Asceticism and Society in Crisis

John of Ephesus and the Lives of the Eastern Saints Susan Ashbrook Harvey
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles Oxford 1 ! The Re"en#s o$ #he Un%vers%#y o$ Ca&%$orn%a

To my parents "Did not our hearts burn within us on the road . . .?" Luke 24:32

Acknowledgments
This study has been completed with the help of many people and ! am "rateful to all concerned. #ome contributions must howe$er be noted. The thesis phase of this book was kindly supported at different times by the %arshall &id 'ommemoration 'ommission and the &merican &ssociation of (ni$ersity )omen. The final production has been undertaken with the "racious assistance of the &merican 'ouncil of Learned #ocieties the (ni$ersity of *ochester and +rown (ni$ersity. ! be"an my work with ,ohn of -phesus for a doctoral thesis and ! remain deeply indebted to my super$isors #ebastian .. +rock and /rances %. 0oun". They ha$e tau"ht e1horted encoura"ed and inspired me to an e1tent ! can hardly measure2 and they continue to do so with deep "enerosity. )ere my debt to them less ! would feel less keenly the inade3uacies of this study. .eter +rown %artin 4oodman *obin &nne Darlin" 0oun" %ar5orie 'urry )oods -lla #chwart6 #idney 4riffith and ,ohn 7. &. /ine ,r. ha$e all "i$en freely of their knowled"e skills and time while also pro$idin" nourishment for the spirit and "reat "ifts to the heart. ! thank all of them2 needless to say shortcomin"s remain my own. !n addition ! am "rateful to Doris 8retschmer %ary Lamprech and /ranci Duitch of the (ni$ersity of 'alifornia .ress for their patient and "ood9natured "uidance in the production of this book2 to Timothy #eid of +rown (ni$ersity for his kind technical assistance2 and to #usan Lund"ren for her thou"htful skill in preparin" the inde1. /inally my husband ,im has been unfailin"ly supporti$e2 his sustainin" presence accounts for more than ! can say. : 1i :

Preface
The %editerranean world of late anti3uity has in recent years "ained popularity with scholars and the lay public both. & lacuna has been present in our studies thus far howe$er in the case of a ma5or and compellin" writer from this era ,ohn of -phesus. Li$in" in the si1th century ,ohn led a $aried career as a %onophysite monk missionary writer and church leader. Two si"nificant works by ,ohn remain e1tant: his Ecclesiastical History and his Lives of the Eastern Saints. ,ohn wrote in #yriac and his focus is often the eastern +y6antine pro$inces especially his homeland %esopotamia. +ut ,ohn;s career took him throu"hout the empire of his day and he knew the imperial court of 'onstantinople as intimately as he knew the $illa"es of &mida;s re"ions. ,ohn;s writin"s are important in part because

they concern a personal encounter with the full +y6antine world of his time and in part because few writers from late anti3uity ha$e opened that world so $i$idly as he. ,ohn li$ed throu"h the period spannin" the %onophysite mo$ement;s "reatest successes and defeats. !n his youth the %onophysites represented a formidable source of ener"y and creati$ity in the +y6antine realm2 in his old a"e ,ohn saw them not simply defeated but stale9mated: discredited by the 'halcedonians on the +y6antine throne and incapacitated by their own internal bickerin"s. )ithin and beyond this frame of acti$ity were the people of ,ohn;s world. /or ,ohn;s home the eastern pro$inces of +y6antium the si1th century was abo$e all a time of sufferin". Their lands pro$ided the battle"round for war between +y6antium and .ersia. Their monasteries and church communities %onophy9 : 1ii : site in faith endured persecutions by the 'halcedonian "o$ernment. /amine and pla"ue were chronically ubi3uitous. !t was a century when tra"edy both accountable and capricious was the fabric of daily life. ,ohn has recei$ed une$en treatment by modern scholars. &ppreciation for his si"nificance was first shown in the pamphlet by ,. .. <. Land Joannes Bischof von Ephesos der erste syrische Kirchenhistoriker =Leiden >?@AB. #ubse3uent studies culminated in the monumental work of &. D5akono$ Ioann Efesskiy =.etro"rad >CD?BEstill the only mono"raph de$oted to ,ohn. /urther efforts followed primarily te1tual and critical editions of ,ohn;s writin"s were published in the >C2Ds and >C3Ds accompanied by translations into -n"lish for the Lives of the Eastern Saints and into Latin for the Ecclesiastical History. <onetheless ,ohn;s works continued to be utili6ed mainly by #yriac scholars while historians of the late *oman and early +y6antine periods persisted in sidesteppin" his contribution. !n recent decades howe$er scholars of late anti3uity ha$e turned to a more comprehensi$e treatment of the materials a$ailable to us and a "reater appreciation for #yriac sources has been apparent. &n upsur"e in the interest shown for ,ohn of -phesus; Ecclesiastical History has accompanied this wider $iew and not least because ,ohn;s records contrast with the contemporary accounts of the 4reek literati. /or the most part ,ohn;s Lives of the Eastern Saints ha$e not shared the limeli"ht. The Lives ha$e been used primarily for the information they contain about certain key fi"ures and e$ents in the ecclesiastical crises of the si1th century. #uch selecti$e treatment bypasses both what ,ohn;s Lives are about and what they ha$e to offerEas may be seen in two notable e1ceptions to this situation .eter +rown;s "-astern and )estern 'hristendom in Late &nti3uity: & .artin" of the )ays" and -$elyne .atla"ean;s Pauvret conomique et pauvret sociale By!ance "e#$e si%cle . This study is an attempt to brin" ,ohn;s Lives of the Eastern Saints into $iew. They pro$ide a different perspecti$e from that of his History. *ather than a chronolo"ical record of important e$ents one finds here what is often lackin" in such records: the daily world of ordinary people and how they coped with war pla"ue famine and persecution. Fere one sees abo$e all #yrian asceticism fully de$eloped. !ts practitioners are at home in the small world of the $illa"er and sometimes too in the lar"er one of the imperial court. +ut the #yrian ascetics also reflected their times. +y the end of the si1th century e$en the $itality of this mo$ement had been worn down. ,ohn of -phesus and his Lives of the Eastern Saints pro$ide an opportunity to learn about life in a time and place of drastic e$ents. Fere we : 1iii : can see the ways in which those who ha$e chosen e1treme li$es are forced by e1ternal circumstances into e1tremities e$en more se$ere. !n writin" the stories of holy men and women whom he had known ,ohn shows us the confrontation between e1treme e1perience and the human necessity of shapin" that e1perience throu"h narrati$e. The hesitation that scholars ha$e shown in the instance of ,ohn;s Lives in fact stems lar"ely from its literary form. /or despite ,ohn;s personal ac3uaintance with his sub5ects and despite his professed intention to record in the Lives only what he himself has seen or can $erify ha"io"raphy alters both an author;s material and its presentation. The nature of ha"io"raphy does not in$alidate the historicity of ,ohn;s Lives but it does re3uire that we read the te1t with a particular understandin".

Fa"io"raphy is a literary "enre in which form is as important as content in understandin" the te1t. !ts task is to render the world of human e1perience comprehensible. !t does this in two ways: first by celebratin" the saint =whether real or le"endaryB as one throu"h whom 4od acted in the realm of human life2 and second by usin" a standardi6ed lan"ua"e of literary topoi that identified the saint as saint and interpreted the saint;s work as that of di$ine a"ency. *eco"ni6in" the formulaic non9 historical lan"ua"e of ha"io"raphy opens the route for treatin" the standardi6ation itself as historical material. These te1ts offer us historical information e$en in the most strin"ent sense only if we can ask the appropriate 3uestions. #tandardi6ation in ha"io"raphical lan"ua"e is not a static matter. /a$orite themes chan"e2 and the criteria of sanctity itself chan"e in accordance with fluctuations in the $alues of society. #tandard ha"io"raphical themes their periods of fashion and forms of e1pression re$eal the subconscious concerns of their societies and ser$e to establish a lar"er sense of order for those whom they are written to "uide. Fow then can we approach ha"io"raphy so as to e$aluate the interaction of formulaic and historical material? The te1t must be heard on its own terms as well as in its ha"io"raphical conte1t2 one must separate the standardi6ed material from the author;s perspecti$e and establish how and why the author is usin" the ha"io"raphic medium. There are clues internal to the te1t: the author;s style emphases choices and $iewpoints and the author;s position as distinct from the sub5ect;s. There are also e1ternal clues by which to measure the internal e$idence: other sourcesEha"io"raphical archaeolo"ical archi$al historio"raphicalEand other information can be brou"ht to bear upon the te1t. The consistency and coherence of a te1t the interplay between an author;s intent and content analyses of comparati$e and contrastin" materialEall of : 1i$ : these matters are tools by which we can listen more carefully to a te1t. !n the listenin" we can discern what the te1t is sayin" and what we can learn from it. ,ohn of -phesus; Lives of the Eastern Saints is a work of ha"io"raphy in the historical rather than the le"endary tradition of saints; li$es. (nlike many works of this kind ,ohn;s collection is not primarily stereotyped or didactic. !t is a work incorporatin" a strikin"ly personal element as ,ohn not only participated in much of what he sets down but also is acti$ely present in his role as author. !n the present study ,ohn himself stands at the center. &s will be seen his indi$idualistic manner is constantly apparent2 more than a matter of style ,ohn produces a form of ha"io"raphy peculiarly his own. Fis circumstances do much to encoura"e his indi$iduality. The purpose of the present study is to e1plore the relationship and interaction between asceticism and society in the si1th9century +y6antine -ast. !n particular we are concerned with how this relationship works for the %onophysite ascetics what factors influenced it and what the conse3uences and implications may ha$e been. Fow do we see the particular historical circumstances reflected in the ascetic e1perience ,ohn describes ha"io"raphically? &s ,ohn tells us it was a time when stylites descended from their pillars to enter the arena of reli"ious contro$ersy2 anchorites returned to towns and cities to care for the laity in the absence of e1iled church leaders2 e1ile became a part of monastic practice2 the needs of the laity o$errode the sentiments of bishops in the formation of a separate church hierarchy2 and women took leadership roles they would otherwise ha$e shunned. The situation of reli"ious contro$ersy was compounded by war with .ersians in$asions by Funs e1tended famine bubonic pla"ue and collecti$e hysteria. )e can see the contrast of %esopotamia in its calamity with the e1pansion and prosperity e1perienced elsewhere in the +y6antine -mpire durin" the first half of the si1th century2 we can see also the contrast of pro$incial life to that of the cosmopolitan centers whether &ntioch ,erusalem or 'onstantinople. Gur "oal here is to break the reli"ious e1perience down into its component parts in search of the meanin" ascribed to the lar"er e$ent. -stablishin" the historicity of ,ohn;s te1t is thus neither the methodolo"y nor the point of this study nor does it attempt to pro$e a thesis. *ather it seeks to see a situation: )hat is the story ,ohn tells? Fow are we to understand it? This is not a book about ,ohn of -phesus as a historian. ! chose to write about his Lives because they are not the history of his time but rather the story of the people who li$e in his world. ! will : 1$ :

utili6e his Ecclesiastical History only as a complementary supplement to the Lives . %y purpose is to understand what #yriac spirituality meant to these people both those who practiced an ascetic career and those who did not. 'onse3uently this is also not a book about the %onophysite mo$ement nor is its ori"inatin" point of reference the 'ouncil of 'halcedon in 4@>. *ather the point of ori"in is #yrian asceticism its roots and de$elopment. !n this particular instance the ascetics are also %onophysites. )hile the church crisis colored their situation as the book emphasi6es they are not themsel$es the entire %onophysite body =far from itB nor are they the reason for the separation of the churches. Their spirituality their asceticism and their responses to the crises of their times do not depend on their %onophysitism but rather on their #yriac herita"e. The continuity of that herita"e is ultimately more important than the chan"e brou"ht by persecution. +ecause the material is "enerally unfamiliar to scholars and students of late anti3uity this study starts with an introduction to the #yrian Grient of the si1th century. ! do this by focusin" on particular te1ts that illustrate the themes important for ,ohn of -phesus2 there is a conte1t in which the ascetic practice ,ohn records makes sense in practical as well as symbolical terms. #yrian asceticism did not de$elop throu"h a se3uence of e$ents. !t de$eloped in a collecti$e e1perience in which indi$iduals and communities pursued a $ariety of "oals for $arious reasons. The people rather than the e$ents were the determinin" factors and they o$erlapped clashed and harmoni6ed in patterns rather than in a clear pro"ression. The same is true of the spirituality studied in this book. -$ents affected it and forced people to make certain decisions or chan"es2 those circumstances are central to this study insofar as they re$eal the people and their spirituality more clearly. The first chapter then introduces ,ohn himself his writin"s and the literary issues of the Lives. The followin" chapters focus on those e$ents that shaped ,ohn;s collection: the de$elopment of asceticism in a time of crisis =chapter 2B2 the pla"ue of madness in the city of &mida as a collecti$e societal response to the years of calamity =chapter 3B2 the impact of e1ile on monastic practice and the functionin" of monastic communities as refu"ee camps =chapter 4B2 mission the breakdown of +y6antine imperial ideolo"y in the -ast and the formation of separate churches =chapter @B2 the fluctuatin" position of women =chapter AB2 and finally an assessment of ,ohn;s ha"io"raphical purpose =chapter HB. !n usin" ,ohn;s Lives to the end we will work with the awareness that ,ohn is writin" ha"io"raphy for a specific reason and with a specific : 1$i : intent. !n order to see what ,ohn is doin" and how and why he does it the Lives will be treated throu"hout this study to"ether with contrastin" and complementary writin"s of late anti3uity both 4reek and #yriac. )e will seek to clarify the sin"ular e1perience contained in the work. These are particular people in a particular world. To see them on their own terms and to hear their story as truly theirs is to touch history as a li$in" thin". Fa"io"raphy is about a theolo"y of acti$ity. The careers of the saints are one e1pression of this theolo"y. The writin" of ha"io"raphy is another. #ince no one can speak for ,ohn of -phesus better than he himself ! ha$e illustrated this study with his own words as much as possible. /or the most part ! 3uote from the translation of -. ). +rooks thou"h occasionally ! ha$e altered the te1t or where noted substituted my own. : 1$ii :

John of Ephesus's World :>:

Introduction: John's World

Lan"ua"e an' Cu&#ure
#yriac be"an as a dialect of &ramaic spoken in the re"ion of -dessa early in the first century of the 'hristian -ra.I>J !t "rew 3uickly as both the primary $ernacular and literary lan"ua"e of the #yrian Grient: the *oman pro$inces of %esopotamia #yria Gsrhoene and their nei"hborin" .ersian pro$inces. +ut it became too the lin"ua franca o$er a much wider area of the eastern *oman frontier. !t was used by traders throu"hout the -ast in .ersia and into !ndia and as far into the Latin )est as 4aul.I2J G$er time #yriac built an impressi$e cultural and literary stren"th in its own ri"ht.I3J !ts sur$i$al to this day in southeastern Turkey !ran !ra3 #yria Lebanon and parts of !ndia has been lar"ely due to its hold as a reli"ious force in the litur"ies of the #yriac9speakin" churches. &lthou"h the %iddle &"es under !slamic domination brou"ht a serious decline in #yriac literature apart from that for litur"ical or ecclesiastical use recent "enerations ha$e brou"ht a renewal of it once a"ain.I4J Throu"hout its e1istence #yriac has been a lan"ua"e in tension with other more influential lan"ua"es. .erhaps more than any other factor this has shaped its history. !t may ha$e been spurred to full de$elopment as a reaction a"ainst its reli"ious settin" in the first century: the ,ewish and pa"an connotations of &ramaic and 4reek facilitated #yriac;s adoption as a cultural $ehicle for 'hristianity particularly in a "eo"raphical area where the population prided itself on the primacy of an early affirmation of the 'hristian faith in contrast =or so -dessans claimedB to the :2: I@J 4reco9Latin realm. !ndeed #yriac has remained for the most part a 'hristian lan"ua"e producin" a primarily reli"ious literature. /urthermore unlike 4reek which stru""led in late anti3uity to reconcile Fellenic tradition and 'hristian conte1t in its literary forms #yriac de$eloped as a 'hristian medium2 relati$ely youn" as a literary lan"ua"e it was free of the archai6in" pressure e1erted on Fellenic literature. Gnce be"un its de$elopment came 3uickly.IAJ The #yrian Grient was less submissi$e to the ascendency of Fellenic aesthetics than the pro$inces of &sia %inor in part because after the *oman con3uests this area had maintained a de"ree of political autonomy lon"er than had the western pro$inces. !ts culture represented the inheritance of the ancient <ear -astE+abylon &ssyria .alestine and influence from the &rab peninsula.IHJ Durin" the early

'hristian period Fellenism was present as a strand within this sophisticated matri1 and our earliest 'hristian te1ts from this re"ion circulated in both 4reek and #yriac $ersions.I?J Fellenic philosophy appears in the theolo"ical speculations of +ardaisan of -dessa =d. 222B and in some of the heretical mo$ements especially %arcionism and later &rianism =causin" -phrem #yrus to rail a"ainst the "poison . . . of the 4reeks"B.ICJ +ut it does not emer"e as a dominant force until the fifth and si1th centuries. The #yrian Grient was 'hristiani6ed mainly throu"h semitic ,udaism rather than pa"an reli"ion or philosophy2 its reli"ious culture continued to reflect that herita"e and differed from those of the 4reco9Latin churches accordin"ly.I>DJ There was too a further cultural factor in$ol$ed: the #yrian Grient was the tradin" crossroad that brou"ht -ast and )est to"ether. The wealth of artistic and reli"ious influences that min"led in this area "enerated a literary fertility e$ident in the 4reek as well as in the #yriac writin" produced in the eastern *oman pro$inces.I>>J Thus in the syncretism of the late anti3ue 4reco9*oman world #yriac lan"ua"e and culture were in a position to "i$e as well as to takeEunlike for e1ample their 'optic counterparts in -"ypt or the &rmenians to the north.I>2J The position of #yriac was stren"thened further by the "rowth of its own academies durin" the second half of the fourth century. -dessa was the first city of the #yrian Grient to "ain reco"nition as a center of scholarship thou"h the school in -dessa had been transferred from its ori"inal location at <isibis. !n the fifth century reli"ious persecutions a"ainst the <estorians led to the spread of #yriac schools into .ersia where they flourished perhaps most illustriously a"ain at <isibis. I>3J The e1istence of the #yriac academies was to some de"ree responsible for the way in which Fellenism infiltrated #yriac culture. The use of #yriac as the teachin" lan"ua"e and the conse3uent task of trans9 :3: latin" 4reek literature particularly under pressure for theolo"ical dialo"ue caused a "radual impact one in which 4reek "ained the "reater pri$ile"e in the eyes of the #yriac literati durin" the fifth and si1th centuries.I>4J Despite the antipathy of 4reek culture to outside ="barbarian"B influences #yriac succeeded in creatin" a two9way interaction. &lthou"h translations of #yriac te1ts into 4reek are minimal compared with those in re$erse what was chosen to be translated from #yriac is important.I>@J #yriac hymno"raphy made an early and lastin" impression on 4reek literature. The fourth9century hymns of -phrem #yrus were translated into 4reek durin" the poet;s own lifetime2 the form and ima"ery he de$eloped probably pro$ided the inspiration for the later 4reek kontakion, especially as crafted by *omanos %elodos.I>AJ <ot unrelated perhaps was the attraction felt toward certain #yriac mystical writin"s a tradition culminatin" with !saac of <ine$eh in the se$enth century and ,ohn the #olitary in the ei"hth. These were translated and used in +y6antine monasteries deeply affectin" +y6antine spirituality.I>HJ +ut ha"io"raphy was undoubtedly the sphere in which #yriac made its "reatest contribution because its le"ends and themes were more important than its literary forms. !nfluence could be e1erted not throu"h translations or aesthetic issuesEboth areas in which 4reek was "rud"in"ly recepti$eEbut throu"h the stories themsel$es. The le"ends of -uphemia and the 4oth &le1ius the %an of 4od #er"ius and +acchus 'osmas and Damian .ela"ia the .enitent to name but the ob$ious ones are all e1amples of stories ori"inatin" in the #yrian Grient ='osmas and Damian may in fact ha$e been &rabsB I>?J which were told and retold in a $ariety of $ersions in numerous lan"ua"es and which sparked related motifs that flourished too.I>CJ Durin" the fifth century the influence of Fellenism increased in #yriac culture lan"ua"e and literature fueled abo$e all by the 'hristolo"ical disputes that broke out o$er the course of that century. I2DJ The ensuin" pressure for dialo"ue with the 4reek theolo"ians and with the imperial "o$ernment at 'onstantinople led to a chan"e in translation techni3ues that mirrored a lar"er cultural shift: the translation of 4reek into #yriac became increasin"ly precise with the emphasis =and thus the presti"eB placed on faithfulness to the 4reek te1t whate$er the result in #yriac. The need to interact effecti$ely with 4reek leaders and theolo"ians created a need for 4reek9educated #yrian scholars2 indeed the ma5ority of #yriac writers and translators between the fifth and se$enth centuries ac3uired their academic trainin" in 4reek9speakin" centers.I2>J Fowe$er the theolo"ical contro$ersies led to more than lin"uistic :4:

chan"e. !n the effort to make dialo"ue more effecti$e #yrian theolo"ians had to "ain skills in 4reek intellectual disciplines. +y the si1th century many #yrians re$eal marked Fellenic influence on their thou"ht and theolo"ical dialectic2 si"nificantly despite the continuin" de$elopment of #yriac thou"ht I22J the learned 4reek theolo"ian #e$erus of &ntioch pro$ided the "%onophysite" system on which #yrian Grthodo1y has rested e$er since.I23J The full impact of Fellenism on the #yrian Grient can be seen durin" the si1th century but the shift was not in itself destructi$e. The decline of #yriac lan"ua"e and literature came later under &rab rule when the lin"uistic similarity of the two lan"ua"es surely aided the rapid adoption of the rulers; ton"ue.I24J The si1th century instead witnessed a creati$e inte"ration of Fellenic and #emitic thou"ht: a situation that briefly shone with promise. This was the cultural 5uncture at which ,ohn of -phesus wrote his Lives of the Eastern Saints and in which his stories are set.

Cu&#ure an' Re&%"%on( Ear&y )rou*s an' Fea#ures

The most strikin" feature of early #yrian 'hristianity and the most difficult to assess is its inherent asceticism. /or the early church of the #yrian Grient asceticism was not a mar"inal phenomenon an acti$ity of e1tremists ho$erin" at the frin"es of the mainstream 'hristian church2 nor was it an e1ternal element arri$in" from the "e1otic" reli"ions of the -ast and assimilated into the buddin" 'hristian ethos. -1tremists there were and e1ternal influences there were. +ut for the early 'hristian communities of the #yrian Grient asceticism was at the heart of 'hristian understandin" and 'hristian life.I2@J Durin" the fourth century a common mo$ement pre$ailed throu"hout the 'hristian communities of the *oman -mpire: to brin" the $arious forms of 'hristianity as a whole into conformity in essence followin" the characteristics of the "mainstream" 4reco9Latin churches. This mo$ement brou"ht a number of chan"es to the te1ture of #yriac spirituality. Gne such chan"e was the idea that asceticism could be a separate $ocation within 'hristianity distinct from the practices of the laity and from the re3uirements of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.I2AJ +ut in earliest #yrian 'hristianity asceticism held a fundamental place. !t was basic to the #yrian understandin" of the +ible both in model and in precept2 it was essential sacramentally2 and it was de$otional practiced to $arious :@: de"rees by the laity as well as by the consecrated. %oreo$er this ascetically toned spirituality is found in almost all forms of early 'hristianity in the #yrian Grient whate$er the particular perspecti$e E"orthodo1 " 4nostic %arcionite or %anichean.I2HJ #yrian 'hristianity inherited from ,udaismI2?J a reli"ious tradition that stressed the importance of beha$ior. +oth the Gld and the <ew Testaments "a$e ample witness that de$otion to 4od meant pursuin" 4od;s purpose with body as well as with soul startin" with the abandonment of society;s comfortsEfamily home and community. %oses -li5ah -lisha ,ohn the +aptist and .aul as well as 'hrist were fa$orite models for the #yrians. Fere as elsewhere the #yrian Grient displayed the tendency to literali6e symbols2 that is the literal and fi"urati$e aspects of interpretation were seen to be the same and so too were one;s actions and their symbolic meanin"s.I2CJ &sceticism as symbolic beha$ior pro$ided the belie$er the means for enactin" biblical ima"es of sal$ation. The si"nificance of asceticism was enhanced by the particular +ible in use: Tatian;s Diatessaron was until the fifth century the most popular $ersion of the 4ospels in the #yrian Grient and often the only one. Tatian not only edited the 4ospels into a harmony but further made clear by his editin" and manner of translation =sometimes close to paraphraseB that renunciation was the model presented in the 4ospels and was indeed demanded of the 'hristian belie$er in all circumstances.I3DJ The influence of the Diatessaron encoura"ed those who saw the 'hristian ideal of renunciation in terms of a dualist understandin": the material world and the physical body were inferior to those of the spiritual realm if not outri"ht channels for e$il. There were howe$er further +iblical models de$eloped in early 'hristian writin"s that were not "rounded in a dualist perspecti$e but led nonetheless to an ascetic basis for 'hristian life2 and these in the ethos of #yrian spirituality were seen to present models for literal physical translation into the life of the belie$er. !n the earliest 'hristian sources from the #yrian Grient =as elsewhere in the 'hristian realmB a fa$orite epithet for 'hrist was the Fea$enly +ride"room.I3>J The marria"e feast parables in the 4ospels produced an ima"ery throu"h which 'hristian belie$ers understood themsel$es as betrothed to 'hrist

an ima"e de$eloped early on in #yrian baptismal tradition.I32J +y this ima"e the belie$er was declared wholly "i$en to 4od body and soul. 'elibacy was an ubi3uitous $alue in early #yrian 'hristianity. +ut celibacy was not necessarily a matter of refusin" to participate in the imperfection of the physical world. !t was a matter of bein" utterly de$oted to 4od. +ody and soul were in this $iew inseparable. :A: Thus into the third century and perhaps lon"er celibacy was often a $ow taken at baptism or later after ha$in" one or two children.I33J Two cate"ories of celibacy were reco"ni6ed: the bthuile, "$ir"ins " and the qaddishe, "holy ones " the married who practiced continence. #piritual marria"e the way of the qaddishe was commonly followed as a means of combinin" the social functions of marria"e with the life of faith.I34J !ndeed when the mainstream church attempted to curtail the practice of spiritual marria"e in 'hristian communities durin" the late third century and thereafter the #yrian Grient pro$ed the most difficult to chan"e in this respect. The idea of celibacy was for #yrian spirituality more than an ideal2 it was fundamental. Fence in earliest #yrian 'hristianity the word bthula "$ir"in " could also mean "'hristian " whether male or female lay or reli"ious.I3@J The "rowth of the bnay and bnath qyama consecrated lay offices for both men and women was also important. )ell9established as a part of #yriac 'hristianity by the third century these "'o$enanters " or "#ons and Dau"hters of the 'o$enant " li$ed a celibate and re"ulated lifeEby the fifth century canonically ruledEand ser$ed the 'hurch while li$in" in the 'hristian community. They functioned to"ether with the normati$e ecclesiastical structure and were a feature of the #yriac churches that sur$i$ed into the !slamic period. The #ons and Dau"hters of the 'o$enant were or"ani6ed as a kind of elite con"re"ation within the church offerin" a $ocational form of 'hristian life a$ailable to the laity. I3AJ -mphasis on celibacy and ser$ice to the church then were widely found in #yriac 'hristianity before the "rowth of a separate ascetic mo$ement. The eschatolo"ical settin"s of the marria"e feast parables in the <ew Testament also encoura"ed the ascetic nature of #yriac 'hristianity.I3HJ To en"a"e in acti$ities that furthered the e1istence of this earthly life only delayed the ine$itableEand desiredEarri$al of the eschaton.I3?J 'hrist as #econd &dam had opened the "ates of .aradise anew for those who were sa$ed and promised their return to that state of "race li$ed by the /irst &dam and -$e before the /all.I3CJ To hasten the fulfillment of this e$ent the belie$er li$ed in its e1pectation and sou"ht in e$ery way possible not to contribute to the continuin" e1istence of this earthly realm for e1ample by the procreation of children. +ut e$en further the #yrian understandin" brou"ht a literal li$in" out of life in the eschatolo"ical .aradise as prefi"ured by &dam and -$e. %ore than a matter of celibacy this understandin" sometimes led the belie$er to adopt a life of stark symbolism: li$in" naked in the wilderness e1posed to the elements eatin" only raw fruit and herbs dwellin" amon" the wild beasts and leadin" an unbroken life of prayer. These :H: precursors of the monastic mo$ement understood the 'hristian life in its absolute sense2 the belie$er was sa$ed and so no lon"er part of the fallen world.I4DJ The belie$er li$ed what the true eschatolo"ical reality promised. To li$e as if it had already come was to hasten its actual comin"2 but there was too a palpable sense that to li$e as if it had already come was to accomplish its actuality. -arly #yrian 'hristianity e$oked e1treme action throu"h a spirituality that called for li$ed symbols. #uch action pointed to one more characteristic intensifyin" the sense that 'hristianity without asceticism was incomplete =perhaps e$en unthinkableB:I4>J that is the idea of "sin"leness."I42J & notion rooted in ,udeo9'hristianity;s emphasis on sin"le9minded de$otion to 4od "sin"leness" "a$e particular meanin" to the ideal of celibacy. The belie$er was to be sin"le9mindedly focused on the di$ine2 the belie$er li$ed a sin"le unmarried life to enable that focus. 'hrist himself had li$ed such a "sin"le" life of de$otion to 4od;s purpose. !n #yriac the word meanin" "sin"le one " ihidaya, was also used to connote 'hrist as the "only be"otten" ="sin"le"B one of 4od2 it became a word commonly used for and interchan"eable with other technical terms for the ascetic or the monk. ,ust as in earliest #yrian 'hristian terminolo"y the word meanin" "$ir"in " bthula, could also mean "'hristian " so too the word for "sin"le one" =and indeed for "only be"otten"B could also mean an ascetic and later a monk. Thus from $arious sources #yriac spirituality nourished the con$iction that to be a 'hristian was to be sin"le9minded and to be celibate and to li$e a life of renunciation. The roots of #yrian asceticism then surpassed those of dualism. Traditionally scholars ha$e sou"ht to understand the phenomenon of

early #yrian asceticism in terms of a dualistic ethos which was in fact distinctly bred into the popular reli"ious culture of late anti3uity particularly in the 'hristian -ast.I43J The ma5or heretical "roups present in the #yrian Grient shared an understandin" that separated the spiritual and physical realms and from $arious an"les "lorified celibacy. The %arcionites sou"ht to fulfill literally the apostolic in5unction that in 'hrist there is neither male nor female2 the %anicheans and some 4nostics understood matter to be e$il and so encoura"ed dissociation from it2 baptism was interpreted in some "roups as betrothal to 'hrist the Fea$enly +ride"room and thus reduced earthly marria"e to adultery.
I44J

The presence of such a stron"ly dualistic mind9set could not but affect the wider popular attitudes of the #yrian Grient durin" the early 'hristian centuries. The ideas discussed earlier hereErenunciation celibacy .aradise fulfilled and sin"lenessEall lend themsel$es easily to :?: dualistic de$elopments. 'ertainly such de$elopments did take place and are to some e1tent responsible for the direction that #yrian asceticism took when it emer"ed durin" the course of the fourth century as an autonomous and defined mo$ement within the orthodo1 'hristian culture.I4@J +ut it would be misleadin" to re"ard heterodo1 dualism as the only source of #yrian asceticism. Gn the contrary the most influential and endurin" aspect of early #yrian 'hristianity was the concept of the essential "oneness" of the belie$er;s self a "oneness" of body and soul. The importance of reli"ious beha$ior is here placed in conte1t: what one does with one;s body is indistin"uishable from what one belie$es.

Cu&#ure an' Re&%"%on( Ear&y As+e#%+ For,s

The clearest early e1pression of this oneness in relation to the di$ine is seen in the Odes of Solomon perhaps our oldest nonbiblical #yriac te1t.I4AJ #cholars ha$e reached no consensus on the ori"inal lan"ua"e of these hymnsE4reek or #yriacEor on their date: theories ran"e from the late first to the third century with the late second century bein" the most likely.I4HJ +ut there is no doubt that they are #yrian in pro$enance and they illustrate this aspect of #yrian spirituality particularly well. The Odes reflect an all9consumin" lo$e of 4od with the ima"ery of betrothal as much a bodily e1perience as a spiritual understandin".I4?J There is a sensuousness an intense physicality to the e1pression of worship in these hymns de$oid of se1uality despite the bridal ima"ery that underlies it.I4CJ #o for e1ample Gde 4D: 2. &s a fountain bursts forth its water so my heart bursts forth the praise of the Lord and my lips brin" forth praises to Fim. 3. &nd my ton"ue becomes sweet by Fis anthems and my limbs are anointed by Fis odes. 4. %y face re5oices in Fis e1ultation and my spirit e1ults in Fis lo$e and my soul shines in Fim.I@DJ The act of self9"i$in" is such that the belie$er is borne into the presence and e$en into the $ery bein" of 4od2I@>J one of the "reatest difficulties a scholar has with these &des is to separate =in some of themB the $oice of 'hrist from that of the belie$erEto such a de"ree is the act of union absolute. This union is played out in another ima"e both physical and spiritual: the belie$er prays in the form =positionB of a cross and in :C: that stance is mystically lifted into the presence of 4od as was 'hrist himself.I@2J +ut the ima"e is 3ualified: it is the cross that leads to resurrection to the throne of "lory rather than the crucifi1ion that the belie$er symbolically becomes in the act of prayer. The distinction is crucial. <owhere in the Odes do we hear of the sufferin" of 'hrist an omission that contributed to the 3uestionable orthodo1y of these hymns. Fere the cross holds the symbol of 'hrist;s e1altation and of supplication2 no more but also no less.I@3J !n the fourth century the ima"ery of betrothal remained primary. &t the same time the fourth century brou"ht the first real encounter with persecution and martyrdom that the #yrian Grient had known. /or the 4reco9Latin churches persecution was a recurrent if sporadic e$ent from 'hristianity;s be"innin"s.

+ut to the east of &ntioch matters transpired differently. &part from a brief but contained outbreak in .ersia in the 2HDs I@4J the earliest #yriac 'hristian martyrdoms occurred between 3DA and 3>D in the instance of the -dessan martyrs #hmona 4uria and Fabib.I@@J Le"end later added the presti"e of earlier occurrences: durin" the fifth century the literary cycle of the -dessan martyrs was e1panded to include the 'octrina (ddai recountin" the martyrdom of &""ai late in the first century2I@AJ and the (cts of Shar)il* Ba)ai* and Barsamya whose deaths were set in -dessa in >D@ =thou"h the e$ents described would better place them in the persecutions of DeciusB.I@HJ +ut we ha$e no e$idence that these earlier martyrdoms took place and the accounts as we ha$e them are clearly part of the literary flowerin" that fifth9century -dessa en"endered. Thus the #yrian Grient was able to de$elop its 'hristianity lar"ely without the threat of martyrdom and its particular framin" of de$otion to 4od.I@?J %oreo$er persecution was less se$ere when it did come. The final persecution campai"ns at the turn of the fourth century witnessed the martyrdom of se$eral 'hristians in -dessa and other ma5or cities.I@CJ !n the 34Ds the 'hristian communities of .ersia suffered more in widespread campai"ns conducted under #hapur !! and coincidin" with the *oman -mpire;s chan"e to a fa$orable policy for 'hristianity.IADJ & result of this chronolo"y is that #yriac martyr passions draw on the ascetic ima"ery of #yriac spirituality rather than the re$erseEas for e1ample in the Life of (ntony of E+ypt where asceticism is named li$in" martyrdom.IA>J #hmona and 'uria were two 'hristian laymen put to death in -dessa around the year 3DA. &n account of their martyrdoms was written soon after.IA2J !n it the two men speak without artifice: as 'hristians they belon" to 4od. #hmona says "Gur belief is our life in 'hrist."IA3J #uch con$iction effecti$ely transmutes the meanin" of life and death. )ith words : >D : heard in other 'hristian martyrdoms #hmona says ")e are not dyin" . . . but li$in" accordin" to what we belie$e."IA4J )hat is death is life2 to li$e would mean to be dead. !ndeed 4uria recalls the scripture "Fe who loses his life for my sake shall find it."IA@J They draw comfort from the stories they ha$e heard of martyrs in other times and other places.IAAJ !n sharp contrast to the contemporary accounts of martyrs by -usebius of 'aesarea they are in no way "prepared" or "trained" to meet this e$ent as -usebius; philosopher martyrs had been.IAHJ -3ually strikin" is the absence of #atan;s presence in these stories and in those of the other -dessan martyrs. The officials in$ol$ed are portrayed as horrid enou"h but are ne$er identified with the &d$ersary as so often happens in 4reek and Latin martyrs; passions.IA?J #hortly after these two deaths the deacon Fabib met a similar fate in -dessa. Fis story by the same author is e$en more emphatic.IACJ )hen Fabib refuses to make sacrifice e$en after se$ere torture the "o$ernor e1claims in e1asperation "Does your doctrine teach you to hate your bodies?"IHDJ The "o$ernor implies either that Fabib can utterly disre"ard his body or that he deli"hts in the demise of his physical e1istence to the "reater "lory of his spiritual oneEboth ideas dear to -usebius as others. IH>J +ut Fabib responds with the simplicity of his #yrian predecessors: ")e do not hate our bodies. )e are tau"ht that he who loses his life shall find it."IH2J *ather than distin"uishin" between his body and his soul Fabib 3uestions what true life and true death are the 3uestion raised by the action of 'hrist in the resurrection.IH3J +oth the "o$ernor;s 3uestion and Fabib;s response were repeated in the later account of the martyrdom of #harbil written contemporaneously with #imeon the #tylite;s ascent on his pillar and the outcry of similar protest that his action pro$oked.IH4J To"ether these te1ts make no bodyKsoul distinction but rather speak of life and death as matters for which the physical and spiritual meanin"s are inseparable. &nd in that statement we ha$e a reasonable summary of what asceticism means a meanin" held e3ually by both )estern and -astern 'hristians: to be dead to the world as it is and ali$e to e1istence in the kin"dom of 4od an e1istence actuali6ed by the ascetic;s practice. Fere we see life and death each understood as a state of e1istence in its own ri"ht and each continuous both here and in the hereafter. They are mutually e1clusi$e of one another both in this world and the ne1t. !n addition to martyrdom the fourth century brou"ht a shift in the #yrian Grient from 'hristianity as an ascetic reli"ion to 'hristianity as a reli"ion with asceticism as a possible $ocation. The shift is marked in the : >> : writin"s of &phrahat the .ersian =fl. 33AL34@B and -phrem #yrus =d. 3H3B both "proto9monks" in the mo$ement towards monastic communities.

&phrahat is primarily concerned with celibacy as the startin" point of 'hristian $ocation.IH@J !t is the mark not only of betrothal to 'hrist a 5oyful "ift freely "i$en and freely recei$ed IHAJ but also of the call to participate in the holy cosmic war a"ainst the &d$ersary.IHHJ !n his 'emonstration A "Gn the +nay Myama " &phrahat interwea$es the concepts of betrothal to 'hrist renunciation ser$ice holy war and eschatolo"y in a rich tapestry of biblical ima"ery and models representin" a tradition he has inherited the roots of which may well stem from Mumran and early sectarian ,udaism.IH?J Fe does not speak of the body as somethin" to be sub5u"ated to the soulElan"ua"e per$adin" the rou"hly contemporary Life of (ntony. *ather body and soul are 4od;s as one2 both are for Fis use and Fis work. !t is -phrem who e1tols the e13uisite beauty of betrothal as an ima"e addressin" 'hrist the Fea$enly +ride"room "The soul is your bride K the body your bridal chamber."IHCJ Gr a"ain "G Lord may the body be a temple for its builder K may the soul be a palace of praise for its architect."I?DJ /or -phrem alienation of body and soul is the result of the /all. !n his Hymns on ,isi)is AC he writes: 3. . . . for you had 5oined them to"ether in lo$e but they had parted and separated in pain. 4. The body was fashioned in wisdom the soul was breathed in throu"h "race lo$e was infused in perfectionEbut the serpent separated it in wickedness. @. +ody and soul "o to court to see which caused the other to sin2 but the wron" belon"s to both for free will belon"s to both. <ow howe$er the work of the incarnation has reconciled them once a"ain: >4. %ake "lad the body with the soul2 return the soul to the body2 Let them ha$e 5oy at each other for they were separated but are returned and 5oined once more.I?>J Thus -phrem can re5oice ")e lo$e our bodies which are akin to us of the same ori"in."I?2J &nd he can write this way at the same time that others are describin" the startlin" #yrian ascetics li$in" naked in the wilderness their hair like ea"les; feathers physically enactin" the ima"e of life before the /all the true life of the sa$ed belie$er.I?3J !t was -phrem too who could e1hort that $ir"inity alone without acts of ser$ice was an insufficient offerin" to 4od and that chaste marria"e combined with : >2 : "ood works could be a better way: "their conduct ha$in" filled the place of $ir"inity. /or . . . their spirit was bound in the lo$e of their Lord . . . with the desire for Fim permeatin" all their limbs."I?4J The common thread that ties the early $arieties of #yrian 'hristianity to an orthodo1 tradition is the understandin" that body and soul must be united in the act of de$otion. )hat chan"es o$er time are the conte1t and circumstances in which the thread is found. !n #yriac martyr passions one finds a commentary on the meanin" of asceticism: sufferin" or hatred of the body is neither the "oal nor the purpose but de$otion of the whole self is. &phrahat and -phrem write about the meanin" of de$otion to 4od at a time when #yrian asceticism is shiftin" toward a defined mo$ement. The e1tremity that came to characteri6e #yrian asceticism durin" the fifth and si1th centuries is well known. !t may be that its harshness reflects the impact of the earlier dualistic ethos or indeed the incorporation of the martyr e1perience into a spirituality that had come to bloom without that threat. 0et &phrahat and -phrem offer witness that the increasin" e1tremity was not born only out of influence from a dualistic ethos but also could come from the search to li$e out with one;s whole self betrothal =self9"i$in"B to 4od.I?@J The two fi"ureheads for #yrian ascetic tradition praised in the hymns of their own day as well as in later le"end were ,acob of <isibis =d. 33?B in .ersia and ,ulian #aba =d. 3AAK3AHB in %esopotamia.I?AJ -ach took to the wilderness to focus solely on the di$ine. ,acob was a solitary in the mountains outside <isibis.I?HJ Durin" the sprin" summer and autumn seasons he li$ed e1posed in the brush with the sky for his roof. !n winter he stayed in a ca$e. Fe ate only wild plants and denied himself the comfort of fire =for warmth or for cookin"B and of clothin" ha$in" only his hair for a tunic. Fis spiritual e1cellence brou"ht rewards: whate$er he asked 4od "ranted blessin" him further with the "ift of prophecy. <ot surprisin"ly ,acob;s $irtue was disco$ered by others and he was ordained bishop of <isibis. Fe left his mountains but did not chan"e his way of life. &s bishop he pursued a career of public "ood works and pri$ate asceticism. Durin" the &rian crisis ,acob tra$eled to the 'ouncil of <icea to battle for orthodo1y. Durin" the .ersian sie"e of <isibis he worked amon" the populace stren"thenin" their defense and sabota"in" the efforts of the .ersian soldiers. !n the eyes of his public his effecti$e leadership was the result of his effecti$e asceticism.

,ulian #aba;s life followed a parallel but contrastin" course.I??J ,ulian too was an anchorite. Fe li$ed in a ca$e in the desert of Gsrhoene and ate once a week restrictin" his diet to mea"er 3uantities of barley bread salt and sprin" water. .rayer and psalmody were his primary acti$ities. ,ulian;s way of life brou"ht him "rowin" fame and soon a "rowin" band : >3 : of disciples. They settled in nearby ca$es ate as he did and under his leadership practiced an asceticism of prayer psalmody and labor. G$er time ,ulian;s renown spread and so too did testimonies to the deeds wrou"ht by his prayers. Like ,acob ,ulian returned for a time to society to work in opposition to the &rian challen"e. Gnce he was taken seriously ill but worked his own cure by prayer as he had done for many others. Theodoret of 'yrrhus wrote that the illness was a reminder of ,ulian;s humanity.I?CJ &ppropriately ,ulian died in the 3uiet of his desert home. +oth ,acob and ,ulian found that the course of their ascetic withdrawal led them back to human society: for ,acob by ordination to the see of <isibis and for ,ulian by the "rowth around him of an ascetic community. +oth worked to e1press di$ine purpose throu"h action. +oth saw fit to reenter worldly affairs by inter$enin" in the crises of war and reli"ious contro$ersy. <either claimed that his holy resolution absol$ed him of such commitments. &bo$e all neither softened his pri$ate way of life. The e1ample they set terrified their enemies. !t was said that armies were turned and dra"ons slain by their act of prayer.ICDJ ,acob and ,ulian represent the archetypal #yrian saint and their stories can be seen as blueprints for the ha"io"raphies to follow. )ithin their mold the #yrian Grient de$eloped its ascetic tradition centerin" on the indi$idual whose life of de$otion "ained authority in both the di$ine and human realms. 0et the earlier features of #yriac 'hristianity were not supplanted. & separate ascetic institution be"an to arise durin" the fourth century but its demarcation was not always clear. The tradition of the lay ascetic remained the indi$idual who li$ed a re"ulated life of chastity and prayer within society and who ser$ed the needs of the local con"re"ation. -phrem #yrus was himself one such indi$idual workin" tirelessly for the bishops of <isibis and -dessa and known for his e1ceptional efforts on behalf of the needy when -dessa suffered a famine.IC>J There continued in #yrian 'hristianity the understandin" that faith re3uired $ocational acti$ity and commitment from its adherents. &t the same time the "rowth of asceticism as an institution raised other issues for the #yrian 'hristian community.

As+e#%s, an' So+%e#y

Durin" the fourth century monasticism flowered across the 'hristian realm and with it a critical role for the asceticEthe holy man or womanEto play in society. +y their discipline and their conscious imitation of biblical models especially from the 4ospels the ascetics enacted : >4 : the ima"e of 'hrist. To the public this was more than imitation: in the ima"e of 'hrist the holy one could do what 'hrist had done. The ascetics could intercede for di$ine mercy and they could be instruments of di$ine "race in this world2 they were a channel between humanity and 4od that worked in both directions. The ascetic was the point at which the human and the holy met.IC2J %oreo$er the ascetics blurred the lines separatin" the temporal and spiritual realms. ,ust as they could intercede effecti$ely with the di$ine so too could they intercede with the worldly powers below. !t did not take lon" for the 'hristian community "reat and small to turn to the holy men or women for cures e1orcisms ad$ice 5ustice and 5ud"ments in affairs pri$ate and public personal and ci$il. Gften seen as an attempt to lea$e the worldly for the spiritual asceticism in fact carried hea$y responsibilities in relation to the lar"er 'hristian society.IC3J The wider empire showed de$elopments that paralleled the basic models of #yrian asceticism.IC4J !n the late third and early fourth centuries &ntony had pa$ed the route out to the -"yptian desert as anchorite and back into the temporal world when he reentered &le1andria on behalf of the +ishop &thanasius.IC@J !n so doin" he sharpened the task of the ascetic $ocation. There had been others before him of de$otional practice recluses who li$ed the life of prayer. !n the desert &ntony redefined the ascetic as one who fou"ht the &d$ersary face9to9face in the desolate and un9'hristiani6ed wilderness. &ntony made "the desert a city " sanctifyin" a place where 4od had not been present. &nd he did more: he brou"ht that stren"th back into 'hristian society. !ndeed as the prophets of oldE%oses -li5ah ,ohn

the +aptistEand as 'hrist himself &ntony faced the wilderness as prelude to a career that in$ol$ed much public ministry.ICAJ #oon after in 'appadocia +asil of 'aesarea both established a form of de$otional community dependent on corporate disciplineEhis monastery K hospice K hospital comple1 Eand caused his friend 4re"ory of <a6ian6us to lea$e his retreat and enter the church;s battle"rounds. ICHJ !t was not a far step from either position to that of the monastic forces utili6ed by 'yril of &le1andria early in the fifth century.IC?J The #yrian terrain and its $ulnerable position as border country between the *oman and .ersian -mpires made it necessary for the early #yrian anchorites either to remain near to fortified towns or $illa"es as ,acob of <isibis had done or to bond to"ether as a community howe$er loosely as in the case of ,ulian #aba.ICCJ These factors marked #yrian asceticism with its own distincti$e style. !n -"ypt clear distance from the outside world was the desert;s claim. &lthou"h sources indicate continual contact between the ascetics and society both sides upheld the : >@ : ideal of that distance as a crucial element for the ascetic;s $ocation. !n the #yrian Grient pro1imity to the temporal society was a "i$en. -$en in te1ts describin" anchorites the dramatic isolation eulo"i6ed in -"yptian =as well as .alestinianB ha"io"raphy is rarely to be found. /urthermore unlike 'appadocia the structural patterns of different communities were rarely coordinated and their arran"ements with the ecclesiastical or"ani6ation were less elaborate. The fifth century brou"ht the full articulation of #yrian asceticism and established its place in relation to 'hristian society. &"ain two fi"ures mark the key de$elopments: #imeon the #tylite =c. 3?AL4@CB outside &ntioch and the le"endary %an of 4od in -dessa at about the same time. These two represent the poles of traditional asceticism the wilderness and the city2 and they represent the ran"e of relationships possible for asceticism and society in the hu"e cult followin" of #imeon and its antithesis in the anonymity of the %an of 4od. #imeon was the unparalleled star of #yrian asceticism known in his own day =and perhaps e$er afterB as the "reat wonder of the inhabited world.I>DDJ +orn in #yria of 'hristian parents and bapti6ed as a child #imeon "rew up tendin" his father;s flocks. & chance encounter led to his con$ersion to the ascetic life and he left his home at once. #imeon passed throu"h two monasteries in #yria at Tel;ada and Telneshe in his search for his true $ocation but his propensity for se$ere and eccentric practice led him into conflict with the de$elopin" #yrian monastic structure. -$entually he went his own way first as a recluse and then around 4>2 as stylite mountin" the first of three pillars each hi"her than the one before. Gn the pillar he took up his stasis his stance of continual prayer. The final pillar on which he spent rou"hly the last forty years of his life was about forty cubits hi"h =si1ty feet?B. !t had a platform on top about si19feet s3uare with a railin" to keep him from fallin" off. -1posed on the mountain with no shelter of any kind #imeon stood on his pillar midway between hea$en and earth until his death at the a"e of more than se$enty years. Fis career as holy man was spectacular. Durin" his life his fame had spread from +ritain to .ersia2 the pil"rims who flocked to see him crossed the spectrum of late anti3ue society from peasant to emperor brin"in" him problems as mundane as cucumber crops and as comple1 as forei"n policy. Gn top of his pillar #imeon li$ed e1posed to heat sun ice rain and snow. Gnce he nearly died from a "an"renous ulcer on his foot. Fe followed a ri"id schedule of stationary prayer "enufle1ion and attention to the pil"rims below. Fe was tended by disciples who climbed the pillar by ladder to brin" him the sparse food he ate once each week when he : >A : was not fastin". & monastic community "rew up around the pillar base which ser$ed not only the stylite but also the pil"rims who came. Twice a day #imeon would interrupt his prayer routine to hear problems and address e1hortations to the crowds below. Fe 5ud"ed disputes addressed the affairs of the 'hurch proclaimed a"ainst heresy and sent ad$ice to the emperor forei"n kin"s and other hi"h officials2 he preached healed e1orcised prophesied and blessed the endless crowds.I>D>J )e possess three contemporary $itae for #imeon. &lthou"h we ha$e nothin" from his own words that e1plains why he climbed the pillar these three sources offer different perspecti$es on what he was doin" and why. Their differences are instructi$e. Theodoret of 'yrrhus wrote about #imeon in his Historia reli+iosa while the saint was still ali$e =c. 444B when he had been on the pillar twenty9ei"ht years and his cult was in full "lory.I>D2J Theodoret uses the frame of Fellenic tradition to present

#imeon as one for whom body and soul are mutually anta"onistic in a battle of wills that forms the central focus for #imeon;s career. To seek the resolution of the conflict #imeon adopted a life of discipline and $irtue in order to sub5u"ate his body to his will. Fe represents the true philosopher one who seeks the life of $irtue by turnin" his mind wholly to the spiritual world abo$e. !n subduin" his body to his soul #imeon achie$es an inward harmony throu"h which he can turn the whole of his heart to 4od. Theodoret calls this the "an"elic life"2 for him #imeon;s ascent on the pillar represented his search for escape from the physical world. !t was the "fati"ue " the "unbearable toil"I>D3J from the wei"ht of the world that dro$e him to be apart up on his pillar: he sou"ht to "fly hea$enward."I>D4J Theodoret also takes the time to draw from an apolo"ia apparently prepared by #imeon;s monastic community and utili6ed also by the writers of #imeon;s #yriac $ita.I>D@J /rom this he defends #imeon;s career as one that follows the Gld Testament prophets: in seekin" to re$eal the will of 4od the prophets often resorted to shockin" beha$ior which was as essential for their work as the messa"e they spoke. +ut this is not where Theodoret finds the real key to #imeon;s $ocation2 he focuses instead on the achie$ed discipline of the $irtuous life. !n another $ein alto"ether is the #yriac $ita composed by the saint;s disciples soon after his death.I>DAJ !t represents the saint;s official story the "authori6ed" $ersion put out either by the community that continued to tend his shrine in its conte1t as a ma5or pil"rima"e site or by those close to this community. Fere there is no di$ision of body and soul. Fere #imeon;s con$ersion to the reli"ious life is an act of lo$e the "i$in" of himself into the $ery hands of 4od. "IFeJ cared for nothin" e1cept how : >H : he mi"ht please his Lord. . . . I&ndJ he lo$ed his Lord with all his heart."I>DHJ !n Theodoret;s story the capacity to work miracles was somethin" that #imeon "ained o$er time2 it accrued to him "radually as he attained an e$er purer discipline. +y contrast in the #yriac $ita #imeon was capable of miracles from the moment he "a$e himself o$er to 4od. This was not a "race symbolically earned or achie$ed2 it was the mark of his unity with 4od. !n the #yriac te1t much more space is "i$en to the apolo"ia for #imeon;s $ocation on the pillar. %a5or prophets whose actions had shocked their communitiesE!saiah walkin" naked Fosea marryin" the harlot ,eremiah wearin" yoke and thon"sEare cited as so many precursors to #imeon;s action and his work is presented specifically as prophetic beha$ior.I>D?J %oses and -li5ah fi"ure most prominently in this presentation both as models and as spiritual "uides for the stylite.I>DCJ The pillar is climbed because this is what 4od calls him to do.I>>DJ Fere #imeon becomes a stylite not in penitence not to deny his body nor to discipline it but because 4od re3uires it to fulfill his purpose. The #yriac te1t places much emphasis on #imeon;s cruciform prayer. +ut as earlier in the &des of Solomon this ima"e is not likened to 'hrist;s sufferin" on the cross. !t is used to connote 'hrist;s $ictorious stance in his triumph o$er #atan a $ictory displayed a"ain throu"h the acti$ity of #imeon on the pillar. The pillar itself is likened to a number of ima"es. !t is the hi"h place from which the prophet speaks the word of 4od2 it is the new %ount #inai from which the new Law is dispensed2 it is the crucible that purifies #imeon as "old throu"h fire2 it is the altar upon which #imeon is the incense risin" hea$enward as prayer2 it is the mountain on which #imeon is transfi"ured as 'hrist himself was once transfi"ured2 but 'al$ary it is not.I>>>J !t is only in our third te1t the 4reek $ita written by &ntony an alle"ed disciple of #imeon that we hear of #imeon;s $ocation as one of penance.I>>2J /or &ntony the e1tremity of #imeon;s practice represents his response to his sinful nature as fallen man and it is sin that holds the focus of this te1t. Fere e$en the saint;s capacity to work miracles does not indicate his $ictory o$er sin2 it is rather a "race despite #imeon;s humanity. !n this te1t #imeon;s actions are only the search to achie$e ade3uate repentance throu"h ceaseless abasement and punishment. (nlike the other two sources this one presents the u"liness of the saint;s $ocation as e1actly that with no attempt to miti"ate its brutality. The $ariations in these te1ts re$eal that e$en the most e1treme ascesis did not represent a clear reli"ious stance2 the notion of a dualism fundamental to 'hristian culture can neither account for #imeon;s $oca9 : >? : tion nor con$ey its meanin".I>>3J *ather we are presented with a kaleidoscope of ima"ery one that carries echoes from the entire spectrum of early #yrian 'hristianity heterodo1 or orthodo1.

