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Development
in international, regional and municipal agendas. The advent of the term sustainable
development in the Brundtland report (1987) has created increasing calls for societies,
companies and governments to incorporate protection of the environment into their economic
planning. This has become more relevant as modern society comes to face the dilemma in
been argued; current assumptions used by economists and modern market based societies in
delineating the idea of infinite growth has been a major factor in stimulating the current
ecological crisis. Such observations have led to the re-examination of the fundamental
subsets under which modern society functions in relation to the physical environment. New
outlooks have begun to emerge, which challenge the grounded notion that economic growth
essential input, rather then a mere substitute in industrial production; as defined in Neo-
classical economic theory (Krishnan 1995, 10). It is for this reason many are looking for
environmental cost-benefit analysis. This has created the need to move toward a more holistic
approach in utilizing demonstrated capacities from broad disciplines and various conceptual
outlooks.
Ecological economics has revealed its ability to utilize various knowledge capacities,
worldviews and observations by cross-cutting various disciplines. This has enabled a more
holistic and grounded approach to sustainable development. It is only through such openness,
that sustainable development can be achieved, as the reluctance to take into account local
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community knowledge, metaphysics and environmental phenomenon has proven the
nature, functions in relation to society. It is coming to be seen more as the critical factor in
examining societal outlooks, rather then simply a mere part. The increased attention and
debate that sustainable development is and will take up in public discourse, makes it very
relevant to examine the contribution of various disciplines and value systems. Debate is
which has devalued the environment as just another resource to be utilized for production
(Nadeau 2003, 58). Although there is still ambiguity in some circles about the so called
‘science’ of climate change, it can be accurately assumed that consensus has been reached on
The primary criticisms levelled against fundamental neo-classical economic theory are
in responding to the issue of the public commons. Neo-Classical theory translated in practice
has stipulated the idea of infinite growth, without understanding the reality of finite resources
(Schumacher, 1973). The contemporary beginning of the belief in the idea of such a model
can be traced back to the opening session of the Bretton Woods meeting in 1947. Chaired by
then U.S. Secretary of the treasury Henry Morgenthau, whose opening remarks envisioned the
planet where “...peoples of every nation [would] be able to realize their potentialities and
enjoy the fruits of material progress on an earth infinitely blessed with natural riches.”
Morgenthau called on all participants to embrace the notion that “...prosperity [had] no limits”
(Nadeau 2003, 78). These remarks provide a context around the idea postulated by
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economics: that the market system exists in a closed sphere, benevolently working to
determine the efficient allocation of goods, independent from all else. Yet it is this focus of
economics on the whole and not on the individual micro-mechanisms that affect long-term
changes within society that have exposed the limitations within economic models (Nadeau
2003, 52). As what is clearly viable in preserving the ecosphere and society in the long-run is
Finally the last major flaw pointed out in neo-classical economic theory is the idea that
“growth” in itself as being the primary requisite in dealing with sustainability and issues of
the environment. The argument is that if the poor in the developing world can share in the
benefits of material growth, they can focus on the issues of the environment. Yet current data
from the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development tells otherwise. The number
of people living on less than $1/per day is projected to rise from the current figure of 307
million to 420 million by 2015. This does not include global dynamics such as rising food
prices, which could reverse decades of progress in decreasing malnutrition and hunger.
Furthermore, observable evidence has demonstrated that higher levels in real income growth
have not demonstrated a higher propensity to deal with such issues, as demonstrated in OECD
countries, or newly industrializing countries (NIC’s) such as China (Rajaram 1995, 7). One
of the key examples to demonstrate the drawback in economic models to provide viable
trading has been a mechanism which policy makers have embraced as a tool to allow for
society to “have its cake and eat it too.” Yet upon closer analysis, various issues present
themselves in utilizing a market based approach to dealing with a public common. The basic
idea behind a carbon trading market is to offset ones’ detrimental environmental impact, by
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investing in projects that make up for such Carbon emitting projects (Smith, 2007).
Interestingly enough, the idea was taken from a practice of selling good deeds to ‘sinners’ by
the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages (Smith 2007, 6). This same premise underlies the
Carbon market: find carbon projects that offset projects that emit pollution into the
mechanisms to grasp the idea of global climate change. A response guided on the very
principal that creates the problem in the first place is quite illogical, to say the least.
