adults attitudes toward and experiences in relationships with their grandparents. She thanks Rebecca Malhi for introducing her to the study of culture and intergroup relations and for inviting her to join in on Rebeccas investigations in this area. [email: sdboon@ucalgary.ca] TIMOTHY B. ROGERS is Professor Emeritus in the Department of Psychology at the University of Calgary. During his 36-year tenure at the university, he researched extensively in social cognition, theoretical psychology and the history of the discipline. He left the academy three years ago to pursue a career in creative writing.

283