#imeon;s story illustrates another feature of the cult of saints. )hen he died his body was mo$ed to &ntioch in an e1traordinary procession. #e$en bishops the military "o$ernor of #yria and an escort of si1 hundred soldiers accompanied the body to its restin" place in the cathedral. The crowds en route were enormous. The procession took fi$e days to reach &ntioch a distance of rou"hly forty miles. &fter his death his cult continued to "row with particular "lory accruin" to his shrine at Mal;at #im;an housin" the relic of his pillar but fi"urin" also at reli"ious sites across 'hristendom as far away as 4aul.I>>4J There came too the "lory of those who followed #imeon;s model: stylites became an important feature of +y6antine spirituality2 imitators can be found as late as the mid9nineteenth century.I>>@J 'ontemporaneously with #imeon;s life and cult the story of the %an of 4od appeared in -dessa.I>>AJ The story itself is set in the years when *abbula was -dessa;s bishop =4>>L43@B and was written perhaps between 4HD and 4H@ the dates for the composition of the #yriac Life of Simeon. The two stories appear antithetical. The story of the %an of 4od is a simple one. )e do not know his name nor the names of his parents a noble *oman family. +orn to a childless couple after many years this son was from the be"innin" "an instrument chosen by 4od." Fis humility e$en as a youth was unsettlin"2 in an effort to help him conform to the ways of the world his parents finally arran"ed a marria"e for him. +ut the %an of 4od fled and makin" his way to #yria he settled in -dessa as a be""ar. The way of life he took on as his $ocation was as simple as it was se$ere. Fe li$ed amon" the poor in the $icinity of the church fastin" and prayin". Fe would accept a little money from the alms"i$ers from which he purchased a $ery little food and "a$e the rest to others in need. &t ni"ht he sta$ed amon" the poor standin" in cruciform prayer all ni"ht while they slept. -$entually the caretaker =paramonarius B of the church disco$ered his practice and one ni"ht be""ed ")ho are you and what is your work?" The saint "estured to the poor who lay sleepin" around them "&sk those in front of you and from them you will learn who ! am and whence ! am for ! am one of them."I>>HJ !t was only with the "reatest difficulty that the caretaker learned the saint;s story and only after the holy man had bound him to secrecy and refused when the caretaker asked to become his disciple. +ut the caretaker be"an to imitate the %an of 4od secretly : >C : followin" an austere prayer practice of his own and watchin" o$er the holy man. Gne day while the caretaker was away the saint died2 anonymous in death as in life he was buried in the cemetery of the poor. !n "reat distress the caretaker poured out the story to +ishop *abbula be""in" that the body be taken back from the "ra$eyard and with proper burial laid "in a known place "I>>?J to be "ranted due $eneration. +ut the saint;s body could not be found only the ra"s in which he had lain. )e ha$e no way of knowin" whether or not there is a historical basis to this story. !t may ha$e been inspired by such an ascetic or it may ha$e been a simple didactic tale2 either way the messa"e remains the same. !n the story we are shown two responses to the life of this saint. /irst the +ishop *abbula is spurred by the meanin" of the saint;s presence in the city to undertake ser$ice to the poor and destitute in honor of the saint;s identity with them =and indeed *abbula was famed for his work with the needyB.I>>CJ &s for the paramonarius, he undertook the continuation of the saint;s prayer practice and the tellin" of the saint;s story. +ut so well did he understand it that he preser$ed the humility of his master e$en then. Fimself anonymous he wrote a story that "i$es us a saint with no teachin"s no miracles no body no tomb and no name.I>2DJ & "reater contrast to #imeon would be hard to ima"ine. Gn his pillar #imeon was both in the world and abo$e it. /urther he li$ed in a space well separated from the urban world2 up in the mountains the world came out to #imeon to seek his aid. &s his cult "rew the enclosure built around him and his attendant monastic community created a buffer between the saint and his suppliants that was far more efficient than the hei"ht of his pillar. #imeon;s practice made him $isible to all and thus "a$e the sense that he was accessible to all.I>2>J +ut despite the "enerosity of his works #imeon could be reached only by his chosen few. Gne obtained intercession from #imeon throu"h the intercession of his disciples. The separation was sharp enou"h to confuse his pil"rims as to whether he was human.I>22J & clear9cut relationship between ascetics and society in the #yrian Grient was emer"in" alon" with a fusion of the eremitic and cenobitic $ocations as the indi$idual $irtuosi found their practices increasin"ly conducted within monastic communities. *abbula himself published canonical literature

for monks and for the #ons and Dau"hters of the 'o$enant dealin" with situations both inside the reli"ious community and out in the public sphere.I>23J /or both "roups in both spheres he demanded a life of strict separation. There was to be little if any contact with the laity and no contact between se1es2 monastic "arments and chaperones helped to demarcate the boundaries of reli"ious life in an ur9 : 2D : ban conte1t. !n the monasteries themsel$es structures became clear. +oth seclusion as a hermit and the use of chains or other "spiritual aids" were restricted to the most worthy in a monastery. *abbula;s le"islation was stren"thened by ci$il laws such as those e1emptin" stylites from court appearances which ser$ed to reinforce the practical order of reli"ious and societal interaction.I>24J The %an of 4od;s life would seem to undermine this entire picture. Fe does not withdraw from the world: he "oes to it. Fe enters the harsh reality of the destitute in a ma5or urban center "/or ! am one of them." Fe li$es amon" men and women unmarked by clothin" company or conduct. )ithout e$en a name he has no identity as a holy man. )here the physical separation of the holy was an essential in"redient in the work that #imeon and others like him performed for society and where the cult of such a saint flourished both durin" life and after death the %an of 4od was in$isible in life and death indistin"uishable from the poor in the streets or in the cemetery. &li$e he was no one in particular2 he could ha$e been anyone and thus he became e$eryone. )hen his body disappeared in death he was nowhere2 he could ha$e been anywhere and so he was e$erywhere. The %an of 4od had 5ust this task as his work: to re$eal the presence of the holy in the midst of human life. This he did by the power of his presence alone sanctifyin" the world itself and causin" "ood works to be done by those around himEnot miracles but actions of concrete import in human society and possible for any person to perform. !n this te1t too the ima"e of cruciform prayer is crucial. Fere a"ain our saint is "i$en no ima"es of trial testin" or punishment.I>2@J *ather we are once more presented with ima"es of transformation: from the "reatness of his noble birth to the humbleness of the poor to the holiness of the empty tomb. The holy was where the %an of 4od wasEin the world. Thus at a time when popular spirituality e$oked fer$ent followin"s for holy men and women and accorded their monasteries "reat power and influence the %an of 4od pro$ided a balancin" $oice. )here could the life of true de$otion be li$ed? )here could the holy be found? &nd who was truly free from the cares of the world? !n his story the %an of 4od showed no disrespect for either city or monastery. /or him they were one and the same2 life itself was $ocational. This is in fact the conse3uence of the story. #imeon presented the holy one as sharply marked out from the "eneral 'hristian community by space beha$ior food and intercessory acti$ity. The %an of 4od took this di$ision and for"ed an inte"ration between society and the holy for the holy could operate anywhere. : 2> : The career of #imeon and the story of the %an of 4od articulate the paradi"m of #yrian asceticism as both an e1ternal e1pression and an internal reality. They reflect the $ariety of earlier ascetic acti$ity in the #yrian Grient presentin" different aspects of its beha$ior and offerin" its meanin" anew. Directly in their wake came ,ohn of -phesus and the ascetics he celebrates in his Lives of the Eastern Saints .

Re&%"%on an' H%s#ory

The #yrian Grient like the lar"er 'hristian world ne$er contained one o$erarchin" "church" identity. Durin" the fourth century the 'ouncil of <icea =32@B had helped to spur the "eneral ecclesiastical mo$ement towards conformity thou"h the 'hristian realm remained di$erse as a body. +y the si1th century 'hristendom faced the issue of conformity with renewed intensity and the #yrian Grient was itself a ma5or battlefield for the conflict at hand. )hen ,ohn of -phesus was born at the turn of the si1th century the dispute o$er the 'ouncil of 'halcedon =4@>B continued heatedly and the anti9 'halcedonian mo$ement was reachin" its peak. +y the time of ,ohn;s death in @?C all this had chan"ed. /ormally di$ided into separate church bodies the 'halcedonian church of the +y6antine -mpire and the non9'halcedonian "%onophysite" church of the 'hristian Grient now stood autonomously.I>2AJ The key issue behind the 'ouncil of 'halcedon was that of 'hristolo"ical definition: what e1actly was the relationship between 'hrist;s di$ine and human natures?I>2HJ The %onophysites followed 'yril of &le1andria;s track in assertin" the continuity of the di$ine sub5ectEin ,esus 'hrist the di$ine Lo"os

really was present in the flesh in the world. Throu"h the tradition of &le1andrian thou"ht 'yril posited what were in effect two states for the Lo"os the pree1istent Lo"os and the Lo"os enfleshed. Fis concentration on the fact that it was the Lo"os incarnate who suffered left him with the parado1 of how 'hrist could "suffer without sufferin"." The difficulty in 'yril;s way of unitin" the human and the di$ine in 'hrist lay in how to maintain the full humanity of 'hrist without bein" forced to the heterodo1 position that the 4odhead could suffer human weakness and pain. The 'halcedonians ironically followed the route <estorius had pa$ed throu"h the tradition of &ntiochene thou"ht: protection of the full di$inity of the Lo"os by assertin" the full inte"rity of 'hrist;s humanity. 'hrist;s sufferin" was here e1perienced by the man ,esus fully human in body and soul de$ised as the "temple" that the Lo"os had fashioned for Fimself and in which Fe dwelt. +ut here the Lo"os was held intact at : 22 : the risk of di$idin" 'hrist into two separate bein"s two natures complete and whole one di$ine and one human. The 'ouncil was also concerned with maintainin" the theolo"ical alliance between -ast and )est and to some e1tent it was the concessions to )estern thou"ht that created the furor followin" the 'ouncil. I>2?J The "reatest stumblin" block to the resolution of theolo"ical differences seemed to be the Latin -ome of Pope Leo the papal contribution to the 'halcedonian definition of faith. !n order to accommodate the -ome the 'ouncil had compromised its theolo"ical lan"ua"e makin" it more specific. Thus the 'halcedonian definition affirms 'hrist "in two natures" rather than "out of two natures." &d$ocates of the 'ounciliar decision saw the compromise as a matter of sharpenin" the 'reed laid down at <icea2 dissenters saw it as sanctionin" inno$ation by strayin" from holy tradition into heresy. The %onophysites accused the 'halcedonians of ha$in" di$ided 'hrist in two the error of "<estorianism" proper in order to affirm more precisely his humanity2 and thus of worshippin" a 3uaternity =as ,ohn of -phesus; sub5ects refer to itB of /ather #pirit 'hrist and ,esus. !n turn those supportin" the 'ouncil accused their anta"onists of -utychianism unitin" the two natures into one nature di$ine a heresy the %onophysites themsel$es denounced. The 'halcedonians were concerned to protect the Lo"os from the blasphemy of assertin" that the di$ine could suffer pain and the weakness of human fallibility. The differences lay in lan"ua"e rather than in concept.I>2CJ The fact that both sides in the dispute shared the same claims scripturally patristically and traditionallyEand abo$e all that both ri"htly claimed the authority of 'yril of &le1andriaEis critical. !n fact both sides belie$ed the same faith that declared at the 'ouncil of <icea.I>3DJ +ut certain key terms shared by the &le1andrian and &ntiochene schools of thou"ht did ha$e different connotations for their respecti$e systems I>3>J and the deep9seated fear that faith must be absolutely correct or "orthodo1 " in order to sa$e led to a ri"id conser$atism on both sides. /urthermore the political interests in$ol$ed bred a simplistic reductionism from the content of the lan"ua"e to its literal meanin". The ar"uments became so hardened that the essential points of a"reement were obscured.I>32J !n the course of the dispute followin" 'halcedon considerable mo$ement was made theolo"ically by both sides toward a solution incorporatin" both the &le1andrian and the &ntiochene schools of thou"ht. The efforts of the neo9'halcedonian theolo"ians under the sponsorship of ,ustinian in particular show how far the work of fusion could pro"ress between the two traditions.I>33J : 23 : !ronically ,ustinian was the emperor who sou"ht a "enuine theolo"ical resolution to the conflict rather than a compromise. Fe saw the problem as one of reconcilin" the lan"ua"e of the 'ouncil with that of 'yril of &le1andria that is keepin" 'halcedon;s authority intact while resol$in" the knots of the theolo"ical discourse. The 'ouncil of 'onstantinople in @@3 represented the fruits of his labors. 0et it was also ,ustinian who forced the political situation to polari6e irre$ocably and thus to render his theolo"ical work ineffectual for the 'hristian Grient.I>34J The dispute peaked durin" the si1th century both theolo"ically and politically. +ut it is the daily reality of the presence of this dispute that we will find in ,ohn of -phesus; writin". The circumstances in which the battle was fou"ht mediated its meanin" for 'hristian society. %atters did not stand in isolation.

The relati$e political stability of &nastasius; rei"n =4C>L@>?B seems to ha$e been decepti$e. Troubles that had seemed controllableEfor e1ample the flare9up of the .ersian campai"ns between @D2 and @D@Ebe"an to show themsel$es as too deeply seated for strai"htforward solutions. /urther complications came from a series of natural disasters occurrin" throu"hout the empire at that time: earth3uakes famine and pla"ue. These put strains on the empire;s finances and morale pre$entin" an amenable conte1t for &nastasius; policies. The pro9 and anti9'halcedonian factions were not yet completely polari6ed but relations worsened as &nastasius pro$ed unable to achie$e an e3uilibrium durin" his rei"n2 his sympathies for the %onophysite cause forced him "radually into a stron"er stance of support than he himself 5ud"ed wise. I>3@J The measures he took showed how e1plosi$e the situation could be. The %onophysite leader #e$erus attained the patriarchal seat at &ntioch in @>22 but in 'onstantinople at the same time riots a"ainst the anti9'halcedonians forced the emperor without his diadem to be" for peace in the Fippodrome and to offer abdication. &nastasius; pitiful appearance dampened the $iolence. +ut the point had been made: a hapless #yrian monk taken to be #e$erus himself had been beheaded by the riotin" mob.I>3AJ The continuation of these $aried problems made a smooth route for ,ustin;s chan"es in imperial policies but they also added a sinister tone where it mi"ht not otherwise ha$e been felt.I>3HJ .erhaps most decisi$ely in the course of his rei"n ,ustin worked closely with his eni"matic nephew ,ustinian who was to succeed him in @2H. /or some ancient historians =and for some modern onesB these two men comprised one rei"n.I>3?J Durin" ,ustin;s term of office imperial interests shifted irreparably away from the eastern pro$inces for years a stable source of "oods : 24 : trade and labor and focused on the )est a policy that culminated in ,ustinian;s effort to recon3uer !taly and <orth &frica. The policy was initiated on a diplomatic le$el. ,ustin and ,ustinian be"an to woo the .ope and the *oman people by takin" up the 'halcedonian cause. The e1tent of their commitment was shown in the persecutions a"ainst the %onophysites that be"an in @>C soon after ,ustin attained office. The commencement of the persecutions pro$oked instant reaction on both sides of the theolo"ical di$ide o$er 'halcedon. #e$erus; patriarchal rei"n from @>2 to @>? had seen the %onophysite mo$ement at its hei"ht but e$en to contemporaries the fra"ility of its hold was clear.I>3CJ 0et ,ustin;s chan"e in reli"ious policy could not ha$e appeared as decisi$e as it would later pro$e. /irst the %onophysites themsel$es knew their ascendency had been tenuous and they e1pected further battles. &nd second the persecutions were conducted a"ainst church officials and monastic communities only lea$in" the body of the faithful untouched. +y imperial desi"n the persecutions struck hardest in the #yrian Grient and particularly in ,ohn of -phesus; home pro$ince of %esopotamia. Fowe$er the new measures fa$orin" 'halcedon by force did allow a si"nificant loophole for the dissenters. -"ypt was e1empted from the persecutions enablin" %onophysites to seek refu"e there. .erhaps this e1emption was undertaken on economic "rounds since -"ypt was 'onstantinople;s bread basket.I>4DJ +ut -"ypt was also the territory of 'yril of &le1andria. 'yril and his successor Dioscurus had drawn profoundly on the authority of their monastic comrades2 the -"yptian monks had responded to the 'hristolo"ical crisis with a passionate in$ol$ement. !ndeed since the days of &thanasius and &ntony the &le1andrian patriarchate had fostered a herita"e of close interaction with the desert ascetics. The people of &le1andria furthermore were famed for their $olatile reli"ious sentiments2 it was a place where contro$ersy thri$ed.I>4>J The &le1andrian herita"e suited well the conditions of persecution. The refu"ee patriarchs bishops priests and ascetics that came to"ether in -"ypt;s sanctuary of asylum found themsel$es in a situation that encoura"ed the spiritual momentum of their cause combinin" fears of oppression with the reco"nition of -"ypt;s authoritati$e position amon" 'hristians.I>42J Thus the persecuted not only fled to -"ypt for safety but looked to it to maintain their le"itimacy. -"ypt as elsewhere in the -ast had not represented a unanimous anti9'halcedonian faith and had not lon" before pro$oked disciplinary measures from #e$erus2I>43J but these differences were now put aside. -"ypt as befitted 'yril;s homeland be9 : 2@ :

came the hallmark of orthodo1 communion for those professin" 'yril;s "%onophysite" faith.I>44J To a lar"e de"ree practical reasons caused the di$ision to harden alon" "eo"raphical and cultural lines. !t was essential to the imperial ideolo"y of +y6antium as de$eloped by ,ustinian that the alliance with *ome be upheld and thus that the Latin elements of 'halcedonian theolo"y be supported. !t was also of import to the throne a"ain for ideolo"ical reasons that the patriarchate rankin"s sanctioned at 'halcedon ='anon 2?B "i$in" 'onstantinople primacy o$er the eastern sees be maintained. These two factors were crucial to the emperor;s claim to be 4od;s representati$e the ima"e of 'hrist on earth and also to his claim that the empire was the 'hristian -mpire the ima"e of the hea$enly kin"dom. The imperial policies that ,ustinian brou"ht to the dispute demanded that 'halcedon be affirmed on a par with the three "reat councils before it at <icea 'onstantinople and -phesus. 'halcedon "a$e di$ine sanction to the kind of authority ,ustinian was claimin" and be3ueathin" to the +y6antine -mpire. Gn the other hand the *oman )est was of little interest or concern to the eastern pro$inces. !t was remote "eo"raphically and culturally and imperial in$estment in the )est meant economic drain on the -ast which had to finance the cost. %oreo$er the eastern pro$inces were far enou"h away from 'onstantinople to escape the full brunt of its policies2 furthermore their lan"ua"es and cultures were sufficiently autonomous to allow a separate acti$ity. They were physically apart and possessed the cultural tools needed for remainin" reli"iously distinct. /inally their own sufferin" of calamities durin" the si1th century of necessity turned their interests inward to their own local situations. These factors made dissent easier more deep seated and more self9ri"hteous. /or unforeseeable calamity interfered with ,ustinian;s plans for a re$itali6ed and 'halcedonian empire. & se3uence of earth3uakes floods and famine had na""ed the empire from the turn of the si1th century hittin" the eastern pro$inces particularly hard. The situation came to a head in @42 when the 4reat +ubonic .la"ue broke out brin"in" an incomprehensible le$el of disaster. )here$er it struck production and business halted alto"ether for the duration of its presence. The sur$i$ors were left to restore "normality " while imperial demands continued unabated. +ut the pla"ue recurred in ,ustinian;s rei"n four more times and it deepened its toll on each occasion. )hen -$a"rius #cholasticus wrote an account of this bli"ht in his Ecclesiastical History he stated with resi"nation that he wrote in the fifty9second year of the pla"ue. The cu9 : 2A : mulati$e effect on population morale and economy was as insidious as it was disastrous.I>4@J -$en so ,ustinian;s military con3uests o$er the course of his rei"n mi"ht ha$e seemed impressi$e. +ut at his death in @A@ little concrete "ain for his efforts remained apart from a crippled state. Fis failures were hu"e. The wars with .ersia had continued occurrin" intermittently for the duration of the rei"n and their cost was threefold: campai"ns had continually to be financed and fortifications built and stren"thened2 efforts to end the animosities by diplomatic means in$ol$ed hu"e tributary payments2 and the opulence of the eastern cities was freely ransacked by the .ersians. %oreo$er in the )est not one of the military $ictories was to be decisi$e for any len"th of time and the "ains pro$ed more costly to hold than they had been to ac3uire2 financially debilitatin" e1cursions were launched and relaunched for years. /inally of least concern to ,ustinian but of considerable conse3uence to the empire his $arious nei"hbors to the north re3uired lar"e tributary payments to stay indecisi$ely under control. %atters disinte"rated rapidly on all fronts in the years followin" ,ustinian;s death. The empire;s resources had been drained2 his ta1 collectors had been notoriously efficient. The eastern pro$inces for e1ample already locked in their own pli"ht were crippled still more by the constant needs of the imperial treasury.I>4AJ To be fair the economic problems of the empire were already "reat when ,ustinian came to power2 but he showed no acknowled"ment of the delicate situation in his own policies then or later.I>4HJ Despite ,ustinian;s lastin" accomplishments notably in art and in law the "limpse of an empire re"ained did not conceal its own demise. #o $iolent were the fluctuations between brilliance and obstinacy durin" ,ustinian;s rei"n that they e$oked an otherwise pu66lin" incon"ruity in the writin"s of his commentators. The apparently unaccountable e$en self9defeatin" opposite $iewpoints in the writin"s of .rocopius or the comple1ities in the relationship between ,ustinian and ,ohn of -phesus

make sense only insofar as they bear witness to the actual contemporary impact of ,ustinian;s rei"n. %atters were not simply black or white2 they were both at once with no tin"e of "ray.I>4?J )ith this lar"er conte1t as their backdrop the accounts of &mida and its ascetics in ,ohn of -phesus; Lives of the Eastern Saints pro$ide considerable supplement to the chronicles of the si1th century. Lists of facts e$ents and odd occurrences are translated by ,ohn;s stories into cohesi$e parts of real and on"oin" life in the eastern empire. #imilarly the people he follows throu"h the wider empire establish for us a sensiti$ity : 2H : to the time and space of ,ustinian;s era. Fere matters were not 5ust affected by imperial policies but actually take on the imprint of the imperial personalities themsel$esEnot the remote kin" and 3ueen percei$ed from &mida;s territory but ,ustinian and Theodora at work. Thus ,ohn opens for us the world in which he li$ed2 it is to that openin" we now turn. : 2? :

I "These oly Images"': John of !"hesus and the Lives of the Eastern Saints
-ohn H%,se&$
,ohn of -phesus sometimes known as ,ohn of &sia was born in the early si1th century around the year @DH. Fe was from the territory of !n"ilene in north %esopotamia which fell under the 5urisdiction of the metropolitan city of &mida. The local population was a mi1ture of #yrians and &rmenians. )hat we know of ,ohn;s life is drawn from scattered references he makes in his writin"s2 the time and place of ma5or e$ents at least can be arran"ed with fair certainty.I>J ,ohn;s many9sided career had a propitious start. !n"ila;s local stylite had been for some years a monk called &braham at the monastery of &r;a *abtha. )hen &braham died his brother %aro ascended the $acant pillar. The first miracle of %aro;s new career was the sa$in" of ,ohn;s life. ,ohn;s parents had lost all their sons before the a"e of two apparently because of a con"enital problem. )hen ,ohn succumbed as well they brou"ht the dyin" child to %aro. %aro was new to the practice of holy medicine and the ensuin" interchan"e between stylite attendants and parents in$ol$ed much confusion. The child appeared dead and %aro;s prescription of lentils inspired no confidence in his audience. +ut when finally the monks were persuaded to place the food in ,ohn;s mouth he suddenly re$i$ed. The stylite then commanded that the boy : 2C : be fed as many lentils as he could eat and be brou"ht back to him in two years; time as his own son.I2J Thus by the a"e of four ,ohn found himself recei$ed into the monastic $ocation under the tutela"e of a "reat spiritual father. %aro died when ,ohn was about fifteen years old. The youn" monk soon left &r;a *abtha "because of the pro1imity of family" and 5oined &mida;s ascetic community becomin" a member of the monastery of %ar ,ohn (rtaya in the early @2Ds.I3J +y this time persecutions a"ainst the %onophysites had be"un and the &midan ascetics were in fact li$in" as a combined "roup in e1ile. ,ohn;s mo$e to their community marked the be"innin" of his many years of tra$el and acti$ity as a %onophysite. This was not a matter of con$ersion to a cause2 reflectin" the hardened reli"ious positions of his times ,ohn seems ne$er to ha$e considered any other confession. (ntil the early @4Ds ,ohn 5ourneyed with his fellow &midans much of the time fleein" persecutors and li$in" in makeshift conditions but also durin" periods of relati$e peace $isitin" other monasteries and noted hermits. Fis tra$els took him throu"hout the -ast down into -"ypt and across to 'onstantinople. !t was durin" this period in the year @2C that ,ohn was ordained deacon by ,ohn of Tella himself in e1ile at the time as part of an under"round pro"ram of ordinations meant to replenish the depleted %onophysite cler"y.I4J ,ohn of -phesus first came to 'onstantinople around the year @4D. & lar"e number of %onophysite refu"ees had settled in the imperial city under the protection of the reli"iously sympathetic empress Theodora. (pon his arri$al ,ohn seems soon to ha$e become known at the court as well as amon" the

%onophysite communities in and around the capital. !n @42 the emperor ,ustinian champion of 'halcedonian orthodo1y eni"matically chose ,ohn to undertake a campai"n of con$ersion amon" the pa"ans and heretics still flourishin" in &sia %inor.I@J ,ohn;s 6eal for the task can hardly ha$e ser$ed the 'halcedonian interests of the "o$ernment for it was while occupied in this way that he was consecrated titular bishop of -phesus by ,acob +urd;aya possibly in @@?.IAJ #till his efforts on ,ustinian;s behalf earned him the title 'on$erter of .a"ans. Gn missions throu"h &sia Lydia 'aria and .hry"ia ,ohn claimed to ha$e con$erted ei"hty thousand pa"ans and schismatics =notably %ontanistsB and recei$ed "o$ernment aid to found ninety9ei"ht churches and twel$e monasteries.IHJ )e ha$e no e$idence that ,ohn e$er resided in -phesus2 instead his base of operation remained at 'onstantinople. !n the @4Ds he was "i$en a $illa by the chamberlain 'allinicus 5ust outside the capital at #ycae and there he founded a monastery with himself as archimandrite.I?J !t : 3D : ser$ed as his home base until its confiscation by the 'halcedonians in @H?. +y @AA at the death of the &le1andrian patriarch Theodosius ,ohn had become the official leader of the 'onstantinopolitan %onophysites. +ut the %onophysites themsel$es were now beset by internal 3uarrels and ,ohn was cau"ht in the effort to mediate between factions so opposed that their o$erridin" cause was hopelessly weakened. The accession of ,ustin !! in @A@ brou"ht renewed $i"or to imperial 'halcedonian commitment. !n @H> the patriarch of 'onstantinople ,ohn #cholasticus initiated a new persecution in which ,ohn of -phesus was an ob$ious tar"et.ICJ /rom this time until he died the %onophysite leader suffered imprisonment and e1ile. &"e as well as despair o$er the state of the churchEboth within %onophysite ranks and in the wider theolo"ical ne"otiationsEleft ,ohn;s health and spirit broken. <onetheless he worked on his Ecclesiastical History smu""lin" the chapters out of prison I>DJ until his death probably in @?C.I>>J

-ohn.s /r%#%n"s
&midst his many acti$ities ,ohn was also an important writer. %ost of his two ma5or works the Ecclesiastical History and the Lives of the Eastern Saints remain e1tant but lar"e parts of the Ecclesiastical History as well as other pieces ha$e been lost. ,ohn;s earliest work appears to ha$e been a description of the first %onophysite persecutions perhaps in particular those conducted in the @3Ds by the patriarch -phrem of &ntioch and &braham bar 8aili bishop of &mida.I>2J Fe may also ha$e written a few years later an account of the 4reat +ubonic .la"ue that struck the empire in @42 but whether he left this as an independent work is unclear. & further work that has not sur$i$ed seems to ha$e dealt with theolo"ical ne"otiations in the early @HDs focusin" on the "eneral formula of unity discussed by 'halcedonian and %onophysite authorities in @H>.I>3J #cholars ha$e lon" held ,ohn;s Ecclesiastical History as a work of ma5or import for the si1th century. !t consists of three parts the first co$erin" the period from ,ulius 'aesar until the death of Theodosius !! the second spans the period to @H> and the third to @??L@?C.I>4J & few citations from part > are incorporated by %ichael the #yrian in his .hronicle2 considerably more of part 2 is 3uoted in lar"e sections by pseudo9Dionysius of Tell9%ahre in his .hronicle, as well as by %ichael and these se"ments ha$e been supplemented by further scattered references.I>@J .art 3 has sur$i$ed intact.I>AJ : 3> : ,ohn;s early writin"s on the persecutions and 4reat .la"ue doubtless pro$ided much of the material about those e$ents in part 2 of his Ecclesiastical History. /or these matters his accounts of natural disasters his intimate knowled"e of the imperial court under both ,ustinian and ,ustin !! his pro$incial ties and his detailed renderin" of the internal %onophysite disputes we are most indebted to his History. & careless writer at the best of times ,ohn;s enthusiasm outwei"hed his patience. !n the parts of his History composed while he was in prison or in e1ile this tendency was a""ra$ated by the circumstances. +ut ,ohn shows little re"ard for the discipline e$idenced by fellow #yriac historians of the same time. +oth the meticulous concern for detail =of prices and dates in particularB shown by ",oshua the #tylite" in his .hronicle and the careful preser$ation of documents found in pseudo9 Nachariah *hetor;s Ecclesiastical History are missin" in ,ohn;s History.I>HJ

0et by $irtue of their fer$or ,ohn;s writin"s pro$ide an honest record that counterbalances the official =and 'halcedonianB histories whether "secular" or "ecclesiastical " left by his 4reek contemporaries. I>?J .erhaps best e1emplified by those of .rocopius &"athias and -$a"rius #cholasticus these formal histories by 4reeks constitute works in which literary protocol was at times more important than what was bein" reported.I>CJ Despite its many inaccuracies ,ohn;s History pro$es true to the nature and e1perience of his times in a way not possible for those writers more officially or literarily minded.I2DJ !n the late @ADs ,ohn wrote and then e1panded the Lives of the Eastern Saints a collection of fifty9 ei"ht stories of %esopotamian and #yrian ascetics whom he himself had known or met durin" his life and whose reli"ious careers were particularly inspirin".I2>J The stories are told as $i"nettes interspersed with hearsay2 their presentation resembles those of the Historia Lausiaca by .alladius the Historia reli+iosa of Theodoret of 'yrrhus and the later Pratum spirituale of ,ohn %oschus. -. ). +rooks has called the Lives ,ohn;s "most characteristic" work2I22J it is certainly a personal one. The ma5or focus of the collection falls between the @2Ds and @ADs. ,ohn anchors the chapters primarily by references to each sub5ect;s life before and after the commencement of the %onophysite persecutions his pi$otal landmark.I23J The order of the chapters follows the chronolo"y of ,ohn;s own life and the shape of the whole reflects the influences at work on ,ohn in the de$elopment of his career. ,ohn;s stories then are in part his own story. The fifty9ei"ht chapters of the Lives can be di$ided into two basic clusters: the first re$ol$es around ,ohn;s e1periences as a youth in the : 32 : monastic communities of &mida;s re"ions =chaps. >L23B and the second concerns his e1periences after lea$in" %esopotamia primarily in -"ypt and 'onstantinople =chaps. 24L@HB. The final chapter =@?B is de$oted to the history of the &midan monastery of %ar ,ohn (rtaya to which he felt his "reatest bond throu"hout his career. Gdd chapters are out of se3uence with this arran"ement but probably indicate ,ohn;s own lack of or"ani6ation rather than mishandlin" in transmission.I24J The first twenty9three chapters are set mainly in %esopotamia. They are by and lar"e lon"er more detailed and more personal than the subse3uent chapters. These accounts describe the monastic settin" in which ,ohn "rew up the kind of ascetic practices that pro$ided his models and the indi$iduals who particularly influenced his $ocation. This portion of the Lives includes the followin": Fabib =chap. >B an efficacious monk whose career fits well the pattern that characteri6ed the holy man of late anti3uity2 N;ura =chap. 2B Fabib;s disciple who became a stylite but went on because of the persecutions to pro$ide an influential presence in 'onstantinople2 &braham and %aro =chap. 4B two brothers whose careers as stylites dominated the reli"ious life of northern %esopotamia for many years2 ,ohn the <a6irite =chap. 3B .aul the &nchorite =chap. AB Farfat =chap. >>B and #imeon the #olitary =chap. 23B whose anchoretic careers forcibly came to accommodate the altered conte1t of persecutions2 &braham the *ecluse =chap. HB and %are of +eth (rtaye =chap. CB who came to the ascetic $ocation late in life2 #imeon the Fermit and #er"ius =chap. @B a solitary and his disciple who ser$ed as $i"ilanti of %esopotamia;s $illa"es2 #ome who undertook the solitary life only to find it leadin" to in$ol$ement in the affairs of the outside worldE&ddai the 'horepiscopus who instituted a profitable wine industry =chap. ?B2 two monks who could not a$oid their callin"s as e1orcists =chap. >@B2 #imeon the %ountaineer who inad$ertently became a missionary =chap. >AB2 Thomas the &rmenian =chap. 2>B and &braham and &ddai =chap. 22B who disco$ered their true $ocation in foundin" monasteries2 7irtuosi of pri$ate labors in the tradition of #yrian asceticism who $isited &mida;s monastic communities to pay them homa"e =the tra$elin" monks in chaps. >4 >H >? >C and 2DB2 %ary and -uphemia =chap. >2B and Thomas and #tephen =chap. >3B accounts of paired careers that inte"rate the life of contemplation and the life of ser$ice2 and : 33 : #imeon the .ersian Debater =chap. >DB notorious bishop of +eth &rsham in .ersia.

!n the second cluster ,ohn e1pands his settin". Like himself most of these sub5ects ha$e their roots in %esopotamia and were forced out into the lar"er *oman -mpire because of persecution. This section includes a number of %onophysite leaders2 in the first section only N;ura and #imeon of +eth &rsham fit this mold. 0et ,ohn does not allot these two the same detail that he "i$es to his "local" celebrities such as %aro -uphemia or #imeon the %ountaineer. This second section is appro1imately the same len"th as the first but where the first section dealt with twenty9nine holy men and women the second treats more than fifty. These chapters reflect too ,ohn;s own altered position. Fe writes with more asserti$eness appropriate to his increasin" authority in %onophysite circles durin" the years co$ered by these chapters. This second section comprises the followin": -minent %onophysite bishopsE,ohn of Tella =chap. 24B ,ohn of Fephaestopolis =chap. 2@B Thomas of Damascus =chap. 2AB the /i$e .atriarchs =chap. 4?B ,acob +urd;aya =chap. 4CB who is a"ain treated with his comissionary Theodore =chap. @DB and 8ashish =chap. @>B2 &ccounts of the ascetic community in -"ypt and particularly of the %onophysite refu"ees who fled thereEthe spiritual leader #usan =chap. 2HB %ary the &nchorite =chap. 2?B a hapless monk who stole and was rehabilitated by ,ohn of -phesus =chap. 32B the wealthy patrician 'aesaria =chap. @4B and the members of her household who followed her model ,ohn and #osiana =chap. @@B and .eter and .hotius =chap. @AB2 Laymen who practiced asceticism in their "worldly" careersE-li5ah of Dara =chap. 3DB a second -li5ah and Theodore =chap. 3>B Tribunus =chap. 44B and Theodore the Castrensis =chap. @HB2 %onophysite refu"ees who came to 'onstantinople and performed the ministry of ser$ice amon" its needy populaceEFala =chap. 33B #imeon the #cribe =chap. 34B %are the #olitary =chap. 3AB &aron =chap. 3?B Leontius =chap. 3CB &braham the .resbyter =chap. 4DB +assian and *omanus =chap. 4>B %ari #er"ius and Daniel =chap. 42B four deacons =chap. 43B and !saac =chap. 4@B2 some of these indi$iduals assisted ,ohn on his missions to &sia %inor2 &ccounts of what happened to the &midan monasteries durin" their e1ile in the eastern pro$inces =chaps. 2C and 3@B and to those monks who fled to the %onophysite monastic communities in 'onstantinople =chap. 4HB2 : 34 : .aul of &ntioch =chap. 4AB who established a si6eable network of social ser$ices in a number of +y6antine cities2 and Two accounts one set in &mida and one in 'onstantinople of holy fools =chaps. @2 and @3B. ,ohn did not intend to use his Lives as he did his History to record the %onophysite story but there is necessarily much o$erlap between the two works. +oth for him and for his sub5ects the persecution of the %onophysites marked an irre$ocable turn in their li$es. /urther the persecution was fundamental to the $ision of asceticism ,ohn propa"ated for his purpose was to show how this drastic chan"e had impact on the ascetic $ocation as he knew it. !n his collection ,ohn writes of holy men and women whose ascetic acti$ities "i$e e$idence of power in the temporal as well as spiritual realms. Gften their capacity for power has been "ained in the testin" of abstinence and withdrawal. +ut it is brou"ht to fullness as ,ohn presents it only in the conte1t of others: in the con"re"ation of the ascetic community and abo$e all in the needs of the lay society. )hat we find in ,ohn;s Lives is a situation that belies an other9worldly focus for asceticism and indeed the fundamentally timeless ahistorical concerns of the ha"io"rapher. Thus the Lives must be seen in their conte1t both literary and historical. ,ohn of -phesus as author offers important clues.

)enre( Chara+#er%s#%+s an' Cho%+es

#yriac ha"io"raphy was a well9de$eloped "enre lon" before ,ohn of -phesus wrote. The passion narrati$es of the -dessan martyrs #hmona 4uria and Fabib2 the Life of Simeon the Stylite 2 the Life of the /an of 0od2 the (cts of Shar)il2 and the Life of John of -ella by the monk -lias are e1amples e1emplary for both content and style. %oreo$er the increasin" Felleni6ation of the fifth and si1th centuries did not diminish the standard. -lias; Life of John of -ella written barely twenty years before ,ohn of -phesus wrote his Lives is a masterpiece of #yriac literature with a prose of ele"ant simplicity. +ut -lias; account was abo$e all a product of the cultural fusion that marked the early si1th

century in the #yrian Grient. -1cellent #yriac translations of 4reek ha"io"raphy were also easily at hand. ,ohn of -phesus chose for his sub5ects a free9ran"in" style of cameo portraits the most informal of ha"io"raphical "enres and best represented by the earlier Historia Lausiaca of .alladius and the Historia reli+iosa : 3@ : of Theodoret of 'yrrhus. This "enre took the form of collections of stories I2@J which mi"ht or mi"ht not be concerned with a bio"raphical approach2 a sin"le incident would often suffice for the author;s purpose. The style of these collections tends to be more informal than that of full9len"th $itae but sometimes only by way of content2 Theodoret;s 4reek surpasses what we find in many 4reek Lives as far as lan"ua"e and style are concerned. The collections are notable for their roots in specific monastic communities2 what they record are the traditions =often oralB of that community and the author;s e1periences within it. ,ohn of -phesus; Lives of the Eastern Saints share the main features of this collection "enre althou"h his work is noticeably less serene than the collections of .alladius of Theodoret the Pratum spirituale of ,ohn %oschus or the Historia monastica of the ninth9century #yriac writer Thomas of %ar"a. *eli"ious contro$ersy of one kind or another was present as a backdrop for each of these authors but ,ohn alone inte"rates the reli"ious and political uphea$als of his time into the fore"round of his collection. <onetheless ,ohn;s Lives remain a monastic work like the others of this kind.I2AJ Thus ,ohn includes discourses on the ascetic life by solitaries and preachin"s on the temptations a monk or nun must e1pect to face.I2HJ Fe pro$ides an e1position on "the basis of sound trainin" " in which he describes the len"thy process throu"h which a no$ice must pass before recei$in" the full habit in an &midan monastery.I2?J &nd the final chapter of the Lives narrates the history of his own monastery of %ar ,ohn (rtaya from its fourth9century foundation to his present time.I2CJ &"ain his own e1periences as a monk in 3uest of spiritual edification pro$ide the loose =and familiar in this "enreB framework around which the Lives are set. ,ohn;s literary predecessors =so far as we knowB were howe$er men who wrote in 4reek and not in #yriac2 thus 3uestions about ,ohn;s bilin"ualism must be raised. )hat influence if any did these earlier works e1ert on ,ohn;s collection? !s any cross9cultural borrowin" apparent in ,ohn;s choice of "enre? #ince ,ohn does not tell us anythin" specific in this re"ard we can only assess circumstantial factors. ,ohn was educated in a #yriac9speakin" monastery known for its scholarly trainin".I3DJ &t some sta"e he ac3uired a reasonable fluency in 4reek makin" possible his acti$ities both as a %onophysite spokesman in the imperial court at 'onstantinople and as a missionary in &sia %inor where #yriac would not ha$e been a lan"ua"e in use. +oth .alladius; Historia Lausiaca and Theodoret;s Historia reli+iosa would ha$e been a$ailable to him on his tra$els in their ori"inal 4reek.I3>J /urthermore at least parts of both of these collections were also a$ailable in #yr9 : 3A : iac translation durin" ,ohn;s lifetime.I32J +ut the 3uestion of heretical associations dama"ed the reputations of both these works durin" ,ohn;s day and may ha$e determined whether or not ,ohn was ac3uainted with either of them. .alladius was hardly free of contro$ersy durin" his career and his -$a"rianism in particular led the 4reek church to suspect his work of harborin" improper elements.I33J <onetheless these issues did not affect the "eneral popularity of the Historia Lausiaca althou"h tamperin"s at the le$el of manuscript transmission re$eal conflict between the lo$e accorded this work and the an1iety caused to the church by its author;s spiritual loyalties.I34J +ut -$a"rius was hi"hly thou"ht of in #yrian tradition2 much of his teachin" sur$i$es only in #yriac.I3@J To a #yrian monk such as ,ohn of -phesus .alladius; -$a"rian spirit would ha$e presented no problem. &bout Theodoret issues were sharper. 'ontro$ersy concernin" him had been more e1treme than for .alladius: the #econd 'ouncil of -phesus =the "*obber #ynod"B in 44C deposed him from his see at 'yrrhus. The 'ouncil of 'halcedon in 4@> reinstated him but the $indication of Theodoret;s faith pro$ed a ma5or obstacle for the %onophysites as far as the decisions of this council were concerned. To the %onophysites Theodoret remained cate"orically the enemy of 'yril of &le1andria. Their obstinacy on this point enabled ,ustinian to resurrect the issue of Theodoret;s teachin"s durin" the

Three 'hapters contro$ersy of @44L@@4 and the 'ouncil of 'onstantinople in @@3 re$ersed the reprie$e of 'halcedon condemnin" Theodoret;s anti9'yrillian writin"s.I3AJ Fis $ery name would ha$e been anathema to the %onophysites particularly durin" the years of ,ohn;s no$itiate and priesthood as sentiments o$er 'halcedon hardened.I3HJ %oreo$er a number of Theodoret;s more important sub5ectsE ,acob of <isibis ,ulian #aba and #imeon #tylites for e1ampleEwould ha$e been known in the #yrian Grient throu"h #yriac writin"s about them. +y ,ohn;s time a #yrian monk did not ha$e to read Theodoret;s collection to study #yrian ascetic tradition. +ut if ,ohn was familiar with either or both of these predecessors =which seems likely at least in the case of .alladiusB their works appear to ha$e e1erted little influence on his Lives e1cept perhaps by su""estion of "enre. !n contrast Thomas of %ar"a in the mid9ninth century made his imitation of .alladius both e1plicit by fre3uent references to him and implicit throu"h an intentional parallelism in his stories with those by the earlier 4reek writer.I3?J <o such modelin" is e$ident in ,ohn;s Lives . The astrin"ent didacticism of .alladius; $i"nettes and the classicism of Theodoret;s accounts offer no parallel for ,ohn;s ramblin" nar9 : 3H : rati$es. #imilarly their contents both in emphases and in ascetic $ision differ distinctly from ,ohn;s. The presence of a similar literary format does not seem to indicate a decision by ,ohn to follow precise models but rather to choose the ha"io"raphical mode most comfortable for him. ,ohn;s literary choices then tell us certain thin"s about him. Fis purpose here is found in story more than in history2 his interest lies in what people e1perienced in the conte1t of the e$ents they li$ed throu"h. #o in this instance he writes ha"io"raphy and not a historical chronicle =as in his Ecclesiastical HistoryB anecdotal portraits and not bio"raphy. %oreo$er ,ohn;s concern as ha"io"rapher is not with the specific impact of a key indi$idual on the world =e.". the Lives of #e$erus of &ntioch and ,ohn of TellaB but with the shared witness and e1perience of a "i$en community the &midan ascetics and with the meanin" of that community;s presence in the world of its time.