Mechanisms which still allow for the same amount of carbon to be released into the
environment seem to reveal the inability to understand the issue at hand. The failure of such
approaches to address the underlying issue, which is to change societal practices and outlooks
on the issue of climate change, has brought the functionality of such markets into question.
Due to the inability of economic indices to value the “commons,” many questions have been
raised about regulation: how is one to measure airspace in monetary terms? A report by
Standard Life Investments on ‘Carbon Management & Carbon Neutrality in the FTSE All-
Share’ tellingly warned that such schemes “Have the capacity to disguise the failure to
achieve actual reductions in overall greenhouse gas emissions” (Smith 2007, 7). Such an
example reveals the inability for market mechanisms to fully deal with the issue of
in order to address the more complex issues brought forth in dealing with the complicated
The Brundtland report recognized that in order for larger society to move forward in
trying to achieve sustainability, society would need to learn from groups that had knowledge
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to share based on their own ways of life, as mentioned in the report, “...a great deal could be
learned from [indigenous peoples] traditional skills in sustainabley managing very complex
ecological systems” (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987, 115). Such
statements reveal the greater attention being paid to the area defined as the “traditional
ecological knowledge” (TEK) of Indigenous peoples. Although there are many difficulties in
the term, I would like to use the definition as put forth by Usher (2000), which states: “...TEK
refers specifically to all types of knowledge about the environment derived from experience
Traditional Ecological Knowledge has been more sought out in recent decades by
practitioners in western science, due to the gaps that exist within set scientific methodologies.
Researchers have found that local people possess a vast knowledge base, due to their long-
standing interaction and residency in specific localities (Boelscher, Ignace & Turner 2000,
1275). Western linear models based on cause and effect relationships have revealed their
research undertaken of Peary Caribou in the high Artic. Local Inuit in the area understood the
social and environmental structures in place, which allowed for long-term viability of the
herds. Whereas scientists believed, selective hunting of males and prohibition of hunting
females would be the best long-term solution. Yet this was in direct conflict with what local
Inuit had gathered over a long period of time; further monitoring proved the validity of local
Inuit knowledge (Freeman, 1992). Various similar examples abound, that demonstrate the
understanding that such communities posses; understandings which are based on differing
philosophical systems for ordering reality apart from traditional western science (Lertzman
2003, 284). This accumulated knowledge base that exists in communities has been the
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primary aspect in which “industrialized society” has seemed to show keen interest in
colonization and cultural appropriation. It is for this reason that relationships of respect and
genuine regard for working with local peoples must be demonstrated. Furthermore, it is
embedded in such “ecological knowledge”. As these are the underlying values and outlooks
that industrial society needs to examine if it wishes to achieve sustainability. The notion of
respect for nature and ecological value systems are what allow for the “sustainability”
observed in such communities (Boelscher, Ignace & Turner 2000, 1278). It is only through
such acknowledgment of the holistic nature of such a worldview, can modern societies utilize
the knowledge of such perspectives in pursuing a more sustainable society. This cultural
understanding is crucial in a time where individuals, academics, scientists and society at large
are looking for answers to the ecological crisis. The “traditional ecological approach”
provides answers, not only in terms of detailed observations of particular localities and
ecosystems (Boelscher, Ignace & Turner 2000, 1285). This type of demonstrated broad scale
understanding is what has shown to be lacking in current economic models, which only
analyze the environment, and specific relationships based on quantified measurable indices.
Such analysis has failed to take into account human relationships with natural resources, and
the nature of such resources in meeting human needs. Such failures have revealed the need
for current economic models to re-evaluate how specific systems, namely the environment
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Ecological economics has been emerging as a new sub-discipline in the field of
economics. It has opened itself to examining the earlier economic assumptions, that some
argue, has been a contributor in the facilitation of modern society’s dilemma with the
environment. Ecological economics has taken into account the value systems based outside
of the “western norm”. These systems have developed mechanisms that have proved to
important that these various insights and demonstrated methodologies work together.