Ha"%o"ra*h%+ S#y&e( Issues o$ Lan"ua"e an' Con#en#

The inhabitants of the #yrian Grient li$ed throu"h a harrowin" series of natural and political calamities durin" ,ohn;s lifetime2 at the same time they were cau"ht in se$ere reli"ious persecution. !t is in fact the conditions of his day that prompt ,ohn to set these li$es and e$ents down in writin". Fe writes a collection because he has encountered many men and women who acted throu"h de$otion to the di$ine. The simplicity of that fact belies its profundity in this particular work and its particular historical settin". &"ain he includes accounts of the "reat %onophysite leaders of his dayEsub5ects for formal $itae by othersI3CJ Ebut the ma5ority of his chapters deal with a locali6ed "eo"raphically remote area and with people otherwise unknown to us. )ith these choices ,ohn declares his own understandin" of the e$ents of his times. The holy is not restricted to certain persons =nobles leadersB nor to certain places =citiesB. !t is found in the people and places of daily li$es2 it is found in the midst of the same e$ents that would seem to deny 4od;s presence. The Lives of the Eastern Saints are a restatement of one kind of world as another. #o ,ohn;s purpose determines his "enre ha"io"raphy and also his ha"io"raphical style his use of the standard con$entions of this literary form. /or ,ohn action is the most important element of de$otion to 4od. Fence writin" is for him a functional task an action he takes in response to an ur"ent situation. Fe sets for himself certain "uidelines: the : 3? : appearance of familiar ha"io"raphical themes the use of material of specifically monastic intent and the occasional pause to preach to his audience. +ut unlike Theodoret he is not mindful of his labors as a craft in themsel$es. )hen ,ohn uses the tools of the ha"io"rapher;s trade he is simply bein" practical by usin" a lan"ua"e common to 'hristendom in order to make his point. ,ohn;s ha"io"raphical style his use of standard themes and ima"es is also subordinated to his purpose of re9presentin" the e$ents of his times throu"h the li$es of his sub5ects. !n the conte1t of ha"io"raphy the tra"edy the calamity the apparent defeat of the %onophysites all become the means by which 4od;s "race is re$ealed. Fa"io"raphy as a literary form and the lan"ua"e of its con$entions enables

,ohn to accomplish his task succinctly.I4DJ +ut at a practical le$el this also means that ,ohn makes no distinction between literary con$entions and his own perceptions. ,ohn;s lack of artistic concern blurs the boundaries in his accounts between the topos as a literary de$ice and the motifs common in a historical sense because they represent traits of the ascetic as a fi"ure in reli"ious and societal life. That is ,ohn employs standard literary ima"es to e1press the common understandin" of a holy man or woman as a reli"ious persona. Thus for e1ample ,ohn employs the topos of a hostile assailant suddenly fro6en in midair I4>J or likewise blindedI42J or struck fatally ill I43J by the power of a holy man or womanEthe standard means of presentin" a saint;s spiritual authority in tan"ible fashion.I44J -lsewhere ,ohn;s solitaries do physical battle with demonic forces I4@J in scenes reminiscent of similar ones from the Lives of &ntony #imeon the #tylite and Daniel the #tylite.I4AJ The scene is a common personification of the saint;s battle a"ainst temptation and the test of fortitude that marks initiation into the ranks of 4od;s chosen. Fowe$er ,ohn also en5oys tellin" us about the idiosyncracies of his sub5ects. Fe is committed too to portrayin" the cost in human terms of the tra"edies around him. These interests conflict with the standardi6ed nature of ha"io"raphical formulae. !ndeed ,ohn seems unaware of the dis5uncture in his narrati$es when a familiar formula clashes with the sensiti$ity of his portraitsEas for instance in his chapters about holy women where his stereotypic statements are at odds with the actual accounts he "i$es.I4HJ Thus ,ohn uses common themes not to make his stories fit popular tastes but to present a particular understandin" of the li$es li$ed by his sub5ects. )hen the holy woman -uphemia dies e1hausted after a career of ser$ice to the needy the reader cannot fail to see her story in terms of : 3C : an imitatio Christi .I4?J +ut ,ohn has not molded her portrait to fit this typolo"y2 he tells us about so many 3uirks of -uphemia;s personality that her indi$iduality dominates the chapter throu"hout. <or does -uphemia herself choose to present her dyin" in this li"ht: her determination with re"ard to her $ocation does not ne"ate her humility. The parallel of -uphemia;s life with that of the 4ospels arises because ,ohn intends his audience to see what he himself has seen: -uphemia;s life and those like hers can only be understood in relation to the work of 'hrist. #imilarly ,ohn;s two accounts of holy fools remind us that motifs mi"ht become popular e$en standardi6ed and yet maintain their capacity to affect people;s choices in their own li$es.I4CJ Fis first story on this theme is presented in terms familiar to ha"io"raphic romance so much so that some ha$e 3uestioned the reliability of this chapter.I@DJ +ut the second story is clearly about a personal encounter that ,ohn has e1perienced. The te1t itself is awkward owin" to ,ohn;s memory of the incident. !t is the task of the scholar to separate formulae from historic elements in a saint;s life but in ,ohn of -phesus we see the re$erse process: a formula or formulaic theme could help the 'hristian community to understand reli"ious acti$ity by e1pressin" its meanin" and thematic le"ends could inspire "enuine emulation =imitationB by real people. !n fact the motifs that occur most fre3uently in ,ohn;s Lives are not of a ha"io"raphical character. They are traits that characteri6e the asceticism of the #yrian Grient. #o ,ohn presents his ascetics as stran"ers in this world an ima"e that rests at the core of the #yrian ascetic $ocation.I@>J Fe draws out too the concern for hospitality within the ascetic;s works.I@2J &"ain those monks or nuns truly blessed in ,ohn;s eyes ha$e the "ift of tearsI@3J and of foreseein" their own deaths.I@4J These and other features of the ascetic;s acti$ities ha$e less to do with ha"io"raphic portrayal than with describin" what had become the trademarks of actual asceticism in this area.I@@J !n this $ein too we can understand the repetiti$e features in ,ohn;s accounts of healin"s. !n his stories barren women do concei$e I@AJ and sick persons are cured I@HJ in standard fashion: the $ehicle for the miracle may be a relic such as a holy man;s toenail =as in the case of %aroB or the commonly employed hnana a mi1ture of consecrated oil dust from a holy place and water used for litur"ical as well as pri$ate de$otional purposes. The possessed are e1orcised by the si"n of the cross or by a rebuke of the demon by the holy person.I@?J +ut these methods are those that the holy man or woman "enerally used in society and are not drawn from ha"io"raphy alone.I@CJ The use of familiar ha"io"raphical lan"ua"e and tone pro$ided ,ohn : 4D : with a con$enient shortcut. The unmistakable literary con$entions placed his sub5ects in the company of saints. ,ohn does not ha$e to 5ustify as Theodoret did the reli"ious choices his sub5ects made2 by

,ohn;s time ha"io"raphy had "rown to be so much a part of popular piety that its lan"ua"e alone was sufficient to 5ustify its content. ,ohn writes without contri$ance2 if his style includes ha"io"raphical clichOs the earnestness of his effort fills them with fresh meanin". They represent the lan"ua"e in which he thinks and sees the world2 they are the means by which he can enable his audience to share the same perception.IADJ

L%#erary S#y&e( C&ue #o #he Cu&#ura& Se##%n"

True to his word IA>J ,ohn is no artist as a writer. The careless haste so pre$alent in his Ecclesiastical History is seen more fre3uently in the Lives . The History to be sure was written in such ad$erse circumstances that ,ohn can easily be for"i$en his lack of polish. +ut he wrote the collection of saints in considerably more comfort.IA2J Fere ,ohn writes in a prose pompous laborious and enthusiastic. Fis bilin"ualism creates further problems. Lacin" his sentences with fre3uent 4reek words or phrases he often uses synta1 more 4reek than #yriac. Fe tacks lines of participial clauses to"ether formin" sentences of interminable len"th. 4reek synta1 can sustain a comple1 load such as this but #yriac with its subtler syntactic structure does so with difficulty: the awkwardness comes throu"h in translation. !n fact ,ohn is as careless in his thinkin" as he is in his use of lan"ua"e. Fe himself =like his readersB often for"ets the point he is makin" and he fre3uently chan"es sub5ects in midsentence. The constant presence of 4reek lan"ua"e in the Lives clearly indicates bilin"ual thinkin" rather than poor translation on the part of an intermediary. )e mi"ht well presume that ,ohn could ha$e written in 4reek had he wished thou"h bilin"ual speakers tend to ha$e a preferred writin" lan"ua"e.IA3J +ut ,ohn would ha$e had no reason to use 4reek for written work. /rom the time of ,ustin !;s accession in @>C 'halcedonian orthodo1y had been the only imperially sanctioned 'hristian confession. &lthou"h persecution a"ainst the %onophysites was intermittent thereafter =but most serious in the eastern pro$incesB by the time that ,ohn of -phesus was writin" any serious possibility of reconciliation had lon" passed.IA4J !t was not ,ohn;s intent to disseminate %onophysitism to a wider audience throu"h ha"io"raphy: such an acti$ity was neither practical in the "i$en political climate nor by the : 4> : @ADs a concern for the dissenters a"ainst 'halcedon. The work is written for a specifically %onophysite audience2 ,ohn;s use of #yriac aside from bein" his natural choice of lan"ua"e =or so we must presumeB also specified his chosen readership.IA@J The awkward use of 4reek in ,ohn;s written lan"ua"e also points to the cultural condition of his time and so to the si"nificance of his chosen ha"io"raphic form. 4reek lan"ua"e and culture had been intrudin" with increasin" force into the world of the #yrian Grient. !n ,ohn;s day howe$er #yriac literature still maintained its autonomous standards2 a writer such as -lias in his Life of John of -ella could mold bilin"ualism into a creati$e literary form. ,ohn of -phesus was not a craftsman. <onetheless he represents a kind of cultural syncretism that was at its peak in the si1th century: a fusion of the Fellenic and oriental thou"ht9worlds and e1perience that still allowed an independent position for #yriac culture within the *oman -mpire. )hen ,ohn was writin" #yriac stood at a considerable distance from its later decline. To some de"ree it held a hi"her position in terms of cultural respect than it had had at any earlier time despite the fame for e1ample of -phrem #yrus. Learned #yrians were still not necessarily educated in 4reek as we know from the references to schoolin" in %esopotamia that ,ohn makes in the Lives2IAAJ and the #yriac academies were thri$in" in .ersia thou"h ,ohn would not report on these because of their <estorian position.IAHJ %oreo$er ,ohn;s sub5ects re$eal a "enuine concern for the #yriac education of children at least rudimentarily in the readin" of #cripture and more strictly for those enterin" the monastic life2 this determination for literacy e$en if only at a basic le$el is shown in ,ohn;s Lives to be present in $illa"es as well as in the more sophisticated cities.IA?J To be sure the ethos of the later *oman -mpire laid certain constraints on cultural interchan"e. The responsibility for bilin"ualism lay on the non94reek2 translations in both directions were in$ariably done by those who were nati$e #yriac speakers.IACJ 0et #yriac seems to ha$e "ained some respect from the elite world of 4reek culture. /or in the fifth century sources tend to represent #yriac as a problem for the mainstream empire and those #yrians who could not speak 4reek were cause for ridicule.IHDJ +ut by the si1th century sources seem to be more 5udicious: for the &rmenians #yriac ranked with

4reek in scholarly status IH>J and indeed respect was accorded e$en by 4reeks to the educated person who was trained in Latin 4reek and #yriac.IH2J /or the 4reek cultural elite &rmenian was a lan"ua"e 3uite outside their interests2IH3J but the serious 4reek historian followed the e1ample of -usebius of 'aesarea and : 42 : employed a #yriac assistant who could pro$ide access to #yriac archi$es and documents.IH4J &"ain the #yrian continuator who produced the #yriac $ersion of Nachariah *hetor;s Ecclesiastical History showed enou"h initiati$e to epitomi6e rather than translate and to continue the work addin" a si"nificant and solid piece of historical writin" to the ori"inal and producin" in effect a "new" History in the process of re9renderin" the old.IH@J Despite the cultural imperialism of 4reek #yrians were proud of their lan"ua"e. ,ohn of -phesus records the relief shown by a "roup of &midan ascetics in -"ypt who stumbled across one of their own kind: "and the blessed men . . . saw that he was an educated man and spoke their lan"ua"e."IHAJ &lthou"h ,ohn of -phesus writes of asceticism in a "eo"raphically remote area of the *oman -mpire the $illa"es of %esopotamia were not isolated from the conte1t of the empire as a whole any more than #yriac was an insulated pro$incial lan"ua"e. ,ohn;s lin"uistically hybrid style in fact con$eys his settin": a synthesis of cultural e1perience that characteri6ed the world of late anti3uity.IHHJ ,ohn;s Lives of the Eastern Saints are not a #yriac work in a 4reek literary "enre2 they are part of a lar"er conte1t. +ut they resemble the collections of his literary predecessors in form only and it is in the concrete differences of content both narrati$e and perceptual that we can understand ,ohn;s independence from what preceded him and indeed that we can find his worth as a ha"io"rapher.IH?J : 43 :

II "#et your #ight so Shine $efore %en": The Ascetic &ision

-ohn o$ E*hesus( The As+e#%+ 0o'e&
,ohn portrays an asceticism clearly rooted in early #yrian tradition. Fis ascetics li$e within easy access of lay people and are acti$ely in$ol$ed in the affairs of the community. Fis ascetics also maintain a de"ree of indi$iduality e$en when not li$in" as hermits2 the holy one may li$e in a monastic community or as a master with one or two disciples2 he or she may li$e in solitude most of the time or in the heart of the city. 0et in each case the holy one pursues a personal practice a pri$ate as well as public reli"ious discipline. +y the si1th century #yrian asceticism was a constant presence in the daily life of the eastern pro$inces of the empire. /or ,ohn of -phesus this acti$ity represents a reconciliation of the two poles of $ocational life ser$ice and contemplation and that reconciliation takes place within the holy one;s own person. Fe will not separate social and reli"ious need. Thus ,ohn;s portrait indicates some de$elopments in perspecti$e by both the ascetic and the ha"io"rapher. !t is important to understand what holiness means for ,ohn2 his sub5ects are inspired by lo$e for the di$ine and are also themsel$es a"ents for di$ine acti$ity in the world. +ut ,ohn does not set them outside the realm of the human as other authors sometimes did.I>J These holy men and women are $ery human2 ,ohn mi"ht say truly human. !n his first two chapters on the li$es of Fabib and his disciple N;ura : 44 : ,ohn lays out his map. )e are faced with a $enerable tradition of serious import for the functionin" of society. Fabib was a holy man from the district of #ophanene near the territory of &mida.I2J /rom the a"e of ten he recei$ed his trainin" under the direction of a "reat solitary. Fe went on to become a politically efficacious fi"ure perhaps most noted for debt remission and causin" the downfall of landowners and moneylenders. )hether for 6eal or didacticism ,ohn tells us that the wicked who opposed Fabib suffered cruel fates for their acts of pride so that e$en when Fabib tried to intercede for them di$ine retribution struck them down. <onetheless ,ohn casts a particular li"ht on Fabib;s work. !n the first chapter ,ohn in effect defines ascetic practice as public ser$ice:

/rom his boyhood and throu"h his old a"e he retained his humility and obedience which also distin"uished him so that IifJ a widow or poor woman or poor man be""ed him to "o with him on any business whate$er he did not as a man of hi"h reputation IwouldJ refuse to "o but in order to satisfy him would "o with him at once.I3J <or was there a task too menial for his attention. )hen a poor widow who tau"ht drawin" for a li$in" was faced with two students who refused to pay their fee she turned naturally to Fabib "because e$eryone who was defrauded whether of little or of much had recourse to the holy Fabib as to a deli$erer of those who were wron"ed."I4J +ut for all his praise ,ohn does not present Fabib as the sole actor in the drama or as the sole a"ent. & barren woman pro$ed to be as essential as the holy man himself in effectin" her own cure 5ust as 'hrist had demonstrated in the 4ospels: she concei$ed because of Fabib;s prayers and because "she belie$ed."I@J ,ohn;s account of Fabib also indicates the way in which asceticism "rew in the #yrian Grient: in depth it "rew throu"h the disciples who came after the holy one2 in breadth it stretched as far as the holy one tra$eled. Fence Fabib was a holy man workin" throu"h a wide area of #yria IAJ but his chief disciple was the monk N;ura who carried on after the old man;s death to become a stylite and to spread his works far from his homeland.IHJ N;ura;s story picks up where Fabib;s ends. Fe inherited his master;s $ision and his work. Fis chan"e in the manner of his practice did not draw him away from the cares of society. *ather thenceforth the deeds of power and healin"s of his master were performed throu"h him. /or after he had "one up on the column and it was accordin"ly no lon"er in his power to "rasp paralysed persons with his hands and bend them and cure the sick they used to "i$e him water and he used to pronounce a blessin" and where$er it fell a cure was not lon" in followin".I?J : 4@ : N;ura was forced down from his pillar by the 'halcedonian persecutors yet he continued undeterred. *espondin" to the crisis he tra$eled to 'onstantinople on behalf of the %onophysites and there took up residence in a monastic community. Fis influence soon became widespread and ,ohn would ha$e it that e$en the imperial court paid him "reat respect. N;ura;s ascetic labors had thus taken him away from his roots but not from the teachin"s of Fabib. !n the trusted tradition of spiritual father and disciple ,ohn likens their relationship to that of the Gld Testament prophets -li5ah and -lisha. They were men strictly and carefully trained in their practice but they did not 3uestion that certain responsibilities were attendant upon their chosen $ocation. Their asceticism was not a separation from the temporal world but a commitment to work within it. The pattern ,ohn lays down in his "Life of Fabib " and e1pands in his "Life of N;ura " reechoes throu"hout his Lives of the Eastern Saints. ,ohn;s ascetics act out a life of ser$ice central to their ascetic $ow and not an inad$ertent result of it. & different tone predominates to that which had come before. #er$ice is inherent in rather than a by9product of the ascetic;s practice. #uch an emphasis raises other issues for ,ohn especially with re"ard to other inherited traditions. !n particular the self9mortification that characteri6ed the asceticism of the #yrian Grient seemed to ,ohn now less important. #o much does he look to "ood works that he sees e1treme asceticism as a distraction from rather than an aid for the task of de$otion to 4od. ,ohn;s concern here as always is pra"matic. Fe ur"es time and a"ain as in the case of the holy woman -uphemia that one can better ser$e others if one does not punish oneself so cruelly.ICJ !n a case such as N;ura;s where the stylite;s works of ser$ice are an inte"ral part of ascetic practice ,ohn stands back. +ut in a situation where the ascetic;s practice seems confined to a contri$ed harshness ,ohn inter$enes. !n his $iew there are needs more pressin" than the pri$ate mournin" of such acti$ities. #uch for e1ample was the case of Farfat from the district of &n6etene.I>DJ Farfat had withdrawn to a life of solitude after a brush with unsa$ory church politics. "+ecause he was $ery simple " Farfat hun" ""reat hea$y irons" on his neck hands and feet and then settled on a mountainside. Fe nearly died of e1posure until a woman took pity on him and built him a hut for protection. ,ohn of -phesus came alon" soon after and pressured the hermit. )hat re"ulation commands this matter of the irons to be carried out? . . . !f we seek to humble our body to the earth cannot we humble it without irons? . . . )e wish you to throw off these irons which are a

: 4A : useless burden and lade yourself instead of them with the burden of labours performed with knowled"e and thus you will please 4od.I>>J ,ohn defines asceticism as utter de$otion to 4od and so to 4od;s commandments alone. Those who had defended #imeon the #tylite;s choice of ascetic practice did so on the basis of Gld Testament parallels.I>2J ,ohn understands what he sees too in Gld Testament terms as he shows in the case of Fabib and N;ura. +ut for ,ohn of -phesus the model di$inely ordained for prophet or for disciple also recalled a ministry amon" the needy and as Fabib had demonstrated one that answered to distress without concern for society;s dictates or institutions. )ith a basic criterion of 4od9centered ser$ice ,ohn finds his sub5ects in settin"s and circumstances of wide di$ersity.

Ho&y Careers( Var%a#%ons on a The,e

<owhere is ,ohn;s admiration more apparent than when he writes of those persons who endure abstinence and self9mortification and also channel that same 6eal back into the "real world." !n his eyes the responsibility for commitment lies with the ascetic. )here Theodoret had portrayed holy men and women actin" on behalf of those who approached them ,ohn is clear that his ascetics act not only because an afflicted populace seeks them out but also because they hold themsel$es accountable for the society around them. They are not passi$e in their role as benefactors. &n e1ample is ,ohn;s "Life of &ddai the 'horepiscopus."I>3J &ddai had been chorepiscopus in the territory of &n6etene on the &rmenian frontier responsible for the discipline of cler"y and monastic communities in the re"ion at the same time carin" for the poor orphans and widows. -$icted from his own monastery durin" the %onophysite persecutions he decided to become an anchorite in the mountains to the east. /or the ne1t twenty9fi$e years &ddai li$ed as a recluse in the wilderness seein" only a few attendants and runnin" from any other $isitors who tried to approach him =as ,ohn himself unhappily disco$eredB. +ut &ddai did not "i$e up contact with his monastery which he had en5oined to care for those in need. G$er the first fi$e years of his seclusion howe$er the monastery was plundered repeatedly by the 'halcedonians and fell to ruin. &ddai was beside himself: &nd the blessed man was "rie$ed and distressed on account of the star$in" and distressed persons for whom there was no method of pro$idin" and further the inmates of his monastery also were pressed by : 4H : want then he considered "There is no lon"er any 3uarter from which it is possible for me to pro$ide for my brethren e1cept that the blessed men should come and make a $ineyard in these mountains and it will be a pro$ision for them and for the needy."I>4J #o the brothers planted a $ineyard on &ddai;s mountain and it soon prosperedEe$en the 'appadocians would tra$el there for wine. Thenceforth the an1ieties of the holy &ddai that had been troublin" him because he had nothin" in his possession wherewith to pro$ide for the poor were much relie$ed since he would send from forty and fifty denarii and as many as came in from that $ineyard and buy clothes and distribute them to the needy and similarly also corn and oil and many articles.I>@J Thus &ddai passed his years as a mountain recluse withdrawn from human contact yet shrewdly runnin" a profitable business for the ser$ice of others. Gften ,ohn indicates that his sub5ects li$ed as anchorites at an early sta"e in their careerEpresented by ,ohn as a testin" "round for the responsibilities to comeEand then continued to lead a pri$ately austere life while conductin" public business. /or ,ohn such a pattern is sufficiently rituali6ed to represent a rite of passa"e. Fa$in" withdrawn from the world the ascetic reemer"es into it as a more potent force I>AJ thou"h this is not necessarily the intent of the holy one. &braham the *ecluse was an old man of si1ty when he decided to take reli"ious $ows.I>HJ Lea$in" his wife and children he sou"ht tonsure at a monastery where he was recei$ed despite his a"e.I>?J Then to e$eryone;s surprise the newly tonsured &braham immured himself in a small oratory at the ed"e of his $illa"e. /or ei"ht years &braham prayed and wept in solitude recei$in" a little food once each week. %any who at first had scorned his purpose were in turn astonished by his perse$erance. !n his ei"hth year he recei$ed his reward shortly before his death. !t seemed that hail storms had ruined the local $illa"ers;

crops for a number of years but in this year &braham saw people weepin" as the storm approached. !mmediately he prayed "%y Lord if thou hast been pleased with the sinner;s repentance and thy mercy has declared of me that ! shall not perish let not this cloud come within the boundaries of this $illa"e."I>CJ The storm clouds passed on lea$in" the $illa"e unharmed. The power of &braham;s prayer was acclaimed and he died in peace soon after. &t times ,ohn;s concern for the welfare of ordinary people determined his choice of sub5ects with surprisin" results. .erhaps most e1plicit in implication is the story of the two brothers -li5ah and Theo9 : 4? : dore.I2DJ These two men were traders and decided as their ascetic $ow to run their business honestly without deceit or contention =an interestin" comment on si1th9century businessB. /or their efforts they were "enerously rewarded2 as ,ohn tells us ")hen 4od saw their 6eal he caused e$erythin" to which they put their hand to increase abundantly. . . . &nd thus a blessin" rested on e$erythin" that passed throu"h their hands."I2>J They used their copious earnin"s to establish hostels and monasteries wherein they and their families took up residence and ministered to "reat numbers of people. #imilarly -li5ah of Dara had practiced a ri"orous asceticism pri$ately althou"h a wealthy man2 and he publicly ser$ed the poor and destitute both before and after his banishment into e1ile durin" the persecutions.I22J The public in the meantime was well aware of the ad$anta"es it "ained from these holy works. The form of patrona"e that ascetics of the fourth and fifth centuries had made a$ailable to the common populace was now standard in practice.I23J %oreo$er people had come to percei$e the amplification of powers and possibilities made accessible to them by the summary temporal and spiritual authority of the ascetics as theirs by ri"ht as much as by need. ,ohn;s sub5ects could not always choose to ser$e the world as they mi"ht wish. The humble monk ,acob practiced asceticism in one of the &midan monasteries and after a time was approached by persons possessed by demons. They demanded that he cure them.I24J ,acob did his best to a$oid them thinkin" that by callin" for him in particular the demons were mockin" him. -$entually howe$er "under "reat pressure" he acted re$ealin" himself to be an authoritati$e e1orcist. #oon crowds of possessed persons descended on the monastery cryin" out for ,acob who tried to alle$iate the sufferin" but soon found the situation out of all control. &s the numbers of the afflicted increased so too did the irritation of the monastic community. ,acob "wished to "i$e up this business and could not on account of the multitude who used to come. &nd in conse3uence of such annoyances it became necessary for him to withdraw from the community."I2@J ,acob fled with another monk and to"ether they established themsel$es as recluses in a different $illa"e. "+ut in a similar way a"ain there also multitudes be"an to flock to"ether to them."I2AJ Left with no choice ,acob set up a pri$ate chapel for e1orcism a sort of clinic in which he ser$ed his public well. %ore amenably ,ohn tells of &braham and &ddai two monks who had trained to"ether and decided to tra$el about settin" up monasteries.I2HJ Gn their first attempt "They asked for iron tools. . . . &nd : 4C : when the people of the district saw and heard it they repaired to them from all 3uarters pro$idin" money and wood and e$erythin" that was useful."I2?J !n time o$er the course of twenty9fi$e years these two brothers erected and set underway twel$e monasteries in $arious re"ions.I2CJ !t was a happy case of mutual benefit to both populace and ascetic. Thus ,ohn;s basic model for the ascetic allowed any number of $ariations to its theme true to #yrian tradition. +ut the $ision remained constant in each case and it was this constancy that ,ohn sou"ht to "lorify by presentin" di$erse ascetic forms of unified understandin". !n similar manner he presented a monastic or"ani6ation that had e$ol$ed a means of containin" within its structure the $ision that de$otion to 4od entailed public ser$ice while still protectin" the indi$idual ascetic;s $ocational form.

0onas#%+%s,( An Ins#%#u#%on $or #he In'%v%'ua&

+y the si1th century the ascetic;s role in society had both e1panded and become an orderly part of how society functioned. &t the same time asceticism itself had "ained a "reater sense of order. The responsibilities of discipline and work which Theodoret portrayed as an indi$idual;s own concern ha$e in ,ohn of -phesus; Lives become a shared affair between the ascetic and the lar"er monastic structure.

The monastic or"ani6ation ,ohn describes and its pro$ision for public ser$ices delineated clear patterns of authoritati$e response to social need. Temporal and spiritual tasks complemented each other without tarnish to the ascetic ima"eEalways a concern of the church. The monasteries ran soup kitchens and health clinics for their surroundin" populace but did so in the conte1t of an internal discipline that was both di"nified and fle1ible. The entry process into a monastic order was lon" arduous and carefully rituali6ed as ,ohn proudly describes.I3DJ %oreo$er monasteries interacted throu"h institutional canons that were respectful of each other;s particular structures without creatin" competition.I3>J 0et re"ulation did not depri$e the monastic life of its mo$in" force or of its respect for indi$idual $ision. Fence when &braham the *ecluse sou"ht entry to the monastery order his sense of purpose was allowed to o$erride the canonical irre"ularities of his a"e and his decision to practice as a solitary outside the actual "rounds of the monastery.I32J !ndi$idual practice min"led with the tasks of runnin" the monastery and its ser$ices.I33J The re"ime of the holy man &aron for e1ample in$ol$ed workin" by day in the monastery;s $ineyard and "ardens and re9 : @D : cei$in" the $isitors who called2 standin" throu"h the lon" ser$ices2 and passin" his ni"hts on a pillar rather than in bed.I34J &"ain ,ohn the <a6irite de$oted himself to hard work in the monastery;s fields and e$entually also to the tasks of e1orcism and healin". &t the same time the brethren were distressed by the strin"ency of his diet while he compounded his practice by laborin" beyond the daily schedule prayin" and weepin" throu"h the ni"ht "insomuch that his eyelids shed their lashes from weepin" and the hair of his head fell off in front from the number of times he used to knock Ihis head on the "roundJ before 4od in supplication."I3@J ,ohn;s description of the &midan monasteries by ni"ht after their daytime ministries is the more soberin" for his admiration. !n addition to those who spent the ni"ht sin"in" psalms or practicin" "enufle1ions Ithere wereJ others ran"ed in rows and standin" on standin"9posts and others who had fastened their bodies to the walls all ni"ht without standin"9posts and others who were tied to the ceilin" of the room by ropes and $ine branches and were suspendin" themsel$es by them in a standin" posture all ni"ht ha$in" put them under their armpits and others who were sittin" on seats and ne$er fallin" on their sides.I3AJ !ndi$idual and community enhanced one another. *e"imentation of the ascetic life that included in$ol$ement with secular affairs was not new2 Theodoret had described the schedule de$eloped by #imeon the #tylite to cope with the demands placed on him by others as well as the demands of his own reli"ious $ows.I3HJ )hat had chan"ed was the perspecti$e in$ol$ed and thus the manner of interaction between the ascetic and worldly realms. %aro the #tylite pro$ides a "ood e1ample of how it all worked2 his story illustrates the chan"es in asceticism interaction with the world and ha"io"raphy.I3?J %aro came to his position of authority inad$ertently and althou"h he did pro$e himself a worker of "reat deeds neither he nor ,ohnEhis spiritual son and bio"rapherEe$er for"ot that this stylite was an ordinary human bein". This is a homely portrait. %aro had entered the monastery of &r;a *abtha to"ether with his brother &braham. &braham became the monastery;s leadin" stylite and for years he ser$ed the crowds who came in need with many "ood works. %eantime %aro had confined himself inside a nearby tree trunk i"norin" $isitors and speakin" only to his brother. +ut when &braham died %aro immediately took his place on the pillar despite much trepidation and lack of confidence in his own position. 'olumns too had "ained hereditary properties: when %aro himself passed away some years later the column was ne1t claimed by the presbyter who had ser$ed him.I3CJ : @> : +ut when %aro ascended his brother;s pillar he faced the crowds below with difficulty. &nd when he had suppressed his own tears for a short time and restrained his weepin" he then said to them: "+rethren pray for me and lea$e me alone. ! for my part did not desire this and my Lord knows but in order that my holy brother;s place may not be $acant ! hope by his prayers that until you brin" me down as he came down ! shall henceforth not come down.". . .

+ut the blessed man would in "reat affliction cry ni"ht and day to 4od sayin" "%y Lord let not this stone be to me a conductor to torment but a conductor to life."I4DJ ,ohn presents little mystery about this shy and awkward ascetic and his decision to become a stylite. !ndeed %aro;s first miracle sa$in" ,ohn;s life as a baby was seen as a bumblin" and clumsy effort by all concernedE%aro his attendants and ,ohn;s parents.I4>J +ut e$en further ,ohn understood %aro;s work in a frame that allowed humor: "4od used to work acts of "reat and mar$elous power throu"h him in all the words that he spoke e$en when lau"hin"."I42J (ncomfortable with the responsibilities that came with standin" on a pillar this stylite did his best to dispel the mysti3ue that hun" about those of his profession. Fe sou"ht to temper the cult of the indi$idual $irtuoso both for the "ood of the monastic community and also out of respect for the common people. Fe dreaded the sick and possessed who came seekin" miracles and pleaded to be left alone to his human failin"s. Fe cried out to the multitudes who supplicated him "!t was because of my sins that ! came up here to ask mercy like e$ery man not because of my ri"hteousness. To myself the madman and man of e$il life why do you come?"I43J &s for dri$in" out demons %aro mourned ")ould that ! were dri$in" out my own."I44J %aro did howe$er warily perform ser$ices for others thou"h sometimes threats were re3uired to prompt him to action. )hen a husband once approached the stylite on behalf of his barren wife he obtained %aro;s aid only by means of an oath: "+y 4od who chose you do not ne"lect meP" The effect was instantaneous. )hen I%aroJ heard that Ithe manJ ad5ured him by 4od he was mo$ed by two considerations one that he did not wish to state of himself at all that he could do any such thin" and another that he heard 4od;s name and his heart trembled2 and he said to that man ")hy did you ad5ure me by 4od about a matter that is not my concern and is too hard for me?"I4@J +ut nonetheless he yielded. "&nd he took one of his toenails and wrapt it up and "a$e it to him. . . . &nd he said to him ;#ee that no one undo and see it2 . . . and ne1t year you shall carry your son also and brin" him to me."I4AJ : @2 : Like the barren woman who had petitioned Fabib this couple "belie$ed" in %aro;s words and in the blessin" he sent throu"h the tiny packet =not knowin" it was his toenailB. The wife concei$ed and a son was duly born. %aro in fact pro$ed himself $ery "ood at healin" the sick curin" sterility sa$in" the $illa"e from in$adin" Funs and other such deedsEincludin" the super$ision of youn" no$ices like ,ohn. +ut ,ohn presents him as a truly humble man one who performed his duties as best he could embarrassed by the fanfare and concerned that neither the ascetic;s inte"rity nor the common person;s faith be abused. Gne needed no intermediary to approach this holy man as had been the case with the stylites #imeon and Daniel. %aro did not $iew himself as the raison d;Qtre of the monastery because he was its leadin" stylite2 instead he seems to ha$e seen himself simply as another part of its structure. ,ohn makes no effort to present %aro in any other way. The power of the ascetics then as shown in their practices and in their patrona"e had become institutionali6ed to a lar"e e1tent. )hile the indi$idual continued to constitute the focal point of #yrian asceticism a wider structure had e$ol$ed. This pro$ided a coherent framework in which social responsibilities were shared and performed in an or"ani6ed fashion2 in which monastic "roups stood in a canonically defined relationship to one another and to the lay community2 in which the ascetic as solitary was permitted to pursue a chosen course of practice within the monastic establishment2 and abo$e all in which the common people were allowed an access to the ascetic;s works that was more ordered in daily re"imen and less awesome in approach. The ascetic still inhabited a realm outside the temporal world but also had become settled in the midst of its society. <onetheless the accretion of established custom and familiarity in no way lessened asceticism;s impact on society;s functionin"2 the crowds alone would be sufficient e$idence to the contrary. <or was passion softened for the ascetics. *ather ,ohn would ha$e us see that the more clearly their place in society had been defined the more keenly they felt their duty to it.I4HJ +ut alon"side the institutionali6ation of asceticism and its place in the world there remained a tradition of the indi$idual;s choice to pursue reli"ious $ocation under pri$ate $ows and to train outside the monastic structure under tutorship by another self9disciplined solitary. The practices of the independent ascetics and their informal "atherin"s in pairs or small "roups demonstrated that the

$ision ,ohn of -phesus propa"ated was consonant with the herita"e of #yrian asceticism. Fis model was found here too in those ascetic forms least refined yet nonetheless : @3 : affected both by the position the holy man and woman had "ained in society and by the understandin" that the ascetic had become responsible for society. %oreo$er it was this choice that pre$ented a loss of authority for the monastic communities now well institutionali6ed2 the two routes rendered each other $iable. The altered emphasis ,ohn re$ealsEa shift from disinterested work to work by decisi$e commitment Eis shown in this conte1t also to be a matter of indi$idual resolution. The recluse #er"ius illustrates this situation as well as its ambi"uous conse3uences. Fis is a blunt and u"ly e1ample of responsibility fulfilled by in5ustice the ha6ard of self9ri"hteousness carried to blind e1tremes. Like the early anchorites #er"ius had trained under a holy man named #imeon and the two dwelt to"ether as hermits outside the $illa"e of 8alesh in the territory of &mida.I4?J #er"ius e$entually decided that he should immure himself as a solitary in a separate place but he felt constrained first to lea$e the $illa"e in "ood order durin" his absence. To this end he set about wa"in" a campai"n a"ainst the si6able ,ewish population in the area determined to lea$e them entirely sub5u"ated to the 'hristian locals when he departed: &nd e$ery day he used to contend a"ainst them as with slayers of 4od bein" fer$ent in the lo$e of his Lord and "nashin" his teeth and sayin" "These crucifiers of the #on of 4od should not be allowed to li$e at all"2 and he used to upbraid 'hristians who had dealin"s with them in the way of takin" and "i$in".I4CJ ,ohn portrays a ruthless campai"n in which #er"ius demolished the ,ewish syna"o"ue with all its sacred ob5ects books and furniture and then $iolently opposed the ,ews; efforts to rebuild their place of worship. Fe set up a watch throu"h his disciples so that e$en after his retreat to solitude the ,ewish community would not be able to establish a "atherin" place for themsel$es. They on their side tried to stop the holy man;s campai"n unsuccessfully appealin" by ri"ht to the metropolitan church at &mida Eto whom they paid dues for protection a"ainst such $iolenceEand e$en resortin" to re$en"e by burnin" the huts of #er"ius; master #imeon a"ain a failed $enture as #er"ius soon rebuilt them. ,ohn would ha$e us see #er"ius; pro"ram as so thorou"h that the ,ews remained a broken community lon" after the holy man had "one into seclusion "so that durin" the days of his life the ,ews could not raise their head there . . . and so they desisted from buildin" all the days of his life."I@DJ &ccordin" to ,ohn #er"ius saw himself as actin" in the interests of his community to better ensure their welfare durin" his retreat. !n fact althou"h the ,ews were an oppressed minority in the +y6antine state he : @4 : had far o$erstepped the limits of ci$il law which did pro$ide protection for ,ewish communities and their syna"o"ues. +ut these laws were "rud"in"ly "ranted and #er"ius was not only ser$in" the more heartfelt pre5udices of the 'hristian -mpire but further doin" so under the claim of a hi"her authority. I@>J Fe was hardly the first ascetic to in$oke this "hi"her ri"ht" when actin" a"ainst the ,ews2 #imeon #tylites himself was said to ha$e $ehemently and successfully opposed protecti$e efforts toward the ,ews.I@2J Thus for #er"ius the life of the recluse was not one of withdrawal from worldly concerns. -$en in the solitude of his retreat he kept watch to control ,ewish mo$ement in the area2 and when the %onophysite persecutions struck that re"ion he was not lon" in lea$in" his sanctuary to make a $iolent statement a"ainst the persecutors in the city of &mida itself.I@3J ,ohn portrays #er"ius as one for whom asceticism was a $iolent matter: both internally in the austerity of his own practice and outwardly in the literal playin" out of his $ows. ,ohn of -phesus sou"ht to "lorify an acti$e ascetic understandin" which displayed its purpose openly and with resolution and whose impetus was in no way lessened either by its standin" in the secular sphere or by its achie$in" an established institutional form.

The 0essa"e %n #he 0o'e&

+y "lorifyin" the ascetic;s use of spiritual power in the temporal world ,ohn is not ad$ocatin" a "seculari6ation" of a mode of action ori"inally seen as an act of "race. *ather ,ohn;s ascetics display

an outward manifestation of their inward spiritualityEand here the crucial issue is touched because ,ohn;s Lives differ from those written by .alladius and Theodoret in a most fundamental way. /or ,ohn writes at the time when the 'halcedonian9%onophysite dispute had reached its hi"hest pitch. !t is a time when the needs of the temporal world ha$e become so pressin" that the ascetic cannot afford the lu1ury of complete withdrawal. %oreo$er it has become essential that ascetic in$ol$ement as an act of "race be re$itali6ed beyond the complacency of asceticism as institution. There is rarely a chapter of ,ohn;s collection that does not mention the %onophysite persecutions the refu"ees the e1iled or the martyred. /urther the an"er of the persecuted ascetics was compounded all the more by their wider circumstances: for the +y6antine -ast the si1th century brou"ht its succession of famine pla"ue and war. The ascetic response to these capricious natural and political crises was transformed with new meanin" in the conte1t of persecution. : @@ : ,ohn;s Lives are char"ed with politics: the affairs of the empire are inescapable2 responses to them are mandatory. Time after time ,ohn reiterates the rhetoric of martyrdom. This is not the lan"ua"e that praises a distant past as in the tales of martyrdom that .alladius tells.I@4J <or is it the lan"ua"e spoken in the safely remo$ed tone that Theodoret uses in his stories about the &rian persecutions.I@@J ,ohn mer"es the symbols of the martyr who dies for the faith and the ascetic whose life manifests the same stren"th. %artyr and ascetic are here a physically fused presence. These ascetics are not dead to the world nor is such a state the "oal of their reli"ious practice. ,ohn takes care to point out that stran"ers could not be admitted to the &midan monasteries without swearin" the re3uired oath to anathemati6e the "heresy" of 'halcedon.I@AJ &nd -li5ah of Dara impressed ,ohn hi"hly "as he stood and uttered anathemas and called the 'halcedonian bishops as well as those who wielded the authority of the crown to their faces impious men rene"ades and new ,ews."I@HJ .alladius and Theodoret had both written their ha"io"raphical collections in conte1ts of ecclesiastical battle. +ut .alladius deals in his writin" with the issues of his day by denyin" that there is any disa"reement2 his Historia Lausiaca describes a peaceful picture that hardly indicates the state of the -"yptian church at the time.I@?J Theodoret for his part wrote the Historia reli+iosa durin" a period of relati$e tran3uility in his otherwise $olatile career. Fis moti$es for writin" it ha$e been $ariously interpreted but the work itself is calm and di"nified and praises an asceticism of pre$iously 3uestionable $alidity in a literary format that "rants it admirable respect.I@CJ !n both these cases the polemical interests of the authors play an understated part in their ha"io"raphical stories and at times are barely discernible. <or is there a sense of unified ascetic $ision that speaks to personal $ows public sufferin" and reli"ious unrest such as that portrayed by ,ohn of -phesus. #imilar contrasts are apparent in the kind of attention or lack thereof "i$en to the matter of lapses in ascetic commitment. Theodoret presents a portrait of holy men and women who ne$er fail fi"ures of seamless perfection and hence remo$es us from any real contact with them. .alladius from the opposite perspecti$e often recounts stories of fallen monks or nuns to counteract the sin of pride so pre$alent amon" ascetics and perhaps also to acknowled"e =sometimes compassionately albeit "rud"in"ly soB how "enuinely difficult the monastic $ocation could be. ,ohn of -phesus "i$es little time to such stories but not because he presents a perfect picture such as Theodoret depicts. /or e1ample ,ohn tells the story of a monk who stole the books and relics of another solitary. Fowe$er remorse soon followed and ,ohn himself was the media9 : @A : tor in the reconciliation.IADJ !t is a humane presentation hardly a case of debauchery such as .alladius was prone to dwell upon2 and it does not differ in tone from the rest of ,ohn;s collection. Fe is too focused on the pra"matic needs of his world and the ascetic in$ol$ement in them for such distractions. <or does ,ohn e1press concern for the sin of accidie Ethe boredom one had always to fi"ht in the -"yptian desert or 'appadocian monastery. .alladius knew the dan"ers of an asceticism so monotonous that this sin could lead to madness.IA>J ,ohn;s ascetic $ision led to opposite results: %are of +eth (rtaye "used to beha$e with "reat and measureless arro"ance and he was hau"hty"2IA2J but for %are asceticism pro$ed a cure. <ot only did it redeem his disposition it further enabled him to endure the persecutions coura"eously.

&"ain the sometimes fantastic miracles recalled by .alladius and Theodoret ha$e no place in ,ohn;s work. %iracles there are in abundance but of a less histrionic kind: hearin"s or feats of endurance. ,ohn;s holy men and women are as much $ictims of their times as the suppliants they ser$e2 they too suffer from pla"ue and famine the destruction of in$adin" troops and abo$e all the hardships of e1ile and imprisonment by persecutors. They ha$e no wondrous solutions for the hardships at hand e1cept to work as best they can to meet the needs of their populace. Lust boredom and miracles these are themes that do not concern ,ohn and for which he has no time. The imperati$es of the present world are of too "reat an import. ,ohn;s Lives present an institutionali6ed form of the holy person;s cult that resulted in an increased acceptability accessibility and ran"e of acti$ity for the ascetic. &t the same time he sets his sub5ects in the conte1t of a church rent by persecutions and separatist acti$ities and of a society en"ulfed by tra"ic conditions. !n such circumstances the old rules and the old $alues no lon"er work. & different kind of ministry of ser$ice and of action is needed and in the midst of such chaos a fluidity in the e1istin" structures becomes possible. ,ohn;s arena is twofold: the intimate locality of &mida and its territory and the $ast si6e of the wider +y6antine -mpire. Fis sense of purpose can in fact be seen to emanate from the microcosm of human e1perience and holy presence he witnessed in the small world of &mida. The $ision ,ohn de$eloped in &mida and its e1tension outward in the lar"er empire must be considered first before turnin" to the implications in$ol$ed. : @H :

III Amida: The %easure of %adness

,ohn of -phesus presents to his readers the ascetic model =and its $ariationsB by which he himself was trained. &lthou"h the Lives of the Eastern Saints succeed in placin" this model in a lar"er conte1t &mida;s history "a$e a specific shape to the asceticism that de$eloped in its re"ions2 more pointedly &mida;s e1periences durin" the si1th century pro$ide us with a measure for the ur"ency and compassion underlyin" ,ohn;s Lives .

As+e#%+ Roo#s
/rom its inception asceticism in &mida and its territory was enmeshed in the $olatile e1istence of the city itself. & metropolitan city in the late *oman pro$ince of north %esopotamia &mida lay strate"ically on the Ti"ris *i$er at the eastern frontiers of the empire near to the .ersian borders.I>J 'onstantius embellished the city in the mid9fourth century amidst fre3uent disruptions by the #asanid monarchy. #oon after in 3@CKAD the .ersians arri$ed de$astatin" &mida and its en$irons2 insecurity was a "i$en factor in the area. The desire for an ascetic presence shared with the wider 'hristian realm by &mida was thus tin"ed by concern for &mida;s own fate.I2J The "rowth of asceticism in &mida;s territory concurred with that of the #yrian Grient as a whole. +y the early years of the fourth century : @? : &mida;s re"ions harbored indi$iduals of noteworthy ascetic practice who pursued an anchoretic life in loosely "athered "roups.I3J !t was not lon" before the city itself could boast a "rowin" monastic presence and before the end of the century it was clear that asceticism and society had settled down to a coe1istence. The monastery of %ar ,ohn (rtaya to which ,ohn of -phesus belon"ed was founded durin" this period2 ,ohn of -phesus preser$es the oral tradition of its community.I4J %ar ,ohn called (rtaya because of his missionary work in &n6etene chose to make a cell for ascetic seclusion outside &mida but near the city walls around the year 3?C. Fe settled near a tiny site already known as a place of ascetic practice: a few huts belon"in" to a distin"uished solitary named %ar ;fwrsm. ,ohn;s spiritual labors soon won him a followin" and his first two disciples came from the monastery of the -dessenes by this time relocated at &mida. )hen %ar ,ohn died his community had "attained to a lar"e increase in buildin"s and belon"in"s and increase of brotherhood up to the number of fifty men."I@J

The early choice of an urban rather than a rural settin" for the &midan ascetics differs from that of their counterparts ,acob of <isibis and ,ulian #aba who chose to stay within reach of settled communities while dwellin" apart in the wilderness. +ut &mida;s practical problems were considerable. The threat of in$asion was constant2 an isolated recluse was not e1empt from dan"er unless utterly remote and pro1imity to the shelter of fortified walls and communal protection was a simpler alternati$e. +y the fifth century &mida;s citi6ens and ascetics seem to ha$e settled into a profitable coe1istence. The tradition that ,ohn of -phesus relates for %ar ,ohn (rtaya a"ain presents the picture.IAJ &fter the death of its founder there followed a steady stream of leaders for the monastery ri"ht throu"h the fifth century all of whom are credited with e1pandin" the community;s si6e in numbers and in buildin"s. Durin" the second half of the century howe$er a dispute broke out amon" the brethren with re"ard to their abbot &braham himself a nati$e of the city. &fter "o$ernin" the monastery well for some time "unfounded ill9feelin"" arose and &braham was char"ed with embe66lin" the monastery;s funds for the sake of his family.IHJ The ensuin" clash led to &braham;s an"ry resi"nation but he did not abandon his ascetic career2 rather he practiced it in seclusion at his home in the city in accordance with the #yrian tradition of indi$idual $ocation. &pparently urban connections with the monasteries had reached the sta"e where monks were prone to petty intri"ues concernin" the city;s inhabitantsEproblems indicati$e of "rowin" wealth and property for ascetic communities and of "rowin" inte"ration with the social structure of the city. : @C : &braham;s successor was another &braham under whom the monastery rose to its "reatest fame and reached the si6e of four hundred monks. This &braham "bein" also formidable and se$ere and stern toward all the chief men and ma"nates of the city "I?J became known e$en to the emperor Neno who summoned him to 'onstantinople. *ecei$ed with honor at the imperial court he was "ranted substantial "ifts includin" a $illa"e in &mida;s nei"hborin" district of !n"ilene. -$entually he was consecrated to a bishopric in &n6etene. &lthou"h the monastery of %ar ,ohn (rtaya was perhaps the most acclaimed of &mida;s ascetic communities it by no means eclipsed all the others in reputation. )ith the ad$ent of the si1th century the city of &mida was known for the number of famous monastic communities it sheltered in and around its walls.ICJ !t was at this point that &mida;s inhabitants were cau"ht up in an acute crisis of circumstance affectin" local ascetic practice and its place in local urban society.

The S%1#h Cen#ury( The Se##%n"

To read the #yrian chroniclers on the be"innin" of the si1th century is to see that they e1pected the worst: the turn of the century had hardly been auspicious. /rom 4CC to @D2 calamity repeatedly struck the #yrian Grient. Locusts came in masses brin"in" famine and disease2 earth3uakes struck town and country2 ri$ers o$erflowed their banks2 city walls burst2 twice the sun was eclipsed2 and burnin" si"ns appeared in the skies I>DJ /or &mida disaster was imminent. !n the autumn of @D2 the .ersian army under the command of its ruler 8awad laid sie"e to &mida.I>>J The sie"e lasted three months with both sides sufferin" from the pree1istin" famine and the .ersians sufferin" in particular from the onset of winter. 7arious de$ices were employed to no a$ail a"ainst &mida;s impre"nable walls while those inside battled $aliantly in return. 4radually the attackers "rew disheartened and the besie"ed o$erconfident. The .ersians were on the brink of departin" when 8awad "ained new determinationEattributed to a di$ine $ision from 'hrist or to a premonition of the .ersian %a"iEindicatin" that success would soon follow. !ndeed a sin"le lapse in &mida;s ni"ht watch allowed the .ersians sudden entry in ,anuary @D3. #ources claim that ei"hty thousand people were slau"htered as the .ersians sacked the city.I>2J &mida;s fall was of serious conse3uence.I>3J 'laims were made that the defeat was an act of di$ine retribution for &mida;s impiety. The accusation was raised and became set in later tradition that monks from : AD : the monastery of %ar ,ohn (rtaya betrayed the city: drinkin" too much wine one ni"ht they fell asleep and failed to raise the alarm when the .ersians scaled the walls.I>4J Fowe$er the char"es seem unlikely.

!n the end the monks of %ar ,ohn suffered a particularly "ruesome fate.I>@J 0ears later ,ohn of -phesus met an old monk in .alestine who wept when he heard that ,ohn was from &mida. Fe had been a brother in the community of %ar ,ohn (rtaya when the .ersians took the city. Fe recalled for ,ohn how the brethren had sou"ht refu"e inside the city walls when the .ersian army arri$ed2 and how the con3uerors upon enterin" the city had butchered the monks killin" ninety in succession before pausin" for capti$es and bootyEthe point at which he had escaped $owin" ne$er to return to &mida. I>AJ <onetheless the slanderous story of the monks ser$es to si"nify how $isible they were in the city: it may well ha$e been an attempt to e1plain why their holy presence had not protected &mida from the catastrophe. The su""estion has been made that these accounts may indicate a chan"in" political situation that by the early si1th century anti9'halcedonian dissidents of the east were prepared to turn anti9*oman in times of war.I>HJ +ut we ha$e no contemporary e$idence of disloyalty. Gn the contrary the more trustworthy sources do not specify who was on "uard duty that ni"ht. The account of ",oshua the #tylite" is sober but fair9minded: one cold ,anuary ni"ht those on "uard duty drank too much wine. #ome fell asleep and others went home because of the rain. )hether then throu"h this remissness as we think or by an act of treachery as people said or as a chastisement from 4od the .ersians "ot possession of the walls of &mid by means of a ladder without the "ates bein" opened or the walls breached.I>?J The *oman army responded immediately2 it was said that the emperor &nastasius was sick with "rief when he learned of &mida;s pli"ht. +y the summer of @D3 the *omans were encamped a"ainst the city but faced with its unbreachable walls as well as their own internal problems they shortly abandoned it. !n @D4 they returned prepared for a drawn9out effort at reco$ery. The effects of this second sie"e on those inside the city walls .ersian or citi6en were merciless. /amine pre$ailed2 char"es of cannibalism and other desperate acts "rew daily. The &midan women suffered further: as food supplies decreased the .ersians imprisoned the city;s men in order to keep a$ailable food for themsel$es2 they left the women loose howe$er to use as sla$es and bed partners. Thus raped and abusedEbut not fedEthe women especially were char"ed with cannibalism. &s it is clear that men too were reduced to the same efforts for sur$i$al the women;s situation can only : A> : ha$e differed in this matter because of their relati$e freedom of mo$ement in the city. The *oman sie"e camp was also sufferin" from weather as well as from lack of supplies. &t last with both attackers and attacked in serious straits an a"reement was reached in the winter of @D@. &mida was returned to *oman hands a shell of its former self.I>CJ &t this point .rocopius; narrati$e implies that the sur$i$in" &midans for"ot their misfortunes a misleadin" impression e$en on the basis of his own account.I2DJ +efore a "eneration had passed war was renewed under 8awad;s successor 8hosroes a"ainst ,ustin ! and then a"ainst ,ustinian2 a final treaty was not to be si"ned until @A2. &lthou"h &mida was not a"ain a specified battle site it was "arrisoned by the *omans2 and with %esopotamia repeatedly in$aded in the course of these campai"ns the area remained unsafe.I2>J %oreo$er the .ersian in$asions brou"ht an attendant and more diffused problem: in their wake followed the Funnic tribes of Fephthalitae who appear to ha$e made continual if sporadic incursions into the eastern *oman pro$inces durin" these years.I22J )hether for their own purposes or in pursuit of the .ersians ,ohn of -phesus depicts repeated raids by the Fephthalitae.I23J #ome stories surely were deri$ed from the .ersian use of Funnic mercenaries in their own armies2 in this capacity the Fephthalitae seem to ha$e pro$ed unruly and prone to unauthori6ed plunderin".I24J &nd they carried out their own independent incursions notably in @>@ and @3>K2 which wrou"ht serious dama"e in *oman territory and substantiated the common fear of in$asion.I2@J )hile war a"ainst outsiders persisted internal relations were rapidly breakin" down. *eli"ious persecution a"ainst the %onophysites commenced with the accession of ,ustin !E",ustin the Terrible " as one %onophysite source called himI2AJ Ein @>C. ,ustin shifted the imperial reli"ious policy to impose the 'halcedonian faith by force2I2HJ this policy continued thereafter under his successors despite occasional miti"ation. &mida in this instance too became the scene of particular sufferin". The persecutions themsel$es were une$en in both place and duration and depended lar"ely on the patriarch or bishop at hand. #ome were perhaps more efficient than the emperor had en$isioned.I2?J +ut

an area so entrenched in %onophysite faith as %esopotamia would pro$ide the most threatenin" resistance to the "o$ernment;s aims. The situation mi"ht well seem to call for se$ere measures. )hen the patriarch #e$erus of &ntioch was deposed and banished in @>? he was soon succeeded by .aul "the ,ew " a staunch 'halcedonian.I2CJ !n the course of the persecutions that .aul set in motion between : A2 : @>C and @2> &braham bar 8ailiEthe arch$illain of #yrian traditionEattained the metropolitan seat at &mida which he then held for thirty years.I3DJ .aul;s e1cessi$e cruelty seems to ha$e led to his replacement in @2> by -uphrasius a 'halcedonian perhaps by fashion. -uphrasius may ha$e alle$iated the persecutions somewhat but his death durin" &ntioch;s earth3uake of @2A was seen by %onophysites as a fittin" end.I3>J Fe was succeeded immediately by -phrem a nati$e of &mida and a "o$ernment official of some power. !t was the combination of -phrem and &braham bar 8aili that unleashed sufferin" once more upon &mida. The accession of -phrem to the patriarchal seat of &ntioch was "reeted by a menacin" omen: the sun was obscured for ei"hteen months. *eports indicate that it was not eclipsed nor did it disappear2 it simply diminished in warmth for an unbroken year and a half.I32J -phrem was indeed a dauntin" fi"ure. &lthou"h #yrian he had recei$ed a 4reek education and "radually rose throu"h the ci$il ranks to become comes orientis around the year @22. )hile in this capacity he was chosen to be patriarch2 as ci$il administrator he had pro$ed himself competent and efficient and e$en his reli"ious enemies would later attest his skills as an official.I33J Fis consecration was thus si"nificant on two accounts: first as an indication of the close interaction and shared responsibility between hi"h ci$il and ecclesiastical posts at this time2I34J and second because his secular offices enabled -phrem to brin" a military escort to his throne. Durin" his ei"hteen years as patriarch -phrem would use his forces freely. -phrem promoted the 'halcedonian cause with such se$erity that our sources are polari6ed on his behalf. Fe was influential within 'halcedonian ranks and could when alarmed carry out consultation with .ope &"apetus of *ome.I3@J &lthou"h trained in ci$il administration he was a respectable theolo"ian.I3AJ 'halcedonian sources depict him as a wise fatherly fi"ure who sou"ht to con$ert %onophysites by "entle persuasion.I3HJ %oreo$er as patriarch he continued to embellish the city of &ntioch lookin" after its affairs much as he had earlier.I3?J +ut %onophysite sources $iewed -phrem in a different li"ht as one who encoura"ed a thorou"h persecution throu"hout the -ast. These writers saw his support of the 'halcedonian faith as opportunism and were outra"ed by his employment of ci$il troop.I3CJ -phrem;s prime henchmen was &braham bar 8aili a fi"ure rarely treated by scholars but whose role in the %onophysite persecutions was felt all too keenly by his contemporaries. &lthou"h he held the bishopric of &mida for thirty years I4DJ #yrian tradition has wo$en his acti$ity to9 : A3 : "ether with that of -phrem. &braham ob$iously conducted a harsher campai"n than his superior and while he acted at the patriarch;s behest he appears to ha$e been more of an e1tremist. Fe may ha$e been doin" -phrem;s dirty work for him. (nfortunately sur$i$in" e$idence on &braham is based almost entirely on ,ohn of -phesus; Ecclesiastical History. Gne mi"ht wish for 'halcedonian accounts to balance the picture.I4>J Their silence may be instructi$e howe$er indicatin" a lack of information or interest. !t is also e$idence that the 'halcedonian presence in %esopotamia was confined both to the upper echelons of the imperially sponsored ci$il and ecclesiastical administration and to the army a case much like -"ypt;s. Gn the other hand both -phrem and &braham were nati$es of &mida2 further if &braham ser$ed as bishop for so many years there must ha$e been a si6eable 'halcedonian presence in &mida itself. &braham is char"ed with more than e1ilin" the faithful and compellin" 'halcedonian communion. %onophysite sources based on ,ohn of -phesus report that he kept a census count on his citi6ens to ensure that not e$en a miscarried fetus or a stillborn child escaped 'halcedonian baptism2 and that he in$aded holy sanctuaries tortured reli"ious prisoners crucified and burned dissidents and was disrespectful of their corpses. The most sinister char"e was that he employed a band of lepers2 these he sent to pollute %onophysite property with their disease or to be prison companions for those disa"reein" with him. <onetheless it was in concerted effort with -phrem that &braham;s most brutal

steps were taken followin" ,ustinian;s final banishment of #e$erus of &ntioch in @3A. -phrem;s "descent to the east" durin" @3AL@3H was considered the hei"ht of the persecutions in the #yrian Grient but its worst crimes ha$e been attributed to &braham. &s a partin" shot %ichael the #yrian claims that &braham was a "luttonous lo$er of wine foppishly $ain in dress who conducted reli"ious ceremonies with ostentatious pomp.I42J The .ersian campai"ns compounded the persecutions and brou"ht the return of famine as a chronic situation in &mida;s territory. Local pla"ues broke out and were finally subsumed into the 4reat +ubonic .la"ue that struck in @42. 'onditions were ripe for disease to flourish and the 4reat .la"ue at its peak is reported by ,ohn of -phesus to ha$e killed thirty thousand people from &mida and its lands in the span of three months.I43J &s elsewhere in the +y6antine -ast famine followed the epidemic for those who sur$i$ed and outbreaks of the disease continued to recur for the remainder of the century. Gur sources record an : A4 : unbroken succession of natural and human calamities for &mida;s re"ions as the wars and reli"ious coercion continued also. /inally in the year @AD the city of &mida went mad. The accounts of the "pla"ue of madness" are no less chillin" for their confusion.I44J The sickness was called "dreadful abominable and hideous " and "maniacal and diabolical." )ithout e1ception the madness was seen as an act of di$ine $en"eance for the sins of the city. Later tradition also sou"ht a di$ine cure for the "pla"ue" and added the fi"ure of ,acob +urd;aya to the e$ent. Le"end claimed that he predicted the sufferin" in ad$ance attributin" it to those who had submitted to the pressures of persecution and 5oined the 'halcedonian ranks and that the saint finally returned to e1orcise the city. I4@J +ut the primary $ersion on which the chronicles draw is from ,ohn of -phesus; Ecclesiastical History. ,ohn was a contemporary and althou"h not present in &mida at the time well informed on e$ents there. ,ohn;s account and those based on it show considerable insi"ht when describin" the conte1t of the outbreak. They be"in by summari6in" the precedin" forty years of war persecution pla"ue and famine and the resultin" persistent le$el of an1iety in the city. &t last on this occasion a false report that the .ersians were a"ain attackin" &mida and pilla"in" the countryside pro$ed a sudden cause for panic. !t was then that the madness descended. .eople dashed around barkin" like do"s bleatin" like sheep cluckin" like hens2 children ran cra6ed throu"h the "ra$eyards throwin" each other about shoutin" obscenely bitin" each other han"in" upside down cryin" with trumpetlike wails2 no one reco"ni6ed his own home. Taken to the churches by the few who remained sane the crowds foamed at the mouth and claimed with ra"e that only the inter$ention of the apostles and martyrs pre$ented them from massacrin" and plunderin" the entire city. The madness lasted some months perhaps as lon" as a year. !t struck elsewhere in the Grient in Tella -dessa 'harrhae and %aipher3at2 but no other place was reputed to ha$e suffered like &mida.I4AJ Despite its arrestin" scope in numbers and duration the &midan pla"ue of madness is not without parallel. Gther periods of history ha$e witnessed similar outbreaks of protracted mass hysteria2 si"nificantly these ha$e occurred under similarly compounded conditions of famine "eneral want disease reli"ious unrest and natural calamity.I4HJ !n &mida;s case the symptoms displayed all match the $iews of insanity pre$alent durin" anti3uity both for the Griental and 4reco9*oman worlds.I4?J %oreo$er the other cities that suffered the same pla"ueE'onstantinaKTella -dessa 'harrhae and %artyropolisK%aipher3atEall e1perienced a suc9 : A@ : cession of natural and political disasters nearly as unbroken as &mida;s.I4CJ The account of &mida;s pla"ue of madness then stands as testimony to the fact that society like the indi$idual does ha$e a breakin" point: the course of e$ents that the si1th century brou"ht to &mida could well ha$e broached such a limit.I@DJ The particular tra"edy of &mida and the horrors leadin" up to it epitomi6ed that of the %onophysite #yrian Grient as a whole durin" the si1th century. !n #yrian tradition the memory of those years did not lose the sense of trauma.I@>J Gne would e1pect such times to raise the potency of the ascetic presence2 but 5ust as the lay populace would turn to the power of sanctity with particular ur"ency so too would the ascetics be compelled to respond from their own sufferin" and in$ol$ement in the pli"ht

of the world. 'ity and wilderness the poles of ascetic e1perience in these circumstances lost their distincti$e boundaries and came to inhabit a realm of mutual crisis. !t was this mutual realm that ,ohn of -phesus elucidated in his accounts of the holy men and women of &mida.

A,%'a( The 2ev%& /%#hou# an' #he 2ev%& /%#h%n

The hermit of late anti3uity had sou"ht the holy by inhabitin" a physical spaceEin desert or wildernessEas separate from the space of ci$ili6ed society as the spiritual realm was from the physical. -$en when society e1tended itself to include the holy by incorporatin" the functional employment of the holy man or woman into its workin"s I@2J the space of the ascetic presence remained separate from the urban space of $illa"e or city whether it was contained within a separate monastic comple1 or more fre3uently outside the city walls.I@3J The populace came out to the holy presence as they had to #imeon the #tylite.I@4J Gnly the purest could achie$e the estran"ement from the world e$idenced by the holy fool li$in" immersed in yet untouched by the debauchery of ci$ili6ation.I@@J +ut the territory of &mida precluded the pri$acy of an e1ternal settin" for ascetic practice and e$en the inner space of the ascetic;s spiritual life could not offer refu"e for any len"th of time. The .ersian in$asions pro$ide a concrete e1ample. .rocopius relates that in @D3 durin" their command o$er &mida they laid waste with fire the sanctuary of a holy man called #imeon near to the city.I@AJ The intermittent incursions by Funs as well as by .ersians were as disturbin" for the ascetics e$en those li$in" in seclusion as they were for the $illa"e or town communities. %aro the #tylite had stood on his : AA : pillar near &mida for twenty years when he saw a $ision foretellin" the arri$al of a raidin" party of Funs. Fis horror mirrorin" the reaction soon to be heard amon" the $illa"ers fri"htened the brethren of his community. %ost of them fled with the townspeople to a nearby fortressEa"ain the pro1imity is instructi$eEwhile three loyal brothers stayed behind with %aro. /ortunately they escaped the band;s notice unharmed.I@HJ Fowe$er such raids left behind a more insidious threat. !n constant fear the populace sou"ht comfort in stories of di$ine protection. Thus .rocopius tells of the anchorite ,acob dwellin" a day;s 5ourney from &mida who was disco$ered by a "roup of maraudin" Fephthalitae but succeeded in renderin" them motionless when they tried to attack him. They remained paraly6ed until the .ersian kin" himself came to be" their release which ,acob worked with a prayer. /aced with such power 8awad then offered the hermit any fa$or he wished presumin" money would be the re3uest. +ut ,acob asked that he be allowed to shelter all who came to him as fu"iti$es from war. )e are told that the pled"e was kept and many sou"ht refu"e there as word went out of what had taken place.I@?J #imilarly ,ohn of -phesus tells how the youn" monk N;ura =before his stylite daysB had taken refu"e in a fortress from an in$adin" host of Funs. #ent out later to see if his monastery was still intact he encountered the raidin" band and one of its members rushed upon him. N;ura too rendered him motionless until his comrades had departed and then allowed him to "o free without harm.I@CJ &n1iety produced a fear both articulated and internali6ed. )hen #imeon the %ountaineer cursed the inhabitants of a remote $illa"e for willfully hinderin" his efforts on their behalf they shouted at him "!f you think that your curses are so well heard "o and curse these Funs who are comin" and makin" ha$oc of creation and let them die."IADJ %ore pointedly ascetics now wa"ed battle with demons appearin" in the "uise of marauders. .aul the &nchorite set out to e1orcise a ca$e notorious for its demonic possession located on a lonely stretch of the Ti"ris and needed as shelter for traders and tra$elers. /or many days he stayed enclosed in the ca$e wa"in" battle a"ainst fiends of e$ery shape and kind. &t last in an effort to dri$e the holy man out the demons assailed him in the likeness of $illa"ers fleein" in panic from approachin" in$aders2 when .aul remained unmo$ed they put on their most fearful aspect "uised as the Funs themsel$es. !t was the mark of .aul;s sanctity that he was able to banish e$en these powerful forces.IA>J The si1th century then presented the &midan ascetics with no separate "space " e1ternal or internal and no escape or retreat. Their tradi9 : AH : tion had incorporated the physical dan"ers of &mida;s territory into their ascetic practice by the custom of li$in" cenobitically within close reach of local towns and $illa"es.IA2J +ut when wars and raiders

dro$e the ascetics inside the city walls they confronted a new dan"er. <o pri$ile"ed place awaited them as monastics e1cept the compoundin" of physical dan"er and an e3ually se$ere moral peril. /or while the ascetics mi"ht suffer alon" with citi6ens the hardships of in$asions famine and pla"ue it was the reli"ious element monks nuns and cler"y who bore the brunt of the persecutions a"ainst the %onophysites. The &midan monasteries fierce in their opposition to 'halcedonian persuasion and influential with the public presented the most accessible tar"ets for their 'halcedonian persecutors. <ot surprisin"ly the first step in any persecution campai"n was directed at them and marked by the monks; banishment. The rhetoric their pli"ht e$oked was the lan"ua"e of martyrdom: ,ohn of -phesus described them "ha$in" all small as well as "reat been fired by 6eal for the faith and ha$in" been duly "irded with the armour of truth they also entered $aliantly and heroically and coura"eously into the stru""le a"ainst the defenders of the corrupt synod of 'halcedon."IA3J &nd the e1perience of e1ile pro$ed to be horrendous for the &midan monastic community. They were "dri$en from place to place and from re"ion to re"ion "IA4J under circumstances that left no illusions as to the life suffered by refu"ees. The first e1pulsion came soon after the accession of ,ustin ! around the year @2D.IA@J &fter much discoura"in" tra$el and effort the e1iled &midan community finally halted in a remote area at a monastery called %ar %ama.IAAJ Despite unpleasant conditions they stayed there fi$e years before decidin" to return to a district borderin" on &mida in order to be near their former home. They passed se$eral years in this new place at the monastery of the .oplars under crowded and makeshift arran"ements. Gwin" to ,ustinian;s succession to the throne and to Theodora;s subse3uent efforts IAHJ they were allowed to return after nine and a half years to their home city. "&nd they found their con$ents destroyed and demolished and knocked to pieces and turned to earth." &t once they set about rebuildin" their former dwellin"s and reor"ani6in" the reli"ious assemblies of the &midan populace "so that few Iof those who had "one o$er to the 'halcedoniansJ remained with the #ynodites."IA?J #uch beha$ior was ob$iously upsettin" to the authorities2 the monastic "roup was not lon" back before a new e1pulsion order was a"ain issued a"ainst them.IACJ They left but the effort was wearin" and their si6e had diminished.IHDJ #toppin" first at the monastery of the #ycamores they were pursued by *oman soldiers who tormented the surroundin" $il9 : A? : la"ers until they pleaded with the ascetics to lea$e their district so as to alle$iate their sufferin". *eestablishin" themsel$es at the monastery of the .oplars they were soon sou"ht out by the $i"ilant -phrem and his troops. This time their dispersion was fri"htenin". /or accordin" to ,ohn of -phesus -phrem "sent armed and armoured hosts of fi"htin" men a"ainst them as if to fi"ht a"ainst barbarians and they e1pelled and e5ected and scattered and dispersed them o$er the lands."IH>J %oreo$er it was winter2 many were ill or old and tra$el was dan"erous. The &midan community splintered o$er the -ast. &fter some twenty years or more the sur$i$ors "radually reassembled in &mida once a"ain findin" their former homes ra6ed. They were not lon" in the occupation of rebuildin" before a third e1pulsion order dro$e them out a"ain. )hen ,ohn of -phesus completed his history of the &midan monasteries at the death of ,ustinian they had been li$in" under the shadow of persecution for more than forty years.IH2J (nder these conditions ascetic practice was not only compelled to bend to the circumstances Emany a stylite was forced down from his pillarEbut also to fulfill percei$ed obli"ations to the lay populace while under duress. Those obli"ations were only partially manifest in the social occupations of the ascetic as patron and healer2 their "reater import lay in ensurin" that the %onophysite stance of the people did not lapse. The commitment to such a responsibility was clearly shown in the continuous efforts of the &midan ascetics to return to the city or to remain in close contact with it e$en when in e1ile. !n the course of the crisis the &midan ascetics responded in two ways retainin" their practices as a body in e1ile while maintainin" an "under"round" presence in the city itself. +ut in either place the space occupied by the holy had lost its separateness.

The As+e#%+ Res*onse

The influence of the eastern monks on the attitudes and beliefs of common people is well attested by the sources for late anti3uity.IH3J Their constancy and 6eal contributed to the %onophysite dispute an in"redient of popular faith and not simply of theolo"ical debate.IH4J /or the &midan ascetics howe$er

the immediacy of the reli"ious crisis was matched by the cumulati$e impact of local natural disasters and political e$ents. The ascetic ideal and moti$ation were thus profoundly affected by the state of the temporal world in a time of "reat need: the potency of ascetic actions rose.IH@J : AC : The desert had ceased to be a place of solitude. .seudo9Nachariah *hetor describes the communities that "rew up in the wilderness durin" the persecutions: &nd so the desert was at peace and was abundantly supplied with a population of belie$ers who li$ed in it and fresh ones who were e$ery day added to them and aided in swellin" the numbers of their brethren some from a desire to $isit their brethren out of 'hristian lo$e and others a"ain because they were bein" dri$en from country to country by the bishops in the cities. &nd there "rew up as it were a commonwealth of illustrious and belie$in" priests and a tran3uil brotherhood with them2 and they were united in lo$e and abounded in mutual affection and they were belo$ed and acceptable in the si"ht of e$eryone2 and nothin" was lackin" for the honoured heads of the corporation which is composed of all the members of the body accompanied them.IHAJ Fence it was with pride that ,ohn of -phesus stressed the continuity of tradition in ascetic practice for the &midan monasteries e$en while they li$ed in a present state of dispersal. The $arious communities continued seemin"ly without interruption by their circumstances the customary practices of fastin" $i"ils "enufle1ions weepin" and the use of standin" poles and other aids. /urther they continued their role in society at lar"e: admonishin" and ad$isin" the local populace where$er they settled healin" the sick and e1orcisin" demons.IHHJ +ut they acted now as pseudo9Nachariah indicates in concert with the community that the wilderness fostered bonded to"ether by their common pli"ht. Thus ,ohn of -phesus praised the united body of &midans "the separate character of each con$ent bein" preser$ed in this only the fact that its own brotherhood was separate and its belon"in"s and archimandrite and its priests while all the affairs of them all were administered in common to"ether with all the spiritual labours of brotherly concord."IH?J The &midan monasteries had for "enerations upheld a hi"h9standin" reputation for practice as well as for learnin"2 their fame would spread on both accounts durin" their ordeal. !n his history of the monastery of %ar ,ohn (rtaya ,ohn of -phesus records a faultless succession of abbots in the course of the persecutions.IHCJ %oreo$er he reaffirms the monastery;s ties to the city of &mida itself. <ot only were the remains of the leaders who died in e1ile returned when it became possible to the monastery;s own burial "rounds2 but further the abbot appointed durin" the final period of persecution in which ,ohn wrote was born of a distin"uished family of the city and had been in the monastery since he was a child.I?DJ #imilarly ,ohn saw fit despite the disruptions of the times to elaborate on the len"thy traditional method of "ainin" entry and ser$in" : HD : as no$ice in another &midan monastery emphasi6in" the commitment to correct trainin".I?>J <or was the ima"e of the &midan monasteries enhanced by ,ohn alone. ,ohn of Tella had immediately welcomed the &midan e1iles he encountered knowin" their place of ori"in and its hi"h standards in ascetic practices and reli"ious education.I?2J &bo$e all wanderin" ascetics continued with confidence to 5oin &mida;s communities in e1ile 5ust as they had pre$iously so constant was the reputation they upheld.I?3J !n the Lives of the Eastern Saints the few accounts ,ohn offers of ascetics de$oted purely to the pursuit of pri$ate worship are presented in this conte1t. They are people who came to the &midan communities before and durin" the periods of persecution: &bbi who wore ra"s and passed his days readin" the 4ospels in ecstasy speakin" and eatin" rarely and always with tears2 a poor stran"er who would not re$eal his name or anythin" of his tra$els who meditated with mournful humility throu"hout the ni"hts and allowed no morsel of food or drop of water to pass his lips without a prayer of thanks"i$in" thus takin" one hundred sips to drink a cup2 and Nacharias who shunned all contact with others secretly carryin" a pebble in his mouth to impede speech and mortifyin" his flesh with knots of rope to pre$ent unworthy thou"hts from findin" their way into his mind.I?4J These accounts stand in seemin" contrast to ,ohn;s emphasis on asceticism practiced within an urban settin" or in close contact with $illa"e populations for his usual ideal is that of an asceticism ministerin" to a crisis9ridden society. +ut the contrast becomes less when one reali6es where he makes

room for the $irtuosi of pri$ate ascetic practice. /or the e1iled communities these holy indi$iduals ensured the $alidity of their tradition and of their spiritual authority as much in time of peace as in trial under the stron"ly politici6in" pressures that beset the %onophysite population. !t is with this intent that ,ohn relates the story of a monk who 5oined the &midan monasteries while they were settled at %ar %ama.I?@J #ince it was uncanonical for a monk to lea$e his monastery to enter another without an official release the &midan archimandrite carefully e1amined this monk as to his pre$ious trainin" and present status. !n fact he had not been released and had lied in order to 5oin their community. Then a local pla"ue broke out and in the cramped li$in" 3uarters of the e1iles it ra"ed freely killin" ei"hty9four of the &midan brethren as well as some of their "uests. The newly recei$ed monk too fell ill and was di$inely punished for his per5ury by ho$erin" paralysed 5ust outside death. The brethren finally "uessed his situation and stood themsel$es : H> : surety to "ain his release sendin" a deacon to petition his former archimandrite. &s soon as this was done the man died. #uch an account underscored the &midans; authoritati$e status illustratin" their care with canons was no less than that with faith.I?AJ !n the same way ,ohn stresses an unbroken pattern in the &midan ascetics; social in$ol$ement despite their fli"ht to unfamiliar territory. The personal trial of e1ile with its ha6ards and discomforts was not considered a release from an ascetic;s obli"ation to others. Fala a monk at the monastery of the -dessenes in &mida had de$oted himself for some years to carin" for the destitute and stran"ers in the city.I?HJ )hen the monastery was e1pelled and its property confiscated or hidden Fala was beside himself ha$in" nothin" with which to comfort those in need. &t once he set about findin" new ways of continuin" his ministry payin" no heed to the affliction of his own monastic community or to their mockery of his efforts. *ather he collected old coats and ra"s from dun" heaps and then cleaned and sewed them to"ether into cushions and ru"s for the poor $isitors who came. "&nd so he found this method of carryin" out his own employment not "i$in" up this strenuous pursuit in peace or in persecution in the city or in e1ile."I??J !n fact the &midan communities could in many respects conduct their life in e1ile 5ust as they had pre$iously if they could find a safe place to stay. Their ministry durin" times of famine was both mo$in" and familiar2 they had dealt with such circumstances before.I?CJ Fowe$er e1ile was at times relentless. )hen they sou"ht refu"e in the monastery of the #ycamores &braham bar 8aili sent *oman soldiers under his command to e1pel them a"ain. (pon their arri$al the soldiers were stunned at the si"ht of hundreds of ascetics en"a"ed in worship standin" row upon row without fear. (nner$ed the troops turned upon the nearby $illa"ers plunderin" their land killin" their animals eatin" their food and takin" o$er their houses2 the soldiers told the inhabitants that they would lea$e only if the monks were persuaded to depart as well. Gppressed beyond their means the $illa"ers collecti$ely be""ed the monks to relie$e them of their burden. The ascetics saw their "rief and wishin" to cause ordinary people no harm they left at once.ICDJ The &midan community and the laity they met seem to ha$e aided each other where$er possible.IC>J +ut in such a conte1t the wilderness and its solitude bore fruit $ery much intended for the temporal world2 it did not ser$e as a place of retreat for its own sake or of refu"e from the pli"ht of the eastern cities. !n their continuity of practice of spiritual tradition and of social in$ol$ement the &midan ascetics in e1ile ac3uired an e$er9increasin" presti"e. : H2 : &nd the potency of that authority was fully concentrated on the persons and e$ents of their own time. The e1pulsion of the &midan monasteries carried further implications. Their absence left a burden on those who remained in &mida and its territory that their ser$ices for the populace be continued. Thus a local recluse who had chosen a separate life outside the city and its monastic comple1es found himself forced to lea$e his retreat and return. #imeon the #olitary had once been renowned for his labors in an &midan monastery both in pri$ate ascetic practice and in his ministry to the poor and stran"ers in the city.IC2J )hen he chose to take up life as a hermit in the mountains nearby he was "supplied by many persons with all that he needed" and ser$ed residents and tra$elers from his huts while his fame spread throu"hout the re"ion. /inally howe$er the situation in &midaEthe loss of its spiritual communityEcalled him back:

+ut afterwards the storm of persecution was stirred up a"ainst I#imeonJ to"ether with all the rest of the church2 and he bra$ely and heroically contended in the conflicts. . . . +ut he himself held firm2 and thus he perse$ered and maintained a heroic contest and he used to "o around in the city itself at the $ery hei"ht of the persecution and "i$e absolution and baptise by ni"ht and by day.IC3J The persecutin" 'halcedonians on the other hand had not allowed the city walls to restrict their efforts. (nder &braham bar 8aili the local anchoretic sanctuaries were $iolated now for a different kind of booty. Local celebrities such as %aro the #tylite were coa1ed for an unwittin" slip of the ton"ue so that 'halcedonians could claim "+ehold e$en %aro on his pillar a"rees with usP"IC4J The authorities were well aware of the ascetics; influence and knew that e$en apparent $erbal capitulation on the part of such fi"ures could draw many people to their communion.IC@J These solitaries and their disciples no lon"er left to their business of ser$in" community needs from their retreats were forced into the social arena. <ot only were their sanctuaries in$aded but the stren"th of their reli"ious commitment would not allow them to continue a life apart from the e$ents around them. )hen the hermit #er"ius was dra""ed from his hut beaten by physical and by $erbal blows he could not continue his anchoretic e1istence.ICAJ Fis reentry into the city of &mida demonstrated in no uncertain terms the solitary;s response to &mida;s situation: +ut the blessed #er"ius went out and arri$ed at the city on the holy day of #unday at dawn. Fe then went strai"ht to the church and as the whole city was sittin" there after the mornin" hymns . . . suddenly at the door of the church there appeared a stran"e and shockin" si"ht and all were stunned seein" an appearance not their own: a hermit was : H3 : enterin" wearin" ra"s patched to"ether from sackcloth and carryin" his cross on his shoulder. &nd he went ri"ht in "oin" strai"ht to the middle of the church without a 3uestion neither speakin" nor turnin" to either side2 and as the preacher was standin" and speakin" he stopped while astonishment fell upon the crowd and they looked to see what was the matter. +ut the holy man as soon as he reached the chancel struck his cross upon the steps and be"an to mount. &nd when he had climbed one or two steps in silence e$eryone thou"ht that he was "ettin" ready either to say somethin" or to make a petition to the city or to the bishop I&braham bar 8ailiJ. +ut when he reached the third step where the preacher stood he flun" out his hand "rabbed him by the neck held him fast and said to him ")icked e$il man our Lord commands ;Do not "i$e what is holy to do"s nor pearls before swine;2 why do you speak the words of 4od before those who deny Fim?" &nd he swun" his hand round punched him twisted his mouth awry sei6ed him and threw him down.ICHJ #er"ius succeeded in rousin" the con"re"ation into full riot before he himself was beaten unconscious and carried off to an &rmenian prison camp reser$ed for %onophysites. Fe was not lon" held howe$er and soon escaped back to his own cell.IC?J Thus the city of &mida became a battle"round a"ainst the forces of e$il that had once been sou"ht in the harshness of the wilderness. /or there were those ascetics who chose to remain in &mida rather than "o into e1ile with the ma5ority of the monks and these intensified their ascetic practice by the dan"er of their situation. &braham was both cruel and thorou"h in the campai"n he wa"ed throu"h the city. <onetheless city life afforded some protection throu"h the possibility of anonymity and ,ohn of -phesus speaks with admiration of the "under"round" communities the secret "roups of ascetics e1iled from their own monasteries or con$ents who remained in the city residin" in housin" ostensibly rented for tenancy by others. %any of the e1iled as well as their $arious communications and business matters passed throu"h such "roups aided by sympathetic townspeople. /or in order to ensure a presence eludin" the authorities but efficacious for the populace it was imperati$e that the %onophysite leaders inside the city depend upon the efforts of indi$iduals and a$oid the $isibility of actions as a body.ICCJ #uch a person was the holy -uphemia who had for many years li$ed an ascetic career in &mida with her dau"hter %aria.I>DDJ #he followed a pri$ate rule of austerity in her own life =,ohn of -phesus and others would be" her to show herself some of the kindness she so liberally bestowed on othersB and at

the same time with %aria;s aid de$oted herself day and ni"ht to ministerin" to the city;s poor sick homeless and : H4 : afflicted. There seemed no corner of the city or its en$irons unknown to her and no one person rich or destitute citi6en or stran"er whose life had not been touched by her "race and charity. )hen the persecutions struck a steady stream of e1iled monks sin"ly or in company be"an to appear at -uphemia;s door for refu"e. !n no time she had or"ani6ed accommodations for both housin" and worship settin" up a substantial network throu"h which they could stay in the city pursuin" their habitual monastic practices or if tra$elin" could ha$e the assurance of lod"in" and hospitable company =no small "ift when sufferin" fli"htB. +ut it was not lon" only a few years before the 'halcedonian authorities became suspicious of the doctrinal leanin"s of the holy woman and her dau"hter and imprisoned them with the intent of forcin" their submission to 'halcedonian communion. Fowe$er the officials had not reckoned on the support of -uphemia;s followers and the entire city small and "reat alike demanded the release of the two women. /aced with a public uprisin" the authorities 3uietly banished -uphemia and %aria from the city. -uphemia;s life is a particularly instructi$e one for her personal career well reflects the fortune of &mida in the si1th century. Thirty years of her life were passed in ser$ice to those in the city who suffered famine in$asion and pla"ue. The appearance of the persecutions at first seemed yet one more trial with which to contend. +ut her story re$eals the cost that &mida;s calamities were to e1act from its citi6ens and ascetics and if her end was less histrionic than the memory of a city dri$en mad with sufferin" it was no less indicati$e of the times. &fter their banishment from the city -uphemia and her dau"hter went to ,erusalem passin" some time in pil"rima"e. ,ohn of -phesus then tells us ima"inin" that perhaps the an"er a"ainst them had abated they returned to &mida and entered it secretly2 and they stayed at the house of a certain nobleman. +ut when it be"an to be noticed and their opponents be"an to speak about them the people with whom they were stayin" became an1ious be""in" them to depart lest their house be plundered. +ut the blessed -uphemia was weary and she wept aloud to 4od sayin" "%y Lord your mercy knows that ! ha$e "rown weak and ! ha$e no more stren"th. !t is enou"h for me." &nd on that $ery ni"ht the re3uest of her prayer was answered.I>D>J )ithin a week -uphemia had died of illness ha$in" attained ,ohn assures us the crown of martyrdom. +ut hers was a death not caused by sufferin" under persecution so much as by the "radually wearin" effects of the calamity that buffeted her time and place. : H@ : !n this way -uphemia;s story typifies the ascetic;s e1perience in si1th9century &mida. The commitment of the ascetic to the temporal world was as pressin" as that to the eternal2 the space of the holy was not in$iolable for either secular or reli"ious forces nor could it remain aloof from the e$ents surroundin" or in$ol$in" it. The space of the holy was found nowhere separate for the &midan ascetics or populace. Gn the contrary it was e$erywhere present. : HA :

I& Pur"ose and Places

)hen the &midan ascetics were e1pelled some 5ourneyed widely. ,ohn himself tra$eled throu"h .alestine down into -"ypt across the &natolian pro$inces and on to 'onstantinople2 his 5ourneys pro$ided much of the material for his Lives of the Eastern Saints . ,ohn;s accounts of the ascetics who stayed in and around &mida are combined with his narrati$es of the %esopotamian ascetics workin" in lar"er arenas of 'hristendom especially in -"ypt and in 'onstantinople. The combination pro$ides a powerful medium for his ascetic $ision a $ision as unified as his sub5ects and locations are di$erse.

E"y*#( The Co,,un%#y /%#ness

/ollowin" the lead of #e$erus of &ntioch %onophysite bishops by choice be"an to "ather in -"ypt e$en before the order of banishment reached their sees2 for others it was the nearest point of refu"e.I>J !t was not surprisin" that e1iled ascetics should arri$e also drawn as much by the tradition of -"ypt;s deserts as by the hope for safety.I2J The first arri$als set the tone: a community was formed noted for its discipline in faith and in practice. )hen ,ohn of -phesus set out for -"ypt in the early @3Ds it was to $isit this e1iled community.I3J The community that interested ,ohn was from .alestine but its roots were #yrian and its fame in ,ohn;s time rested lar"ely on its identity as a #yrian "roup. !ts founder was the holy woman #usan by birth from : HH : the .ersian territory of &r6anene an area with stron" ties to #yriac 'hristianity.I4J #usan had turned to asceticism as a child. &t the a"e of ei"ht she left home first in pil"rima"e to ,erusalem and then to enter a con$ent in .alestine between &scalon and 4a6a. #ome ten years later the persecutions be"an. .alestine was a ma5or tar"et and #usan;s con$ent "since it was lar"e and celebrated " was soon attacked. /acin" the alternati$es of confrontation or fli"ht #usan decided to lea$e for the desert outside &le1andria. Fer choice distressed the sisters who held her in hi"h re"ard2 fi$e chose to follow her despite her admonitions to the contrary. /rom &le1andria the women soon found a suitable place to settle: an area in the desert not far from the $illa"e of %endis with an abandoned fortress for shelter.I@J *emo$ed from the pressure of harassment and with #usan as spiritual "uide the nuns resumed their routine of prayer and labor. The $illa"e pro$ided handiwork by which they could earn their keep and also looked after their "eneral welfare. #usan howe$er had lon"ed for solitude and a nearby ca$e offered seclusion.IAJ +ut her testin" of her $ocation as a hermit brou"ht panic to the sisters for the nuns looked to her for leadership: "Don;t you know that we came out to the desert trustin" in you after our Lord? . . . Don;t you know that without you we cannot e1ist?"IHJ &t last a compromise had to be reached and #usan a"reed to a split routine di$ided between solitude and interludes with her nuns. #usan;s contemplati$e labors pro$ided the embryonic community with a testimony to spiritual authority that did not "o unnoticed2 the community be"an to "row. &t the same time its reputation spread. The nuns; story reached a small community of monks also of %esopotamian ori"in who had li$ed near to their con$ent in .alestine but were now sufferin" pursuit by the 'halcedonian authorities. Fearin" of "the 3uietude and sweetness of that desert " the men soon found their way to the nuns and established themsel$es in the same area. <umbers in both communities increased as the persecutions elsewhere wore on. #till the safety of -"ypt did not pro$ide an escape from the responsibilities of the reli"ious crisis. #usan desired the anchoretic life but the con"re"ation outside %endis re3uired stron" leadership because of the circumstances that had brou"ht them to"ether. !n the eyes of both the men and the women #usan alone was capable of this role. /or her part #usan understood that times of crisis demand critical action2 althou"h unhappy to assume the role of director for the community of men and women #usan did soE and she did so $ery well.I?J +ut #usan;s community and others like it were more than resettlement camps for refu"ees. They were places in which the %onophysite : H? : faith was nourished and practiced pro$idin" a steady witness in the midst of persecution. Their impact was stren"thened by the parallel acti$ity of #e$erus himself ICJ a situation ,ohn of -phesus emphasi6es specifically in his Lives of the Eastern Saints.I>DJ /leein" &ntioch in @>? #e$erus had "one first to &le1andria and the hospitality of the patriarch Timothy !7.I>>J /rom there he went on to the desert where he "carried out to the full" the monastic $ocation of his youth.I>2J &s in the case of others with similar e1perience #e$erus; standin" as church leader had been reinforced by his early ascetic trainin" at the hands of .eter the !berian in the monastery of %aRouma outside 4a6a.I>3J The return to the ascetic life enhanced his status in the broader world all the more since withdrawal did not li"hten his workload. #e$erus continued to conduct affairs internal and e1ternal for the %onophysite body.I>4J There were howe$er some who took the patriarch;s retreat as an e1cuse to slacken their ecclesiastical discipline.I>@J #e$erus; fear unhappily prophetic was that internal problems were di$ertin" the

belie$ers; ener"y from the real battle at hand.I>AJ +y the nature of his presence and acti$ity in -"ypt #e$erus enacted the model that ,ohn of -phesus propa"ated: under persecution the %onophysites witnessed the soundness of their faith and that witness was "rounded in an ascetic practice responsi$e to times of crisis. ,ohn himself praised the reli"ious $ehicle -"ypt had become in its position as %onophysite base. Fis account of Thomas the &rmenian for e1ample relates how this ascetic while foundin" a monastic community in his homeland came to &le1andria both to obtain books and to con$erse with the leaders and the reli"ious who were "athered there.I>HJ -lsewhere ,ohn offers praise for the -"yptian %onophysite body itself.I>?J +ut in his Lives he hints that -"ypt;s spiritual authority was hei"htened by the presence of those who brou"ht to it the particular witness of his own ascetic roots2 so it is that ,ohn includes the story of the two deacons Thomas and #tephen.I>CJ )hen the persecutions reached %esopotamia &mida;s episcopal throne suffered from a crisis in leadership. The bishop Thomas who had "uided &mida since @D4K@ died upon the arri$al of an imperial order for his banishment in @>C. Fe was succeeded by <onnus who sur$i$ed only three months. The distin"uished %are was then consecrated and e1pelled probably in @2>. /inally the seat was taken o$er by the 'halcedonian &braham bar 8aili who held it for the ne1t thirty years.I2DJ %are was banished to .etra2 with him there went a small retinue that included the deacons Thomas and #tephen.I2>J .etra pro$ed a harsh place for the &midans. !n desperation %are sent #tephen to 'onstantinople for help.I22J There #tephen encountered the future empress Theo9 : HC : dora at the time a newly married patrician. !n the peculiar pattern that later became their standard the royal couple inter$ened: the place of e1ile was chan"ed to &le1andria.I23J #oon after when %are and his followers were resettled in -"ypt they heard of other &midans in the re"ion and of #usan;s community in the desert of %endis.I24J !t did not take lon" for Thomas and #tephen to find their way there. Thomas in particular was inspired and lon"ed to partake of their spiritual discipline. !n a "pit" not far from the communityEpossibly the "ca$e" that #usan herself had used for solitary practiceEthe deacon undertook the hermit;s $ocation. +ut Thomas; story is 5oined to that of his comrade #tephen and their partnership as ,ohn writes it is essential.I2@J #tephen himself was no less fer$ent than Thomas but chronic infirmity had modified his own asceticism. &t the time of Thomas; decision #tephen showin" a sentiment near to ,ohn;s be""ed his friend not to seek so ri"orous a practice: "/or oursel$es this is too "reat a thin" to li$e in the desert on account of our feebleness2 but my brother let us look after our soul and "ain a desert by our manner of life and our heart and always entreat the Lord to cause his "race to shine upon us."I2AJ Thomas was undeterred2 after one brief trip home to sort out his affairs he labored in his pit for many years until his death. +ut ,ohn lea$es no doubt in the reader;s mind as to #tephen;s own e1cellence: the "entler deacon went on to achie$e "reat works as a leader in the refu"ee community of 'onstantinople and as an ad$iser to the empress Theodora so touched by her first meetin" with the &midan. &s elsewhere in ,ohn;s Lives, these two men and their respecti$e works are shown as two hal$es of the same whole2 each completed the other. Fowe$er it was the likes of Thomas that made %onophysite -"ypt more than a cauldron of discontent a point that ,ohn does not fail to underscore. -$entually -"ypt had to be dealt with as the ha$en it had become. & 'halcedonian "o$ernment could not allow the continued nourishment of a dissentin" church. ,ustinian;s efforts towards 'halcedonian restoration in -"ypt be"an in @3A followin" the final breakdown that year of reli"ious ne"otiations in 'onstantinople. Fis measures led to bloodshed that was to last decades and in &le1andria in particular was to flare up at e$ery e1cuse.I2HJ !t was not until ,ohn the &lms"i$er assumed the patriarchal seat in A>> that serious attempts were made to win o$er the -"yptian %onophysites rather than to force submission.I2?J !n fact ,ohn;s ei"ht years on the throne were spent pacifyin" memories of 'halcedonian atrocities committed at a le$el "unknown e$en amon" the pa"ans."I2CJ : ?D : #till -"ypt;s deserts were $ast its ascetic communities numerous and remote. !mperial officials could not compete with the loyal monastic networks2 -"ypt continued to offer escape for the persecuted. !n the Lives of the Eastern Saints ,ohn of -phesus speaks of #e$erus; e1ile after his final banishment by imperial decree in @3A2 at the same time he points to the nature of the authority that the %onophysites "ained by practice in -"ypt such as that of Thomas or indeed such as that found in #usan;s

community.I3DJ )orkin" for the %onophysite faithfulEand in irreproachable companyE#e$erus completed his days. +ut the kind of refu"e -"ypt now offered "radually transformed the ha$en into a house prison.

Cons#an#%no*&e( In'%v%'ua&s %n Co,,un%#y

%onophysite refu"ees had one other base at which to "ather durin" ,ustinian;s rei"n: the imperial city itself.I3>J #e$erus had pa$ed the way by his presence there durin" the early years of the si1th century under sponsorship of the emperor &nastasius. &s the story of Thomas and #tephen indicates another powerful source of influence was now had in the empress Theodora. Throu"h her fa$ors could be sou"ht and in 'onstantinople safe shelter found. The curious bipartisan reli"ious loyalties of ,ustinian and Theodora played a fundamental role durin" their rei"n. ,ustinian;s commitment to 'halcedonian faith and Theodora;s to the %onophysites seemed odder for the fact that theirs was truly an imperial partnership.I32J Traditionally the key to their reli"ious differences has been sou"ht in the writin"s of .rocopius.I33J .rocopius insists that the antithetical loyalties of the pair were in fact an illusion that they purposely culti$ated this appearance as part of a lar"er policy to di$ide and rule. "They set the 'hristians at $ariance with one another and by pretendin" to "o opposite ways from each other in the matters under dispute they succeeded in rendin" them all asunder."I34J & similar $iew is offered by -$a"rius #cholasticus I3@J a more cautious historian who claims that the ecclesiastical policy of ,ustinian and Theodora was one that allowed them to di$ide the empire between themsel$es: by di$idin" their reli"ious loyalties they "a$e way to neither while ensurin" that both sides were cared for financially as well as politically. +ut -$a"rius indicates the comple1ity of the situation by addin" that in matters of faith fathers were opposed to sons sons to parents wi$es to husbands and husbands to wi$es.I3AJ : ?> : %onophysite sources offer ample tribute to Theodora and her works on their behalf. !t was Theodora who brou"ht relief from the persecutions whether by influencin" ,ustinian to relent e$en briefly or by pro$idin" safe refu"e2 it was she too who sheltered and protected the %onophysite patriarchs while they $isited the royal city and she who "a$e money for the relief of the ascetic refu"ees2 and it was her death that marked the end to %onophysite hopes accordin" to some sources.I3HJ #yrian tradition went so far as to rewrite alto"ether the history of the empress;s notorious youth. The child of a circus family who "rew up on sta"e as a se1ual acrobat became the chaste dau"hter of a %onophysite priest in the eastern pro$inces with whom the youn" ,ustinian fell in lo$e while on a military campai"n. Fer parents this story went were alarmed by ,ustinian;s 'halcedonian $iews and a"reed to a betrothal only on the "rounds that he would lea$e her faith unchan"ed.I3?J Theodora was undoubtedly as loyal to the %onophysite cause as she appeared. Fer con$ersion to this theolo"ical stance apparently happened while she was in -"ypt lon" before her marria"e to ,ustinian I3CJ and 'halcedonian sources also attest the money and effort she e1pended on their opponents.I4DJ Less clear is the e1act nature of ,ustinian;s reli"ious con$ictions. %onophysite sources present a confused memory of the matter. -$en some of the sources that record the persecutions offer praise for ,ustinian;s reli"ious acti$ities.I4>J !n fact our subtlest picture of ,ustinian and of the perhaps more elusi$e Theodora emer"es from the pen of ,ohn of -phesus who knew the royal family well. !t is apparent in the Lives of the Eastern Saints that ,ohn holds a heartfelt respect for both re"ardless of official imperial policiesEa situation the more profound for its circumstances.I42J !n the Lives ,ohn praises Theodora;s works and mentions her acti$ities apart from %onophysite affairs2 he neither shuns nor e1ploits her rise from prostitution to the imperial throne.I43J 0et ,ohn also indicates that the empress;s efforts on behalf of the %onophysites were successful only to a certain de"ree: she was able to intercede for mercy on behalf of her supplicants and to sponsor the maintenance of the many refu"ees who came to 'onstantinople. <onetheless these measures amounted to little more than pro$idin" immediate comfort for those in need. 'onstantinople like -"ypt became a con$enient house prison by which the "o$ernment could curtail the acti$ities of its dissidents2 similarly Theodora;s protection for the $ulnerable %onophysite patriarchs thou"h allowin" for their safe concealment did not permit them freedom of mo$ement. : ?2 :

!t is in relation to Theodora that ,ohn offers information on ,ustinian;s nature. <ot only did the empress act with the emperor;s knowled"e but he himself sometimes patroni6ed the %onophysites in the capital.I44J Fe accompanied her on $isits to the %onophysite holy men for reli"ious instruction and e$en after her death continued to show concern for the welfare of the %onophysite community especially in 'onstantinople because of his lo$e for her and de$otion to her memory.I4@J Then too this 'halcedonian emperor chose ,ohn to perform e1tensi$e missionary work a"ainst pa"ans and heretics =primarily %ontanistsB in &sia .hry"ia 'aria and Lydia.I4AJ /ew ha$e doubted that ,ohn used the opportunity to spread %onophysitism2 althou"h %ichael the #yrian reports that ,ohn propa"ated 'halcedonian faith because he was actin" at the emperor;s behest and that he 5ud"ed it a lesser e$il than pa"anism or %ontanism.I4HJ ,ohn clearly had the pri$ile"e of forthri"ht speech with ,ustinian.I4?J +ut the emperor;s position was understandably affected by di$erse concerns.I4CJ Fis aspirations to re"ain the lost western pro$inces necessitated courtin" the papacy by ad$ancin" an official pro9 'halcedonian policy. &t the same time he took this crisis seriously as a theolo"ical problem. Fe re5ected what he saw as the too easily cate"ori6ed pro9 and anti9'halcedonian positions and sou"ht a solution that could reconcile the lan"ua"e of 'halcedon with that of 'yril of &le1andria. Fe marked this idea with "con$ersations" he sponsored between 'halcedonians and %onophysites. G$er the course of his rei"n his own theolo"ical writin"s pro"ressed si"nificantly towards this "oal. !ronically his final lapse into aphthartodocetic heresy "a$e witness to deeply %onophysite leanin"s in his personal theolo"y.I@DJ The imperial con$ersations were sporadically con$ened from the time of ,ustinian;s accession but were re"arded by the %onophysite leaders at least as less than serious efforts. <onetheless the failure of these dialo"ues to reach satisfactory results did not daunt the spirit of the %onophysite community for a surprisin"ly lon" time but instead seemed to spark their optimism. .erhaps the simple fact that these dialo"ues took place sustained their confidence as to their own stren"th. Fowe$er the desi"nated spokesmen for the con$ersations did not share such a $iew. #e$erus of &ntioch for one was con$inced from the start that a peaceful resolution was impossible.I@>J /or a time he continued to refuse numerous imperial summonses so the first lar"e9scale attempt at discussions held in @32 took place without him.I@2J -$en so the %onophysite cause was impressi$ely represented by ,ohn of Tella ,ohn of +eith9&phthonia and others. The three9way interchan"e between ,us9 : ?3 : tinian the pro9'halcedonian bishops and the %onophysites was e1haustin" and ha6ardous. !t did not work and the tellin" point was its failure on what amounted to practical rather than theolo"ical "rounds: althou"h ,ustinian "ranted "enerous theolo"ical concessions he would not suspend the policy that bishops had to si"n a document acceptin" the 'halcedonian definition in order to hold their sees. I@3J !n other words while "ainin" their ri"ht to dissent the %onophysites would not be allowed to resume their ecclesiastical positions without actually acceptin" the 'halcedonian definition they had re5ected. .olitics ruled the e$ent. #e$erus; absence bothered ,ustinian as it should ha$e.I@4J The "atherin" dissol$ed without achie$in" a compromise. *epeated summonses to #e$erus prompted by Theodora produced no result for he ar"ued that if he came to 'onstantinople public opinion would be dan"erously pro$oked.I@@J /inally in @34K@ #e$erus conceded pressured from all sides about the ur"ency of what was takin" place in the capital.I@AJ /or a year and a half after that efforts were made on all parts to reach an understandin". &larmed the *oman papacy inter$ened a mo$e that culminated in a renewed proclamation of 'halcedon and a final condemnation in @3A of #e$erus and the other %onophysite bishops.I@HJ )hen Theodora died in @4? a lukewarm attempt was made to bully the %onophysites now without their imperial ad$ocate into an a"reement. !t showed itself as markedly ill 5ud"ed: the e1treme measures had ser$ed only to harden the %onophysites; con$ictions.I@?J The 4eneral #ynod of 'onstantinople in @@3 with its condemnation of the "Three 'hapters " and the renewed initiati$e in @H> of ,ustinian;s successor ,ustin !! to seek theolo"ial resolution throu"h imperially sponsored dialo"ues pro$ed futile.I@CJ ,ohn of -phesus wrote of these times describin" the %onophysite spokesmen who came repeatedly to the imperial city "seethin" burnin" with 6eal for unity" on each occasion each time lea$in" with nothin" at all accomplished.IADJ

!n his Lives ,ohn of -phesus indicates that the %onophysite community in 'onstantinople "rew up durin" the early years of ,ustinian;s rei"n for two basic reasons. /irst some came to the imperial city out of an"er to protest a"ainst the anti9%onophysite policies. This was not a foolhardy act. )hen 'onstantine ! con$ened the 'ouncil of <icea in 32@ he sanctioned imperial accountability on reli"ious issues. %atters of dispute could be and fre3uently were brou"ht before an imperial audience by holy men or women whose spiritual authority superseded their often unimpressi$e ci$il statuses.IA>J #econd some of the %onophysite body were drawn to the capital by the patrona"e of Theodora whose thirst for spiritual direction was "reat. Despite the $iolence of popular : ?4 : opinion a"ainst %onophysite thou"ht in 'onstantinople IA2J it was a natural "atherin" place: the sheer concentration of life in the <ew *ome somehow "a$e space for all who came.IA3J )hile -"ypt offered a stabili6in" center for the persecuted %onophysite mo$ement in the o$erall circumstances attention ine$itably shifted to 'onstantinople once ,ustinian and Theodora ascended the throne. Dependent on those who stayed behind to care for the faithful the %onophysite community in the imperial city presented a pattern of acti$ity that profoundly substantiated the moral force of their position. ,ohn of -phesus presents the 'onstantinopolitan community durin" the years of ,ustinian;s rei"n with a particular tone of confidence. Fere his stories are heroic filled with forceful acts by the %onophysites and cowerin" humility by the 'halcedonians. ,ohn;s tone in these stories is distinct presentin" a picture of far "reater impact than can possibly ha$e been the case. +ut since the solution to the reli"ious conflict within the +y6antine -mpire lay in the hands of the imperial court these stories su""ested to the wider %onophysite audience that their position with the authorities remained stron". The stories offer too the comfortin" picture of the %onophysite holy men intercedin" effecti$ely on their behalf in the presence of their earthly rulers no less than with those abo$e. The stylite N;ura was one of the first to come.IA4J /orced down from his pillar near &mida by 'halcedonian 6ealots he had set off at once for 'onstantinople in order to protest the state of reli"ious affairs accompanied by a band of trusted disciples perhaps in the year @3@.IA@J +ut N;ura was more than a dis"runtled stylite2 he was a holy man whose career had set him in a position of authority for the eastern %onophysites. Fis impact on the imperial city is attested elsewhere than in ,ohn;s account IAAJ a point that lends wei"ht to ,ohn;s claim that 'halcedonian informers had warned ,ustinian to watch out for N;ura;s arri$al.IAHJ !n ,ohn;s story ,ustinian prepared himself for the encounter. +ut N;ura arri$ed with such presence and spoke so bluntly that ,ustinian;s only response was a temper tantrum. ,ohn tells us that N;ura left the court "in $iolent ra"e" and returned to his holy works now in the confines of the royal city. ,ohn portrays the entire se3uence as one continuous and $aliant action: N;ura;s ascetic practice his labors on the pillar and his foray into 'onstantinople and perhaps into the palace itself all in fulfillment of the holy man;s $ows. There was neither hesitation in the stylite;s actions nor falterin" in his ascetic practice despite the dan"ers of persecution.IA?J : ?@ : !n earlier days Daniel the #tylite had prefi"ured this action also with e1tra$a"ant drama when he descended his pillar durin" the brief rei"n of the usurper +asiliscus2 but in Daniel;s case the stylite had acted in support of the opposin" cause of 'halcedonian faith and =by defaultB that of the emperor Neno. IACJ !n N;ura;s case ,ohn describes a scene of sharp positions tin"ed with a biblical fla$or that recalls the meetin"s between %oses and the .haraoh of -"ypt. Di$ine inter$ention led ,ohn tells us to ,ustinian fallin" seriously ill as if in chastisement for his treatment of the little holy man. Theodora "who was $ery cunnin" " concealed the emperor;s condition but summoned N;ura who ,ohn claims effected a cure immediately. "&nd thenceforth the dread of the blessed man fell upon ,ustinian."IHDJ #ince ,ustinian suffered near9fatal illness more than once durin" his rei"n ,ohn may well be conflatin" a "roup of e$ents in attributin" one of these occasions to N;ura;s encounter with the emperor.IH>J +ut more importantly for ,ohn the story enables him to present a chastened emperor whether because Theodora had put pressure on him or because N;ura himself had pro$ed so commandin". &ccordin" to ,ohn ,ustinian recanted and paid due homa"e to the stylite "but only the state of the church he did not set ri"ht."IH2J +ut ,ohn could turn e$en this ambi$alent $ictory to N;ura;s ad$anta"e. Fe tells us that the stylite and his disciples proceeded to undertake a ministry within 'onstantinople workin" with the poor and

stran"ers and becomin" $ery popular as a result. Theodora herself pro$ided his place of residence a $illa at #ycae across the 4olden Forn. ,ohn further relates that N;ura;s reputation had reached *ome worryin" the pope who later humiliated himself in a $ain effort to confront the stylite.IH3J -$entually N;ura;s standin" in the public eye "rew lar"e enou"h to warrant a response from the palace. The empress sent him to a camp in Thrace that she pro$ided for %onophysites lest he brin" about "sedition and e$il in the city Iof 'onstantinopleJ." IH4J +y this time Theodosius the patriarch of &le1andria had also settled there in e1ile and ,ohn tells us "thereafter the blessed men dwelt there to"ether while that camp thundered praise."IH@J ,ohn portrays the %onophysite ascetics who came to 'onstantinople whether to protest or to seek shelter as persons of serious conse3uence to the life of the city and to the imperial couple. /or e1ample he tells the story of %are the #olitary an &midan ascetic who had pursued his $ocation in -"ypt. )hen the persecutions struck there he too responded by hastenin" to 'onstantinople and forcin" his way into the court.IHAJ %are;s beha$ior was so e1treme that e$en ,ohn was shocked : ?A : and while praisin" his moti$es he could not brin" himself to present the details of %are;s encounter with ,ustinian and Theodora.IHHJ %are settled in 'onstantinople;s en$irons thou"h his desire for solitude led him also to #ycae across the water. ,ohn presents %are;s ascetic discipline as if it were as forceful a weapon as his assault on the imperial court. .eople mar$eled ,ustinian and Theodora no less than others. !ndeed ,ohn claims that Theodora pursued the solitary be""in" his personal "uidance2 but when she flooded him with messa"es "ifts money and re3uests the &midan holy man scorned them all.IH?J !nstead after some time as a recluse %are used money earned from his own labors to found a monastery that ser$ed as a hospice for the poor. Thus %are;s days were passed "practicin" mi"hty spiritual labours . . . and stoutly always repro$in" the kin" and 3ueen with "reat freedom and without fear and e$eryone mar$elled at his teachin" and at his deeds and at his words."IHCJ &scetics like N;ura and %are continued the #yrian tradition of reli"ious $ocation as an indi$idual action beyond the confines of church or monastic institution. ,ohn understood the import of their presence in 'onstantinople in specific terms. )hen the 4reat .la"ue struck the city %are was to be one of its $ictims. ,ohn offers the story of %are;s life in much the same way as the solitary offered himself in sacrifice durin" the scour"e. Thus while the populace suffered the dreadful destruction %are "passed his time in affliction and "reat sorrow and occupied himself with constant prayer and petition to 4od . . . kneelin" and prayin" on behalf of the whole world."I?DJ &t his death ,ohn claims ,ustinian and Theodora commanded a ma"nificent procession in honor of the blessed man. The words ,ohn speaks for another ascetic are also meanin"ful here: %are died "nothin" whate$er ha$in" been found to weaken him or to make him remit what he had ori"inally undertaken not sickness nor persecutions nor any other distresses."I?>J

Cons#an#%no*&e( The Co,,un%#y /%#ness

!n contrast to the ne"otiations and the theolo"ical dialo"ues and as if to pro$ide a practical defense for %onophysite theolo"y Theodora took the occasion of the persecutions to "ather an impressi$e flock of ascetics to the imperial city.I?2J Thus when ,ohn narrated the "Li$es of Thomas and #tephen "I?3J he specified Theodora;s reasons for brin"in" #tephen to the imperial city: "because of his elo3uence and his con$ersa9 : ?H : tion and his wisdom and moreo$er because he also li$ed a pure life and after the manner of a solitary."I?4J !n ,ohn;s $iew the ascetics brou"ht at the empress;s re3uest were no less worthy than those such as N;ura or %are who came of their own $olition. /or his part #tephen had not been happy to recei$e the imperial summons to a far more public life than he would ha$e wished but he chose to accept it. Like ,ohn;s other sub5ects #tephen pursued his ascetic practices in 'onstantinople with the same humility that he had shown elsewhere. ,ohn found him there a "reat harbour of rest for all the afflicted who used to repair to him from all 3uarters . . . so that e$en the kin" and 3ueen themsel$es stood in awe of his $enerable mode of life.I?@J