Ecological economics has utilized the importance of such observations and documented
research in the environmental sciences, for example, to delineate more holistic measures when
analyzing the physical environment (Krishnan, 1995). Ecological economists have positioned
natural systems to be primary, with social and economic systems as respondent to this reality,
rather then the other way around (Krishnan 1995, 53). Such re-examinations of excepted
orthodox economic viewpoints reveal the strength of the cross cutting nature in looking at
issues of the environment. Major criticism has been levelled against traditional neo-classical
theory in not adequately measururing the net value of losses accrued to ecosystems (Nadeau
2003, 42). Yet by utilizing physical assessments carried out by ecologists and others, more
Land conversion traditionally has been measured in strict monetary terms, yet by
understanding the complex environmental features that exist within a specific area, reveal the
hidden ecological and social costs which have been overlooked for private benefit (Hackett
2005). Incorporating such analysis into broader based cost-benefit analysis has helped to
reveal the true costs in the utilization of environmental goods. Ironically such analysis have
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helped to cast light on the tremendous monetary costs that ecosystem negligence will have on
societies and economies, thus demonstrating the capacity of such integrated analysis in
perspectives outside of the traditional economic norm have helped demonstrate new
convergences in technical sciences, and local values. Such examples include when
economists began analyzing the idea of equable per capita resource use for animals and
humans. The idea was only looked at after understanding Indigenous ideas of environmental
equity. Ecological economists then began to analyze the idea of “uniform standard of living”
in animals, and now new insights are being drawn in looking at human beings as actors in the
environmental cycle (Krishnan 1995, 56). This type of inquiry would never be undertaken in
traditional economics; as such external variables have no place under the classical model.
The utilizing of such external models has helped provide a more holistic understanding for
modern societies, and the planet as a whole in examining the interaction of economies and the
It is important for modern society to analyze the current assumptions and frameworks
in which industrial society has come to operate. Inquiry into the areas of metaphysics,
economics and human relationships with the natural environment are thoroughly being
examined, as more attention is paid to human interactions with the environment. Individuals
are realizing that current operational methods are contributing to a destructive and
unsustainable way of life for the planet. It is for this reason many have called on developing
new outlooks, and even shifts in current paradigms of interrelations between societies,
economies and the environment. It is important to understand that the broad issues brought
forth through the environmental crisis have been looked at and examined throughout human
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history. All societies have developed understandings of how humans and natural
environments must interact in order to ensure viability of local communities, which for the
most part cannot be achieved in separation from the natural environment (Nadeau 2003, 67).
The inability of modern society to see the fundamental relationship between human beings
and the environment has been levelled as the prime factor in furthering ‘our’ ecological crisis.
It is therefore crucial, that as a common species to move forward, it cannot be with ideologies
alone. Rather it is only through examining other worldviews, understanding local community
knowledge, and examining cross-disciplinary ideas and insights can sustainability be moved
local indigenous communities, who by the very residency in specific localities for extended
periods of time have developed deep rooted understanding of local contexts (Houde, 2007).
Ecological economics has provided an outlet where the drawbacks of traditional neo-classical
knowledge, metaphysics and scientific understanding. Only through such partnership can
sustainability be achieved, as various actors provide the more holistic basis for how societies
are connected and need to see themselves in the wider context of the planet. This has proven
economics, whose proven advantages do not lie in examining the allocation of natural
resources, other then in a “productive” and monetary capacity (Hackett 2005). Such
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REFERENCES
Hackett, S. (2005). “Environmental and Natural Resources Economics.” New York: M.E.
Sharpe Inc.
Houde, N. (2007). “The Six Faces of Traditional Ecological Knowledge: Challenges and
Opportunities for Canadian Co-Management Arrangements.” Ecology & Society, 12, 1-17.
Retrieved April 5, 2008, from
http://web.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.lib.ucalgary.ca/ehost/detail?vid=3&hid=3&sid=2ea52c
51-7154-4f0c-b28d-acf34a809255%40sessionmgr3
Nadeau, R. (2003). “Wealth of Nature: How Mainstream Economics Has Failed the
Environment.” New York: Columbia University Press
Smith, K. (2007). “The Carbon Neutral Myth: Offset Indulgences for your Climate Sins.”
U. K: Carbon Trade Watch, Transnational Institute.
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