'omprised of such fi"ures the 'onstantinopolitan community appeared to the %onophysite body as a witness to their faith in the midst of the $ery city that produced their trials. #o ,ohn paid homa"e to those ""athered to"ether in the royal city by the belie$in" 3ueen " where the con"re"ation of persecuted saints was so widely e1tended that it shone with many who had under the constraint of the persecution come down from columns and been e5ected from places of seclusion and been e1pelled from districts and their con"re"ation was rendered illustrious by "reat and distin"uished heads of con$ents from all 3uarters of the east and of the west and #yria and &rmenia 'appadocia and 'ilicia !sauria and Lycaonia and &sia and &le1andria and +y6antium countries which beyond others burned with 6eal for the faith.I?AJ This company settled in the city under the empress;s ae"is at the palace of Formisdas2 some such as #tephen settled in the imperial residence itself.I?HJ )ith Theodora;s "enerosity they transformed their 3uarters into monastic dwellin"s. Gne could enter Formisdas "as into a "reat and mar$ellous desert of solitaries and mar$el at their numbers and wonder at their $enerable appearance."I??J Their impact on the imperial city was ,ohn tells us disconcertin": %any of the supporters of the synod of 'halcedon . . . when they saw this mar$ellous community and learned the causes of the persecution of it had their mind filled with affliction and contrition and renounced the 'halcedonian communion and asked for communion with them.I?CJ To this body Theodora came fre3uently ""oin" round amon" them and makin" obeisance to them and bein" re"ularly blessed by each one of them." ,ustinian too "who was ran"ed a"ainst them on account of the synod of 'halcedon " came and "was attached to many of them and trusted them and was constantly recei$ed and blessed by them."ICDJ Gne : ?? : can allow for considerable e1a""eration by ,ohn with re"ard to the actual impact of the %onophysite community on the 'onstantinopolitans but the spirit he portrays amon" the %onophysites themsel$es must lie close to the mark for it was this spirit that pro$ided the stren"th to build their own independent tradition. ,ohn would ha$e it that the e1iled community had turned a "forei"n" land into their own2 they had transformed a place of persecution into one of worship. ,ohn hei"htened his emphasis on the role of the 'onstantinopolitan community by placin" his account of it alon"side a brief chapter commemoratin" the %onophysite patriarchs "who distin"uished themsel$es in e1ile in the time of persecution."IC>J This chapter primarily praises the leadership team of #e$erus of &ntioch Theodosius of &le1andria and &nthimus of 'onstantinople who became the main tar"et for the final banishment orders in @3A. &nthimus formerly bishop of Trebi6ond had participated in the imperial con$ersations of @32 as a 'halcedonian dele"ate. +ut he had been deeply mo$ed by the %onophysite ar"uments and came to de$elop a close friendship with #e$erus when the latter arri$ed at the imperial city. Fis consecration to 'onstantinople in @3@ like that of Theodosius to &le1andria in the same year owed much to Theodora;s efforts. Gnce he had been won o$er to the %onophysite cause &nthimus remained steadfast despite the hardships in$ol$ed.IC2J #e$erus &nthimus and Theodosius to"ether and indi$idually ser$ed the %onophysite mo$ement with spirit and skill durin" the persecutions almost entirely while sufferin" their own hardships in e1ile.IC3J Their concerted ener"ies were crucial for stabili6in" the %onophysite mo$ement as a whole2 the lack of such unified effort by their successors contributed to the disinte"ration of the %onophysites into bickerin" factions toward the end of the si1th century.IC4J The %onophysite refu"ees in 'onstantinople made their impact lar"ely because the %onophysite leadership was articulate and cohesi$e in pro$idin" a theolo"ical basis for their witness of faith. !n turn the leadership was stren"thened by ha$in" this disciplined ascetic followin" prominently in $iew. IC@J +ut ,ohn did not allow his readers to for"et the realities of the situation. Thus he includes the "Life of Tribunus " a layman who accompanied the e1pelled &midan monks to 'onstantinople and whose story offers a different shadin" to ,ohn;s portrait of life in the refu"ee community.ICAJ Tribunus was from #ophanene near &mida born of a wealthy and well9educated family. Fe became a fre3uent $isitor at the monastery where Fabib and N;ura dwelt and he continued to follow N;ura;s "uidance when the holy man ascended his pillar after Fabib;s death. )hen : ?C :

the persecutions forced the stylite down N;ura chose Tribunus to accompany him to the imperial city "as an interpreter of the 4reek ton"ue." +ut the pious layman did more than that2 he settled in 'onstantinople with N;ura and his disciples "imitatin" their practices and occupied in spiritual employment." #oon he asked permission to take monastic $ows. #uddenly $ision and necessity collided. /or the blessed men would not allow him sayin" "!t is better both for you and for us that you should "o in and out of the city and the palace as a layman and carry communications for us." . . . &nd so he performed the ser$ice . . . insomuch that he "ained easier entry and more freedom and they e$en thrust the office of a count on him under constraint by IN;ura;sJ command sayin" "This will be no impediment to your practices2 and when you wish it is easy for you to "i$e up the office."ICHJ "'ount" Tribunus obeyed =thou"h as a secular appointment the office had to ha$e come from ,ustinianB ac3uirin" the worldly title and means he had always scorned when pushed in that direction by his family. /inally N;ura died2 the layman was now free to answer his callin". Fe did so "accomplishin" the labor of his practices on a "reat scale ha$in" also added to his spiritual labours the e1tra labour of hospitality and the relief of the poor li$in" and deli"htin" also in $oluntary po$erty."IC?J &s an ascetic Tribunus fit precisely the model ,ohn praised. Fis withdrawal from the temporal world was in no way the abandonment of those who were in the world2 his turnin" to the spiritual life was a turn to the life of ser$ice. 0et Tribunus was for many years denied his full $ocation by those who were its "reatest e1ponents this for reasons of simple e1pediency. ,ohn;s account of Tribunus makes two points. /irst whate$er triumphs mi"ht be claimed for the e1iles their position remained insoluble. Tribunus "who in habit was a layman and a count but in the performance of e1cellence complete and perfect "ICCJ was proof that when the %onophysite ascetics were forced into the methods of the temporal world their faith was not necessarily belied. +ut second and perhaps more decisi$ely as ,ohn a"ain puts forth his $iew holy presence or di$ine a"ency cannot be confined to a space separated from the temporal realm and its needs. *ather a layman as much as a stylite mi"ht be the occasion of 4od;s presence in the world. Thus ,ohn tells us the "atherin" "rew "radually "ainin" its own reputation for ascetic e1cellence.I>DDJ +ut ,ohn does not imply that the imperial city was de$oid of its own authoritati$e witness. & tellin" e1ample is his account of Theodore who was chamberlain and castrensis in the imperial court.I>D>J Theodore con9 : CD : ducted his work in the royal palace while "li$in" in fastin" and constant prayers and sorrow and tears and works of charity." !n fact he had found a model for this double9ed"ed career in an old man who had ser$ed the court before him as praepositus sacri cubiculi .I>D2J +ut after a time Theodore lon"ed for undistracted pursuit of the di$ine. Fe asked permission from ,ustinian to lea$e "the turmoil of the palace" and to "de$ote himself to the practice of reli"ion only."I>D3J The emperor "ranted the re3uest and Theodore turned to ser$in" the city;s poor and needy2 the wealth he brou"ht with him was rapidly spent. ,ohn describes Theodore whom he often saw as "into1icated with the fer$our of di$ine lo$e " but many in the ascetic community felt concerned because he had soon reduced himself to destitution. (ne1pectedly ,ohn says ,ustinian himself inter$ened "rantin" the ascetic a substantial annual stipend enou"h both for Theodore and for much work with the poor.
I>D4J

,ohn presents the 'onstantinopolitan %onophysite community honestly. The witness displayed by its members did not conceal the reality that this shelter from persecution was little more than a house prison for dissidents. The community was compelled to make compromises e$en to maintain its own ascetic inte"rity as in the case of Tribunus in order to remain acti$e2 indeed the more prominent leaders had to be kept $irtual prisoners by the empress so "reat was the care re3uired to keep them safe.I>D@J %oreo$er as Theodore;s story implies much of the %onophysites; freedom in the capital was possible because of ,ustinian;s beneficence rather than Theodora;s acti$ities. The emperor was sensiti$e to e1pressions of "enuine faith and he found amon" the %onophysites an element of reli"ious spirit that truly did mo$e him despite his official policies a"ainst %onophysites elsewhere and despite his harsh treatment of heretics pa"ans and ,ews.I>DAJ

+ut if ,ohn was honest in describin" the life of the e1iled community in the capital his enthusiasm was unimpaired. The refu"ees arri$ed he tells us to find the means for resumin" their $ocations. Fere too there was work to be done. #o it was for ,ohn;s compatriot Fala who reached the imperial city ill from the hardships endured en route.I>DHJ +ut the si"ht of the ascetic "atherin" in the palace of Formisdas and of the many sufferin" people of the city itself was for him like manna from hea$en: Like a poor man who loses one of his "reat possessions and decides in his mind that it will ne$er be found a"ain and suddenly sees it and is astonished and "lad so it was with this blessed man also . . . and so he perfectly carried out all the ministry to the needy. . . . I&nd heJ sou"ht that one ob5ect to relie$e persons in trouble till e$eryone was astonished at him and they "a$e thanks to 4od.I>D?J : C> : !n the face of so many indi$iduals carryin" out such acti$ities it was no surprise that ,ustinian;s successor ,ustin !! felt it necessary to persecute the %onophysite "atherin" in the capital with a se$erity pre$iously reser$ed for the pro$inces.I>DCJ The accounts ,ohn offers of ascetics in -"ypt and 'onstantinople are not separable from his narrations of the &midan community. The Lives tell us why the %onophysite ascetics of the -ast played such a critically complementary role to that of the mo$ement;s leaders solidifyin" the cause at a popular le$el. !n &mida;s $illa"es in -"ypt;s deserts and in the imperial city itself %onophysite spiritual life was pursued in the midst of temporal turmoil and in the midst of secular society.

E*%&o"ue3 A,%'a an' Cons#an#%no*&e( Ho&y Presen+e

.ri$ate contemplation of the di$ine and personal ascetic pursuits do ha$e their place in ,ohn;s presentation but their purpose is specifically allotted and not portrayed as self95ustifyin". ,ohn does not disappro$e of those who follow such practices but the infre3uency and the bre$ity of his accounts on such sub5ects indicate their secondary position in his scheme2 they are con"ruous with his o$erall portrait only when their wider conte1t is established. #o for e1ample with Thomas and #tephen the sin"le9minded seclusion of the first and the selfless labors of the second are 5u1taposed in such a way that each is $alidated by the other. +ut an impressi$e statement of ,ohn;s perspecti$e on solitary practice can be found in his two accounts of holy fools. The holy fool represented an ultimate se$erance from the temporal world one so complete as to be completely internali6ed. 'onse3uently it was displayed by dis"uised immersion in the most debauched and cruel aspects of urban society.I>>DJ )here the ascetic ideal focused on life in a space apart from urban societyEin desert wilderness monastery or con$entEthe holy fool achie$ed the ideal condition where$er he or she mi"ht be in utter estran"ement. Dead to the world no worldly space e1isted for them: they inhabited only the realm of di$ine contemplation. ,ohn;s most elaborate account is of two holy fools a man and a woman li$in" in spiritual marria"e who stayed for a time in &mida.I>>>J Their story is uni3ue in the Lives for it is told secondhand althou"h ,ohn does claim to ha$e seen the couple in Tella.I>>2J The literary incon"ruity of the story has led to the $iew that it may be fiction a story within a story which ,ohn included in his Lives for its edifyin" $alue.I>>3J #uch a piece is : C2 : wholly uncharacteristic of ,ohn in this collection2 howe$er the chapter;s function in li"ht of ,ohn;s $iews remains the same in either case. The couple mas3ueraded by day as mime actors hence as harlot and pimp2 they recei$ed daily abuse and humiliation. 0et by ni"ht they could not be found by those who wished to buy the woman;s fa$ors. )hile they were in &mida a monk had noticed the stran"e matter and followed the couple secretly only to disco$er that under shield of darkness their profession was not what it had seemed. +y ni"ht they prayed in a remote spot on the city walls until dawn threatened their pri$acy2 the air around them shone with radiance. Distressed at ha$in" been disco$ered and unable to con$ince the monk that he must publicly abuse them as the crowds did each day they left for another city to retain their anonymous practice. The story;s actual settin" and the couple;s perfection offset one another. The couple had been drawn in particular to &mida: ")e like bein" in this city which is a city of 'hristians."I>>4J /urther their reli"ious practices were e1ercised on &mida;s city walls.I>>@J +ut as ,ohn himself had recounted

elsewhere &mida;s e1perience of tra"edy in the si1th century had been o$erwhelmin".I>>AJ !ts walls had been the scene of treachery and slau"hter2 its citi6ens had endured a reli"ious war within their own ranks. 0et this couple had found the city "ood "a city of 'hristians " and had blessed by their acts of prayer the $ery walls that once had brou"ht destruction. True or not the story pro$ides ,ohn with a mo$in" statement of redemption and di$ine fa$or for the city and its people themes that are most often his central focus. The &midan ascetics are affirmed and le"itimi6ed here by this outside witness: di$ine "race was thus made manifest in &mida. The ascetics; own authority could only be stren"thened by such testimony. ,ohn recounts one other appearance of a holy fool this one takin" place in 'onstantinople.I>>HJ !n contrast to the romantic tones surroundin" the couple in &mida this encounter is clearly "enuine2 but the conte1tual parallels are strikin". ,ohn himself had obser$ed a certain be""ar who fearfully fled any offer of charity. Thinkin" this poor man must in reality be "a spiritual person " ,ohn sent one of the monks from his monastery at #ycae to follow him. The monk disco$ered the man in the act of prayer and findin" the spectacle so powerful fell into a state of hysteria lastin" the entire day despite ,ohn;s efforts to calm him. )hen they finally achie$ed a dialo"ue with the be""ar he e1pressed the same loathin" of public reco"nition that the couple in &mida had. : C3 : Fe told ,ohn;s monk that he was one of se$en men leadin" a life of po$erty anonymity and ascetic labor in 'onstantinople2 and that the "roup of them met once each week for the -ucharist and for encoura"ement. Fe too be""ed to be left alone and nameless in his labors. ! ha$e "i$en you the information2 see that you do not make yourself the cause of my mo$in" from this city in which ! ha$e much peacefulness and especially the fact that ! am reckoned a madman by them and there is no one who speaks with me. &nd be" the abbot I,ohn of -phesusJ that thou"h these thin"s are known to him he will lea$e me as ! am and not show any difference toward me.I>>?J &s discussed earlier like &mida 'onstantinople was cau"ht in the hardships of war political unrest and +ubonic .la"ue. Themsel$es refu"ees from the tra"edy of the +y6antine -ast ,ohn and the %onophysite community labored amon" 'onstantinople;s populace 5ust as they and their comrades had done in the city of &mida. The encounter with the holy fool once a"ain ser$ed to offer hope for sal$ation2 "race was present e$en in 'onstantinople despite the times. Gnce more ,ohn;s ascetics are "ranted authority by contact with a practice of sin"le9minded contemplation of 4od2 likewise this man could pursue his solitary practice with inte"rity because of its complement in the labors of ,ohn;s ascetics. !n the course of his Lives ,ohn presents se$eral portraits of $irtuous solitaries set in the $arious locales of his stories. Thus he reminds his readers that he is writin" in praise of li$es de$oted to the di$ine. They ser$e to emphasi6e that spiritual authority and its temporal e1tension are "rounded in a $ision of holy presence and di$ine "race in society;s world. &nd nowhere does ,ohn say this more clearly than in his tributes to these holy fools. : C4 :

& S"irituality and Accounta'ility: Conse(uences of the Ascetic &ow

The works of the e1iled community that ,ohn of -phesus records in his Lives of the Eastern Saints are presented as a lo"ical e1tension of the ascetic;s practice. +ut the conte1t of these works is lar"er than the immediate situation of reli"ious persecution. !ndeed ,ohn e1tends the conte1t by the 5u1taposition of these narrati$es to his accounts of missionary acti$ity undertaken by the %onophysites whether spontaneously by indi$iduals or in accordance with the authority of the collecti$e %onophysite body. ,ohn unites the e1perience of ser$ice e1ile and mission in his chapters de$oted to the ma5or endea$or of the si1th9century %onophysites: the ordination of those who were to become a new church order. !n so doin" he raises the issue of the ascetic;s accountability both for the nonbelie$in" world and for the belie$in" con"re"ation.

0%ss%on( In'%v%'ua& Res*ons%b%&%#y an' Co&&e+#%ve Au#hor%#y

-1pansion is not the act of a demorali6ed church. +ut the Lives of the Eastern Saints record %onophysite missions undertaken both inside and outside *oman borders and e$entually in direct opposition to the imperially proclaimed "orthodo1y." +y the end of the si1th century %onophysite missions were to produce a substantial church body whose confines bore little relation to the empire;s physical boundaries and : C@ : whose members would feel little loyalty to an emperor upholdin" a faith opposed to their own.I>J !f this situation did not directly facilitate the .ersian and &rab con3uests of the +y6antine -ast in the se$enth and ei"hth centuries it certainly undermined basic political assumptions in the -ast re"ardin" the si"nificance of +y6antium;s theocratic imperial authority. ,ohn;s Lives indicate that missionary acti$ity mi"ht come about simply as a result of circumstance. !n this conte1t missionary work is part and parcel of the ascetic $ision ,ohn offers. #uch was the case presented in his "Life of #imeon the %ountaineer."I2J #imeon was a hermit who wandered the territories alon" the upper -uphrates2 he "used to "o about the mountains like the wild beasts and . . . had no intercourse e1cept with 4od."I3J 'onditions in these re"ions were such that the ascetic could li$e in this manner only ei"ht months of the year: the snowy season dro$e him annually to lower areas. Gne year #imeon chanced upon a settled people of the remote mountain summits whose $illa"esEwith their inhabitants loosely scattered o$er wide distancesEwere unlike those of the other communities he knew. #urprised at findin" domesticated life in such ru""ed countryside the hermit in3uired about their "eneral li$elihood and customs. To his dismay he disco$ered that these people were apparently ""odless " ha$in" no reli"ious practices and ac3uainted with 'hristianity only by name. &s the situation was made known to him #imeon;s "bones shook from his fri"ht and his tears "ushed out."I4J The hermit was beside himself: .erhaps it was indeed for this reason that 4od;s "race led me to the mountains here in order that there may be sal$ation for these souls that are in the darkness of error. . . . )hat pa"an is there or what other worshippers of creation who for so lon" a period of time would ne"lect to pay honour to the ob5ect of his worship and would not always worship that which is reckoned by him as 4od? These men neither worship 4od like 'hristians nor honour somethin" else like pa"ans and they are apostates a"ainst the one and a"ainst the other.I@J #imeon set to work. & little church was found in the district unused in li$in" memory. Felped by the local inhabitants #imeon cleaned the chapel summoned the people of the area and be"an to preach. !t was as if he spoke to "irrational animals " for the people "looked at him in astonishment and they had nothin" to say." (ndaunted the holy man went on to lay down strict in5unctions for their reli"ious conduct so that they mi"ht offer penance for their years of ne"lect and render fittin" worship to 4od. /or #imeon disco$ered matters to be worse than he had thou"ht. &skin" why none of the children had been dedicated to the : CA : reli"ious life of the #ons and Dau"hters of the 'o$enant he was told "#ir they ha$e not time to lea$e the "oats and learn anythin" " upon which "the blessed man mar$elled at the people;s simpleness and carelessness."IAJ <or did #imeon;s inter$ention stop there. Fe imposed further in5unctions on the chastened populace a"ainst blasphemy fornication and murder. Those trans"ressin" his orders #imeon promptly punished2 few seemed to 3uestion his ri"ht to authority. Gn the contrary "then Ithe peopleJ be"an to feel a little fear both of 4od and of the blessed man himself while he continued sendin" and fetchin" all who were on the mountains to the house and con$ertin" them afresh as if from pa"anism."IHJ +ut "reater plans were afoot. #imeon "athered the children of the district to"ether and shut them in the church e1plainin" to their parents that he had a "ift for them. Then he separated one9third of the ninety childrenEei"hteen boys and twel$e "irlsEclosed the remainder in another room and with his helper 3uickly tonsured the chosen thirty "soothin" them with blandishments2 and of them some wept and some were silent." Thus were set apart the foundations of a monastic community and school. &n outcry followed but #imeon persuaded the parents of the $irtue of his act e1cept for two families who refused to part with their children. )ithin three days the two youn"sters had died. "Then the terror of

the blessed man fell upon e$eryone when the power of his word and of his prayer upon those men was seen2 and they also repented."I?J #imeon;s will was ne$er tested a"ain. The holy man continued his own ascetic practices and once order had been established a"ain returned to solitude durin" the summer season. &fter twenty9si1 years of such labor #imeon "rew feeble2 and thereafter he stayed in the $illa"e in his cell and practiced with an e3ual se$erity. &nd accordin"ly the blessed man;s name had "one out o$er all that country and he was a law and a 5ud"e of the country2 and e$ery matter that was in need of reform was referred to him.ICJ &n anchorite in the oldest tradition of the #yrian Grient #imeon had offered the whole of his e1istence to 4od in worship. Fa$in" sou"ht the di$ine in the purity of natural creation he found it where he least e1pected it: in the imperfection of human society. ,ohn pays tribute to #imeon as one who re$eals the unsou"ht possibilities of life dedicated to holy pursuit. /or here was a re"ion too remote to be reached by matters afflictin" the "reater part of the -ast2 indeed #imeon;s story contains : CH : none of the calamities so $isible in ,ohn;s other accounts.I>DJ #imeon is not drawn or forced out of seclusion by the ur"ency of crisis. *ather he is confronted by a ""odless" e1istence and his reaction is as spontaneous as it is thorou"h. #et on sa$in" the mountain people this holy man was not satisfied with offerin" a church tradition of ritual and preachin"2 he imposed upon this isolated society the fruits of his ascetic discipline. Fe was law 5ud"e and spiritual father to them far more than priest or abbot. #imeon had in fact fulfilled an aspect of #yrian ascetic tradition that many had followed before him. #pontaneous missionary acti$ity had lon" been part of the ascetic;s responsibilities in the #yrian Grient both in *oman and in .ersian territory.I>>J +ut #imeon was not consciously takin" up this role and was thus all the more in accordance with his own herita"e: precisely because the #yrian ascetic had of necessity to stay within reach of society conditions ripe for e$an"eli6ation arose. &s in #imeon;s e1perience it was more often than not a case of respondin" by instinct to reli"ious need. +ut #imeon when institutin" his rules of conduct for the $illa"ers did show an intentional awareness of his role2 for e1ample by the early fifth century it was canonically ruled by the #yrian 'hurch that chorepiscopi should set apart certain sons and dau"hters of each family in each $illa"e for the #ons and Dau"hters of the 'o$enant.I>2J The story of #imeon the %ountaineer underscores the tie between ,ohn;s sub5ects and those ascetics who preceded them. *esponsi$eness was inherent to the tradition of the #yrian ascetic;s $ocation. +ut #imeon;s case is one amon" se$eral ,ohn presents that is concerned with mission and each adds a different dimension to his portrayal of acti$ity in this sphere as a collecti$e act of "race. 'omparison hi"hli"hts the contrastin" nuances in$ol$ed2 the case of #imeon the Debater who became bishop of +eth &rsham in .ersia is one e1ample.I>3J ,ohn refers to #imeon the Debater as "the bra$e warrior on behalf of the true faith." !ndeed this #imeon did more warrin" than episcopal administerin". #omethin" of a le"end in his own time #imeon;s story lent itself to melodrama2 ,ohn played on this with narrati$e styled as romance. Thus in ,ohn;s tellin" of the story .ersia is a land steeped in the hated traditions of %arcion +ardaisan and %ani as much as in those of the <estorians resettled from *oman territory who were then the ma5ority of the 'hristian populace.I>4J /urther when #imeon debated with the <estorians on doctrine the %a"i in$ariably awarded the $ictory to #imeon and sometimes e$en con$erted.I>@J &s a debater #imeon "put e$eryone to shame " and was e$en more skilled "than the ancients."I>AJ : C? : <estorians trembled at his name. &s spokesman for the "orthodo1" minority #imeon tra$eled with the help of an under"round network o$er $ast distances at tremendous speed. )here$er a dialo"ue on faith was takin" place #imeon appeared: &s if 4od had made him ready and as if the earth had $omited him up #imeon would suddenly sprin" up and be present there since from the "reatness of his 6eal and fer$our of his will he did not rest and sit still in one district.I>HJ +ut ,ohn;s story of #imeon also contains the historical reasons behind his darin" and intri"ue. +y #imeon;s time it was the <estorians based at <isibis in particular who held sway amon" the .ersian 'hristians2 a"ainst these "the blessed #imeon was always stron"ly armed and ceaselessly contendin""I>?J in the re"ions beyond the eastern *oman frontiers in .ersia and amon" the &rab tribes. &lthou"h ,ohn paints #imeon as so impressi$e that almost e$eryone who heard him con$erted

#imeon himself seems to ha$e seen his main task as one within the church body. This was a different matter from that of #imeon the %ountaineer;s confrontation with heathenism or of ,ohn of -phesus; own battle a"ainst pa"anism. "Deeply $ersed in scripture " #imeon "debated" mis"uided doctrinal positions a method of discipline by persuasion. #imeon;s reputation was not unfounded. The %onophysite minority in .ersia was periodically harassed by the %a"ian imperial cult ,ohn claims at the promptin"s of the <estorians. Gn different occasions in the course of his career #imeon called upon the respecti$e authorities of the emperor &nastasius the &ethiopian kin" and the empress Theodora each of whom successfully interceded with the .ersian kin" on behalf of that minority.I>CJ -$entually #imeon was consecrated a"ainst his will and by force to the metropolitan see of +eth &rsham. This added responsibility apparently did not hinder #imeon: "&nd so he would "o about in the interior countries beyond the .ersians and make disciples and con$ert men from pa"anism and %a"ism and return a"ain to the same country and strenuously meet those who held the impious doctrine of <estorius in the same contests."I2DJ Thus #imeon passed his life until he died of old a"e while on a $isit to 'onstantinople where he was stayin" with ,ohn of -phesus. !f the story of #imeon the %ountaineer illustrates the ran"e of responsibilities for the ascetic that of #imeon the .ersian Debater indicates the scope of care needed within the church;s own confines. +oth accounts are focused on acti$ity outside the mainstream social and political sphere that pro$ides the ma5or conte1t for most of ,ohn;s Lives . +ut : CC : the particular emphases found in these two narrati$es illuminate ,ohn;s other and considerably briefer accounts of missionary acti$ity. ,ohn was too self9conscious to speak at len"th of his own role in the missions to the pa"ans but his Lives offer tribute to the deacons presbyters and bishops who aided this undertakin".I2>J Gf the campai"n itself ,ohn here tells us only that ei"hty thousand were con$erted and rescued from pa"anism and ninety9ei"ht churches and twel$e monasteries and se$en other churches transformed from ,ewish syna"o"ues were founded in these four pro$inces &sia 'aria .hry"ia and Lydia.I22J -lsewhere in his Ecclesiastical History, ,ohn writes of these missions performed under imperial ae"is and carried out not only in the pro$inces but in the capital city itself. .a"ans were turned from their ways or failin" this tra"ically put to death. #o too were many heretics: %anichees %ontanists and others.I23J !f ,ustinian;s patrona"e of the campai"n prompted confused speculation about its purpose ,ohn;s Lives dispelled doubts about the theolo"ical tenor of the undertakin". The ascetics who accompanied ,ohn were "strenuous workers."I24J These holy men ""ained a blessed end" not ,ohn assures us for any reason other than their own witness in mission. Each one of them . . . was strengthened to abolish paganism, and overthrow idolatry, and uproot altars and destroy shrines and cut down trees in ardent religious zeal; and . . . all of them also toiled and laboured with us with joy and great earnestness.[25 !n his Lives ,ohn names some of his coworkers2 but he tells us they were part of an entoura"e alto"ether deser$in" of the same homa"e. That he should include his helpers in his collection of holy men and women is sufficient statement of their spiritual inte"rity whate$er the political impetus of the missions themsel$es2 he does not discuss the doctrinal positions of these coworkers lea$in" us without knowled"e of the "roup;s makeup in this respect. &"ain the comple1ity of ,ustinian;s reli"ious policy comes to $iew. To a lar"e e1tent the $alue of ,ohn;s Lives lies in their orientation toward the e$ents and crises of their times a $anta"e point often lackin" in ha"io"raphical works. !t is in his accounts of mission that ,ohn mer"es critical situations in time into the timeless realm of di$ine acti$ity worked throu"h human a"ency. The ser$ice missions in $arious cities of .aul of &ntioch I2AJ or the sal$ific campai"ns led by ,ohn himself e1press an ur"ency offset by the measure of the two #imeons. /or throu"h his tales of the %ountaineer and the Debater ,ohn declares that mission is a labor : >DD : intrinsic to asceticism that times of crisis are inherently those in which the ascetic mo$es and that political boundaries offer no barriers to ascetic endea$ors.

,ohn portrays mission as an e1tension of the ascetic $ocation and its responsibilities. +ut such indi$idual autonomy carried inad$ertent conse3uences: it contributed to the de$elopment of the %onophysite body into a separate church.

Or'%na#%on( In'%v%'ua& Res*ons%b%&%#y an' Co&&e+#%ve A++oun#ab%&%#y

)hile ,ohn presents better e1amples of specific acti$ities elsewhere in the Lives of the Eastern Saints nowhere in ,ohn;s writin"s can the critical 5uncture of his ascetic $ision and its implications be seen more clearly than in his account of the bishop ,ohn of Tella.I2HJ ,ohn of Tella e1emplified all that ,ohn of -phesus admired: he was ascetic priest hero and martyr. Fe distin"uished himself early in his career as a solitaryI2?J but was raised to the bishopric of 'onstantinaKTella in @>C. ,ohn of -phesus tells us that ,ohn of Tella conducted his ecclesiastical affairs while continuin" his se$ere ascetic labors. )hen the persecutions reached Gsrhoene in @2> he was e1pelled alon" with the other bishops and ascetics of his area2 he took his place in the desert with the rest of the e1iled community pro$idin" a steadyin" presence.I2CJ The desert as we ha$e seen did not ser$e as a place of dissociated retreat for the e1pelled %onophysites2 rather for those like ,ohn of Tella it nourished their spiritual resources. The persecutions were succeedin" e$en if differently from the way their insti"ators had hoped. !n the wake of the e1pulsions the faithful body as a whole was forced by circumstances to reassess its reli"ious situation. /or ,ohn of -phesus the %onophysite belie$ers showed remarkable determination refusin" the poison of "false" shepherdin" by the 'halcedonians. !nstead pressurin" those in e1ile to pro$ide them with the "uidance they re3uired they asked that new pastors be ordained to meet their needs. +ut the blessed men inasmuch as they were troubled by fear of li"htin" the furnace of persecution more hotly a"ainst them refused to practice this openly thou"h they did a few thin"s in secret2 and a murmurin" on the part of those amon" the belie$ers who had been banished from e$ery 3uarter be"an to be stirred up a"ainst the blessed men Ithe bishopsJ since they had been reduced to "reat difficulties. . . . Then all the bishops assembled to"ether and considered what to do. . . . /inally out of fear they refused the thin".I3DJ : >D> : &s the bishops knew the issue of ordination was not an innocent one2 it in$ol$ed more than a$oidin" further wrath from the imperial court. The "reater issue at stake was the 3uestion of orthodo1y and the church. !n the history of the dispute o$er the 'ouncil of 'halcedon despite its lurchin" from side to side no ri$al clerical or ecclesiastical structure had been discussed. The dispute had been played out within the e1istin" church structure and body2 despite $ehemence on all sides the opposin" "roups had resembled political parties that althou"h based on apparently di$er"ent principles worked within the same system. #e$erus of &ntioch and the other leaders were more aware of the dan"ers of mo$in" towards the ordination of a separate cler"y than the rank and file of the anti9'halcedonians. These latter feared for their personal sal$ation which mi"ht be irreparably dama"ed in the e$ent of recei$in" the -ucharist at the wron" hands2 sal$ation to them was far more important than the welfare of the ecclesiastical structure.I3>J #e$erus did his best to impart an appropriate sobriety to the %onophysite body strictly adherin" to canon law scripture and patristic teachin". !n e1ile he continued to fulfill his responsibilities as patriarch of &ntioch in the conte1t of patriarchal 5urisdiction rather than as the leader of an "outside" "roup. Fe continually drew upon the precedents and to his mind parallel e1periences of +asil of 'aesarea and 4re"ory of <a6ian6us durin" the fourth9century &rian contro$ersies. To ordain a "pri$ate" cler"y for the %onophysite body instead of healin" the diseased church from within should only be a last resort.I32J +ut the presence of a 'halcedonian cler"y in char"e of the lay populace was a dan"er of more tan"ible proportions for many of the faithful.I33J /inally ,ohn of Tella took their cause before the bishops. &nd henceforth whither shall the persecuted and distressed belie$ers who are with us "o? Do you wish pray that we should send them to those who are e$ery day killin" them? /or 4od knows that ! for my part was ready for a life of 3uietude by myself but that ! should lea$e 4od;s people and church in distress and need and ser$e my own self far be it from me in the Lord;s name.I34J

#o sometime before @2H ,ohn of Tella ha$in" passed his e1ile thus far in retreat the %onophysite bishops apparently sanctioned by #e$erus himself "ranted him special permission to ordain cler"y to meet the needs of the faithful. This authority was reco"ni6ed as an emer"ency power since ,ohn recei$ed the authority to ordain all who came to him if the candidates met the disciplinary standards of the church. The results as has been said were sensational.I3@J -$en if ,ohn e1a""erates the numbers =as he didB the response was "reat enou"h to warrant attention. : >D2 : %ultitudes "rushed in crowds to come to the blessed man freely without impediment like a flood that is produced in a ri$er by thick clouds."I3AJ ,ohn tra$eled about recei$in" candidates for the priesthood and diaconate in monasteries or makeshift hideaways. )hile ,ohn of -phesus was 3uick to "lorify the situation he took care to point out that the bishop;s choices did not lack 3uality for the 3uantity. IFe wasJ recei$in" and dismissin" companies of fifty and of a hundred in a day and e$en now and a"ain as many as two and three hundred a day "i$in" e1positions and in5unctions and caution and instruction and performin" the ordinations after careful in$esti"ation and many testimonies "i$en sub5ectin" e$ery man to a careful e1amination and test in readin" the #criptures and repeatin" the psalms and ability to write their names and si"natures.I3HJ 'andidates came from "e$ery city as far as the frontier and as far as &rmenia and &r6anene and the land of the 'appadocians and the seacoasts."I3?J &mon" them in @2C came the youn" ,ohn of -phesus to be admitted to the diaconate while ,ohn of Tella was based in %arde. Fe arri$ed with a "roup of brethren from the &midan monasteries then in e1ile as well2 they were warmly recei$ed by ,ohn of Tella who knew of their communities by reputation and was impressed by their learnin" and discipline. The pioneer bishop left his mark on the youn" monk ,ohn who "remembered always" the impact of his presence.I3CJ /or a time ,ohn of Tella performed his ordinations from the city of %arde in the company of .hilo1enus of %abbo" and others. #e$erus wrote to them praisin" them both for the e1cellence of their ascetic practices and for their labors on behalf of the %onophysite body.I4DJ The importance of ,ohn of Tella;s ascetic trainin" and prowess was not to be underestimated as #e$erus knew. <ot only must there be no char"es of canonical misconduct but ,ohn himself had to be abo$e reproach.I4>J Fis ascetic trainin" and $ocation pro$ided the necessary assurance and as in the case of #e$erus himself must ha$e been "enuinely formidable. +ut in the eyes of ,ohn of -phesus ,ohn of Tella was inspired to the work of ordination because of the nature of his reli"ious callin". )hen he recei$ed official orders from the "o$ernment to halt his sub$ersi$e work he "a$e the reply ! for my part ha$e recei$ed a "ift from 4od and with it ! am tradin" and am not ne"li"ent2 and know this that as lon" as ! am in the bodily life and a hand is "i$en me to e1tend to anyone that is in need not you nor any earthly kin" shall hinder me from performin" the ser$ice that the hea$enly kin" has "i$en me.I42J : >D3 : The imperial authorities were understandably alarmed. !t fell to -phrem of &ntioch "the e1ecutioner of the belie$ers" =as ,ohn of -phesus calls himB to take on ,ohn of Tella.I43J ,ohn;s e$entual death in prison in @3? was as powerful as an act of martyrdom as his career was impressi$e throu"hout. !t thus heralded disaster for pro9'halcedonian hopes. ,ohn of Tella had been decidedly efficacious2 if ,ohn of -phesus e1a""erates hopelessly in claimin" that ,ohn ordained >HD DDD men into the cler"y I44J it is of little concern. Two irre$ocable steps had been taken: first a network of ecclesiastical leaders had been established ensurin" the renewed care of the %onophysite con"re"ations2 second the precedent of an independently ordained %onophysite structure had been established. !f the foundin" of the ",acobite" church has traditionally been attributed to ,acob +urd;aya it was in fact ,ohn of Tella who laid the necessary "roundwork. /rom the "Life of ,ohn of Tella " ,ohn of -phesus continues his collection with the story of ,ohn;s spiritual brother and successor ,ohn of Fephaestopolis.I4@J /ollowin" a pattern similar to that of his predecessor this ,ohn be"an his career as an ascetic. Fe was promoted to the episcopacy by the patriarch Theodosius of &le1andria with whom he 5ourneyed to 'onstantinople when the persecutions were launched in -"ypt in @3A. <ot lon" thereafter while li$in" with the refu"ees in the imperial city ,ohn of Fephaestopolis took up the task left by ,ohn of Tella to continue the ordination of %onophysite cler"y.

*eco"ni6in" that he seemed to be strayin" from his professed intentions and co$erin" territory more appropriate for his Ecclesiastical History ,ohn of -phesus felt the need to defend his choice of bishops as sub5ects in this collection2 he prefaced his "Life of ,ohn of Fephaestopolis" with this apolo"ia: I,ohn of Tella and ,ohn of FephaestopolisJ were complete and perfect in both forms of beauty Ipastoral and asceticJ2 and for this reason thou"h we seem to be passin" from one sub5ect to another we did not think it alien to the e1cellent purpose to describe and hand down to remembrance for the "lory of 4od that life which was practised by these men also.I4AJ +y "rantin" these select bishops a place in his Lives ,ohn stren"thened their authority at a time when their acti$ities in$ol$ed a canonical and theolo"ical risk. /urthermore the decision was both a declaration about %onophysite asceticism and a statement about %onophysite leadership. !n the schema of ,ohn;s Lives and in the ascetic $ision they reflect the campai"n for ordinations set underway by ,ohn of Tella and : >D4 : ,ohn of Fephaestopolis was in effect obli"atory for men of their spiritual standin". The imperial decree on the church in @3A had effecti$ely confined the %onophysite bishops and cler"y to the refu"ee camps in Thrace and 'onstantinople2 -"ypt was no lon"er safe territory and ,ohn of Tella was soon imprisoned in &ntioch. The need for pastoral care was acute. 'rowds be"an to arri$e in the imperial city not only seekin" solace from the %onophysite community but e$en more seekin" ordination "as there was absolutely no man to e1tend a hand of ordination to any belie$er in the whole *oman territory as far as the .ersian frontier."I4HJ 0et e$en with Theodora;s protecti$e presence those with authority refused to ordain the candidates "as it was indeed truly impossible for them to li$e if an ordination were performed there if the ad$ersaries heard of it."I4?J To ,ohn of Fephaestopolis it seemed the bishops were no lon"er fulfillin" their episcopal duties: ")e for our part ha$e been named pastors of 4od;s church to no purpose since we ha$e suffered her lambs to be torn by wol$es S )hat is the benefit that we are now doin" for 4od;s church?" Gn his own authority he ac3uired separate 3uarters in the capital with Theodora;s help and be"an to ordain the "companies of those who were in distress and had been for a lon" time beaten and buffeted and had none to relie$e them."I4CJ &n immediate and an"ry clamor arose from inside the %onophysite ranks from those concerned about simple safety. +ut the patriarch Theodosius of &le1andria now head of the %onophysite community in 'onstantinople "ranted tacit blessin" to the rene"ade;s acti$ities by disclaimin" responsibility but not censurin" ,ohn2 Theodora herself be""ed ,ohn to "remain still and keep 3uiet like your companions and do not make priests in this city."I@DJ +ut ,ohn contri$ed to escape the imperial house prison and took his authority where it was needed. Fe tra$ersed the islands and territories of the eastern pro$inces recei$in" candidates for the priesthood performin" ordinations and ministerin" to the con"re"ations. The 'halcedonians complained to ,ustinian that "one of the bishops Ifrom 'onstantinopleJ has come out and has thrown the whole church into confusion."I@>J ,ohn;s actions indeed bordered on the outra"eous. !n Tralles ,ohn of -phesus ser$ed wide9eyed as deacon while fifty men were ordained secretly in the upper9le$el women;s "allery of a church with a 'halcedonian ser$ice in full pro"ress below2 he tells us "! was ama6ed at the man;s coura"e and fortitude."I@2J +ut ,ohn of -phesus could look upon the ordinations only as an act of "race2 in his eyes the two ,ohns were 4od "i$en: : >D@ : !n this time of Ithe church;sJ distress also I4odJ set up these two pillars of li"ht in it to comfort it2 by whose holy prayers may schisms and strifes be done away from within it until the end &menPI@3J ,ohn of -phesus could not see that the process was irre$ersible. The ordinations were char"ed with the awareness of resistance. The momentum would neither be di$erted nor reabsorbed into a "mainstream" church. +y the time ,acob +urd;aya and Theodore of &rabia were consecrated to the task of replenishin" a shrunken %onophysite hierarchy the way was clearly set. -$en without ,acob;s ener"y an e3ually decisi$e act would surely ha$e taken place. The death of ,ohn of Tella had left a "ap partially filled by ,ohn of Fephaestopolis2 but a"e and the hardships of enforced e1ile took their toll on the other leaders of the %onophysite body. .hilo1enus of

%abbo" had died in @23 and #e$erus himself died in @3? almost immediately after ,ohn of Tella. %ost of the episcopal hierarchy marshaled by #e$erus had disappeared or been rendered ineffectual.I@4J Then in @42 matters chan"ed. Farith bar 4abala kin" of the #aracens and a %onophysite sympathi6er approached the empress Theodora because "a lack of priests had . . . arisen in the countries of the east and of the west and especially of bishops."I@@J Fe asked that she direct two or three bishops to be consecrated for #yria to ensure the welfare of his own tribes and fellow belie$ers. &nd since the belie$in" 3ueen was desirous of furtherin" e$erythin" that would assist the opponents of the synod of 'halcedon she "a$e orders and two blessed men well9tried and di$ine persons whose names were ,acob and Theodore were chosen and instituted one for Firtha of the #aracens that is Theodore and ,acob for the city of -dessa.I@AJ ,acob be"an ,ohn tells us by sharin" a cell in a 'onstantinopolitan monastery with another monk named #er"ius.I@HJ To"ether they practiced arduous and se$ere ascetic labors yet #er"ius seemed to emer"e second best in ,ohn;s eyes. ,ohn e1plains that althou"h #er"ius practiced in the same manner as ,acob he would also speak to those who approached their cell on matters of business and hence fell short of ,acob who "entirely refused to take part in these thin"s and refused also to appear durin" the day outside his cell."I@?J This was of course but a preparatory process. ,acob and Theodore were not to be ordinary bishops2 their 5urisdiction was "o$erned by the state of emer"ency in which the %onophysites found themsel$es. Their task was to restore the depleted ranks of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and specifically to refill the sorely wantin" : >DA : hi"her echelons. !n Theodore the faithful had chosen a dili"ent worker2 but with ,acob the mo$ement came into its own. &nd while the blessed Theodore e1ercised authority in the southern and western I#yrianJ countries and the whole of the desert and &rabia and .alestine as far as ,erusalem the blessed ,acob ha$in" armed himself with reli"ion and clothed himself in the 6eal of heroism e1tended his course o$er all the countries not only of #yria and the whole of &rmenia and 'appadocia . . . but also of 'ilicia and the whole of !sauria and of .amphylia and Lycaonia and Lycia and .hry"ia and 'aria and &sia and in the islands of the sea 'yprus and *hodes and 'hios and %itylene and as far as the royal city of 'onstantinople.I@CJ Gnce a"ain ,ohn;s narrati$e turns to romance embellished with le"end: the %onophysite mo$ement was transformed as if at once. ,acob "accomplished his ministry causin" the priesthood to flow like "reat ri$ers o$er the whole world of the *oman dominions."IADJ Fe tra$eled o$er distances and at speeds that defied human stren"th: his dis"uises were impenetrable his mo$ements untraceable. +ut the practicalities lie close by in ,ohn;s story. 'har"ed with so awesome a task ,acob en"ineered the ordination of two other bishops to tra$el with him to ensure the canonicity of his ordinations and consecrations.IA>J ,ohn claims he ordained more than >DD DDD cler"y as well as twenty9se$en bishops and two patriarchs.IA2J &mon" these was ,ohn himself whom ,acob consecrated to the titular see of -phesus around the year @@C. +efore ,acob;s efforts it was possible to claim that the %onophysites did not constitute a separate church in their own ri"ht. +ut despite ,ohn;s impossibly hi"h numbers ,acob did turn a de facto situation that had lon" been hardenin" into an institutional one. The ,acobite #yrian Grthodo1 'hurch had been founded. The tracin" of ,acob;s acti$itiesEof e1actly what he did and how he did itEis a sensiti$e operation.IA3J &s le"ends "rew his work was entwined with that of #e$erus of &ntioch. Later tradition claimed that ,acob was consecrated to his task by the "reat patriarch himself.IA4J These two ha$e been "lorified abo$e all yet neither would ha$e accomplished their work without substantial efforts by their comrades. ,acob for his part ended his career a puppet in the factionalism of his own mo$ement far from the "lory of his ecclesiastical con3uests.IA@J !n fact what had happened to the %onophysites in the si1th century and what is unwittin"ly chronicled in ,ohn of -phesus; Lives of the Eastern Saints was a transformation of structure as much in their thou"ht as in the "o$ernance of their mo$ement. Gnce an ecclesiastical : >DH : hierarchy was in e1istence specifically in opposition to another system holdin" different bonds for communion =loyalty to the 'ouncil of 'halcedonB then the subse3uent dialo"ues ceased to offer any

real solutions to end the di$ision. *efined theolo"ical definitions e$en outri"ht concessions could not measure up to the concrete obstacle of two separate systems.IAAJ The pi$otal point "oes back to ,ohn of Tella. /or where$er ,acob went he found ranks of candidates deacons or priests such as ,ohn of -phesus himself prepared for the priesthood2 they had recei$ed their ordination at the hand of a %onophysite and aspired to fulfill their $ocation within a %onophysite hierarchy. &nd he found too the recepti$ity of a laity pastored by such leadership. +ut ,ohn of Tella had not sou"ht such a conse3uence to his efforts and it is here that one must look a"ain to his inclusion and indeed ,acob;s in the Lives of ,ohn of -phesus. ,ohn of -phesus was raised from his childhood within the &midan ascetic community2 he was ordained deacon by ,ohn of Tella blessed by ,ohn of Fephaestopolis and consecrated bishop by ,acob +urd;aya. The de"ree to which his ascetic $iews were shaped by the spiritual mentors he encountered is the de"ree to which his Lives display a $ision not his alone but shared by a si"nificant part of the %onophysite body. /or ,ohn of -phesus the particularities of the ascetic;s situation are o$erridden by the ultimate responsibility of the ascetic;s $ow. %aro the #tylite had climbed his brother;s pillar with fear but without hesitation. N;ura the #tylite had responded to persecution by descendin" his pillar in order to protest at the imperial court of 'onstantinople. #usan had forfeited her de$otion to solitude to "uide an e1iled community in -"ypt. #imeon the %ountaineer had embraced the lost flocks of the Lord in their unwittin" error2 ,ohn of Tella had taken on the burden of ordainin" shepherds for the faithful. These holy men and women li$ed out a personal relationship with their 4od2 ultimately they were bound by neither canon nor ecclesiastical rank. ,ohn of Tella bad"ered his fellow bishops and superiors for official sanction to perform his ordinations2 ,ohn of Fephaestopolis did not and took his authority and 5ustification from the le"acy of his predecessor. The official char"e to ,acob +urd;aya was a $irtual fait accompli but he fulfilled it to an e1tent probably "reater than his superiors had intended him to. Like the local ascetics of &mida these men responded to the crises of their times accordin" to their understandin" of their $ows. : >D? :

&I Some Im"lications: The Case of Women

Thus far our focus has been on ,ohn;s own understandin" of what he was doin" in the Lives, from inside the ethos per$adin" the %esopotamian communities whether in their own country or elsewhere. +y the same token ,ohn enables us to assess his own ascetic $ision and the conditions contributin" to it. The women in the Lives of the Eastern Saints pro$ide material by which to look at these points from a different perspecti$e. ,ohn;s presentation of women raises the issue of how far he is willin" to depart from con$ention when confrontin" the %onophysite crisis of his day and further what the implications of his concern for e1pediency in such circumstances mi"ht be. +ecause the case of women is specific in its own ri"ht it re3uires its own treatment.

/o,en4 #he Ear&y Chur+h4 an' #he Syr%an Or%en#

!t is clear from our sources that earliest 'hristianity "ranted women an unusual scope for reli"ious acti$ity. )omen were part of the "roup that tra$eled with ,esus and pro$ided much of the financial support for his band of followers.I>J They participated in the ,esus mo$ement as disciples rather than as ser$in" women.I2J There is e$idence both inside the canonical <ew Testament and outside of it that women held leadership : >DC : positions in the earliest 'hristian communities and were also teachin" prophesyin" and sometimes e$en bapti6in" con$erts.I3J +ut our sources also indicate a strain imposed by this fact. The Deutero9.auline writin"s for e1ample with their in5unctions that women be silent and submissi$e I4J are strident to the point that they can only be reactin" to a situation 3uite different from what they demand. &lthou"h the church insisted from the start that women and men stood e3ual before the LordEcitin" .aul;s statement that in 'hrist there is neither male nor femaleI@J Ethis $iew was not used to 3uestion the e1istin" social order.IAJ

#ome of the dilemma was e1pediency. The early church needed both missionaries and martyrs and was 3uick to "lorify the work of women in these situations. +ut social tension was apparent. !n the "&cts of Thecla " for e1ample .aul appreciates Thecla;s work but attempts time and a"ain to restrict her acti$ity "fearin" lest some "reater temptation had come upon her."IHJ .recisely because of social dictates women were often effecti$e missionaries in their roles as wi$es and mothers con$ertin" their non9'hristian husbands or raisin" their children as 'hristians whether or not their spouse mi"ht appro$e. !ndeed this kind of behind9the9scenes e$an"elism helped 'hristianity to succeed.I?J The early 'hristian ideal of celibacy also held important implications for women. !n practical terms it physically freed them from the bearin" and raisin" of children and allowed women the possibility of tra$el for the church as missionaries or pil"rims and of work for the church community of their own locale. &t the same time $ir"inity bestowed considerable honor on its adherents2 here too women benefited from an increase in status. The earliest 'hristian communities de$eloped defined positions for women first as widows and $ir"ins and later as canonicae and nuns. These positions "ranted women a reco"ni6ed status in the lar"er church structure but also substantially restricted their ran"e of acti$ity.ICJ &s the church be"an to settle into place durin" the fourth century women with social powerEthe wealthy patronesses of *ome or the empressesEcould sometimes follow their own decisions but most women found themsel$es in seriously limited circumstances.I>DJ The particular e1perience of women in the #yrian Grient both reflects and illuminates the lar"er picture. The ancient <ear -ast e$idences reli"ious traditions remarkable for their recepti$ity toward feminine aspects of the di$ine thus differin" "reatly from the classical realm.I>>J /rom its polytheistic past came the herita"e of the #yrian 4oddess in the : >>D : forms of !shtar &shtoreth &starte and the &ramaic &tar"atis. The cult of the #yrian 4oddess was per$asi$e across the %editerranean cities endurin" throu"h Fellenistic and *oman times and into the early 'hristian -ra. !n the pa"an cosmolo"y of the #yrian Grient she functioned as part of a triad a "holy trinity " of %other /ather and #on2 such a confi"uration fre3uently characteri6ed reli"ious beliefs of the ancient <ear -ast. Fer worshippers reco"ni6ed her as a uni$ersal di$ine presence identifyin" her with !sis the .hry"ian 'ybele and 4reek Fera as the 4reat %other of creation.I>2J Gn the other hand the #yrian Grient was primarily 'hristiani6ed throu"h ,udaism.I>3J ,udaism offered a practical herita"e in which women often played an important role in the sal$ation history of the !sraelites despite the cultic restrictions imposed on them.I>4J Fere too the a""ressi$ely masculine ima"ery of the 4od of !srael constituted a consciously contri$ed ima"ery workin" in reaction a"ainst nei"hborin" reli"ious concepts and deities. &n undercurrent of female ima"ery is also found in the Gld Testament: 4od as midwife =.s. 22:CL>DB 4od as comfortin" mother =!sa. 4C:>@ AA:>3B and 4od tra$ailin" in the throes of di$ine labor pains =!sa. 42:>4bB.I>@J The complementary strains of thou"ht fostered within ,ewish monotheism are strikin". %ost notable is the female personification of Foly )isdomEHokhma ")isdom " is a feminine noun in FebrewEas she who sits at the Lord;s ri"ht hand the force throu"h whom 4od creates and acts. )hen the pre$alence of 4nosticism threatened mainstream )isdom speculation there followed a rabbinical de$elopment of another female ima"e that of the holy Shekinah Ealso a feminine noun in FebrewE the female personification of 4od;s di$ine presence she who is Fis dau"hter and Fis bride.I>AJ <either )isdom nor the #yrian 4oddess represented the dominant theolo"ical focus of their respecti$e reli"ions. 0et both and in particular the 4oddess were more powerful than comparable female deities of the 4reek or *oman pantheons.I>HJ !t is perhaps not surprisin" then that early #yriac 'hristianity de$eloped a tradition of feminine symbols for aspects of the di$ine. #yriac tradition at its earliest and for centuries thereafter saw the Foly #pirit as female followin" both the instinct of "rammar =ruha is a feminine noun in #yriacB and the inherited pattern of a di$ine triad.I>?J The second9century &des of Solomon offer profound feminine ima"ery. <ot only is the Foly #pirit portrayed in the feminine as the %other #pirit but so too at times is 'hrist clothed in feminine ima"es and terms2 and the strikin" Gde >C hymns 4od in female form.I>CJ Gde >C points to a further contribution in the #yrian appreciation for : >>> :

the feminine. !n this ode the 7ir"in %ary is hailed as the "%other with many %ercies " who "bore . . . without pain"2 she who "lo$ed with redemption " ""uarded with kindness " and "declared with "randeur."I2DJ The confidence of this passa"e e1ceeds the reser$ed picture of %arian de$otion in the second century that we draw from more )estern sources and it appears somewhat precocious: the themes touched upon prefi"ure ma5or %arian doctrinal de$elopments rarely pursued before the fifth century elsewhere and some not until the tenth century.I2>J There is a spiritual kinship brid"in" Gde >C to the hi"hly de$eloped %arian hymns of -phrem #yrus in the fourth century.I22J &lthou"h -phrem marks the artistic and theolo"ical flowerin" of #yrian $eneration for %ary without this back"round he could not ha$e introduced %arian de$otion in so mature a form to the #yrian Grient. This kindred sense may add wei"ht to the theory that the Protevan+elion of James the influential second9century apocryphal account of the 7ir"in is of #yrian ori"in.I23J The #yrian $ersion of the Protevan+elion is our oldest translation of the work and its immediate and lon"9lastin" popularity in the #yrian Grient is well attested. &n independent but related #yriac Life of the 1ir+in was also in circulation a"ain probably as early as the mid9second century.I24J 'ertainly %ary;s place in early #yriac 'hristianity contrasts with that of the )estern church until the rise of mainstream %arian de$otion durin" the fifth century.I2@J &"ain not unconnected is the emphasis in early #yriac tradition on birth ima"ery in relation to baptism.I2AJ The ima"ery popular in the 4reco9Latin churches was that of resurrection of baptism as a "dyin" and risin" " and the baptismal water as a ""ra$e " followin" on the .auline teachin"s of *om. A:4LA especially. !n early #yriac tradition baptism was abo$e all a rebirth followin" ,ohn 3:3LH and the baptismal water was the womb that bore true sons and dau"hters for the Fea$enly 8in"dom. +aptism became the "%other of 'hristianity " as %ary had been the %other of 'hrist. )omb ima"ery embellished #yriac theolo"y further: #yriac writers saw the three ma5or e$ents of 'hrist;s lifeEthe <ati$ity +aptism in the ,ordan and the Descent to FellEas three "wombs." &nd birth ima"ery re$ealed the pro"ression of cosmic order: the $ir"in earth ""a$e birth" to humanity %ary to 'hrist and 'hrist to 'hristians throu"h the womb of the baptismal waters.I2HJ The ima"e of baptism as a new birth from the womb of the font continues to this day in the litur"ies of the $arious #yriac churches.I2?J *eli"ious e1perience in the #yrian Grient had thus lon" resonated with an understandin" of the di$ine that deeply embraced feminine aspects both in its ima"ery and in its symbols. This e1perience was not : >>2 : easily shared with 4reco9Latin culture despite its fer$ent reception in Fellenistic times of the oriental "oddess cults. These cults had remained e1ternal borrowin"s e$en when "Felleni6ed" or "*omani6ed" and as such were in fundamental tension with the adoptin" society.I2CJ They point to what was lackin" in classical spirituality rather than to what was inherent in it. Thus for e1ample the )estern church banned the Protevan+elion as a heretical work almost as soon as it was published2 a"ain female ima"ery on a par with the &des of Solomon would not appear in the )est until medie$al times. #o it was not une1pected that #yriac 'hristianity should e$entually find its "win"s clipped " under pressure to conform to the mainstream 4reco9Latin churches. +y the year 4DD #yriac writers were presentin" the concept of the Foly #pirit in closer conformity with that of the "orthodo1" church. This in$ol$ed a dramatic chan"e on their part. )hen used to si"nify the third element of the Trinity ruha ="#pirit"B was treated "rammatically as a masculine noun althou"h the word itself remained unaltered. The chan"e "o$erned only that particular usa"e of the word. &fter 4DD #yriac writers no lon"er followed the tradition found uniformly in earlier works but referred to the #pirit in masculine terms and ima"ery =althou"h an occasional hymn writer followed the older practice apparently for metrical reasonsB. !n similar manner the otherwise feminine meltha ")ord " became masculine when used to translate the 4reek logos as found in the .eshitta. The case of meltha is not necessarily as pro$ocati$e as that of ruha where a clear theolo"ical concern prompted the chan"e: the Foly #pirit was not female and that was that. The transformation of meltha on the other hand may reflect the translation techni3ues of the time whereby such an alteration could happen simply in the attempt to render important terminolo"y from one lan"ua"e to another more faithfully. )e do not ha$e cases in the early #yriac /athers of a female ima"ery for the )ord as we do for the #pirit. +ut the indisputable moti$ation with re"ard to the #pirit would su""est that the parallel e1perience of the )ord is too close for coincidence.
I3DJ

Gn the other hand it has been su""ested that de$otion to the 7ir"in flowered in concert with the decline of the #pirit as a "motherly" presence.I3>J +ut #yrian $eneration for %ary is clearly well established lon" before the fifth century and the two feminine ob5ects of re$erence coe1isted easily for e1ample in the hymns of -phrem.I32J #pirituality can permeate $arious aspects of a culture but the 3uestion here is whether or not the feminine symbolism of the #yrian churches brou"ht any practical results for the 'hristian community. : >>3 : &s was "enerally the case for the *oman -mpire as a whole #yrian society before its 'hristiani6ation pro$ided women with a relati$e de"ree of freedom and respect at least for those of the upper class resultin" from the ad$anta"es of an affluent society.I33J &"ain as was the "eneral e1perience of the 4reco9*oman world the basic 'hristian precepts of e3ual worth and responsibility for the se1es were recei$ed by this society with some ambi$alence. There was howe$er an important difference in nuance: the #yrian Grient recei$ed these teachin"s in a reli"ious conte1t that instincti$ely comprehended them harborin" an inherent sense of feminine presence in the e1perience and perception of the di$ine. That this was indeed a matter of nuance rather than precept must be stressed. <onetheless reli"ious and societal concepts "a$e substance to one another when they coincided2 to this e1tent the society of the #yrian Grient would ha$e been more $ulnerable to the conse3uences of the 'hristian in5unctions toward e3uality than the less sensiti$e societies in which classical presuppositions held sway. & "reater strain on familiar #yrian social structures would perhaps ha$e resulted. The chan"es in the reli"ious culture from earliest #yriac 'hristianity in the second century to that established as "orthodo1" in the fourth and fifth centuries charts the de$elopment from a 'hristian society that initially "ranted women new choices to one that seriously curtailed their place. %arcionism was probably the most per$asi$e form of early 'hristianity in the #yrian Grient.I34J #i"nificantly it offered an understandin" of the 4ospel messa"e that was essentially e"alitarian. !ts practitioners li$ed and worshiped accordin" to a literal interpretation of the .auline in5unction that in 'hrist there is neither male nor female. !ts women were "ranted the e1ceptional ri"hts to teach e1orcise and bapti6e. The practical conse3uences of %arcion;s preachin"s a"ainst marria"e meant that women were not restricted to producin" children and ser$in" a family2 they had more freedom of acti$ity.I3@J The %arcionites offered women leadership roles important for the social renderin" of their reli"ion as much as for its theolo"y. !n the #yrian Grient these ideas would fall on especially fertile soil as an e1tension into the temporal realm of reli"ious concepts already deeply rooted.I3AJ &sceticism also fla$ored the o$erall de$elopment of 'hristianity in the #yrian Grient heretical or orthodo1 for many centuries. %uch as %arcionism had done the "eneral "lorification of celibacy as part of popular #yrian 'hristianity raised new prospects for women.I3HJ &s widows or $ir"ins in spiritual marria"e or throu"h the office of the Dau"hters of the 'o$enant the bnath qyama, women held a $enerated place within the social community. These practices continued to be popular : >>4 : forms of 'hristian life e$en after the rise of the monastic mo$ement offered a further option separation from the lay society. <or did the limitations of e1istin" social patterns restrict women;s spiritual ambitions: con$ents became common but women too undertook the ri"ors of the anchoretic life and e$en stylitism.I3?J +ut the o$erall situation was double9ed"ed and it was ultimately the ne"ati$e ima"e of women that pre$ailed. +y the late third century pressure to conform to the 4reco9Latin churches was "rowin". & ma5or tar"et was the curtailment of ascetic acti$ities in lay society. #piritual marria"e in particular was attacked a battle that pro$ed difficult for the mainstream authorities. +y the fifth century in the #yrian Grient feminine ima"ery of the di$ine was eliminated lea$in" only the 7ir"in %ary as an e1alted feminine symbol. Durin" the fifth century women;s place in #yrian 'hristian society became ri"idly restricted. +y that time e$en ascetic women were $iewed as a source of dan"er to men. %onks took $ows ne$er to speak with a woman or to lay eyes on one2 it was canonically forbidden for monks to eat with any woman includin" their mothers. %onks without beards were despised for resemblin" women yet self9castration maintained its popularity in some circles. <uns were treated as simply less bothersome and easier to control than ordinary women: a "reater stress was laid on cenobitic communities for them rather than eremitic pursuits and it was felt that they should ha$e a "master" =rabaB placed o$er them. /urthermore it was widely held that nuns

should not see the priest durin" the communion ser$ice2 thus abbesses were also deaconesses able to distribute the -ucharist themsel$es a practice that was not shared by their 4reek or Latin counterparts and that lasted into the si1th century.I3CJ Despite ample testimony in writin"s from the #yrian Grient that women e1ercised spiritual leadership writers rarely acknowled"ed that women had this capacity. The #yrian church did not encoura"e autonomy for women. Theodoret;s Historia reli+iosa pays little attention to women and those few he does see fit to mention are confined to the last two chapters.I4DJ Fis women sub5ects practiced a penitential asceticism: they were $eiled from head to toe2 their eyes were e$er downcast2 they ne$er spoke2 they were enclosed2 they wore iron chains2 they wept continually2 they were super$ised by men. These women fit an acceptable social pattern despite the physical stren"th and the $ery real sufferin" their practices in$ol$ed. /or their manner parado1ically fit mainstream $iews on the social position of women. (nlike the a""ressi$e and e1hibitionist asceticism of their male comrades in the Historia reli+iosa Theodoret presents us with women who labor at a passi$e inward practice.I4>J : >>@ : Two women saints important to #yriac tradition illustrate where the boundaries lay at the turn of the si1th century the time when their ha"io"raphies were probably written and rou"hly the time that ,ohn of -phesus was born. The first is #aint /ebronia martyred by *oman officials around the year 3DD.I42J )hether of le"endary or historical character =and we can assume a small kernel of truth around which the Life was builtB the Life of 2e)ronia is an e1traordinary te1t.I43J !t tells the story of a woman raised from birth in a con$ent near <isibis especially renowned for her ascetic discipline and her capacity to teach. +ut the mark of her sanctity lay in the fact that /ebronia had ne$er seen a man or been seen by one. The arri$al of *oman soldiers howe$er led to her imprisonment and death by slow torture much of it se1ual as a warnin" to other 'hristians in the area. & primary aspect of /ebronia;s Life lies in the tension between 'hristian purity =symboli6ed by /ebronia;s physical and social $ir"inityB and pa"an lust =in the form of the *omans; alternati$e offer that she could li$e if she would marry one of their officialsB. The se1ual torture displays this symbolism sharply. #o "reat is /ebronia;s purity that the use of her body as a se1ual ob5ect does not con$ey sin as women;s se1uality was commonly seen to do. *ather in this martyrdom it was specifically her body in its se1ual identification that brou"ht her sal$ationEand the early church always understood a martyr;s death to bear upon the sal$ation of all belie$ers. Thus in this te1t we ha$e a rarely heard sentiment in early 'hristian writin"s when /ebronia declares that she is not ashamed of her naked body.I44J !n fittin" homa"e this te1t claims to ha$e been written by a womanE an e$ent remarkable in itself in anti3uityEThomaRs a nun of /ebronia;s con$ent who later became its abbess. Literarily the female authorship underscores the story;s central theme of purity and defilement but it also results in an unusual characteri6ation of women. !n this te1t "reat emphasis is placed on women;s friendships with other women. %oreo$er the women in the story are depicted as well educated intellectually sophisticated and coura"eous in the lar"est sense. The common ha"io"raphical practice #yrian or otherwise is to present women saints as indi$iduals who are e1ceptions to the rule of their kind2 con$ents are "enerally treated as "roups of women and thus derided for harborin" institutionally the worst traits of their constituents. +y contrast /ebronia is presented as a special woman amon" many fine women. &n alto"ether different $iew of women and their se1uality is presented in the story of .ela"ia &ntioch;s notorious courtesan. 'on$erted suddenly and in spectacular manner she then disappeared and secretly li$ed out her life in ,erusalem in the "uise of a eunuch hermit. .ela"ia : >>A : thus left behind not only her former life but also her former self: her former "ender. Fer real identity was disco$ered at her death.I4@J .ela"ia;s tale was capti$atin" and unlike /ebronia;s story inspired numerous other saints; li$es alon" the same line. The trans$estite saint was a ha"io"raphical motif that flourished across the 'hristian *oman -mpire between the fifth and ninth centuries ha$in" started in the #yrian milieu. The trans$estite saints were women who chose to pursue their 'hristian $ocations dis"uised as monks and whose sanctity hence deri$ed from li$in" literally as men.I4AJ Their ruse was ine$itably disco$ered at their death if not before and always accompanied by e1clamations of praise and wonder: here truly were women who had risen to "lory.

The roots of this theme date back to the apocryphal "&cts of Thecla " in which Thecla had be""ed .aul;s permission to dress as a man for her missionary efforts much to his distress.I4HJ +ut the startin" point for popular literature was .ela"ia;s story. The related $ariations on the trans$estite motif were often blatantly alle"orical: these women chose to dis"uise themsel$es as men to "become" men because they could not ser$e 4od ade3uately as women. <or was this theme found only in le"end2 real women followed .ela"ia;s e1ample.I4?J &lthou"h the motif was of 3uestionable orthodo1yEDeut. 22:@ e1pressly forbids either se1 to assume the dress of the other and church fathers debated this matter with reference to Thecla at leastI4CJ Ethe e1tremity of the #yrian method here clearly tapped an incisi$e and widespread sentiment2 the ima"e crystalli6ed the miso"ynism that had become an inte"ral part of #yrian 'hristianity as of the lar"er church.I@DJ The tendencies and concepts underlyin" the de$elopment of 'hristianity in the #yrian Grient are consonant with those displayed throu"hout the 4reco9*oman world. )hat marks the #yrian Grient as peculiar in relation to the wider church are the e1tremes to which it played out ideas common to the whole whether in reli"ious beha$ior or in reli"ious literature. 'onse3uently althou"h the lar"er 'hristian body mi"ht decry the e1cesses of #yrian practices often as with the popular practice of celibacy the mainstream church e1hibited a similar predilection2 or as with stylitism it adapted the practice to its own circumstances. #o too the literal enactment of ima"es and symbols in the #yrian Grient as in the case of the trans$estite saint reflected the wider consensus but with a more specific articulation. #uch then was the tradition inherited by the women in ,ohn of -phesus; Lives of the Eastern Saints and it is a"ainst this herita"e that their cases must be considered. !n some instances ,ohn contributes directly to the societal edifice the broader church was then constructin" for : >>H : women. To that e1tent he re$eals a #yrian 'hristian society that has ali"ned itself or considers itself ali"ned with a wider church body. The $arious directions that had been fostered by earlier 'hristianity had settled into the marked confines of an institution imposed o$er the whole of the 'hristian community howe$er di$erse its members. +ut ,ohn shows somethin" akin to a nai$e innocence in his response to the holy women he meets as indi$iduals. Fe seems unaware of the conflict between his lan"ua"e and their actions between what he says about them and what he tells us they actually do. -$er mindful of the afflictions suffered in the +y6antine -ast he is keen to offer his female saints as proof of the stren"th with which the church could handle times of crisis. Fence he deli"hts in presentin" these women as empowered by and responsi$e to the 'hristian messa"e. +ut he also preser$es a safety $al$e by lookin" at their acti$ities as part of the "emer"ency" operations of the %onophysites. ,ohn;s women indeed re$eal many of his ideals but his manner of presentation at times as we shall see reflects contrary social $alues.

-ohn.s L%ves( S%1#h5Cen#ury Pa##erns

,ohn;s treatment of women in the Lives of the Eastern Saints was typical of his day. Fe de$otes only a few of his chapters to female rather than male ascetics2 and althou"h he mentions numerous cases of deeply reli"ious laywomen he brushes o$er these without detailin" them. -lsewhere in his Lives, womankind appears in her more familiar "uise: weak feeble minded and sister to -$e. )omen in "eneral fall outside the scope of ,ohn;s collection. +ut he does pro$ide us with occasional "limpses of women;s e1periences and these are not without insi"ht: the "rief of the barren women who seek help from his holy men and the e3ually desperate 5oy when a child is born to them.I@>J ,ohn $eers in these instances between the specific and the uni$ersal: motherhood in marria"e was the only socially acceptable occupation by which a woman could 5ustify her e1istence apart from asceticism. +ut the social sti"ma of barrenness was a parado1ical one. !n the ascetically minded $iew of ,ohn;s day the blessin" of children was a dubious "ift if not futile. 'elibacy was the hi"her achie$ement. %otherhood mi"ht be necessary but it brou"ht women only "rud"in" praise. The connection ,ohn misses is that between these childless women with their fri"htened prayers and the e1traordinary number of possessed women who turn to his holy men for e1orcism. !nstead he simply takes : >>? :

for "ranted without seekin" a cause that women and "irls are the ones most susceptible to demonic madness.I@2J 'hildbearin" and insanity are the two main reasons ,ohn presents for women;s recourse to holy intercession2 these are the conte1ts in which they are seen. ,ohn does not portray women as intrinsically e$il corrupti$e or destructi$e. +ut as if to echo Tertullian;s sentiments ,ohn presents women as passi$e e$en unwittin" instruments of #atan;s wiles: they are literally the de$il;s "ateway the path by which e$il can most effecti$ely cause the downfall of holy men. The blessed Tribunus was sorely endan"ered when a landlady attacked him "with all the lasci$iousness and $iolence of impurity and adultery." Fis $ictory in the situation "a$e proof of his spiritual fortitude.I@3J <ot without reason did the stylite %aro forbid women to enter the enclosure of his column demandin" instead that they shout to him from beyond the enclosure wall if they desired counsel.I@4J ,ohn hi"hli"hts the ambi"uity found in the $iews of the wider church. Fe is 3uick to honor women of $irtue but these are presented as particular indi$iduals for him2 women in "eneral are ready tools for the &d$ersary. Fe sets the two $iews side by side and yet misses the irony of doin" so. Thus he dedicates an entire chapter of his Lives to the "belie$in" 3ueen" Theodora.I@@J Fere and in other chapters ,ohn praises Theodora for her aid to the 'onstantinopolitan refu"ees I@AJ her perse$erance in seekin" counsel from holy men and her piety. Laywoman and empress with a 'halcedonian husband and the ob$ious disad$anta"es of her past Theodora is yet presented by ,ohn as a model 'hristian. &nd when later after her death the 'halcedonians tried to desecrate her "ood works it is no coincidence that they chose to do so by pollutin" the palace of Formisdas sendin" into it "some women with their husbands and others who were not chaste and filled the place where the blessed men li$ed where the sacrament and ser$ice of 4od used to be performed."I@HJ & sudden fire turned the tables "purifyin"" the holy place and killin" some of the women. ,ohn does not hesitate to call this di$ine 5ustice. #uch incidents in ,ohn;s Lives are relati$ely few when compared for e1ample with ,ohn %oschus; Pratum spirituale. <onetheless in his most bi6arre account of temptation by the de$il ,ohn plainly states that seein" the ima"e of the +lessed 7ir"in in any woman is folly. ,ohn;s story of two monks who encounter #atan in the "uise of %ary;s ima"e is an unusual one I@?J and not least because he so rarely discusses fallen monks or nuns. ,acob and his spiritual brother the same two monks who had been forced to establish a sanctuary for e1orcism roused the 5ealousy of the -$il Gne who then contri$ed an in"enious downfall for them.I@CJ Gne : >>C : ni"ht from amon" the crowds of possessed persons who slept in the sanctuary awaitin" a cure #atan chose a youn" woman "of worldly appearance." Fer accordin"ly the demons took and they clothed her in awe9strikin" forms of phantasmal rays2 and they led her up and seated her on the bishops; throne S Then they filled the whole martyr;s chapel a"ain with phantasmal forms as if forsooth they were an"els of 4od.IADJ %eanwhile some of the demons entered where the holy men were sleepin". "-mittin" rays with the appearance of li"ht " they roused the two monks and e1horted them to make haste for the chapel e1plainin" "the holy %ary the 4od9bearer has been sent to you with a "reat host of an"els." #ei6in" some incense they flew to the chapel where they found demons in the likeness of "an"els of brilliant li"ht " and the woman enthroned with "a semblance of li"ht flashin" from her." /ear and awe stole their wits and commanded by the demons the monks prostrated themsel$es in obeisance before the unholy si"ht. )orse sacrile"e howe$er was yet to come. The youn" woman proclaimed her identity as %ary the %other of 4od claimin" that 'hrist had sent her to ordain them presbyters. The two monks thou"ht this $ision had come to them as an act of special "race and they knelt before her as she performed the ordinations.IA>J &t once the demons filled the air with lau"hter2 and the phantasmal $ision faded re$ealin" not the +lessed 7ir"in but a simple 4reek "irl seated on the bishops; throne. ,acob and his brother were mortified. They fled to ,ohn of Tella who heard their confession =with suitable astonishmentB and laid three years penance on them. Thenceforth the two monks "led e$en more se$ere li$es than before with sorrow and tears " until at last they were absol$ed of their "uilt in the stran"e affair.IA2J

,ohn has no blame for the woman herself. #he is already possessed by demons before the episode takes place2 she is "unaware e$en herself" of what is happenin"2 and she is not responsible for what is said since "the fiend spoke in her."IA3J #he is a mute puppet instrument for but not party to the wiles of #atan. The arrestin" point howe$er is that these monks do not fall into se1ual sin as so often happens in ha"io"raphy2 they sin theolo"ically an alto"ether different theme of women as the source of e$il. That the 7ir"in %ary should command her own worship as if she were not e1alted but di$ine2 that she should further dare to consecrate men to the priesthood an authority "ranted to no woman not e$en herself =as -piphanius of #alamis and others en5oyed recallin"B: such ideas could only be the work of the de$il. ,ohn;s account of the fei"ned ima"e of %ary is his most lurid state9 : >2D : ment re"ardin" the potential dan"ers of women. /ittin"ly it pinpoints the church;s parado1ical attitude towards women. /or the "uilty woman here is $ery much a sister to the crowds of women ,ohn lea$es undifferentiated elsewhere. #he is nameless2 she comes to the holy men because she is possessed2 she is a source of e$il to these monks throu"h no fault of her own no will of her own and no knowled"e of her own. !n his portrayal of women as instruments of #atan ,ohn did occasionally as in the case of Tribunus; would9be landlady e$oke woman in the ima"e of -$e. 0et what ,ohn tells us of women;s actual in$ol$ement in the 'hristian community more often directly contradicts this portrayal. Thus we learn from ,ohn;s Lives apart from the chapters about holy women that women in all ranks of society were in$ol$ed in the reli"ious affairs of the community. !n the cases of .eterIA4J and the traders -li5ah and Theodore IA@J pious sisters li$in" pri$ate reli"ious li$es brou"ht them to their con$ersions. /rom "youn" "irls" to "old women " ,ohn;s cities and towns did not lack in "ood works by 'hristian women. !ndeed as if not seein" his own contradictions ,ohn writes about pious wi$es who are crucial for the holy work of their husbands. &t times it is women specifically in their roles as wi$es and mothers who surpass all others in the 3uality of their reli"ious practices.IAAJ Gne such woman was %aria wife of Thomas the &rmenian.IAHJ ,ohn tells us little about her other than to mention her work settin" up a con$ent in tandem with Thomas; monastery to which she brou"ht her dau"hter and the other women of the household as companions in the monastic life. %aria is named by ,ohn2 otherwise the women in these brief citations are not. Fe mentions them in passin" in the course of his accounts of their brothers or their husbands or their sons. Their indi$idual identities are not important to him althou"h he clearly affirms their importance to the life of the church community. /urther unlike the few he presents in the ima"e of -$e ,ohn tells us that these de$out women act by their own choice. They know their $ocations and they carry them out. ,ohn;s account then of #atan at work throu"h the ima"e of %ary is not so outlandish as it mi"ht appear. !n a work such as the Lives of the Eastern Saints, a work whose basis lies in e1perience rather than in stereotype or didacticism the use of %ary;s ima"e rather than -$e;s for admonitory purposes is surprisin"ly appropriate. ,ohn;s encounters would su""est that if women represented a threat to the 'hristian community of his times they did so under %ary;s ae"is by their capacity for worthiness and not throu"h the inheritance of -$e. +y their competence and fortitude women themsel$es belied the church;s stance a"ainst them. : >2> :

-ohn.s Ho&y /o,en( /o,en o$ S*%r%#

,ohn feels compelled to 5ustify his inclusion of holy womenIA?J by citin" the apostolic in5unction that in 'hrist there is neither male nor female =4al. 3:2?B. Fe further insisted that the li$es of these women in no way detracted from or fell short of the standard set by his other sub5ects.IACJ Gf the holy woman #usan he says "<ot only is the mi"hty stren"th of 'hrist 4od apt to show its acti$ity in men who are powerful in appearance and mi"hty and forceful but also in weak feeble frail women."IHDJ The hi"hest praise he could offer the anchorite %ary was to honor her as "a woman who by nature only bore the form of females but in herself also bore the character and soul and will not only of ordinary men but of mi"hty and $aliant men."IH>J The fre3uency of such statements in ha"io"raphy pertainin" to women indicates that ,ohn writes formulaically in this respect.IH2J +ut the si"nificance was not lost in the

formula2 for where ,ohn e1presses the common sentiments of his church and society he tells us too somethin" of the actual conditions of women;s li$es. 0et despite this ,ohn;s holy women emer"e from his te1t in their own ri"ht. Their decisions and courses of action su""est a sense of self9determination not "enerally found in ascetic women as it was in menEsuch autonomy bein" e$en rarer for laywomenEbut to some e1tent made possible throu"h the fluid and often chaotic si1th9century %onophysite stru""le. These are women who chose to define themsel$es not in relation to father husband or child but only in relation to 4od2 sometimes they acted autonomously rather than throu"h a con$ent. +ut it is important to remember their cultural conte1t: these women were not actin" out of a sense of self =as we mi"ht see itB. They acted because they belie$ed 4od had called them to this action. Their sense of self was alto"ether absent2 indeed in their minds irrele$ant. !n each case public reaction to them was the standard applied to any holy man. )hate$er inhibitions the church may ha$e had ordinary people seem to ha$e measured sanctity by effecti$e action rather than by "ender. ,ohn selects only a handful of women for special attention. 'ulturally they cross the spectrum of social strata that characteri6es the si1th9century +y6antine -mpire2 ascetically they represent a di$ersity of e1perience. Taken as indi$iduals these women fit well into ,ohn of -phesus; o$erall schema: his $ision of the %onophysite cause as li$ed out throu"h an interlockin" relationship of asceticism and society. +ut seen as a "roupEand as we may "ather from the references treated abo$e as part of a much lar"er community of women within the %ono9 : >22 : physite bodyEthey pro$ide us with si"nificant insi"ht both toward ,ohn himself =and thus the leadership he offered the %onophysite mo$ementB and toward the ideals he sou"ht to nurture. These women are seen in the Lives as playin" roles critical to the needs of the stricken %onophysite cause2 further they are seen to pro$ide encoura"in" and inspirin" leadership to the %onophysite community. &lthou"h none of them sou"ht this status it emer"ed as a conse3uence of their own reli"ious commitment. ,ohn be"ins with %ary the .il"rim who like her namesake chose the "better way" of life de$oted to faith rather than to works in the world.IH3J &n ascetic from childhood %ary e$entually decided to "o on a pil"rima"e to ,erusalem. There she spent three years on 4ol"otha practicin" a se$ere asceticism and passin" much time in ecstatic trances. Those who saw her reckoned her a feeble9minded be""ar mad or senile. %ary herself cherished her anonymity: nothin" and no one distracted her from her chosen course. +ut it happened that some men came who knew her and seein" her in prayer they made obeisance to her. %ary was ""reatly upset" because she did not want people to know about her labor but the men had soon told her story throu"hout the community. Then those in whose eyes she had been reckoned a foolish old womanEone who sat there because of charity so that she mi"ht sustain her body;s needsEnow be"an to honour her as a "reat and holy woman be""in" her to pray for them.IH4J +ut %ary did not want to be a holy woman "lest she lose the fruits of her ascetic labour." #he fled "deeply saddened."IH@J %akin" her abode in Tella %ary made a $ow to return to ,erusalem each year to pray in the sacred places. This she fulfilled tra$elin" always in the hottest season2 at the same time she continued to shun worldly affairs while makin" her annual pil"rima"es. 0et ,ohn tells us so holy was this woman that "many powerful miracles were worked by her presence and not by her will or her word."IHAJ !n some respects %ary ha$in" chosen a form of asceticism taken up most often by men and only rarely by women =at least as far as we knowB reminds us of the early #yrian anchorites. %oreo$er not only did she choose to re5ect the standard course taken by women who desired the reli"ious lifeEthe con$ent communityEbut she further refused to be bound by the institutionali6ed aspects that o$ertook so many male ascetics o$er time. Fer stren"th of character in this re"ard contrasts with the timidity of %aro the #tylite unhappily and unwillin"ly drawn into the worldly responsibilities attendin" his profession.IHHJ The occur9 : >23 :

rence of miracles wrou"ht simply by %ary;s presence was but an affirmation of the authority "ained by such a life9style and in ,ohn;s $iew ultimately its $alidation. %ary may ha$e separated herself from the world but the power of her sanctity remained at work within it. ,ohn;s enthusiasm howe$er is e$en "reater for %ary;s youn"er sister -uphemia althou"h -uphemia was in worldly terms a more ob$ious threat to the e1istin" social and reli"ious order.IH?J -uphemia;s remarkable career and the leadership and ser$ice she "a$e to the city of &mida in its time of need ha$e already been discussed in chapter 3. )hat concerns us here are the particular traits that characteri6ed -uphemia;s asceticism and ministry. (nlike her pil"rim sister -uphemia had married but was widowed shortly thereafter and left with one child a dau"hter %aria. )atchin" the work of her sister -uphemia turned to the reli"ious life with %aria re"ulatin" their life to"ether accordin" to a ri"id de$otional plan. -uphemia also educated her dau"hter in psalmody #cripture and writin". "+ut while obser$in" her sister %ary;s abstinence and other practices at the same time -uphemia was fulfillin" another sublime and e1alted role since she ser$ed two orders to"etherEasceticism and relief for the afflicted."IHCJ -uphemia;s distinct way of life was soon known throu"hout the city of &mida. *e5ectin" e$en her role as mother she drew her dau"hter into the same ser$ice as sister rather than child and %aria wo$e yarn that -uphemia sold in order to supply a mea"er fare for themsel$es as well as to purchase the necessities to care for the sick and destitute. #uch disre"ard for social con$ention unsettled &mida;s more conser$ati$e inhabitants who admonished %aria about her "workin" mother."I?DJ Gthers sou"ht to support these acti$ities with donations and ur"ed -uphemia to accept food for herself and %aria. The holy woman howe$er would not ha$e it. 4od forbid that ! should . . . satisfy my body from the toils of others while it has stren"th to work or recei$e the stains of their sins upon my soulP . . . Do you want to soil me with the mud of your sins? ! am blemished enou"h as ! am.I?>J +ut with the onslau"ht of the %onophysite persecutions and the e1ile of the &midan monasteries -uphemia found herself laborin" further to care for refu"ees and other $ictims. (nable to support such ministry by the earnin"s of her own and her dau"hter;s handiwork she was forced to take "reater contributions from others. <onetheless she would not allow those of the city who were well off and thus able to "i$e her aid to feel that they were benefitin" their own souls throu"h her charity. : >24 : /or as it is written that the ri"hteous shall be as confident as a lion so this woman confidently upbraided e$eryone re"ardless of their rank until the noblemen and women of the city were full of trepidation because of her. )hen she entered their thresholds and they heard that -uphemia was comin" they would say "&las for us I-uphemiaJ has come to "i$e us a "ood thrashin"P" Then she would boldly take whate$er she wanted to "i$e to whoe$er was in need. . . . &nd so she passed 5ud"ment on them until those of the secular life were somewhat pee$ed with her.I?2J %any ur"ed a less strenuous life upon -uphemia to her consternation: ,ohn himself would 5okin"ly plead with her "Don;t kill yourself so $iolentlyP"I?3J +ut -uphemia;s life fulfilled ,ohn;s own ascetic ideals especially her pra"matic chan"e in ministry once the persecutions be"an. )hile acclaimin" the contemplati$e life practiced by those such as her sister %ary he clearly empathi6ed with those who akin to -uphemia sou"ht 4od amidst sufferin". ,ohn 5u1taposed the two ways of perfection as complementary to one another and so su""ested that to"ether these women rendered perfect worship to the di$ine. "#o the report of these two sisters was told throu"hout the east and wonder sei6ed e$eryone that each of them in a way of life without e3ual bra$ely e1erted herself ac3uirin" ri"hteousness."I?4J -uphemia;s acti$ities were more "re"arious than those of her sister but her determination to define her life throu"h her relationship with 4od was similar in impact. !n refusin" to allow others to control or e$en influence her ministry e$en when they contributed "oods to itErefusin" as she said to take their sins upon herselfE-uphemia like her sister appeared indifferent to social mores not simply in terms of what was acceptable for women but also in terms of what were the established patterns for asceticism. Theirs was an acti$ity perhaps more possible under conditions of cultural instability and reli"ious an1iety the confines of si1th9century society in the +y6antine -ast. ,ohn;s account of the holy woman #usan has also been treated elsewhere in the present work.I?@J &s he portrays her she seems a less abrasi$e fi"ure than %ary or -uphemia. &lso an ascetic since childhood #usan chose e1ile in -"ypt with a handful of her sisters rather than oppression at the hands of

'halcedonian authorities2 further althou"h she desired the solitary life and accordin"ly labored as a hermit in the inner desert of %endis she was persuaded to remain with the "establishment " by the pleas of an uprooted community and to take on the super$ision of an ascetic institution of both women and men. /or the %onophysite refu"ees #usan was a holy woman adept at healin" e1or9 : >2@ : cism and instruction. Fer leadership calmed a distressed people. The conditions of persecution thus demanded from her a role otherwise unthinkable for her. +ut there were more factors at work. #usan;s life as a holy woman arose out of the course of her ascetic career: her authority was the result of its e1cellence and sin"le9mindedness. Fer inheritance of secular wealth was renounced before she entered her first con$ent2 she did not translate a secular title or a position of influence into the ascetic community.I?AJ &lthou"h she ultimately a"reed to follow an institutional role she did so in an effort to stabili6e in some way a community frau"ht with trauma. (nlike %ary or -uphemia #usan e1pressed a self9consciousness of her limitations as a woman. &lthou"h at no point did she allow such thou"hts to hinder her actions she was continually concerned about relations between the monks and the nuns.I?HJ #he impressed ,ohn because she kept her head $eiled and her "lance cast downwards so that no man e$er saw her face. Fe learned that she had taken this $ow upon enterin" the ascetic life and that throu"h her many years as a nun had not looked upon a man;s face fearin" she said both the harm her si"ht could cause men and the harm their si"ht could cause her. The men under #usan;s "uidance supported her leadership. ,ohn too when he $isited her community came away "in "reat wonder at her words"2 it had indeed been her reputation that ori"inally led him to $isit the community. +ut despite his praise for her ,ohn found her position as leader for both the male and the female communities uncomfortable and was himself taken aback when he witnessed her authoritati$e response to a monk sufferin" temptation.I??J +ut the importance of #usan was that she and her kind were precisely what was needed by the %onophysite body in e1ile. Like %ary the .il"rim she ensured spiritual 3uality2 like -uphemia she led $aliantly. <ot surprisin"ly ,ohn left her community "praisin" 4od" as he went. %ary the &nchorite represented another e1ample for ,ohn.I?CJ Dau"hter of a noble family %ary was brou"ht as a child into contact with a holy man in a nei"hborin" district. The meetin" transfi1ed her. .onderin" what she had seen and also the lu1urious life that lay ahead of her she made a cate"orical decision: "/or what reason do we not become as this holy man? !s not this a human bein"?"ICDJ and she turned to the ascetic life at once. %ary;s family sou"ht to stop her. )ith haste they be"an weddin" preparations fearin" "lest she run away and "o to a monastery and : >2A : ItheyJ lose the IrichJ man who was to take her to wife." +ut %ary left and enterin" a con$ent took the tonsure and the habit. !n ,ohn;s eyes the course she then followed was the fulfillment of her callin". &nd from that time she took that holy old man as her model in all thin"sS &nd she also distin"uished herself in the conflict of persecution for fifteen years no lon"er passin" ni"ht $i"ils but $i"ils lastin" e$en a week and then days and then she would taste somethin". &nd when she had walked stron"ly and heroically in the road of ri"hteousness for thirty years she finished her course and recei$ed the crown earned by her life and fell asleep in peace.IC>J %ary the &nchorite chose for herself a male model. +ut ha$in" taken it she made it her own and it "a$e her the means for freedom. )hen the persecutions struck %ary turned upon them the power of her prayer. Like the solitaries ,ohn describes in relation to the &midan ascetic community particularly durin" its time of e1ile IC2J %ary;s withdrawal from the temporal world is neither an abandonment of it nor a denial of its needs in the crisis at hand. *ather her spiritual battle ser$es to anchor the %onophysite cause in its true conte1t: a holy war. %ary;s initial use of a male model does not in$ol$e the ne"ation of herself or of her bein" as it does for those women of the "trans$estite saint" motif. The model is a means to an end. ,ohn praises %ary in accordance with the theme of her adopted model in terms that measure sanctity by de"rees of maleness: "she only bore the form of females " she was not simply e3ual in stren"th and will to "ordinary men" but to "mi"hty and $aliant men."IC3J +ut ,ohn;s Life makes it clear that %ary does not "become male " as .ela"ia;s successors did2 she is "lorified for what she does.

%ary;s a$ersion to marria"e was of course a common feature in the popular reli"ion of the day.IC4J <or was it women alone who sou"ht freedom from what was often a social strait5acket. ,ohn tells us for e1ample that the holy man Tribunus too had fou"ht off the plans and hopes his wealthy family had held for the marria"e he could make.IC@J +ut for the women ,ohn portrays there is more at stake than a cultural embrace of the celibate ideal. The ascetic life offered a real alternati$e to society;s structure. ,ohn;s holy women pro$ed how independent a woman;s life could be despite social constraints. The two %arys -uphemia and #usan e1ercised an en$iable de"ree of choice. The contrast of their li$es to those of married womenEe$en when a husband shares his wife;s reli"ious orientation Eis enhanced by ,ohn;s final two accounts of women of 4od. : >2H : !n choosin" to write about 'aesaria the .atrician ,ohn took on a dauntin" task.ICAJ /amous influential and wealthy 'aesaria was a holy woman more effecti$e in some respects than an unmarried woman could ha$e been.ICHJ !n the secular society she had been reco"ni6ed as the *oman matron of earlier times in the role of wealthy patroness2 and in that role had she remained in it she would ha$e stood in its distin"uished 'hristian ranks with the likes of %elania the -lder her "randdau"hter %elania the 0oun"er .aula Glympias and others.IC?J +ut 'aesaria did not as these women had translate a role born from the social9class structure into a "'hristiani6ed" society of the same nature. Fer encounter with the di$ine called for a different response. 'aesaria had lon" wished to lea$e her husband and de$ote her life to 4od but #e$erus of &ntioch had forbidden her remindin" her that a woman;s body was not her own.ICCJ +y the time ,ohn of -phesus met her in &le1andria =pre$iously she had li$ed in 'onstantinopleB howe$er she had succeeded in "ainin" control of her life whether by her own decision mutual consent with her husband or widowhood =as seems most likelyB we do not know.I>DDJ !n any e$ent here was a woman "who had been reared in endless lu1uries and had "rown accustomed to royal habits who suddenly came to be cut off from all these thin"s and sub5ected herself to asceticism beyond measure."I>D>J #o formidable was the ascetic re"ime 'aesaria had undertaken that ,ohn was at once beside himself: #o that ha$in" found her li$in" in all this asceticism and hardship we continued blamin" her and ad$isin" her to "i$e up hi"h thin"s and embrace moderate thin"s lest bein" unable to endure she mi"ht either lose her stren"th or fall into se$ere illness and be forced from necessity to "i$e it all up.I>D2J !t was characteristic of ,ohn;s own inclination to ad$ise a softenin" of ascetic e1tremes for the sake of channelin" such 6eal into the needs of the church community as a whole. !n 'aesaria;s case howe$er his moti$es may not ha$e been so altruistic. Fe appears to ha$e been uncomfortable with her capacity for ri"orous practice. &"ain althou"h she be""ed his instruction in spiritual matters ,ohn found she con$ersed with him as comrade rather than as pupil: "The blessed woman condescended to make confession and say ;! ha$e here more than se$en hundred $olumes in number of all the /athers to which my intellect and my attention ha$e been de$oted for many years.;"I>D3J 'aesaria;s own commitment had inspired many of those who were part of her "secular" household2 and like herself many of them turned : >2? : to a life of reli"ious de$otion for the most part accompanyin" her as their mistress in faith as well as in society and practicin" asceticism with her in her chan"in" places of residence.I>D4J +ut to this woman such continuation of her worldly role was intolerable2 she pleaded with ,ohn to assist her in se$erin" herself from this $esti"e of her former e1istence so that she mi"ht "o in the company of two others alone and li$e as an anchorite in the desert. ,ohn would not a"ree because we saw that these plans were unnecessary and they were beyond her capacity and stren"th and condition2 and besides many IotherJ ar"uments . . . we were afraid lest this ardour and the plans came from the e$il one.I>D@J ,ohn;s protest curiously distrustful of 'aesaria;s $ocation then brou"ht in another point: his fear that if she were to "o off to the desert the members of her household who had followed her to -"ypt would be in "dan"er of destruction." )hen 'aesaria pointed out that it was e1actly this worldly responsibility she lon"ed to lea$e ,ohn was scandali6ed. "8now that you are an old and feeble woman and your nature is not stron" enou"h to hold out a"ainst these thou"hts of yours and endure and stru""le.;"I>DAJ

'aesaria was "$e1ed and annoyed" at ,ohn;s o$errulin" of her decision. +ut her determination did not wane. /oundin" a monastery for men and a con$ent for women "in "rand and admirable style " and ha$in" endowed them both "enerously she herself withdrew into the con$ent as a recluse "performin" se$ere and sublime labours." /urther she declined the headship of the same monastery but sent to another monastery and took thence a certain blessed woman "reat in her modes of life whose name was 'osmiana and her she appointed archimandritess she herself submittin" to her like an insi"nificant and poor sister. &nd so she continued to labour till the end of her life which happened after fifteen years.I>DHJ /ar then from bein" a feeble woman of frail nature as ,ohn had called her 'aesaria surmounted her obstacles without abandonin" her obli"ations and without compromisin" her spiritual inte"rity. ,ohn could allow for this kind of decision by an ascetic such as #usan or %ary the &nchorite who had renounced wealth and influence before inheritin" them2 or for e1ample by a fi"ure such as Thomas the &rmenian who had translated his worldly position and means into the monastic setup he established. /urthermore ,ohn $ehemently opposed 'aesaria takin" on the spiritual battle for the cause that he praised so hi"hly in recluses such as %ary the .il"rim or %ary the &nchorite. 'aesaria;s foundin" of : >2C : the monastic communities assisted the cause and probably like #usan;s community helped to absorb some of the refu"ee problems. +ut she refused to use her reli"ious $ocation as a sprin"board for acti$ities of patrona"e or political influence as ,ohn seems to ha$e wanted. The %onophysite cause may ha$e needed her for work in the temporal world but 'aesaria would not carry her worldly position into her ascetic life.I>D?J %arria"e for 'aesaria had pro$ed to be her cross to bear. )hile her husband had been with her marria"e encumbered her spiritual aspirations2 afterward its residue the people dependent upon her and the demands placed on her as one hi"h in the social structure inhibited her acti$ities. !n similar manner 'aesaria;s chamberwoman #osiana endured restrictions on her reli"ious hopes because of the confinement in marria"e. &lthou"h her husband 'aesaria;s chamberlain shared her hi"h9minded faith and practice it was not until his death that #osiana had the liberty to pursue her $ocation as she truly desired. #osiana and her husband ,ohn had been married by law for thirty years2 but theirs was a spiritual marria"e in the fullest sense:I>DCJ <e$er holdin" carnal intercourse with one another but li$in" in de$outness and honour and holiness occupyin" themsel$es in fastin" and prayer and "enufle1ion and recitation of ser$ice and watchin" by ni"ht while hairmats were laid down for them each apart and in this way they passed the whole len"th of the ni"ht hours kneelin" and lyin" on their faces and weepin" in prayer and mi"hty cryin" to 4od without this becomin" known to many.I>>DJ Fer husband;s death and 'aesaria;s withdrawal into the con$ent freed #osiana at last to fulfill "the $ow she had made to 4od." Deli$erin" to ,ohn of -phesus the accumulated riches from her householdE embroidered silk clothes tapestried linens "arments encrusted with wo$en "old thread precious articles of sil$erEshe ordered that the clothes and linens be cut and sewn into altar cloths and $eils and the "oods melted to mold chalices and crosses. These she then "a$e ,ohn for the adornment of the churches he founded in the course of his missionary work in &sia %inor. /or herself she kept only a few "cheap ordinary clothes." ,ohn was alarmed by #osiana;s sudden self9imposed po$erty and also by the na""in" concern that these "oods mi"ht better be sold for the poor. +ut the blessed woman insisted on the importance of her $ow "made before 4od"2 and ,ohn himself was "fri"htened by our Lord;s e1pression in the "ospel about the fine ointment of "reat price which the woman poured on his head" =,ohn >2:HL?B.I>>>J #osiana then enclosed in the confines of marria"e and secular occupation achie$ed a pure reli"ious life. <or was her $ow an irrespon9 : >3D : sible one. ,ust as her ascetic de$otion ser$ed to adorn the %onophysite body her material "ifts were to adorn the churches.

%ary -uphemia #usan %ary the &nchorite 'aesaria and #osiana these are the women ,ohn sin"les out for honor. They ser$e his cause well and they do it by a $ariety of $ocations and paths. -$en amon" ,ohn;s select "atherin" of -astern saints they are an arrestin" "roup. ,ohn tells us about them2 what in turn do they tell us about ,ohn?

-ohn an' /o,en( I,*&%+a#%ons o$ a V%s%on

!n ,ohn;s stories of these women we can see not only the perspecti$e of his presentation and its circumstances but also its conse3uent meanin"s. The contrasts between his treatment of women and those in other works of this same "enre of ha"io"raphical collections are marked.I>>2J .alladius would apparently ur"e women to lead separate li$es for the "ood of all rather than by reason of de$otion to 4od. #eparated into "roups as con$ent communities his female ascetics 3uarrel constantly and re3uire male super$ision2 but they are prone to $ain"lory whether alone or in a cenobitic practice.I>>3J Those women in .alladius who seem most successful in their ascetic pursuits li$ed anchoretic enclosed li$es.I>>4J .alladius is willin" to praise an acti$e role only amon" women of hi"h social standin" and wealth ad$anta"es of serious import at a time when asceticism was 5ust becomin" established within the sociopolitical structure of the empire.I>>@J Fis praise for the di"nity of &mma Talis and for the con$ent she "o$erned appears in his collection as if it were a concession to an unstereotyped reality. !t is the e1ception to his rule.I>>AJ .alladius keeps his readers e$er9mindful that women ascetic or otherwise are a continuous source of sin.I>>HJ Theodoret;s women ascetics are unobtrusi$e to the de"ree that they barely fi"ure in his work e1cept in affirmation of a passi$e presence.I>>?J -nclosed they intrude neither into the temporal world nor into the workin"s of the church within the world. Their de$otional presence is their only acknowled"ed role. Theodoret does tell us that holy women deser$e hi"her praise than holy men since theirs is the feebler "ender2I>>CJ yet the brief "limpses he pro$ides re$eal that in fact these women underwent "ra$e feats of endurance both physical and spiritual. Gne finds here a "chosen type" of holy woman well tailored to suit the interests of an authoritarian ecclesiastical structure. The treatment by ,ohn %oschus is the most stereotyped of these authors. Fis women characters whether ascetics or not are presented al9 : >3> : most in$ariably in relation to the sin of fornication. #ometimes they brin" it about throu"h their own intri"ues2I>2DJ most of the time howe$er they are inad$ertent unwillin" ob5ects of lust who seek to pre$ent or escape the foul crime.I>2>J &lthou"h %oschus plants the "uilt firmly on womankind it is in fact his male characters who weaken in the face of temptation or who find themsel$es tormented beyond endurance by their sinful thou"hts. /emale $ictims fre3uently labor to sa$e the souls of their would9be rapists. &t the same time %oschus laces his tales with adoration for the 7ir"in %ary whose place in popular reli"ion is presented as both crucial and mandatory.I>22J +ut this is %ary as champion of orthodo1y and champion of chastity2 her ascendency is $iolently belli"erent. &s such she bears little if any resemblance to her female de$otees. This powerful ima"e of %ary is portrayed apparently at the cost of possibilities for ordinary women. These %oschus has reduced to a one9dimensional e1istence. The contrasts of these cases to those of ,ohn of -phesus are at once apparent. -$en while followin" established ascetic patternsEas pil"rim charity worker recluse or nunEhis women are not stereotypes. Their ascetic modes encapsulate the $ariety of practices he sur$eys in his more detailed and numerous reports of holy men. The dependence of ,ohn;s pra"matism on the needs created by crisis is at its most ob$ious in these accounts. The irony in his traditional use of lan"ua"e about women so contrary to what he tells us his holy women do ser$es to hi"hli"ht the opposition between society;s $alues and institutions on the one hand and human capacity on the other. !n accord with the earliest churches "rateful for the witness women offered as missionaries and martyrs the %onophysites in the si1th century needed women;s contributions more than they needed the institutional ad$anta"es of e1cludin" women from their structural ranks and of restrictin" them to a passi$e presence such as that which Theodoret "lorifies. ,ohn;s treatment of his female sub5ects clarifies his $iews on the %onophysite situation more sharply than his treatment of men if only because the roles and acti$ities of his male sub5ects are not e1traordinary to their place in society or in the church.

/ar from writin" a simple de$otional collection ,ohn presents the ambi"uous impact of people durin" a pi$otal era. Fis own missionary works in &sia %inor =with compromisin"ly 'halcedonian sponsorshipB2 the e1 officio ordinations performed by the "/athers" of the ,acobite church ,ohn of Tella ,ohn of Fephaestopolis and ,acob +urd;aya2 the authoritati$e acti$ities of his women2 all of these had an impact of a kind. %oti$ated by faith performed for the sake of the 'hristian body : >32 : their actions were all sub$ersi$e to the institutions of the state church as it e1isted despite bein" dedicated to it. !n the case of the ordinations the results were as drastic as the step itself: a "new" church was born. The case of the %onophysite missions in &sia %inor pro$ed ultimately ambi$alent since it was a politically successful endea$or for both sides: for the %onophysites because of the "lory and renown it cast on their leaders and traditions as shown especially in the accounts of these missions in the later chronicles2 and for the 'halcedonians since the con$erted areas of &sia %inor apparently functioned as 'halcedonian. The case of women howe$er laid bare the contradictions of the %onophysite cause. /or 5ust as the early church had done in its time the %onophysites drew profitably on the stren"ths of those such as -uphemia or #usan but did not finally incorporate such stren"ths into the structural format of their own church. &lthou"h ,ohn called for e1treme steps in response to the e$ents of his time no call is made to "i$e women ma5or institutionali6ed positions in the church. Like ,ohn himself the women he writes about are empowered by their personal inspiration but they are propelled by their times into an arena "reater than they had foreseen or chosen. They fit into ,ohn;s scheme because they respond to the situations at hand throu"h their relation to 4od and not from their relation to the ascetic "institution" or church structure. They take the crisis upon themsel$es as their own. ,ohn does not chan"e the $alues he is ad$ancin" for these women2 rather they brin" his messa"e to fullness. !t is both practical and propa"andistic for ,ohn to celebrate women for deeds such as those in the Lives. Fowe$er ,ohn;s own pre5udicesEe$ident in his use of lan"ua"e and in the $i$id manipulation of #atan appearin" in the 7ir"in %ary;s ima"eEset limits on his 6eal and foreshadow the results. *ules chan"e2 but the immediacy of crisis does not necessarily call for chan"e in e1istin" structures. The Lives of the Eastern Saints are the product of ,ohn of -phesus; admiration for his comrades. !n them he reasserts the uni3ue potency of asceticism as a power to be channeled into the world and thus he affirms the ascetics; place as participants in society. &t the same time si1th9century asceticism e1isted in relation to a society born of specific factors: the mature self9confidence of the ascetic mo$ement and a conse3uent responsi$e fluidity of structure. ,ohn;s treatment of women ascetics points to 5ust how fle1ible institutions could be. The institutional partnership of asceticism and ecclesiastical or"ani6ation was stron" enou"h and stable enou"h to absorb e$en such threatenin" fle1ibility as the sanctionin" of authoritati$e leadership for women. The sanctionin" : >33 : was itself a response to crisis. +ut the situation allowin" women certain roles of impact was possible only in a period of "ra$e unrest. !t was not to become a permanent pattern. -$en durin" the period of crisis women;s roles althou"h e1panded were still at the periphery of church acti$ities. They mi"ht head communities or dispense charity but they did not become institutionali6ed leaders or "ain any positions in the church hierarchy. : >34 :

&II John of !"hesus: Asceticism and Society

The playin" out of the ascetic;s role in which ,ohn and his sub5ects participated was not an inno$ati$e process. They bore witness to the authority of tradition2 at the same time they molded their inheritance to fit the immediacy of their own day. +ut as in the case of women the reaction was a pra"matic one. /le1ibility and responsi$eness were clearly at hand but no e$idence of deeper chan"es in the socioreli"ious structures can be found in ,ohn of -phesus; Lives.

,ohn writes ha"io"raphy as if writin" a commentary on his times. +ut the Lives are $ery much a personal product and we cannot "enerali6e from ,ohn;s perspecti$e. Gther ha"io"raphy of the same basic format and o$erlappin" chronolo"ically with ,ohn;s collection presents a different story. 'yril of #cythopolis wrote his Lives of Palestinian Saints contemporaneously with ,ohn of -phesus; work.I>J %ore formally bio"raphical in style 'yril;s accounts are nonetheless written with strai"htforward simplicity and with methodical concern for historical detail. &lmost two "enerations later ,ohn %oschus wrote his Pratum spirituale an informal collection of -astern ascetic $i"nettes primarily set in .alestine.I2J These are told in a manner more anecdotal than that which ,ohn of -phesus employs but %oschus shares his eye for episodic portraiture. Thou"h %oschus wrote later many of his stories date back to the period co$ered by ,ohn of -phesus and con$ey a coherent sense of the si1th century. : >3@ : & comparison amon" these works at once e$okes si"nificant differences. The $itality in ,ohn of -phesus; urban asceticism the distant clarity of 'yril;s monasteries and the stillness of ,ohn %oschus; desert seem to speak of alto"ether different worlds. +ut the eastern pro$inces of the empire faced a reli"ious crisis in the midst of their worldly difficulties. These three collections each present a different $iew of the relationship between asceticism and society and between the temporal and spiritual worlds in this same situation. #ome of their differences can be attributed to their pro$enance and reli"ious standin"s: 'yril and ,ohn %oschus represented the .alestinian monastic tradition and had the political ad$anta"e of bein" of the 'halcedonian confession. +ut the differences between these te1ts do raise important issues and in doin" so they offer $aluable insi"ht as to what options were a$ailable to ha"io"raphers in the face of such uphea$al. Their differences represent not so much $arious ascetic responses but $arious interpretations of what asceticism meant for the respecti$e authors.

Con#ras#s %n Ha"%o"ra*hy
'yril of #cythopolis like ,ohn of -phesus wrote with a self9conscious sense of purpose. The times in which he li$ed marked him too and the task he set himselfEto honor the founders of .alestinian monasticismEwas not easy. 'yril saw the e$ents of the fifth and si1th centuries as reli"iously dan"erous. +ut where ,ohn saw an essential unity in time and space between the physical and di$ine realms 'yril saw a "ap brid"ed only by contact of a limited kind. 'yril;s Lives are well9crafted bio"raphies thou"h he includes the standard apolo"ia that his own skills are inade3uate for the task.I3J 0et despite his formality he does not write hea$ily styli6ed ha"io"raphy. Fis lan"ua"e is clean and unadorned carefully worked =unlike ,ohn %oschus;B but unaffected.I4J Fe follows his sub5ects from birth to death and sometimes posthumously.I@J 'yril writes with a fastidious attention to detail. Fe marks and countermarks e$ery $erifiable point: where his information came from and how he "ot it locations relationships and abo$e all dates. !n fact 'yril;s preoccupation with dates is startlin" in literature of this kind. &t fre3uent inter$als he notes the date in $arious combinations from the year in secular reckonin" the a"e of his sub5ect at the time which year of which emperor;s rei"n and the ma5or landmark e$ents:IAJ imperial and patriarchate dealin"s and successions2 occurrences of pla"ue famine : >3A : drou"ht in$asion2 rebellion politically moti$ated =by the #amaritansB or reli"iously =by the .alestinian Gri"enistsB2 and foundations and dedications of monasteries. Fe seems to offer us e1actly what ,ohn of -phesus does not pro$ide a welcome sense of order. +ut the contrast is decepti$e and may in fact work the other way. ,ohn;s carelessness is belied by the coherent discipline his sub5ects display. 'yril;s narrati$e efforts too are belied by the content: the emphasis on historical settin" appears an artificial imposition by the author and not a reflection of what these saints; li$es intend. 'yril limits himself to stories of leaders. !t is here that we see his audience most clearly. Fe cuts himself off from the less "lamorous acti$ity ,ohn of -phesus records. 'yril;s saints are remo$ed from the e1periences of ordinary people not only by their social class at birth but also and often by blood relations or hi"h connections with the ecclesiastical and imperial hierarchies.IHJ The disciples who follow their e1amples and 5oin their monasteries are also of similar back"round. &s a whole theirs is a superiority of place as well as of class: none are nati$e to .alestine. &s 'yril recounts e$ents the work of these men effecti$ely raises .alestine to a stature befittin" its identity as the Foly Land and its authority throu"h ,erusalem;s position as patriarchal seat sufficient stature to match the monastic and

ecclesiastical authority of -"ypt and &le1andria and of #yria and &ntioch. !ndeed 'yril presents ,erusalem as the patriarchate most loyal to the imperial throne. 'yril is aimin" for a hi"h audience seekin" it as far away as 'onstantinople2 he addresses a cosmopolitan and powerful elite centered in the "reat cities and their networks of "reat families.I?J ,ohn of -phesus seeks only the audience of the -ast a poorer and pro$incial lot. The social ad$anta"es of 'yril;s sub5ects find a spiritual correspondence in their elite place as holy men. Their ascetic practices and monastic work create a holy space that mirrors .aradise. 'yril;s holy men are ne$er wantin" for food or water whether lost in the desert or endurin" widespread drou"hts or famine.ICJ They are di$inely protected from e$ery facet of si1th9century calamity calamities threatenin" the holy no less than the ordinary in ,ohn of -phesus; Lives. These saints need not fear dan"er from fire wild beasts robbers pilla"in" troops or pla"ue.I>DJ !ndeed their anchoretic solitude can last unbroken by any temporal care or contact for many many years.I>>J *emo$ed by "race from the normal hardships of the world 'yril;s saints keep themsel$es apart from such e1periences. !n no case do they minister or ser$e unless forcefully beseeched.I>2J 'laimin" their own sinfulness precludes them from the position of mediator they pro$ide in9 : >3H : tercession only with reluctance whether to emperor or to 4od.I>3J /or these holy ones care for the needy is the business of the church in the world: institutions founded by wealthy patrons and run by the ecclesiastical hierarchy are of little concern to those of the desert.I>4J <ot surprisin"ly 'yril emphasi6es the posthumous miracles of #aints -uthymius and #abas miracles entailin" cures e1orcisms rescues of $arious sorts and inter$entions where heretical doin"s threatenI>@J Ethe $ery kinds of acti$ity that the world sou"ht from the holy men while ali$e but that they e$aded by their retreat to the desert. The "ood works performed by these ascetics are hence shown to be of total disinterest to them. The world of the desert and the world of the city do not meet.I>AJ /or 'yril the di$ine protection these men recei$e is the mark of their sanctityE.aradise re"ainedEand their apparent lack of concern for the society beyond their monastic communities portrays their absolute de$otion to 4od. !n their sacred abode they feel compunction if they unwittin"ly harm a mule I>HJ but their compassion for the lar"er world is not in e$idence. 0et 'yril does hi"hli"ht 5ust how powerful these holy men are when they do turn to the affairs of the 'hristian society beyond their walls. Thus the emphasis many scholars ha$e placed on the imperial inter$entions of #aints -uthymius and #abas must be seen in the ha"io"raphical conte1t that 'yril establishes for us.I>?J -uthymius was only persuaded with "reat difficulty to meet the empress -udocia althou"h #imeon the #tylite himself had sent her2 and he spurned her pleas for ad$ice more than once despite her de$oted efforts and buildin" campai"ns on behalf of the church.I>CJ &"ain one of -uthymius; posthumous miracles is instructi$e: durin" the rei"n of Neno the patriarch %artyrius of ,erusalem sent an en$oy to 'onstantinople to plead for help in the reli"ious turbulence rife in .alestine2 but the saint appeared in a $ision and forbade the 5ourney alto"ether.I2DJ The work of #abas was howe$er of a different kind2 and it is here that 'yril writes from within a set of calamitous circumstances that match the backdrop of ,ohn of -phesus; Lives. !n @>> #abas was persuaded by -lias then patriarch of ,erusalem to meet with the emperor &nastasius re"ardin" the se$ere disturbances within the church: the &cacian schism with *ome and the %onophysite stru""les of the eastern patriarchates.I2>J The holy man was persuaded to make this 5ourney because -lias pressed him hard about the perils to orthodo1y. )hile in 'onstantinople #abas admonished &nastasius about his %onophysite leanin"s and also re3uested fiscal reforms for .alestine a"ain at the patriarch;s behest. &lthou"h he campai"ned $i"orously a"ainst #e$erus : >3? : who was in 'onstantinople at the time and thus incurred &nastasius; disfa$or his presence was sufficiently impressi$e for him to return to .alestine with imperial lar"esse for distribution amon" the monasteries.I22J Later #abas himself took the initiati$e to approach &nastasius this time by or"ani6in" and sendin" a petition of protest si"ned by the bulk of the .alestinian ascetic community a"ainst #e$erus; acti$ities as patriarch of &ntioch and the imperial support #e$erus en5oyed in these endea$ors.I23J

#ome years later #abas was a"ain besou"ht to play en$oy for .alestine. The pro$ince had suffered se$ere famine and drou"ht for se$eral years narrowly a$oidin" a popular rebellion2 shortly thereafter the #amaritan re$olt left the cities and countryside of .alestine in ruins. #abas was approached by .eter now patriarch of ,erusalem and by the other leadin" .alestinian bishops and be""ed to "o once more to 'onstantinople this time to plead for leniency and ta1 remission on behalf of the battered pro$ince. !n @3> the saint set off for ,ustinian;s court.I24J #abas; time in ,ustinian;s care is described by 'yril as spectacular and indeed it would seem to ha$e accomplished spectacular results both for .alestine and for the 'halcedonian church.I2@J +ut #abas had shown no more interest in or inclination for alle$iatin" .alestine;s sufferin" before this e1cursion than he had before his $oya"e to &nastasius; court. Gn both of these occasions he acted because he was summoned to do so. The outra"e that spurred N;ura the #tylite and %are the #olitary to march to the imperial presence and protest a"ainst imperial policies and the compassion that found the &midan ascetics feedin" and clothin" the stricken populace of the east althou"h themsel$es in e1ile under ha6ardous conditions are absent in #abas; work and in the less histrionic actions of -uthymius. 'yril;s concern to place his holy men firmly and accurately in their historical settin" shows their disassociation from it. Fowe$er #abas did act on his own initiati$e on one occasion: the letter of protest to &nastasius about #e$erus of &ntioch. The ma5or issue for 'yril;s saints is heresy and their fear about it laces all of 'yril;s accounts. The Life of Euthymius treats us to len"thy declarations of faith and an"ry responses to the char"e that the 'ouncil of 'halcedon =which took place durin" the hei"ht of -uthymius; monastic rei"nB had blessed <estorianism by a different name.I2AJ !ndeed 'yril;s writin"s show that defense of 'halcedon was re3uired as much in the si1th century as it was in the fifth.I2HJ Fowe$er 'yril;s Lives dwell abo$e all on the theolo"ical di$isions that rent the .alestinian monastic community internally durin" the fifth and si1th cen9 : >3C : turies culminatin" in 'yril;s own time with the crisis of Gri"enism.I2?J The theolo"ical di$isons within the desert are 'yril;s o$erridin" concern abo$e all else and are the only form of crisis that mo$e his holy men to action of their own doin": the real world is here. /or 'yril and for his sub5ects the desert is the primary scene. !t is where they li$e and where they work2 their interest is not in what lies outside it. Gnly the battle a"ainst heresy can stir them to action in the temporal world for heresy is an attack on the di$ine. The stru""lin" eastern populace rouses no sense of ur"ency for these ascetics. ,ohn of -phesus and his sub5ects also percei$e reli"ious crisis as the only important reality. +ut for them the crisis of true faith is found in and battled out in the midst of society the community of the 'hristian body. &lthou"h ascetics mi"ht choose solitude for part or all of their career ,ohn does not present us with the attitude e$en from hermits that the human and di$ine are dichotomi6ed arenas. #uch a $iew is howe$er precisely what 'yril lea$es with us. The parado1es are apparent in 'yril;s Lives, too throu"h his treatment of women. 'yril does not choose to include any female sub5ects amon" his select "roup of bio"raphies and indeed he makes no mention of the con$ents and women solitaries who were part of .alestine;s desert community.I2CJ The antipathy of his sub5ects towards women is made plain2 e$en a remote resemblance to women was dan"erous. -uthymius and #abas were both adamant that eunuchs and beardless youths must be kept separate from the primary monasteries and from the desert la$rae and cenobiae.I3DJ #abas once punished se$erely a monk who had seen the eyes of a woman that the two had passed by: no more but no less.I3>J 0et the few women mentioned in passin" in 'yril;s accounts are all shown to be $irtuous2I32J in fact 'yril himself as well as some of his sub5ects are seen to ha$e been encoura"ed and prepared for their monastic careers by pious women.I33J The e1tremes of shunnin" women as the source of destruction and yet encounterin" women as positi$e models of faith do not balance out2 they resemble the e1tremes between 'yril;s conscientious historical sense and his sub5ects; lack of orientation to time place or society. !n the case of women in this conte1t of stressed enmity there is a peculiar ed"e to the physical intimacy with which #abas heals women touchin" and anointin" their bodies.I34J 'yril;s intent in recallin" these incidents is to show that his saint is truly not of this world2 but he succeeds too in se$erin" the human from the holy. 'onsider the contrast for e1ample in ,ohn of -phesus; holy woman #usan who neither saw the face of nor showed her face to a man for more than

: >4D : twenty9fi$e years while yet li$in" within and leadin" a mi1ed ascetic community. /or her the temporal and the holy are distinct but not unrelated realms. /or 'yril;s saints faith can be found in the temporal world but the holy cannot be. The di$ine must be sou"ht outside it. The ascetic;s responsibility to the wider community of belie$ers is fulfilled in the action of achie$in" a spiritual life thereby offerin" a brid"e between the imperfection of human society and the perfection of a life conformin" to the will of 4od. 'yril;s meticulous style then accurately reflects his sub5ects insofar as it matches the discipline of their li$es in the desert. The stylistic contrast between 'yril;s formality and ,ohn %oschus; informality could hardly be "reater. 'yril speaks to a sophisticated readership2 %oschus looks to satisfy popular interests with fa$orite themes and di$ertin" tales. The shared motifs and perspecti$es of the two collections are thus seen in sharp relief: one does not e1pect the two to tally so well. Fowe$er timeless the acti$ity of his holy men 'yril does set them in a historical framework. %oschus does not bother to do so and the reader mi"ht often wonder when and where the stories take place. Fe too writes in a style befittin" his content2 spare and stark his lan"ua"e easily con5ures the uncluttered world he unfolds.I3@J Fere the .alestinian desert is remote in both place and time. The ascetics that %oschus brin"s to life are also remote. They can pass years sometimes decades without seein" or speakin" with another soul2I3AJ they can lie dead for as lon" a"ain unchan"ed until another anchorite or tra$eler accidentally stumbles across them.I3HJ They suffer often the demons of boredom and se1ual desire and seem to return to towns or cities only when they ha$e fallen from their $ows and seek the debauchery of their fantasies.I3?J !n this black and white e1istence miracles and prodi"ies are the norm the Lord;s fa$orite people plainly indicated and the will of the di$ine e3ually e1plicit. %oschus does include stories of worthy ascetics li$in" in urban settin"s2 but these tend to be bishops or holy men on business who remain as detached in their city as in the desert thou"h an occasional "limpse of social conte1t emer"es: the women who become prostitutes because they are star$in" I3CJ and the citi6ens ruined by burdensome debts.I4DJ The ascetics themsel$es are untouched by the e$ents of their time e$ents that penetrate the desert air only for didactic purposes. !f pla"ue strikes a $illa"e one can seek out these holy men whose prayers can sa$e one;s children and banish the epidemic.I4>J !f a maraudin" barbarian attacks the prayers of these men can cause the enemies to be swal9 : >4> : lowed up by the earth or carried off to death by a "iant bird2 they can e$en cause the innocent person to be transported elsewhere.I42J <or is food a problem: for these men bread multiplies itself.I43J %oreo$er for %oschus holy women are solely occupied with battlin" #atan o$er the issue of fornication a restricted sphere of acti$ity e$en for women.I44J %oschus; 'halcedonian faith is manifested by the same means as his ascetic $ision. Fis orthodo1y is re$ealed in si"ns dreams and miracles. The "ates of hell are opened to re$eal what punishment awaits the heretic in the afterlife2I4@J holy sacraments are consumed by li"htnin" if defiled by %onophysite hands.I4AJ Di$ine apparitions pre$ent %onophysites from worshippin" in the holy places of ,erusalem2 I4HJ e$il odors are emitted by #yrian %onophysite monks howe$er faultless their ascetic practice.I4?J The 3uestion of faith is omnipresent but is fore$er played out in the intan"ible space between the temporal and di$ine worlds. Thus two stylites one 'halcedonian and one %onophysite brin" their reli"ious dispute to the test by e1plorin" the miraculous 3ualities of their respecti$e holy sacramentsE the %onophysite morsel not surprisin"ly pro$in" unable to sur$i$e the trial.I4CJ %oschus presents in concrete terms the themes that underlie 'yril;s seemin"ly less credulous bio"raphies.I@DJ The similarity in perspecti$e between them is more than a case of shared ha"io"raphical motifs. The shared themes blend with the nature of the ascetic acti$ity portrayed to re$eal a common reli"ious perception between the two works despite their $ery different literary modes. To be sure there may be practical considerations affectin" their lack of attention to the lar"er 'hristian community. .alestine did not suffer as intensely as %esopotamia durin" the calamities that swept the si1th9century +y6antine -ast. /amine and pla"ue do not appear to ha$e been so lon"9lastin" or debilitatin" when they occurred2 natural disasters may not ha$e been so fre3uent2 warfare and maraudin" #aracens were not as persistent or as e1tensi$ely destructi$e as such acti$ity in #yria and %esopotamia.I@>J The #amaritan re$olt inflicted se$ere dama"e but ,ustinian paid a "enerous lar"esse

to the pro$ince soon afterwards in recompense.I@2J /urthermore the battle for orthodo1y was on a different footin" for these two writers than for ,ohn of -phesus. Gri"enism and %onophysites were real and present dan"ers for 'yril and %oschus but their 'halcedonian faith nonetheless stood in a dominant position. 0et the differences in misfortune are a matter of de"ree. .alestine was affected by the "eneral malaise in the +y6antine -ast and it did suffer accordin"ly. #o 'yril;s Lives and %oschus; anecdotes are not temporally di$orced because their sub5ects were sheltered from o$erridin" : >42 : conditions which as can be "limpsed in their stories they did in fact occasionally encounter. Their focus is other9worldly not by lu1ury of circumstance but by conscious intent. Theirs is a ma5estic $ision of ascetic de$otion to 4od unbounded by time or place. +ut both works also admit that this "randeur was tarnished by human weakness: whether the seduction of the spirit by the flesh or the erosion caused by petty disputes or the insidious harm of ambitions worked out throu"h the e1cuse of doctrinal conflict. %o$in" out of the temporal world into that of the spiritual life did not necessarily brin" one closer to 4od. !t did howe$er alter the nature of reli"ious crisis and of holy presence. +y contrast the Lives of ,ohn of -phesus 5olt the reader into an awareness of their settin". 'yril;s precision and %oschus; simplicity are consonant with their detachment from surroundin" e$ents. +ut if one looks for stylistic pointers then ,ohn;s writin" also re$eals much about his sub5ects e$en if not as he intended. ,ohn;s muddled style is not inappropriate for his content. The reality of his times is apparent throu"hout the Lives. &s we ha$e seen the people his ascetics seek out and care for time and a"ain are the $ictims of what befell the -ast. The immediacy of his portrait of human e1perience and of holy presence within it is hei"htened by the shared sufferin" he depicts: his ascetics may ser$e by di$ine "race but "race does not protect them. ,ohn mi"ht ha$e wished to present his sub5ects in a di"nified mannerEhence his pomposity in styleEbut his narrati$e style pro$ides the best mirror for his conte1t: there is no consistency no clarity and no escape. The points where ,ohn seems to do$etail with 'yril and %oschus in ha"io"raphical presentation are the $ery places that re$eal their disparity of outlook. ,ohn;s Thomas the &rmenian forsook the lu1ury of his inheritance because he reco"ni6ed that material "oods were an ephemeral blessin". +ut his cry that "all is $anity" was not made with the derision of a cynic2 he knew his father;s wealth had been amassed by oppression of the poor.I@3J ,ohn and his sub5ects reco"ni6ed that life in the temporal world could not be dismissed as worthless or illusory2 the world of human life belon"ed to 4od. & $ow of de$otion to 4od was a $ow to care for what was Fis. ,ohn describes the fer$or with which Thomas took up his new career: "Fis soul became drunk on 4od."I@4J Fe also tells us what that meant: "Fe de$oted himself to makin" "ifts on a lar"e scale to the needy and the distressed and to those who had creditors and to churches and monasteries."I@@J /urther Thomas kept enou"h of his wealth to establish a lar"e monastic community from which he pro$ided spiritual leadership. )hen persecution struck he carried on in e1ile as before. Thomas : >43 : e1emplifies ,ohn;s choice of sub5ect althou"h his career appears to be"in in the well9worn formula of renouncin" the temporal world for the spiritual. <or did ,ohn harbor illusions about his saints. Fe worried about Thomas; lack of care for the black ulcers on his le"s I@AJ 5ust as he worried about the holy woman -uphemia;s diseased feet.I@HJ Fis fear was that such ne"li"ence would result in the wearin" out of the ascetic;s ability to ser$e. Fe describes with clinical detail the "rie$ous results when the monk &aron left a "an"renous sore unattended on his body.I@?J +ut ,ohn further relates the skill and in"enuity with which the doctors handled the case once &aron;s condition had been disco$ered. Fis respect for the medical profession an uncommon attitude amon" de$out 'hristians I@CJ was pra"matic: &aron li$ed and labored another ei"hteen years after "the testin" of this trial." +ut althou"h he states the medical facts of the case ,ohn still percei$es the miraculous element of 4od;s hand at work. Fuman effort in no way e1cludes di$ine a"ency. !n one of ,ohn;s more ha"io"raphically formulaic passa"es he "i$es his sole report of a posthumous miracle: .aul the &nchorite who had e1orcised ferocious demons continued to pro$e powerful after he died. ,ohn writes e$en after his death miracles were e$erywhere wrou"ht throu"h his holy bones men takin" his skull and "oin" around the districts and wheresoe$er locusts came or hail or a scorchin"

wind or bubonic pla"ue and his ri"ht hand or head went 4od would strai"htway make deli$erance.IADJ The report is noteworthy because it stands alone in ,ohn;s accounts. +ut in the conte1t of the Lives as a whole it makes sense. The populace of ,ohn;s day re3uired spiritual comfort as much as physical succor. /ear could "naw no less than hun"er and it did "naw. The relics of a holy man like .aul satisfied this need by pro$idin" the promise of care from the company of saints not a small "ift under the circumstances. #o too ,ohn tells of an incident occurrin" when the &midan ascetic communities were in e1ile.IA>J Durin" the widespread famines these monks pro$ided what food they could for those who came in need to their place of shelter. +ut one day such a crowd pressed upon them that their supplies nearly ran out. The monks did not hesitate to draw out some of their own reser$e but finally they approached the elders sayin" "The food of the brotherhood has reached the point of e1haustion and there are still many stran"ers lyin" at the door and we ha$e no means of supplyin" the need of these and of the brotherhood." The elders responded at once : >44 : 4lory to our LordP 4o our sons and brin" forth and relie$e the poor and the stran"ers2 and if anythin" remains for oursel$es well and if not we will keep fastin" $i"il today and let the needs of the stran"ers and the poor and the needy only be supplied2 and let them not be cut short by us.IA2J )hen the monks "athered for their meal at the day;s end they disco$ered food in abundance still remainin" for themsel$es. "&nd the whole brotherhood stood on the tables themsel$es to"ether with all the old heads of the con$ents and they cried ;8yrie eleeson; with "reat awe many times with many tears."IA3J The contrast to the similar stories on the theme of a miraculous multiplication of food told by 'yril and ,ohn %oschus is stark. ,ohn;s ascetics knew hun"er firsthand. )hat is most apparent in the Lives of the Eastern Saints is that the fundamental ascetic idealEthe basic understandin" of de$otion to 4odEand the response to crisis are identical. <either offers a means of retreat or of refu"e from the pli"ht of the eastern pro$inces. &s we ha$e seen the conditions of e1ile rendered the &midan ascetics easy prey for hun"er and pla"ue2 and their reli"ious status did not e1empt them from the massacres wrou"ht by plunderin" forei"n troops. &"ain they could sur$i$e only so much 'halcedonian torture. !n fact these stories are notable for the standard ha"io"raphical fare they do not include: the ascetic na""ed by boredom or distracted by lust. !ndeed these sins are the product of too little acti$ity and too much isolation. %ore pointedly ,ohn presents no miracles for answers. These ascetics may cure the sick and e1orcise demons and attend to those in need but they cannot call forth di$ine inter$ention. They can only ser$e. #uch different understandin"s of the task of de$otion are not necessarily contradictory. ,ohn of -phesus and 'yril of #cythopolis could both record an incident they saw as miraculously performed by their saints. !f one tells us only of the physical human details and the other only of the occurrence of the miracle itself it is not because what happened in each case was different but simply because each writer had his own idea of which details were important. ,ohn %oschus portrays in clear and e$en tones what 'yril declares in a more stately manner: an asceticism of impenetrable timelessness in which the temporal world is a place to be shunned while one;s faith is played out between oneself and one;s 4od. This too for these two ha"io"raphers is the nature and arena of reli"ious crisis warfare on behalf of the di$ine in a space far remo$ed from the irrele$ance of human time and place. +ut ,ohn of -phesus tells us that there were times when the ascetics of the early +y6antine -mpire held themsel$es accountable for the con9 : >4@ : dition of the temporal world not because a belea"uered population sou"ht them out but because they percei$ed themsel$es as ine1tricably bound to the temporal world. These saints of the eastern +y6antine frontier found only one answer to the calamity of their time and to the ur"ency of reli"ious crisis: for them the holy is found not outside human society but rather manifestly within it. )hile we ha$e seen concrete ha"io"raphical contrasts in our te1ts it is difficult to assess these contrasts in terms of theolo"ical si"nificance. %odern scholarship on the 'hristolo"ical contro$ersy has shown how comple1 the issues were and how difficult it is to distin"uish belief from perception of

belief. Gn the surface these te1ts seem to point toward "enuine contrasts amon" the authors both in how the ha"io"raphers presented the relationship between asceticism and society and in what holy men and women actually did. &lthou"h one could not pro$e these contrasts to be theolo"ically based these sources do confront us with actual differences in ha"io"raphy and asceticism differences pointin" toward distinctions of culture and belief.

Ha"%o"ra*hy an' H%s#ory

)hat then can we say about ,ohn of -phesus as a ha"io"rapher and as a historian? ,ohn;s faith and $ocation were born of tradition and so of a resolute stance a"ainst chan"e2 creati$ity is not a concern for ,ohn. 0et the Lives of the Eastern Saints are not a "literary" piece determined by set ha"io"raphic formulae or motifs2 nor are they a collection molded into a predetermined format. ,ohn writes with a spontaneity that mirrors what he describes: an instincti$e response to and embracin" of whate$er is encountered in 4od;s world. Fe employs familiar lan"ua"e and familiar phrases and themes in order to place his bio"raphies in their chosen conte1tEthat of ha"io"raphyEand in order to e1plain actions beliefs and e$ents in a particular perspecti$e. Fe is an interpreter as much as a reporter. Fis readers are "uided throu"h the Lives with si"nposts2 they are bein" presented with a special $iew of history a special kind of story. Lan"ua"e and ima"ery common to saints; li$es orient ,ohn;s audience to his purpose. +ut he employs these de$ices in a work otherwise hi"hly personali6ed2 they do not undermine the $itality of his collection. &"ain e$en ,ohn;s fer$or cannot obscure the soundness of his "roundin" in real history. ,ohn writes of li$ed e1perience. Fe is hasty on dates and locations and can min"le e$ents in a confusin" manner. Fe is insensiti$e to what falls outside his own interests whether it be the fate : >4A : of a ,ewish community the li$elihood of a remote $illa"e or the conse3uences of alterin" forms of leadership for the %onophysite con"re"ation. +ut he is true to his concern for what happened in people;s li$es and to their li$es. Fis portraits of pro$incial life in &mida no less than his depictions of 'onstantinople are thus $aluable to us especially when complemented with the impressions "i$en by other sources whether contrastin" or like9minded. )e ha$e here a measure of somethin" that stands beside the historicity of records: a rare "limpse of the li$in" itself. The literary con$entions of ha"io"raphy are often used in such a way as to hide the human 3ualities of their sub5ects and to dis"uise the ob5ecti$e nature of the occurrences they record beneath layers of interpretations. Fa"io"raphy is a retellin" of a bio"raphy or le"end throu"h a different lan"ua"e2 it looks throu"h a different lens. #o too did historio"raphy in the ancient world dictate "uidelines for the historian throu"h a preponderant emphasis on e$ents and di$ine inter$ention on key leaders and celebrities and on thin"s produced or destroyedEbuildin"s laws policies councils warsEall set a"ainst an established framework from the past. The orientation points of historio"raphy were the political and reli"ious structures that determined the responses to e$ents or circumstances. <either mode of description left much space for people as pri$ate indi$iduals or for the ordinary fare of day9 to9day life apart from the e1ceptional: these were not their concerns. ,ohn of -phesus makes use of the ha"io"rapher;s method of describin" persons blessed with the capacity to re$eal holy presence in the workin"s of the world2 and he uses the historian;s framework of time e$ent and situation laid out in a pro"ressi$e scale to couch the Lives he records. +ut his accounts are in the end the product of his wish to write somethin" of what he has seen. There is respect as much as re$erence in these saints; Lives. Fis approach thus differs from that of historical chroniclers yet his understandin" of the holy and of the human causes him to lea$e aside much that adorns the ha"io"rapher;s usual product whether formal or informal. #o ,ohn;s collection is an offerin" moti$ated by faith and steeped in his %onophysite spirituality. The perceptions that underlie it presuppose such a startin" point. ,ohn be"ins in faith2 the Lives are his affirmation of what reli"ious belief means. !n his preface to the Lives, ,ohn states that his reason for writin" this work was the duty imposed by #cripture: to "lorify 4od by proclaimin" the works of Fis "race in the world throu"h the triumphs of Fis holy disciples. !n the process of fulfillin" this obli"ation ,ohn is able to re$eal to us a rich se"ment of si1th9century +y6antine e1perience. Fe can do this because he makes a simple e3uation between reli"ion and life. : >4H :

)otes
In#ro'u+#%on( -ohn.s /or&'
>. #ee for e1ample +rock "!ntroduction to #yriac #tudies " esp. >>9>32 %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom, 42 and #e"al Edessa, >A. #ee n. 3 below. 2. Gn #yriac;s independent usa"e in the late *oman -mpire cf. ,ones Later !oman Empire 2:?A@ C24 CA?9AC CC> CC4 CCA. Ferein "#yriac" refers to a #yriac9speakin" "roup or conte1t only. "#yrian" refers to culture in the re"ion of the #yrian Grient =lan"ua"es spoken there $aried: #yriac 4reek &ramaicB. 3. )ri"ht Short History of Syriac Literature 2 Du$al Litt"rature syriaque# +aumstark $eschichte der syrischen Literatur . 4. %acuch $eschichte . @. #o Du$al Litt"rature syriaque H9>@. -dessa;s claim to primacy in this respect is based on the le"endary correspondence between its kin" &b"ar the +lack and ,esus durin" his ministry. The le"end is most fully recorded in the fifth9century Doctrine of %ddai ed. and trans. 4. .hillips2 it first became famous when the correspondence was translated into 4reek by -usebius of 'aesarea HE >.>3. #ee esp. #e"al Edessa A29?>. A. #ee for e1ample 'ameron and 'ameron "'hristianity and Tradition"2 'ameron "'orippus; .oem"2 'ochrane Christianity and Classical Culture# %. L. ). Laistner Christianity and &agan Culture in the Later !oman Empire =!thaca >C@>B2 %omi"liano Conflict 'et(een &aganism and Christianity# and idem ".opular *eli"ious +eliefs.;; H. Dri5$ers Cults and 'eliefs at Edessa 2 #e"al Edessa >9A>. ?. Dri5$ers "/acts and .roblems"2 #e"al Edessa 3D9A> esp. 3D93>. The Odes of Solomon, %cts of )udas *homas and Didascalia %postolorum are e1amples of te1ts from the #yrian Grient circulatin" in both #yriac and 4reek. Gn the Odes of Solomon see subse3uent discussion. #ee also &. /. ,. 8li5n *he %cts of *homas #upplements to +* @ =Leiden >CA2B2 *. F. 'onnolly *he Didascalia %postolorum =G1ford >C2CB2 &. 7TTbus *he Didascalia %postolorum in Syriac '#'G 4D>K>H@ 4D2K>HA 4DHK>HC 4D?K>?D =Lou$ain >CHCB. C. Dri5$ers 'ardaisan of Edessa 2 idem2 Cults and 'eliefs at Edessa 2 idem "/acts and .roblems"2 4riffith "-phraem". -phrem;s comment on "the poison of the wisdom of the 4reeks" is from the Fymns on /aith 2.24. >D. Gn the 'hristiani6ation of the #yrian Grient see esp. #e"al Edessa# %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom 49242 and Dri5$ers Cults and 'eliefs at Edessa >H@9CA esp. >C49CA. Gn the early resistance to Fellenic influence see +rock "4reek )ords in the #yriac 4ospels"2 and idem "/rom &nta"onism to &ssimilation." +oth #e"al and %urray pro$ide ample testimony to the creati$ity and autonomous inspiration of early #yriac literature. >>. /or the impact of -astern and )estern influences on the #yrian Grient see esp. #e"al Edessa# %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom# Dri5$ers Cults and 'eliefs at Edessa 2 7TTbus History of %sceticism# and .eeters Orient et 'y,ance . >2. .eeters Orient et 'y,ance 2 %ac%ullen ".ro$incial Lan"ua"es." 'f. -bied "#yriac !nfluence". >3. 7TTbus History of the School of +isibis 2 #e"al Edessa ?H C3 C@ >D? >>A >@D9@> >AA >?@. >4. +rock "/rom &nta"onism to &ssimilation"2 idem "&spects of Translation"2 and idem "#ome &spects of 4reek )ords." >@. +rock "&spects of Translation"2 idem "4reek into #yriac"2 idem "Towards a Fistory"2 .. .eeters "Traductions et traducteurs dans l;ha"io"raphie orientale U l;Opo3ue by6antine " %nal- 'oll- 4D =>C22B: 24>9C? =V Orient et 'y,ance >A@92>?B. >A. %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom 2 idem "Theory of #ymbolism"2 +rock Luminous Eye 2 -phrem Harp of the Spirit 2 +rock "#yriac and 4reek Fymno"raphy." >H. +rock "4reek into #yriac." /or the place of #yrian prayer tradition in the lar"er conte1t of 'hristian mysticism see abo$e all Syriac .athers on &rayer trans. #. .. +rock2 +rock ".rayer of the Feart"2 and )iden"ren "*esearches in #yrian %ysticism." -phrem #yrus ,ohn the #olitary and !saac of <ine$eh are prominent e1amples of #yriac writers still read today by $arious Grthodo1 and *oman 'atholic monastic communities. #ee the e1cellent and sensiti$e discussion and translations by the Foly Transfi"uration %onastery ID. %illerJ in !saac the #yrian %scetical Homilies .

>?. The entire topic is well handled in .eeters Orient et 'y,ance . #pecific instances are treated in commentaries by &miaud in /ita %le0ii, L"gende syriaque +urkitt in Euphemia and the $oth and in /ita &elagiae &"lagie la p"nitente ed. .. .etitmen"in. >C. &n e1ample in the case of .ela"ia is the trans$estite saint motif. #ee Delehaye Legends of the Saints >@D9@@2 Delcourt Hermaphrodite ?49>D22 and .atla"ean "Fistoire de la femme dO"uisOe." 2D. /or the disputes leadin" up to and then resultin" from the 'ouncil of 'halcedon in 4@> see for e1ample 4rillmeier and +acht on,il von Chalkedon 2 and #ellers Council of Chalcedon . Gn the popular in$ol$ement see 4re"ory /o0 &opuli 2 and /rend ;;.opular *eli"ion." These issues are further e1plored in subse3uent discussion here. 2>. +rock "&spects of Translation"2 idem "#ome &spects of 4reek )ords." 22. Syriac .athers on &rayer 2 cf. +rock "'hristolo"y of the 'hurch." 23. #ee Lebon 1onophysisme S"v2rien 2 idem "'hristolo"ie du monophysisme syrien"2 and 'hesnut *hree 1onophysite Christologies . &lthou"h #e$erus probably knew #yriac he wrote only in 4reek. Fowe$er his writin"s sur$i$e almost solely in translation the bulk bein" in #yriac. The #yriac translations of his works were undertaken in the si1th and se$enth centuries with ma5or re$isions in the ei"hth. #ee 4raffin ",ac3ues d;-desse rO$iseur"2 and #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters ed. and trans. -. ). +rooks. 24. !n fact #yriac pro$ided the brid"e between 4reek and &rabic culture durin" the %iddle &"es: it was throu"h #yriac that 4reek learnin" =notably the work of &ristotleB was translated into &rabic. #ee +rock "&spects of Translation"2 idem "4reek into #yriac"2 and -bied "#yriac !nfluence." 2@. +undy "'riteria for +ein" in communione ." 2A. 7TTbus History of %sceticism >:?A9CH. 2H. !bid. ?C9CA and passim. #ee now the insi"htful discussion in +rown 'ody and Society ?39>D22 and +undy "%arcion and the %arcionites." The possible e1ceptions are +ardaisan and the "roup known as the Mu3ites2 Dri5$ers 'ardaisan of Edessa 2 idem Cults and 'eliefs at Edessa . 2A. 7TTbus History of %sceticism >:?A9CH. 2H. !bid. ?C9CA and passim. #ee now the insi"htful discussion in +rown 'ody and Society ?39>D22 and +undy "%arcion and the %arcionites." The possible e1ceptions are +ardaisan and the "roup known as the Mu3ites2 Dri5$ers 'ardaisan of Edessa 2 idem Cults and 'eliefs at Edessa . 2?. %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom, 49242 #e"al Edessa AH9AC. 2C. +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism"2 and %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom both e1plore this aspect of #yrian spirituality in literature. #uch an understandin" of theolo"ical symbolism can be seen for e1ample in the poetry of -phrem #yrus. #ee abo$e all +rock Luminous Eye# idem ".oet as Theolo"ian"2 and %urray "Theory of #ymbolism." +e""iani Early Syriac *heology considers #yrian spirituality and its symbolism throu"h a $ariety of themes. 3D. 'f. +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism"2 7TTbus History of %sceticism >: 3C94@2 +rown 'ody and Society ?39>D2. 3>. %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom >3>9422 see for e1ample Odes of Solomon 3?.C9>2 and 42.?9C. Gn the Odes of Solomon see n. 4A below. 32. -sp. %att. 22:>9>4 and 2@:>9>3. 'f. +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism " @9A2 idem Holy Spirit @>9 @2. /or an especially sensiti$e readin" of the meanin" of this ima"e for the #yrian Grient see +rown 'ody and Society, ?39>D2 32393?. 33. 7TTbus Celibacy 2 idem History of %sceticism >:CD9CA2 %urray "-1hortation to 'andidates." 34. 7TTbus History of %sceticism >: A?9?3. 3@. !bid. >D39>DA2 +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism " A2 %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom >29>H. 34. 7TTbus History of %sceticism >: A?9?3. 3@. !bid. >D39>DA2 +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism " A2 %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom >29>H. 3A. 4ribomont "%onachisme au sein de l;O"lise"2 <edun"att "'o$enanters " >C>92>@ 4>C9442 7TTbus Fistory of &sceticism >:CH9>D3 >?492D?2 idem "!nstitution of the 'enai 3eiama ." .rimary te1ts on the bnay and bnath qyama are as follows: &phrahat Demonstrationes A ed. and trans. D. !. .arisot2 and the canons in Syriac and %rabic Documents ed. and trans. &. 7TTbus esp. 349@D >22 >2@92A.

3H. %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom 23C9HA2 +rock Holy Spirit 4C9@2. 3?. /or e1ample 7TTbus History of %sceticism >:CD. 3C. /or e1ample > 'or. >@:4@94C. 4D. +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism"2 cf. 7TTbus History of %sceticism >: >@29@3. 4>. 7TTbus History of %sceticism >:AC2 +undy "'riteria for +ein" in communione ." 42. %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom >29>A2 7TTbus History of %sceticism >2 4uillaumont "%onachisme et Othi3ue 5udOo9chrOtienne"2 ,ud"e "-arliest (se of %onachos"2 8retschmar ;;+eitra" 6ur /ra"e"2 +eck "+eitra" 6ur Terminolo"ie." 43. <owhere is this clearer than in 7TTbus History of %sceticism . 44. #ee esp. 7TTbus History of %sceticism >. /or the $arious reli"ious models see +rown 'ody and Society, esp. ?39>D2 32393?2 ,onas $nostic !eligion 2 Foffmann 1arcion 2 /iey "%arcionites"2 +undy "%arcion and the %arcionites"2 4ribomont "%onachisme au sein de l;O"lise"2 )iden"ren 1ani and 1anichaeism 2 idem 1esopotamian Elements in 1anichaeism 2 and +auer Orthodo0y and Heresy . 4@. Gn the autonomous ori"ins of #yrian asceticism see 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2 4ribomont "%onachisme an sein de l;O"lise"2 and ,ar"y "Gri"ines du monachisme." The #yrians themsel$es lost si"ht of the ori"ins of their asceticism under the impact of -"ypt;s fame and e$entually claimed that the ascetic roots in #yria and %esopotamia stemmed from disciples of .achomius. #ee +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism"2 and /iey "&onWs &wun et &w"in." & clear e1ample of the loss can be seen in Thomas of %ar"a Historia monastica in 'ook of $overnors ed. and trans. -. &. )allis +ud"e. 4A. Odes of Solomon ed. and trans. ,. F. 'harlesworth 2nd ed. =%issoula >CHH2 'hico >C?2B. 4H. Gn the ori"inal lan"ua"e of the Odes see the 5udicious comments by %urray "'haracteristics of the -arliest #yriac 'hristianity " @. /or a first9century datin" see 'harlesworth "Gdes of #olomon"2 and 'harlesworth and 'ulpepper "Gdes of #olomon and 4ospel of ,ohn." The second9century position is bolstered by %c<eil "Gdes of #olomon and #criptures." Dri5$ers has been forcefully ar"uin" for the third century see his East of %ntioch chapters A9>D. The debates o$er the Odes ha$e been fou"ht lon" and hard and the literature is e1tensi$e. #ee now the detailed annotated biblio"raphy in Lattke Oden Salomos $ol. 3. 4?. 'elibacy is assumed throu"hout as for e1ample in Gdes 23 and 33. +etrothal to 'hrist is its e1plicit meanin" as for e1ample in Gde 42. !n Gde 3? false doctrine is described as the "+ride"room who corrupts " with false bridal feast and celebration. 4C. /or e1ample Gde A.>92. @D. Gde 4D.294. @>. /or e1ample Gde 2>.A9C. 'f. &une Cultic Setting esp. >29>A >AA9C4. @2. Gde 3@.H2 3H.>942 42.>92. @3. +. %c<eil " Odes of Solomon and #ufferin" of 'hrist." @4. #ee "%artyr at the #asanid 'ourt " ed. and trans. #. .. +rock2 /iey )alons pour une histoire ?@9 CC. @@. 'HO 3A39A?2 'H$, H3>94D. ! follow the te1ts in Euphemia and the $oth ed. and trans. /. '. +urkitt. Gn the te1ts and their historicity see idem Euphemia and the $oth @9442 and #e"al Edessa ?39?A. @A. /or the te1ts of the Doctrina %ddai see n. @ abo$e. Gn the historicity see #e"al Edessa, HA9?>2 and Dri5$ers "/acts and .roblems." @H. #harbil and +abai 'HO >D4C9@>2 +arsamya 'HO, >@D9@>. The te1ts are edited by .. +ed5an in %1S >.C@9>3D. Gn the later datin" of these te1ts and their possible composition in 4reek see #e"al Edessa, ?29?3 and commentary by +urkitt in Euphemia and the $oth, @92?. @?. +undy "'riteria for +ein" in communione ." @C. 'f. #e"al Edessa ?29?A2 and commentary by +urkitt in Euphemia and the $oth @944. AD. +arnes "'onstantine and the 'hristians"2 +rock "'hristians in the #asanian -mpire." A>. /ita %ntonii sec. 4A94H. #ee the discussion in #. &. Far$ey "The -dessan %artyrs and &scetic Tradition " Symposium Syriacum 4566 =/orthcomin"B. A2. #ee n. @@ abo$e. *he 1artyrdom of Shmona and $uria is in Euphemia and the $oth ed. and trans. /. '. +urkitt CD9>>D. A3. !bid. ?.

A4. !bid. >4. A@. !bid. 4C. AA. !bid. 3H93? 4H. A2. #ee n. @@ abo$e. *he 1artyrdom of Shmona and $uria is in Euphemia and the $oth ed. and trans. /. '. +urkitt CD9>>D. A3. !bid. ?. A4. !bid. >4. A@. !bid. 4C. AA. !bid. 3H93? 4H. A2. #ee n. @@ abo$e. *he 1artyrdom of Shmona and $uria is in Euphemia and the $oth ed. and trans. /. '. +urkitt CD9>>D. A3. !bid. ?. A4. !bid. >4. A@. !bid. 4C. AA. !bid. 3H93? 4H. A2. #ee n. @@ abo$e. *he 1artyrdom of Shmona and $uria is in Euphemia and the $oth ed. and trans. /. '. +urkitt CD9>>D. A3. !bid. ?. A4. !bid. >4. A@. !bid. 4C. AA. !bid. 3H93? 4H. A2. #ee n. @@ abo$e. *he 1artyrdom of Shmona and $uria is in Euphemia and the $oth ed. and trans. /. '. +urkitt CD9>>D. A3. !bid. ?. A4. !bid. >4. A@. !bid. 4C. AA. !bid. 3H93? 4H. AH. -usebius 1artyrs of &alestine 4 @ A >D >> >32 HE ?.C. A?. /or e1ample *he 1artyrs of Lyons in *he %cts of the Christian 1artyrs ed. F. %usurillo =G1ford >CHCB A29?@2 *he 1artyrdom of &erpetua and .elicitas, %cts of Christian 1artyrs >DA93>2 -usebius 1artyrs of &alestine C. AC. *he 1artyrdom of Habib in Euphemia and the $oth ed. and trans. /. '. +urkitt >>292?2 and also in %ncient Syriac Documents, ed. and trans. ). 'ureton =trans.B H29?@. HD. !bid. 3D. AC. *he 1artyrdom of Habib in Euphemia and the $oth ed. and trans. /. '. +urkitt >>292?2 and also in %ncient Syriac Documents, ed. and trans. ). 'ureton =trans.B H29?@. HD. !bid. 3D. H>. -usebius 1artyrs of &alestine 2 idem HE ?2 /ita %ntoniiH2. 1artyrdom of Habib in Euphemia and the $oth 3D. H3. 'f. ,acob of #aru" Homily on Habib the 1artyr in %ncient Syriac Documents ed. and trans. ). 'ureton ?A9CA. H4. %cts of Sharbil in %ncient Syriac Documents ed. and trans. ). 'ureton 4>9A2. Gn the date and lan"ua"es see n. @H abo$e. H@. -specially &phrahat Demonstration > "Gn /aith" and Demonstration A "Gn the +nay Myama " in &phrahat Demonstrationes ed. and trans. D. !. .arisot cols. @94A 23C9 3>22 and "&phrahat the .ersian #a"e " trans. ,. 4. 4wynn 34@9@2 3A29H@. #ee also <eusner %phrahat and )udaism . HA. &phrahat Demonstration >? "Gn 7ir"inity " in &phrahat Demonstrationes, ed. and trans. D. !. .arisot cols. ?>H9442 also <eusner %phrahat and )udaism, HA9?3. HH. &phrahat Demonstration A "Gn the +nay Myama " and Demonstration H "Gn .enitence " in &phrahat Demonstrationes ed. and trans. D. !. .arisot cols. @94A 23C93>2 3>39AD. H?. !bid. Demonstration A2 %urray "-1hortation to 'andidates"2 +lack "Tradition of Fasidaean9 -ssene"2 &une Cultic Setting .

HH. &phrahat Demonstration A "Gn the +nay Myama " and Demonstration H "Gn .enitence " in &phrahat Demonstrationes ed. and trans. D. !. .arisot cols. @94A 23C93>2 3>39AD. H?. !bid. Demonstration A2 %urray "-1hortation to 'andidates"2 +lack "Tradition of Fasidaean9 -ssene"2 &une Cultic Setting . HC. -phrem Hymnen de fide >4.@ ed. and trans. -. +eck in '#'G >@4KH3 A2. ?D. -phrem Carmina +isibena @D.H ed. and trans. -. +eck in '#'G 24DK >D2 AC. ?>. !bid. AC.39@ >42 here trans. #. .. +rock in -phrem Harp of the Spirit HH9HC. ?D. -phrem Carmina +isibena @D.H ed. and trans. -. +eck in '#'G 24DK >D2 AC. ?>. !bid. AC.39@ >42 here trans. #. .. +rock in -phrem Harp of the Spirit HH9HC. ?2. -phrem Carmina +isibena @D.32 here trans. #. .. +rock Harp of the Spirit @A. ?3. These te1ts are discussed in 7TTbus History of %sceticism >: >@29@4 and he attributes both to -phrem. +ut the doubts on -phrem;s authorship are well stated in 4ribomont "%onachisme au sein de l;O"lise." Fowe$er Theodoret of 'yrrhus Historia religiosa >9A indicates that such ascetic practice was pursued in the #yrian Grient durin" -phrem;s lifetime. ?4. -phrem "-phrem;s Letter to .ublius " ed. and trans. #. .. +rock 2?A. ?@. #ee esp. +rown 'ody and Society 32393?2 and 4uillaumont %u0 origines du monachisme chr"tien, 2>@93C. &n e1ample of -phrem;s $iew on the unity of body and soul can be seen in his 7erse Fomily ! in Syrers sermones > ed. and trans. -. +eck esp. >>.2AD9HC. !n this passa"e -phrem describes the way in which the body re$eals the soul;s condition. & similar passa"e occurs in the /ita %ntonii sec. AH. +ut in the passa"e on &ntony the saint has achie$ed this state of harmony between body and soul throu"h the discipline of his ascetic practice by which he has "sub5u"ated" his body to his soul;s desire =sec. >4B. /or -phrem the one re$eals the other because they are ultimately inseparable. ?A. Theodoret Historia religiosa >92 is our primary source alon" with the hymns of -phrem: on ,acob in the Carmina +isibena >39>42 and the cycle on ,ulian #aba of disputed authorship but certainly from the same period =-phrem #yrus?B Hymnen auf %braham idunaya und )ulianos Saba, ed. and trans. -. +eck. The poems on &braham Midunaya are another important witness to earliest #yrian asceticism. #ee further 7TTbus History of %sceticism >:>4>94A and 2:429@>. Gn ,ulian see also .alladius Historia Lausiaca 422 and #o6omen HE 3.>4. ?H. Theodoret Historia religiosa >. ??. !bid. 2. ?C. !bid. 2.>?. CD. !bid. >.>> 2.A. ?H. Theodoret Historia religiosa >. ??. !bid. 2. ?C. !bid. 2.>?. CD. !bid. >.>> 2.A. ?H. Theodoret Historia religiosa >. ??. !bid. 2. ?C. !bid. 2.>?. CD. !bid. >.>> 2.A. ?H. Theodoret Historia religiosa >. ??. !bid. 2. ?C. !bid. 2.>?. CD. !bid. >.>> 2.A. C>. .alladius Historia Lausiaca 4D. !n the Carmina +isibena @A.>D -phrem calls himself ; allana, a word that can refer to a $ariety of pastoral positions2 this is our only reference to an actual title for -phrem;s position. #ee the e1cellent discussion of -phrem;s career in 4riffith "-phraem." C2. #ee +rown "#aint as -1emplar"2 and for how this was made possible idem 'ody and Society . C3. +rown "*ise and /unction." The economic monopoly that #yrian monasteries e1erted o$er $illa"es continued under the &rabs2 the case of #imeon of the Gli$es =d. H34B and the Tur &bdin dramatically illustrates the issue. #ee "/en3itho of the %onastery " ed. and trans. #. .. +rock >H49HC. C4. /or e1ample +rown "*ise and /unction"2 idem "#aint as -1emplar"2 idem "Dark &"e 'risis"2 /rend "%onks and the #ur$i$al"2 /ra6ee ;;Late *oman and +y6antine Le"islation.;;

C@. /ita %ntonii, sec. AC9HD. 'f. 'hitty Desert a City# +rown 'ody and Society, 2>394D. CA. 4uillaumont "'onception de dOsert" =V %u0 origines du monachisme chr"tien, AH9??B. CH. Gn +asil;s monastic aspirations see +asil Lettres 2 223 and >42944 4re"ory of <a6ian6us Lettres A2 Oration 43.A32 #o6omen HE A.34. /or the intri"ues in$ol$in" 4re"ory of <a6ian6us see +asil Lettres >4 and 4re"ory of <a6ian6us Lettres 2 4D 4A 4?9@D @C. C?. /or e1ample #ocrates HE H.H >39>@. CC. Theodoret Historia religiosa . 'f. ,ar"y ".remiers instituts monasti3ues"2 Fendriks "7ie 3uotidienne." #ee chapter 3 for specific discussion of how this precarious position affected %esopotamia. >DD. #imeon #tylites the -lder: 'H$, >AH?9??2 'HO, >>2>92A. The ma5or documents on #imeon were collected and discussed in Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, ed. F. Leit6mann2 see *he Lives of Simeon Stylites, trans. *. Doran. Gn #imeon see Dri5$ers "#pXtantike .arallelen"2 and Far$ey "#ense of a #tylite." >D>. Gn the physical details of stylitism see Saints stylites, ed. and trans. F. Delehaye and 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2:2D?923. >D2. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2A. *ele$ant to the discussion here are the treatments in 'ani$et 1onachisme syrien 2 and .eeters "(n saint hellOnisO par anne1ion: #ymOon #tylite " in Orient et 'y,ance C39>3A. >D3. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2A.>2. >D4. !bid. >D@. !bid. 2A.2 H >2. #ee the discussions in &.9,. /estu"iWre %ntioche paienne et chr"tienneLibanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie =.aris >C@CB 3@49@H2 and 'ani$et 1onachisme syrien, HA9HH. >D3. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2A.>2. >D4. !bid. >D@. !bid. 2A.2 H >2. #ee the discussions in &.9,. /estu"iWre %ntioche paienne et chr"tienneLibanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie =.aris >C@CB 3@49@H2 and 'ani$et 1onachisme syrien, HA9HH. >D3. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2A.>2. >D4. !bid. >D@. !bid. 2A.2 H >2. #ee the discussions in &.9,. /estu"iWre %ntioche paienne et chr"tienneLibanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie =.aris >C@CB 3@49@H2 and 'ani$et 1onachisme syrien, HA9HH. >DA. The #yriac $ita sur$i$es in two recessions. The earlier =&B 7at. #yr. >>H was copied in &.D. 4H3: %cta sanctorum martyrum orientalium, ed. and trans. ,. #. &ssemani2 there is an -n"lish translation in Doran =see n. >DD abo$eB. The later =+B +rit. %us. &dd. >44?4 dates to early in the si1th century: /ita Simeonis Stylitae, in %cta 1artyrum et Sanctorum, ed. .. +ed5an =hereafter %1S B2 there is a 4erman translation by F. Fil"enfeld in Das Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, ed. F. Liet6mann ?D9>C22 and an -n"lish one by /. Lent "The Life of #t. #imeon #tylites. >DH. %1S 4.A2D @>C. >D?. !bid. A>2. >DC. /or e1ample ibid. @H>9H2 @H4. >>D. !bid. @H2 A23. >DH. %1S 4.A2D @>C. >D?. !bid. A>2. >DC. /or e1ample ibid. @H>9H2 @H4. >>D. !bid. @H2 A23. >DH. %1S 4.A2D @>C. >D?. !bid. A>2. >DC. /or e1ample ibid. @H>9H2 @H4. >>D. !bid. @H2 A23. >DH. %1S 4.A2D @>C. >D?. !bid. A>2.

>DC. /or e1ample ibid. @H>9H2 @H4. >>D. !bid. @H2 A23. >>>. Far$ey "#ense of a #tylite." >>2. The 4reek $ita by &ntonius has been edited by F. Liet6mann Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, >C9H?2 there is a /rench translation of the primary 4reek te1t by &.9,. /estu"iWre %ntioche paienne et chr"tienne, 4C39@DA and =for sec. 2?933B 3H39H@. >>3. &s opposed to <Tldeke and others for e1ample "0et it must always be remembered that in all 'hristendom -"ypt apart it will be difficult to find such an insane and soul9destroyin" asceticism as was practised by the purely #emitic #yrians from about the fourth to the se$enth centuries" =<Tldeke Sketches from Eastern History >DB. >>4. Tchalenko /illages antiques >:22H9HA2 .eYa 'astellana and /ernande6 Stylites syriens# <asrallah "#ur$ie de #aint #imOon"2 7ikan "&rt %edicine and %a"ic." >>@. Saints Stylites ed. and trans. F. Delehaye2 Delehaye "/emmes stylites"2 .eYa 'astellana and /ernande6 Stylites syriens . >>A. &le1ius the %an of 4od 'HO, 3A944. The primary #yriac te1t is in L"gende syriaque, ed. &. &miaud. #ee also Dri5$ers "Le"ende des heili"en &le1ius." >>H. /ita %le0ii, L"gende syriaque ed. &. &miaud >D =trans. AB. >>?. !bid. >2 =trans. ?B. >>H. /ita %le0ii, L"gende syriaque ed. &. &miaud >D =trans. AB. >>?. !bid. >2 =trans. ?B. >>C. Gn *abbula see +lum !abbula von Edessa . There is an important #yriac $ita in %1S 4:3CA9 4@D. >2D. The story of the %an of 4od was translated into most 'hristian lan"ua"es of the %iddle &"es2 see the discussion in /ita %le0ii, ed. &. &miaud. -$entually the saint ac3uired a name &le1ius and all of the standard traits missin" in the fifth century $ita =miracles teachin"s a body $enerated at public feast days a tomb transformed into an opulent shrine and the adoration of both the pope and the emperorsB. &n e1ample of this later $ersion can be found in '. ,. Gdenkirchen *he Life of St- %le0ius in the Old .rench /ersion of the Hildesheim 1anuscript =+rookline >CH?B. >2>. #o too in the case of Daniel the #tylite and #imeon #tylites the 0oun"er. #ee also the e1cellent discussion in *heodoret of Cyrrhus, History, trans. *. %. .rice i19111$ii. >22. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2A.23. >23. 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2:>?>9?22 Syriac and %rabic Documents, ed. and trans. &. 7TTbus 24933 and compare passim. >24. 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2:2H@. >2@. Gn this point only ! disa"ree with Dri5$ers "Le"ende des heili"en &le1ius." >2A. The #yriac9speakin" church in .ersia followed a different course. #ee Labourt Christianisme dans l7empire perse 2 /iey )alons pour une histoire 2 and +rock "'hristolo"y of the 'hurch." >2H. #ee 4rillmeier and +acht on,il von Chalkedon 2 #ellers Council of Chalcedon 2 0oun" .rom +icaea to Chalcedon, chapter @2 and 4rillmeier Christ in Christian *radition . >2?. #ee /rend !ise of Christianity, HHD9H32 and #ellers Council of Chalcedon . !t is certainly Leo;s *ome that recei$es the most scathin" opprobrium in #yriac sources. 'f. %outerde "'oncile de 'halcOdoine." 'f. Lebon 1onophysisme S"v2rien, esp. >9?2. >2C. /or the back"round of the problem of reli"ious lan"ua"e see 0oun" "4od of the 4reeks." >3D. #ee )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites 2 and /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement . >3>. #ellers *(o %ncient Christologies 2 idem Council of Chalcedon 2 4rillmeier Christ in Christian *radition 2 0oun" "*econsideration of &le1andrian 'hristolo"y"2 idem "'hristolo"ical !deas"2 idem .rom +icaea to Chalcedon, chapter @. 'f. +rock ;;Grthodo19Griental Grthodo1 'on$ersations." >32. <onetheless the profundity of shared understandin" holds true to this day althou"h its affirmation has been disallowed by schism. #ee for e1ample /ouyas *heologikai kai 8storikai 1eletai > esp. >4D92>H2 -$ery "%onophysite Muestion"2 %urray ")hat does a 'atholic Fope." 'f. Lebon 1onophysisme S"v2rien, with %eyendorff 'y,antine *heology . >33. Gn the de$elopment of %onophysite theolo"y see Lebon 1onophysisme S"v2rien 2 idem "'hristolo"ie du monophysisme syrien"2 *. 'hesnut *hree 1onophysite Christologies 2 and Darlin" ".atriarchate of #e$erus." /or the de$elopment of 'halcedonian theolo"y see esp. %oeller

"'halcOdonisme et le nOochalcOdonisme"2 %eyendorff Christ in Eastern Christian *hought2 and .. T. *. 4ray Defense of Chalcedon . >34. 4ray Defense of Chalcedon, 4?9H3 >@49A42 /rend !ise of Christianity, ?2?9A?. >3@. #ee 'haranis Church and State 2 and in "eneral /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, and )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites . >3A. -$a"rius HE 3.442 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, A9H =,ohn of -phesusB2 ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle C.C. >3H. /or e1ample ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle CD.2D92A. #ee below chapter 3. >3?. 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, is essential for this whole period as is .atla"ean &auvret" "conomique. Gn ,ustinian;s rei"n in "eneral see for e1ample +ury History of the Later !oman Empire 22 +rownin" )ustinian and *heodora 2 and #tein Histoire du bas9empire 2. >3C. #ee esp. Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites 2 also /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement 2 and )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites . The tumultuous atmosphere is well cau"ht in ,ohn of <ikius account of the 'onstantinopolitan riots Chronicle ?C.3C9 A?2 but the back"round is e3ually $olatile. /or e1ample -$a"rius HE 3.3D9442 "'hroni3ue melkite " ed. and trans. &. de Falleu1 chaps. >39>42 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.?9>D. #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters, $i$idly portrays the sense of uncertainty and dan"er felt e$en at #e$erus; le$el of leadership. #ee also Darlin" ".atriarchate of #e$erus." >4D. 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, 4 224 3A3. -"ypt;s resources were well worth keepin" within imperial reach. #ee ,ohnson and )est 'y,antine Egypt, for the wealth of the church esp. AA9H2 2@29@42 and )ips6ycka !essources et activit"s "conomiques . >4>. Fardy Christian Egypt# )e(s and Christians in Egypt, ed. and trans. F. !. +ell2 /rend ".opular *eli"ion"2 4re"ory /o0 &opuli, esp. >2C9A> >A392D>. >42. /or e1ample #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters, >.4C9@D @3 @.>> @.>@. >43. /ita Severi =Nachariah *hetorB ed. and trans. %.9&. 8u"ener2 /ita Severi =,ohn of +eith9 &phthoniaB ed. and trans. %.9&. 8u"ener2 #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >.4C9@D. 'f. Fardy Christian Egypt, >>>932. >44. #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters @.>>. That -"ypt li$ed up to this "uidin" role is clear from ,ohn of -phesus; HE 2 see .ragmenta, ed. -. ). +rooks 3.H9?. 'f. Fardy Christian Egypt, >2D943. >4@. The conse3uences of the .la"ue ha$e until recently rarely been acknowled"ed. )e ha$e three contemporary sources of information: .rocopius <ars 2.229232 -$a"rius HE 4.2C2 and ,ohn of -phesus HE, in pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, HC9?C C49>>D >>2 >>C. #ee chapter 3 below for discussion of these and recent scholarship. >4A. 'hapter 3 attempts to make clear the actual conditions of the eastern pro$inces at this time. The material discussed there complements at least to some e1tent the $icious denunciation of ,ustinian;s treatment of the eastern pro$inces that .rocopius "i$es in the %necdota . +rownin" )ustinian and *heodora, AD9A> discusses e1amples of ,ustinian;s occasional imperial munificence especially in cases of disaster. 'f. 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, 3449??. >4H. #ee esp. 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst 2 and .atla"ean &auvret" "conomique, H49>>2. >4?. ,ustinian and his contemporary historians are discussed in chapter 4. #ee esp. 'ameron &rocopius and the Si0th Century .

I "These Saints

oly Images"': John of !"hesus and the #i*es of the !astern

>. &. D5akono$ 8oann Efesskiy =.etro"rad >CD?B pro$ided the most important breakthrou"h in postulatin" a bio"raphical framework. The two best summaries both dependent on D5akono$s work are -. ). +rooks; !ntroduction to ,ohn of -phesus Lives of the Eastern Saints, &O >H: iii91$ and Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, 2DH9>@. #ee also ",ean d;ZphWse " Dictionnaire de Spiritualit" ? cols. 4?49?A =D. #tiernonB. ,ohn speaks of his childhood trainin" and monastic tra$els in his Lives, while information about his missionary and ecclesiastical acti$ities is mostly found in parts 2 and 3 of his Ecclesiastical History =see nn. >@ and >A belowB. ! will elaborate on places and e$ents mentioned here in later sections. 2. ,ohn of -phesus Lives 4 &O >H:@C9A4.

3. !bid. ?4 3@2 &O >?:AD?9C. 4. !bid. 24 &O >?:@>A922. @. ,ohn of -phesus HE, in pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, HH9H? >2@. A. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, @D &O >C:>@39@?. H. !bid. 4H &O >?:A?>. 'f. pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, HH9H? =se$enty thousand con$erts fifty9fi$e churches built at public e1pense forty9one from contributions by new con$ertsB. ?. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3A &O >?:A2492@2 and 3? &O >?:A44. Gn 'allinicus see +rooks; !ntroduction to Lives, &O >H:$i. C. This final period of ,ohn;s life after @AA is co$ered in his Ecclesiastical History, parts 2 and 3. >D. ,ohn speaks of his imprisonment under ,ustin !! and of other abuses in his HE !!! =ed. +rooksB i.>H ii.49H 4> 44. /or the conditions under which he wrote and circulated the final part of his History, see ibid. ii.@D. /or the te1ts see n. >A below. >>. Fis death was not in @?A as lon" held2 for this important piece of redatin" see &llen "<ew Date." >2. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3@ &O >?:ADH2 and HE in pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 3C. +rooks would date this work to @3H =!ntroduction to Lives, &O >H:$iB followin" -phrem;s "descent to the east" of @3A9@3H. +ut ,ohn;s chronolo"ical reference in the Lives is $a"ue enou"h to allow for a sli"htly later date and one mi"ht take into account that the conse3uences of -phrem;s acti$ity lasted far lon"er than that year. .erhaps ,ohn waited until his arri$al at 'onstantinople in @4D to write this? >3. /or both these works see +rooks; references in the !ntroduction to ,ohn of -phesus Lives, &O >H:$i. >4. #ee &llen "<ew Date " for the final date. >@. /ra"ments of part 2 were published in %necdota Syriaca, ed. ,. .. <. Land 2:2?C933D 3?@9C2. Those found in pseudo9Dionysius; 8ncerti auctoris chronicon were further elaborated and annotated by <au in "Ztude sur les parties " and in ,ohn of -phesus "&nalyse de la seconde partie." The best te1t for the fra"ments in pseudo9Dionysius is found in 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, ed. !.9+. 'habot '#'G >D4K@3. %ore fra"ments were published by -. ). +rooks in ,ohn of -phesus Historiae ecclesiasticae fragmenta . >A. ,ohn of -phesus Historiae ecclesiasticae pars tertia, ed. and trans. -. ). +rooks. #ee also Foni"mann "Fistoire ecclOsiasti3ue de ,ean d;ZphWse." &n earlier $ersion was edited by ). 'ureton =G1ford >?@3B and translated by *. .ayne9#mith *he *hird &art of the Ecclesiastical History of )ohn, 'ishop of Ephesus =G1ford >?ADB. >H. The sole document ,ohn includes is the Henoticon 2 he seems to ha$e drawn only on %alalas as a 4reek source cf. +rooks; !ntroduction to ,ohn of -phesus Lives, &O >H:1ii91iii. Discussion of mutual influences between 4reek and #yriac cultures can be found in .eeters Orient et 'y,ance . >?. The theoretically separate literary "enres of secular and ecclesiastical histories had lon" faced mutual infrin"ement of their respecti$e territories. #ee for e1ample 'ameron and 'ameron "'hristianity and Tradition"2 Downey ".erspecti$e of -arly 'hurch Fistorians"2 and %omi"liano ".opular *eli"ious +eliefs." >C. -$en these writers so consciously traditional could not successfully maintain their chosen narrati$e boundaries. #ee &llen Evagrius Scholasticus 2 'ameron &rocopius and the Si0th Century 2 and idem %gathias . 2D. #ee for e1ample &llen ";,ustinianic; .la"ue"2 'ameron "-mpress #ophia"2 and idem "-arly *eli"ious .olicies." 2>. +rooks; edition in &atrologia Orientalis was preceded by %necdota Syriaca, ed. ,. .. <. Land 2:29 2?? with a Latin translation by ,. .. <. Land and ). ,. $an Douwen Commentarii de 'eatis Orientalibus . There are two possible e1ceptions to ,ohn;s practice of firsthand knowled"e. Fis account of &braham of 8alesh Lives, 4 took place before he was born. &lso some scholars think the story of the two holy fools in &mida Lives, @2 is a pious fiction but ! do not2 see the later discussion pp. C>9 C3 and the notes thereon. 22. !ntroduction to ,ohn of -phesus Lives, &O >H:$i. 23. These officially be"an in @>C soon after the accession of ,ustin ! thou"h they may not ha$e reached %esopotamia until @2D or @2>. #ee chapter 3. 24. Gn the manuscript tradition of the Lives and 3uestions on their transmission see +rooks; !ntroduction to Lives, &O >H:iii91$. ,ohn;s Lives sur$i$e almost intact as a collection and are

independently attested in the Chronicles of both pseudo9Dionysius and %ichael the #yrian each of whom "i$es a chapter list for the work. #ee the discussion by +rooks in his !ntroduction Lives, &O >H:i191ii. 2@. Gn ha"io"raphy in "eneral see Delehaye Legends of the Saints 2 and &i"rain Hagiographie . /or this particular "enre introductions to the primary collections can be found for e1ample in Dictionnaire de spiritualit" > cols. >A249342 and for the early collections Muasten &atrology 2 and &ltaner &atrology . Du$al Litt"rature syriaque, >>39@3 is arran"ed by literary cate"ories and thus places the #yriac collections in relation to the martyr cycles and li$es of the saints. The sources on which ! base my "enerali6ations are .alladius Historia Lausiaca =for the te1ts see nn. 3> and 32 belowB2 Theodoret of 'yrrhus Historia religiosa =for the te1ts see nn. 3> and 32 belowB2 ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale, trans. %.9,. *ou[t de ,ournel2 ,ohn of -phesus Lives of the Eastern Saints# and Thomas of %ar"a Historia monastica, 'ook of $overnors, ed. and trans. -. &. )allis +ud"e. 2A. /or the contrast between the monastic interests of these collections and the different =often society9orientedB interests in standard $itae cf. .atla"ean "\ +y6ance"2 +rown "*ise and /unction"2 and Fackel 'y,antine Saint, esp. >>H9A?. 2H. -specially in ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3 @ >4 >H >? >C 2D 2H 2C 32. 2?. !bid. 2D &O >H:2H?9?3. 2C. !bid. @? &O >C:2DA92H. 3D. !bid. 24 &O >?:@2>. 3>. .alladius Lausiac History of &alladius, ed. and trans. '. +utler2 the work also has been translated and annotated in &alladius= *he Lausiac History, trans. *. T. %eyer. /or Thodoret of 'yrrhus *h"odoret de Cyr, Histoire, ed. and trans. .. 'ani$et and &. Leroy9%olin"hen2 there is now an -n"lish translation with notes in *heodoret of Cyrrhus, History, trans. *. %. .rice2 see also the "eneral discussion in 'ani$et 1onachisme syrien . 32. /or si1th9century #yriac manuscripts that contain selections from .alladius Historia Lausiaca, see )ri"ht Catalogue of the Syriac 1anuscripts 3. The Gld #yriac te1ts ha$e now been edited by *. Dra"uet .ormes syriaques . The se$enth9century #yriac translation by &nan9!sho in fact was a collection of earlier #yriac renditions of .alladius ,erome and other stories and apophthegmata# see &nan9!sho 'ook of &aradise, ed. and trans. -. &. )allis +ud"e. Gn the #yriac $ersions of Theodoret;s Historia religiosa Emainly select chaptersEcf. *h"odoret de Cyr, Histoire, ed. and trans. .. 'ani$et and &. Leroy9%olin"hen >:AD9A3. 33. #ee Funt ".alladius of Felenopolis"2 and Dra"uet "Fistoire lausia3ue." 34. 'f. Turner "Lausiac Fistory of .alladius " esp. 34@9@>. 3@. #ee Dra"uet "Fistoire lausia3ue"2 &. 4uillaumont Les > ephalaia $nostica> d7Evagre le &ontique et l7histoire de l7orig"nisme che, les grecs et che, les syriens, .atristica #orbonensia @ =.aris >CA2B2 and 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2:3D?9>D. 3A. !n "eneral cf. /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement . 3H. ,ohn *ufus &l"rophories, t"moignages et r"v"lations, written about @>2 well illustrates the $enom of %onophysite anti9'halcedonian sentiments. !ronically one thirteenth9century manuscript .aris #yr. 234 contains e1tracts both from Theodoret;s Historia religiosa and from ,ohn of -phesus; Lives? 3?. 'f. Thomas of %ar"a Historia monastica, 'ook of $overnors > ed. and trans. -. &. )allis +ud"e. 3C. <otably ,ohn of Tella #e$erus of &ntioch and ,acob +urd;aya. #ee chapter @ below. 4D. Gn standard ha"io"raphical formulae see for e1ample Delehaye Legends of the Saints# idem Cinq le@ons# and /estu"iWre "Lieu communs." 4>. /or e1ample ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2 &O >H:2D =N;uraB2 23 &O >H:3D3 =#imeon the #olitaryB. 42. !bid. 4 &O >H:?>9?2 =%aroB. 43. !bid. > &O >H:>D =FabibB. 44. #ee for e1ample ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale >@ 2D 2> CC2 .rocopius <ars >.H.@9>>. !n "eneral see the discussions on motifs in Delehaye Legends of the Saints# /estu"iWre "Lieu1 communs"2 and idem 1oines d7orient >. 4@. Lives, A &O >H:>>29>A =.aul the &nchoriteB2 2H &O >?:@4C9@D @@@9@H =#usanB.

4A. /ita %ntonii, chaps. ?9>D2 /ita Simeonis Stylitae, %1S 4:@23 @2C @3@93?2 /ita Danielis Stylitae, chap. >4 =where Daniel recalls the model of &ntonyB >@ >?. 4H. #ee chapter A. 4?. Lives, >2 &O >H:>H>9?A. /or the understandin" of ha"io"raphy in terms of the imitatio Christi, see Dri5$ers "+y6antine #aint"2 and esp. .atla"ean "\ +y6ance." 4C. Lives, @2 &O >C:>A49HC =The Two &ntiochenesB2 @3 &O >C:>HC9?@ =.risusB. #ee the discussion of these pp. C>9C3. @D. de 4aiffier "!ntactam sponsam relin3uens." @>. -specially in Lives, ? =&ddaiB >2 =%aryB >A =#imeon the %ountaineerB >H =the poor stran"erB and 2C =%alkhaB. @2. -specially in Lives, @ =#imeon and #er"iusB 23 =#imeon the #olitaryB and 33 =FalaB. @3. /or e1ample Lives, 3 =,ohn the <a6ariteB >4 =&bbiB and 2C =%alkhaB. @4. /or e1ample Lives, 2C =%alkhaB 4@ =!saacB and @@ =#osianaB. @@. These and other characteristic traits are discussed at len"th in 7TTbus History of %sceticism . @A. Lives, > &O >H:>22 4 &O >H:AC9H>. @H. /or e1ample ibid. 2 &O >H:2D2 4 &O >H:AD9A@. @?. !bid. > &O >H:>49>@2 3 &O >H:429432 >@ &O >H:22D924. @A. Lives, > &O >H:>22 4 &O >H:AC9H>. @H. /or e1ample ibid. 2 &O >H:2D2 4 &O >H:AD9A@. @?. !bid. > &O >H:>49>@2 3 &O >H:429432 >@ &O >H:22D924. @A. Lives, > &O >H:>22 4 &O >H:AC9H>. @H. /or e1ample ibid. 2 &O >H:2D2 4 &O >H:AD9A@. @?. !bid. > &O >H:>49>@2 3 &O >H:429432 >@ &O >H:22D924. @C. /or e1ample +rown "*ise and /unction." AD. /or an analysis of a specific case where ,ohn employs a motif literally that occurs thematically =and so literarilyB elsewhere in ha"io"raphy see Far$ey ".hysicians and &scetics." !n this instance the motif in$ol$es how a ha"io"rapher writes about disease and illness when they occur in a saint as opposed to such an occurrence in a layperson. &nother clear e1ample is ,ohn;s strikin" treatment of women2 see chap. A. A>. Lives, .reface &O >H:2. A2. The collection probably was written while ,ohn was li$in" in his monastery outside 'onstantinople. ,ohn became leader of the %onophysites there in @AA. The Lives appear to ha$e been written between @AA and @A?. #ee +rooks; comments in his !ntroduction to Lives, &O >H: $ii. A3. )e are still lackin" sufficient work on bilin"ualism in the ancient world thou"h much "round has been broken in .eeters Orient et 'y,ance# +rock "#ome &spects of 4reek )ords"2 idem "4reek )ords in the #yriac 4ospels"2 and idem "*e$iew of %. +lack %n %ramaic %pproach to the $ospels and %cts,> )*S 2D =>CACB: 2HA9H?. A4. #ee chap. 4. A@. 'f. &llen Evagrius Scholasticus, @> on ,ohn and other church historians of late anti3uity who direct their writin"s only to those who are like9minded. AA. 'f. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, > &O >H:>@9>A2 @ &O >H:?C9CD2 >A &O >H:24A2 24 &O >?:@2>2 @? &O >C:2DA92H. ,ohn alludes to the scholarly trainin" of %are bishop of &mida in Lives, >3 &O >H:>CD2 we know more precisely that %are was learned in 4reek as well as #yriac from pseudo9 Nachariah *hetor HE H.@. /or an e1ample of what kind of library a #yriac monastery mi"ht ha$e see )allis +ud"e;s comments in Thomas of %ar"a Historia monastica, 'ook of $overnors >.li19l1i$. ,ohn of -phesus mentions that teachin" was an occupation ascetics sometimes undertook: Lives @ &O >H:?C2 >A &O >H:24A. +ut the monks of +eth &bhe in the se$enth century were so opposed to runnin" a school in their monastery that the ma5ority of them mutinied and left when such a proposition was put to them claimin" that they could not fulfill their reli"ious $ows with the distractions and noise of a school around them. #ee Thomas of %ar"a Historia monastica, 'ook of $overnors 2.H9>D. AH. 7TTbus History of the School of +isibis# and see the sur$eys in the literary histories by )ri"ht Short History of Syriac Literature# Du$al Litt"rature syriaque# and +aumstark $eschichte der syrischen Literatur .

A?. Lives, > &O >H:>@9>A2 @ &O >H:?C9CD2 >A &O >H:24A. +ut see #e"al "%esopotamian 'ommunities." AC. 'f. +rock "&spects of Translation"2 and idem "4reek into #yriac." HD. /or e1ample /ita Danielis Stylitae 3 >D >4 >H >C 2?2 Theodoret of 'yrrhus Historia religiosa @ A ? >4. H>. 'f. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2> &O >H:2?39C?2 and cf. .eeters Orient et 'y,ance . H2. ,ohn of -phesus Lives 2> &O >H: 2?39C?2 and 'yril of #cythopolis /ita Euthymii, 3H =te1t in yrillos von Skythopolis, ed. -. #chwart6B. H3. /ita Sabae ='yril of #cythopolisB 2D and 32 where &rmenian monks are allowed to use their own lan"ua"e for only part of the worship ser$ices and only as a "esture to pro$e how accommodatin" #aint #abas and the .atriarch of ,erusalem =in this case -liasB could be. H4. 'ameron "&"athias on the #assanians." H@. /or the te1t see pseudo9Nachariah *hetor Historia ecclesiastica, ed. and trans. -. ). +rooks2 and in -n"lish translation Syriac Chronicle, ed. and trans. /. ,. Familton and -. ). +rooks. #ee the discussion in &llen "Nachariah #cholasticus." HA. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >3 &O >H:>CD. HH. 'f. +rown <orld of Late %ntiquity . H?. /or a contrast beyond the scope of this study +rown "-astern and )estern 'hristendom " pro$ides an e1cellent comparison of the Lives of ,ohn of -phesus with those of his Latin contemporary 4re"ory of Tours. The insi"hts offered can be compared with those put forth from a different perspecti$e by <elson "#ymbols in 'onte1t."

II 6Le# your L%"h# so Sh%ne 7e$ore 0en6( The As+e#%+ V%s%on

>. 'f. +rown "*ise and /unction." 2. ,ohn of -phesus Lives > &O >H:@9>?. 3. !bid. C. 4. !bid. >@. @. !bid. >2. A. ,ohn states that Fabib "tra$elled in all the districts of #yria " ibid. >>. H. "Life of N;ura" is ,ohn;s second chapter ibid. >?93@2 howe$er N;ura;s discipleship is also stressed in the "Life of Fabib " for e1ample ibid. >D >H. #ee also %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.23. ?. Lives, 2 &O >H:2D. /or the ramifications of the master9disciple relationship see +rown "#aint as -1emplar"2 and /lusin 1iracle et histoire, >??9C>. C. Lives, >2 &O >H:>?>. >D. Lives, >> &O >H:>@?9AA. >>. !bid. >A4. >D. Lives, >> &O >H:>@?9AA. >>. !bid. >A4. >2. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2A.2 >22 and the #yriac /ita Simeonis Stylitae, %1S 4:@H>9HH. >3. Lives, ? &O >H:>2493@. >4. !bid. >2C. >@. !bid. >3D. >A. 'f. /ita %ntonii, chap. >4. #ee Dou"las &urity and Danger, C4. >H. Lives, H &O >H:>>?924. >?. !bid. >2D. >C. !bid. >23. & similar incident is recounted in the "Life of Fabib " Lives, > &O >H:>22 but the story seems to fit more appropriately here in the "Life of &braham." 2D. Lives, 3> &O >?:@HA9?@. 2>. !bid. @HH. 2D. Lives, 3> &O >?:@HA9?@. 2>. !bid. @HH. 22. Lives, 3D &O >?:@H@9HA. 23. /or e1ample +rown "*ise and /unction"2 and .atla"ean "\ +y6ance." 24. Lives, >@ &O >H:22D92?.

2@. !bid. 223924. 2A. !bid. 224. 2H. !bid. 22 &O >H:2CC93DD. 2?. !bid. 2CC. 2C. 'ompare the panic Theodoret depicts in $illa"es that did not ha$e a holy man or woman to look after them. Gne $illa"e went so far as to kidnap a nei"hborin" town;s recluse who was shortly thereafter kidnapped back. #ee Theodoret Historia religiosa >C. 3D. Lives, >C &O >H:2H?9?3. 3>. !bid. >? &O >H:2AD9A@. 'f. Syriac and %rabic Documents, ed. and trans. &. 7TTbus 33 =canon 2AB. 32. !bid. H &O >H:>>?924. 3D. Lives, >C &O >H:2H?9?3. 33. 'f. +rown ;;#aint as -1emplar " on the dissemination of a central $alue system. 34. Lives, 3? &O >?:A4>94@. 3@. !bid. 3 &O >H:4D2 see also >H:3A9@@. 3A. !bid. 3@ &O >?:A>22 see also >?:ADH923. 3H. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2A.2A. 3?. Lives, 4 &O >H:@A9?4. %aro also appears durin" the %onophysite persecutions in Lives, @ &O >H:C?9>D>. 3C. !bid. 4 &O >H:?39?4. 4D. !bid. AD. 4>. #ee the discussion of this incident in chap. > pp. 2?92C. 'ompare the first miracle worked by Theodore of #ykeon for which the suppliant had to e1plain to Theodore how to do it2 Life of *heodore of Sykeon, in *hree 'y,antine Saints, chap. >? CC9>DD. 42. Lives, 4 &O >H.A4. 43. !bid. A49A@. 44. !bid. A@9AH. 4@. !bid. HD. 4A. !bid. 4H. 'f. Dou"las &urity and Danger, esp. CC9>>3. 4?. Lives, @ &O >H:?49>>>. 4C. !bid. CD9C>. @D. !bid. C3. This incident is discussed in both <Tldeke Sketches from Eastern History, chap. H2 and #e"al ",ews of <orth %esopotamia " AD9A>. @>. Gn the position of the ,ews see #e"al ",ews of <orth %esopotamia"2 ,ones Later !oman Empire 2:C449@D2 and &. #harf 'y,antine )e(ry from )ustinian to the .ourth Crusade =London >CH>B esp. >C94>. #harf comments on the anomalous le"al status of the ,ewish reli"ion which was e1plicitly permitted as a deliberate 'hristian policy: ",udaism had to be preser$ed as a li$in" testimony to the 'hristian interpretation of the scriptures to the $ictory of 'hristianity. ,ews were thus sharply distin"uished from both pa"ans and hereticsEwho had no ri"hts and no ci$il status" =#harf 'y,antine )e(ry, 2DB. 'f. .rocopius %necdota 2?.>A9>? on ,ustinian;s persecution of the ,ews. @2. %1S 4:A3A93?. 'f. for e1ample <au "Deu1 Opisodes"2 and #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >.>@. @3. Lives, @ &O >H:C@9>D32 discussed in chap. 3 pp. H29H3. @4. /or e1ample .alladius Historia Lausiaca 3. @@. /or e1ample Theodoret Historia religiosa > 2. @A. Lives, 2C &O >?:@A3. @H. !bid. 3D &O >?:@H@9HA. @?. #ee for e1ample 'hitty Desert a City# and Funt ".alladius of Felenopolis." @C. .eeters Orient et 'y,ance, chap. @ supposes that Theodoret may ha$e written the Historia religiosa partly to re"ain fa$or with #yrian ascetics and partly as a reaction a"ainst -"yptian monasticism and thus a"ainst 'yril of &le1andria. 'ani$et 1onachisme syrien disa"rees alto"ether and does not belie$e that a political moti$e lies behind the work.

AD. Lives, 32 &O >?:@?A9C2. There are two other instances of misbeha$in" monks: two monks decei$ed by a $ision from #atan who immediately seek confession and penance when they reali6e what has happened2 and a monk who 5oined the &midan monasteries without followin" canonical procedure but who repented and recei$ed absolution before death. #ee Lives, >@ &O >H:22D92?2 >? &O >H:2AD9A@. +oth instances are more fully discussed here later. A>. .alladius Historia Lausiaca 2@ @3 @?. A2. Lives, C &O >H:>3@ see also >H:>3@93H.

III A,%'a( The 0easure o$ 0a'ness

>. #ee the articles "&mid " DH$E 2:>23H94C =8arale$skyB2 !' >:>3393H =*estleB2 and !E >: >?33 =+aum"artnerB. /or an archaeolo"ical o$er$iew of the city see 7an +erchem and #tr6y"owski %mida . Gn the military and tradin" importance of the city see Dilleman Haute m"sopotamie# and especially <. .i"ule$ska5a /illes de l7"tat iranien . #e"al "%esopotamian 'ommunities " >DC93C is most helpful for settin" &mida in a cultural and political conte1t. 2. 7an +ercham and #tr6y"owski %mida, >A32 7TTbus History of %sceticism >: 22?92C 2:3H93C. 7TTbus considers the back"round of .ersian9+y6antine hostilities as well as the constant in$asions in this area crucial to the de$elopment of asceticism in north %esopotamia. 3. #o6omen HE 3.>42 ,ohn of -phesus Lives, @? &O >C:2D?2 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2:23>9 32. 7an +ercham and #tr6y"owski %mida, >A39A@ cites the attestations of &mida;s early importance as a 'hristian center. -$idence for the ori"ins of asceticism at &mida is sparse and obscure as for %esopotamia in "eneral2 cf. 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2. 4. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, @? &O >C:2DH9C. @. !bid. 2DC. A. This account follows ,ohn of -phesus Lives, @? &O >C:2DC9>2. H. !bid. 2>2. ?. !bid. C. /or e1ample ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >H &O >H:24C9@D2 >C92D &O >H: 2AA9?32 24 &O >?:@2>2 and 3@ &O >?:ADH923. #ee also 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2:2332 and 7an +erchem and #tr6y"owski %mida, >A@. >D. .seudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.22 ",oshua the #tylite " Chronicle ]]]!!!9]L!]2 Chronicon Edessenum, ed. and trans. !. 4uidi L]]7!9L]]!]2 ,acob of -dessa Chronicon, ed. and trans. -. ). +rooks 3>49>@2 Chronicon anonymum 6AB, ed. and trans. -. ). +rooks 2>?9>C2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 394 =,ohn of -phesusB2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.H. #ee for e1ample #e9 $erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters @.>2 on the meanin" of the si"ns appearin" in the skies. >>. Fostilities between +y6antium and .ersia had been increasin" for some time and an outri"ht breach of peace was ine$itable: cf. ;;,oshua the #tylite " Chronicle 7!!9]]2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE H.32 .rocopius <ars >.29H2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.H for ancient accounts of the back"round to the .ersian )ars. .i"ule$ska5a /illes de l7"tat iranien, 2>A9>H pro$ides helpful insi"ht on the .ersians; moti$es takin" into account 8awad;s problems of domestic social unrest owin" to reli"ious disputes se$ere famine at home =as in %esopotamiaB and $arious financial and political considerations. ",oshua the #tylite " Chronicle ]] seems to acknowled"e such contributin" factors within .ersia itself thou"h in so doin" he e1presses much hostility to the .ersians. +ury History of the Later !oman Empire 2:>D9>@ "i$es a summary of the e$ents of this war. Dillemann Haute m"sopotamie, 3>39>@ discusses some specific te1tual problems about the sie"e of @D29@D3. >2. ",oshua the #tylite " Chronicle L L7!!!2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE H.3942 .rocopius <ars >.H2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, @=,ohn of -phesusB2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.?2 Chronicon anonymum 4CDA L! ed. and trans. ,.9+. 'habot '#'G ?>K3A and >DCK@A. >3. This capture of the city did not lose its importance as a historical landmark in #yrian tradition2 in addition to the sources mentioned see also Chronicon Edessenum L]]]2 ,acob of -dessa Chronicon, 3>@2 Chronicon anonymum 645, ed. &. +arsaurn H2 Chronicon anonymum 6AB, 2>C2 +arrationes variae, ed. and trans. -. ). +rooks ]7!! and ]7!!!. >4. .seudo9Nachariah *hetor HE H.42 .rocopius <ars >.H.232 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.H2 Chronicon anonymum 4CDA L!.

>@. ",oshua the #tylite " Chronicle L!!!2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, @ =,ohn of -phesusB. >A. ,ohn of -phesus Lives @? &O >C:2>H9>C. >H. /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, >?@ includes other incidents to support this speculation but for &mida at any rate it seems unlikely. The %onophysite position in +y6antium was hardly so bleak at this time2 in .ersia by contrast the outbreak of war with the *omans in @D2 sparked off bitter %onophysite persecution and the refu"ees flockin" into *oman territory made their presence felt. #ee 'haranis Church and State, 2C93D2 and #e"al "%esopotamian 'ommunities " >>3. >?. ",oshua the #tylite " Chronicle L!!! =trans. )ri"ht 42B. >C. !bid. L7! L]7!9L]!] L]]!9L]]]! =on the &midan women see L]]7!9L]]7!!B2 pseudo9 Nachariah HE A.42 .rocopius <ars >.C2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.?2 +arrationes variae ]7!!!. 2D. .rocopius <ars >.H.3393@. 2>. & helpful summary of these wars under ,ustin ! and ,ustinian is found in +ury History of the Later !oman Empire 2:H@9>23. #ee also Downey ".ersian 'ampai"n." +ein" "arrisoned e$en by one;s own protectors pro$ed an a"oni69 in" e1perience for the townspeople in$ol$ed2 see for e1ample ",oshua the #tylite " Chronicle L!7 L]] L]]7!! L]]]!! ]'7!. /or the .ersian in$asions of %esopotamia see also pseudo9 Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, AC CD =,ohn of -phesusB2 and 5acob of -dessa Chronicon, 32D. #yrian bitterness towards .ersia left its influence2 see 'ameron "&"athias on the #assanians " AC9 HD >>39>4. 22. 'f. 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, 3>39>H2 and #tein Histoire du bas9empire 2:CH9C? >D@ 2AH9A? and 2C3. &lthou"h 7asilie$ and +rooks in ,ohn of -phesus Lives, &O >H:>C n. 2 date the raids as startin" in @>@ =cf. #tein Histoire, 2:>D@B the problem was ob$iously already present in @D22 see n. 24 below. 'f. also .rocopius %necdota >?.22923 3D2 23.A9>D. 23. /or e1ample ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2 &O >H:>C92D2 4 &O >H:H?9?32 >A &O >H:24@. 24. .rocopius <ars >.H.? states that durin" the &midan sie"e of @D29@D3 the Fephthalitae were o$errunnin" the %esopotamian countryside. 8hosroes also used Funnic mercenaries cf. .rocopius <ars 2.2A. 2@. /or e1ample pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@ C.>42 Chronicon Edessenum '!!! =both on the in$asion of @3>K2B. 2A. ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle CD.>. 2H. %onophysite sources distinctly mark ,ustin;s accession as the be"innin" of their woes2 cf. pseudo9 Nachariah *hetor HE ?2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, >@9>A =,ohn of -phesusB2 ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle CD2 ,acob of -dessa Chronicon, 3>H2 Chronicon anonymum 6AB, 2222 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>22 and Chronicon anonymum 4CDA, @3. 'ompare for e1ample -$a"rius HE 4.> where ,ustin;s accession passes without remarks on reli"ious policy2 -$a"rius HE 4.C comments on these matters instead when recountin" the crownin" of ,ustinian. /or the back"round to and si"nificance of ,ustin;s chan"e in "o$ernment policy re"ardin" the 'halcedonian faith see esp. 'haranis Church and State# 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst# and )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites, A49A@. 2?. Gn the persecutions of the %onophysites see in "eneral 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst# /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement# )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites# and Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites . 2C. 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, 23@93A. #ee pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, >C 2>924 2A2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>4. 3D. This assumption of duties probably occurred in @2>2 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, 23D2 Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, >D>. 3>. -$a"rius a 'halcedonian claims that .aul resi"ned $oluntarily2 HE 4.4. Gn -uphrasius; accession and subse3uent death see 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, 23C94D2 and pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.>. +ut Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, >4? claims that the oriental monks were first dri$en out by -uphrasius which contradicts the account in %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>4 based on part 2 of ,ohn of -phesus; HE, wherein .aul "the ,ew" is blamed.

32. .seudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, HD =,ohn of -phesusB2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2A ='habot !! 22D92>B. 33. The best bio"raphy of -phrem is in Lebon "Zphrem d;&mid." #ee also 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, >22924. +oth pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE H.42 and ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle CD.23 praise -phrem as a ci$il administrator. 34. /or the implications of this see esp. 'ameron "!ma"es of &uthority " 2?93>2 +oo5amra "'hristian &hilanthropia "2 )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites >DD2 and #e"al ;;%esopotamian 'ommunities " >>49>@. 3@. /or a shady incident see pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>@ C.>C2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.23. 3A. #ee esp. 4ray *he Defense of Chalcedon, >4>9@4. 'f. also Lebon "Zphrem d;&mid " 2D39>42 %oeller "'halcOdonisme et le nOo9chalcOdonisme " A?D9?@2 and #ellers Council of Chalcedon, 3>39 >@ 32D923 332943. 3H. /or e1ample ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale 3A 3H2 /ita Sabae ='yril of #cythopolisB ?@2 -$a"rius HE 4.2@. 3?. 'f. pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE >D.@2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.24. -$a"rius HE 4.A considers -phrem;s deeds on behalf of &ntioch before his consecration as a manifestation of di$ine pro$idence. #ee Downey "-phraemius " for other episodes of -phrem;s ci$il acti$ity while patriarch. 3C. %onophysite sources unanimously condemn -phrem and their indi"nation at his use of the army was harshly e1pressed. #ee for e1ample pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE >D.>2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 3?944 =,ohn of -phesusB2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>3923. %ichael is particularly scathin" about the army in Chronique C.24 ='habot !! 2DAB2 he claims that -phrem "a$e the appearance of bein" a learned sa"e but was in reality a pa"anP Chronique C.>A ='habot !! >?>B. Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, >4?94C assesses -phrem;s acti$ities as patriarch. 4D. %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2A ='habot !! 223B. 4>. The primary account is found in pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 329442 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>3923 2A draws almost all his material from this same source which is clearly ,ohn of -phesus; HE, pt. !!. #ee also ,acob of -dessa Chronicon, 3>C92D2 and Chronicon anonymum 6AB, 22@92H. 42. %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2A ='habot !! 22394B. .seudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 3H =,ohn of -phesusB also accuses &braham of adherin" to the 'halcedonian faith not willin"ly but obse3uiously. 43. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >? &O >H:2A> mentions a local pla"ue sli"htly earlier than the bubonic outbreak of @42. Lives, @3 &O >C:>?@2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, HC9?? >>2 =,ohn of -phesusB2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE >D.C9>42 ,acob of -dessa Chronicon, 32D92>2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.32 deal with the 4reat .la"ue and continual famine in %esopotamia and &mida. #ee +iraben and Le4off ".este dans le haute moyen a"e"2 and esp. &llen ";,ustinianic; .la"ue." &llen obser$es that famine was a chronic si1th9century problem both creatin" conditions ripe for the outbreak of pla"ue and becomin" also a result of its occurrence. 44. The ma5or accounts of the pla"ue of madness are found in pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, >@9>A2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.322 and Chronicon anonymum 4CDA, L]!!. The $ersion found in pseudo9Dionysius is clearly the ori"inal for all other accounts and is included in the collection of fra"ments attributed to ,ohn of -phesus HE, pt. 2 in ,ohn of -phesus "&nalyse de la seconde partie " ed. /. <au 4A?9AC. There is no reason not to attribute this passa"e to ,ohn2 but e$en if the writer of pseudo9Dionysius had drawn on other material at this point the account would probably still ha$e come from a contemporary "i$en the nature of sources used by this historian. =! am indebted to L. %ichael )hitby for this obser$ation.B 4@. Spurious Life of )ames =,acob +urd;ayaB &O >C: 2@C9A22 +arrationes variae ]7!!. 4A. +esides the calamities mentioned comets were seen in the +y6antine -ast in the years @DD @3? @43K4 @@A @A@ and @CC2 earth3uakes occurred in the same area in 4CC @D3 @>@ @2@ @2A @2? @2C @3D @33 @3A @3?KC @3C @4> @42 @43 @4A @@> @@4 @@H @@? @@?KC @A> @AH @A? @?DK> @?3 @?4K@ @?? and AD>. #ee 4rumel Chronologie, 4@H9?> on natural disasters. #ee .atla"ean &auvret"

"conomique, H49C22 and 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, 3449@3 3AD9A2 3?29?3 on the cumulati$e economic effect of the natural calamities. 4H. /or a discussion of such "psychic epidemics"Eincludin" dance fren6ies witch hunts and re$i$al mo$ementsEsee abo$e all *osen 1adness in Society, >>? >C2922@. 'f. also ,. ,. Lhermitte *rue and .alse &ossession, trans. .. ,. Fepburne9#cott =<ew 0ork >CA32 ori". /rench >C@AB2 Na1 and 'owen %bnormal &sychology, 2@9@?2 and cf. Trethowan "-1orcism " on physical and mental symptoms in cases of se$ere hysteria. &lso rele$ant are the comparable situations seen in 'ohn &ursuit of the 1illenium# for the ob$ious parallels in -urope durin" the fourteenth century see Nie"ler 'lack Death. .rofessor &. &. %. +ryer has pointed out to me that &mida would a"ain suffer a similar constellation of tra"edy in the fourteenth to mid9fifteenth centuries but without a"ain e$idencin" such a ma5or social breakdown2 see #an5ian Colophons of %rmenian 1anuscripts. !n this instance the influence of !slamic fatalismE throu"h which pla"ue was seen as a martyrdom and a mercy for the faithful %uslimEmay ha$e contained public reaction as it did in "eneral durin" the +lack Death in the %uslim domain2 see Dols 'lack Death, 23A9@4 and for a sensiti$e comparison with )estern reactions 2?>93D2. 4?. *osen 1adness in Society, 2>9>3A2 ,. #. <eaman Suggestion of the Devil= *he Origins of 1adness =<ew 0ork >CH@B. &nimal9like beha$ior "eneral disorientation and e1cessi$e $iolence are amon" the primary symptoms. *osen >C2922@ also discusses the occurrence of animal9like beha$ior durin" certain psychic epidemics especially in re$i$al mo$ements. 'f. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, > &O >H:>49>@2 and pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE H.>4 for madness displayed throu"h similar symptoms. /or a sense of how this pattern of madness fits with the chan"es in late anti3ue understandin"s of insanity see /estu"iWre "ZpidOmies ^hippocrati3ues_." 4C. #ee nn. 43 and 4A abo$e on natural disasters in the #yrian Grient2 and for e1ample ",oshua the #tylite " Chronicle# .rocopius <ars >922 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 39>>?2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor F- H9>22 ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle CD.239322 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C2 Chronicon anonymum 4CDA, L!!!. @D. ! ha$e discussed &mida;s pla"ue of madness with psychiatrist #ir )illiam Trethowan and with psycholo"ist Dr. ,ames +. &shbrook and ha$e "ratefully drawn upon their professional e1pertise in the present discussion. +oth see no reason to doubt the "enuine occurrence of this outbreak especially in the cumulati$e circumstances of the time. The e$ents of the si1th century may offer some solutions as to why &mida present9day Diyar +ekir e1hibits almost no archaeolo"ical remains from pre9!slamic times apart from its walls and the cathedral shell. #ee 7an +erchem and #tr6y"owski %mida . Destruction of property such as the .ersian )ars wrou"ht could hardly ha$e been repaired substantially in li"ht of subse3uent e$ents and circumstances. @>. 'onsider the re"ular mention in later #yriac chronicles of the e$ents of the .ersian con3uest of &mida in @D3 and the pla"ue of madness in @AD. These sources are listed in the notes abo$e but the point is especially made by the two late fra"ments +arrationes variae ]7!! and ]7!!!. @2. /or e1ample +rown "*ise and /unction"2 7TTbus History of %sceticism 22 +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism." @3. .atla"ean "\ +y6ance"2 +rown "-astern and )estern 'hristendom." @4. Theodoret Historia religiose 2A. 'f. for e1ample ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 4 &O >H:@A9?4. 'f. 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2:32@2 and +rock "-arly #yrian &sceticism " >4. @@. #ee ,ohn of -phesus Lives, @2 &O >C:>A49HC and @3 &O >C:>HC9?@. @A. .rocopius <ars >.C.>?. ",oshua the #tylite" tells how the -dessenes preparin" for a .ersian sie"e a"ainst them pulled down all the monasteries and inns in the area 5ust outside the city wallsE presumably to a$oid such atrocities but perhaps also to a$oid "i$in" the besie"ers a base for men and e3uipment close to the walls2 ",oshua the #tylite " Chronicle @C. @H. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 4 &O >H:H?9?3. @?. .rocopius <ars >.H.@9>>. @C. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2 &O >H:>C92D. The paralysis in midair of an attackin" enemy is a common literary topos# compare for e1ample ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale >@ HD H@. AD. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >A &O >H:24@.

A>. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, A &O >H:>>>9>?. The appearance of the demons first in the "uise of panicked $illa"ers fleein" from the raiders is interestin" for its similarity to the incident sparkin" off &mida;s pla"ue of madness. A2. !t is worth notin" that in the first half of the fifth century a monk named Dada from the re"ion of &mida was sent by the people of the city to 'onstantinople2 his purpose was to plead for ta1 relief as &mida had suffered harshly from war and famine. Dada seems to ha$e been a prolific writer but nothin" by him sur$i$es for us. #ee )ri"ht Short History of Syriac Literature, @49@@2 Du$al Litt"rature syriaque, 33C. A3. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3@ &O >?:AD?. /or the account of the &midan monasteries see Lives, &O >?:ADH9232 and @? &O >C:2DH92H2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 3C9442 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>H9>C. ! ha$e drawn from these sources for the present summary2 the brief translations are from ,ohn;s thirty9fifth "Life." A4. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3@ &O >?:AD?. A@. (nder .aul "the ,ew " the e1pulsion was perhaps as late as @2>2 %esopotamia was the last place in which the persecutions were undertaken. There may well ha$e been concern amon" ci$il and ecclesiastical officials about enterin" %esopotamia an area more fully committed to the %onophysite faith than elsewhere in the -ast apart from -"ypt where the economic factor of the empire;s need for "rain mattered more than imperial reli"ious policies. #ee 7asilie$ )ustin the .irst, 22C2 and )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites, C@. AA. The $illa"e of F6yn in Tysf;2 the location is unknown. AH. #ee also pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>@. A?. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3@ .G >3:A2D. AC. This was part of the campai"n in$ol$ed in -phrem;s "descent to the east." 'f. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, @? &O >C:2242 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE >.>2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 3?9442 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>4. &braham bar 8aili was also commandin" soldiers durin" this e1pulsion. HD. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3@ &O >?:A2D2 but pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 4D says there were "a thousand men or more " whereas ,ohn Lives, >4 &O >H:2>4 states that the number durin" the first persecution was H@D. H>. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3@ &O >?:A2>. H2. !bid. A22923. 'f. the related situation in &rmenia similar in impact and also encoura"ed by -phrem: idem Lives, 2> &O >H:2C39C4. H>. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3@ &O >?:A2>. H2. !bid. A22923. 'f. the related situation in &rmenia similar in impact and also encoura"ed by -phrem: idem Lives, 2> &O >H:2C39C4. H3. /or e1ample )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites, AH9A?2 /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, HC >4>9442 idem ".opular *eli"ion"2 +rown "*ise and /unction"2 and idem "Dark &"e 'risis." H4. /or e1ample /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, 2AD9A>. The decision to ordain %onophysite bishopsEa step e$entually leadin" to the creation of a separate %onophysite ecclesiastical hierarchyEwas made lar"ely because popular fears o$er communion at 'halcedonian hands had become so ur"ent and widespread. !t was not a mo$e en"ineered by ambitious or contentious %onophysite leaders. H@. 'f. )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites, A?. HA. .seudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@ = Syriac Chronicle, trans. /. ,. Familton and -. ). +rooks 2>>9 >2B. 'f. %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>4. HH. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 3@ &O >?:ADH923. H?. !bid. A>?. HC. !bid. @? &O >C:22>9>H. ?D. !bid. 22@92A. ?>. !bid. 2D &O >H:2H?9?3. ?2. !bid. 24 &O >?:@2>. ?3. /or e1ample ibid. >4 and >? &O >H:2>392D 2AD9A@2 2C &O >?:@A29H4.

?4. !bid. >4 &O >H:2>392D =&bbiB2 >H &O >H:24?9@C =the poor stran"erB2 >C &O >H:2AA9?D =NachariasB. 'f. also 2D &O >H:2?>9?32 2? &O >?:@@C9A22 @> &O >C:>@C9AD. ?@. !bid. >? &O >H:2AD9A@. ?A. !bid. 2AD. Gn the rulin" a"ainst lea$in" a monastery without release see Syriac and %rabic Documents, ed. and trans. &. 7TTbus 33 =canon 2AB. rans. &. 7TTbus 33 =canon 2AB. ?H. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 33 &O >?:@C29AD>2 3 &O >H:429442 34 &O >?:AD>9A. ??. !bid. 33 &O >?:@CC. ?C. !bid. 3@ &O >?:A>49>H. CD. .seudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 3C94D =,ohn of -phesusB. #ee also %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>C. 'f. the parallel situation in ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2> &O >H:2C39CH. C>. .seudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 4D944 =,ohn of -phesusB2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>C. C2. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 23 &O >H:3DD93D4. C3. !bid. 3D4. C4. !bid. @ &O >H:C? =my trans.B. C@. !bid. CA9CC. CA. !bid. CA9>D>. CH. !bid. >D>93 =my trans.B. C?. !bid. >D39>>. CC. !bid. >2 &O >H:>HA9H?. 'f. pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, 43944 =,ohn of -phesusB for another account of secret aid by $illa"ers when the &midans were dri$en out of the monastery of the .oplars by -phrem;s troops durin" the second persecution. >DD. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >2 &O >H:>H>9?A. Gn the si"nificance of -uphemia;s work see chap. A. >D>. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >2 &O >H:>?4 =my trans.B.

IV Pur*ose an' P&a+es

>. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 4? &O >?:A?@2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@. !t is probably to the -"yptian desert as a "atherin" place that this famous passa"e of pseudo9Nachariah refers. 2. -"ypt;s reputation for ascetic e1cellence was a serious factor for the %onophysite monks who came from elsewhere in the -ast includin" %esopotamia. /or the nature of -"ypt;s spiritual authority in this realm see *ousseau "#piritual &uthority"2 idem "+lood9relationships." 3. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2H &O >?:@@4. /or an impression from the -"yp9 tian $iewpoint of how -"ypt itself was affected by the persecutions see esp. Fardy Christian Egypt 2 see also -$elyn9)hite 1onasteries of the <Edi 7+ +atrFn, 2>C94D. 4. ,ohn of -phesus Lives 2H &O >?:@4>9@?. &r6anene was $isited by #imeon the .ersian Debater while on his missionary tra$els Lives, >D &O >H:>4@2 and its cler"y were ordained durin" the persecutions by ,ohn of Tella Lives, 24 &O >?:@>C. @. !n the "Life of #usan " ibid. &O >?:@4H94? ,ohn says the spot was about two miles from %endis2 and elsewhere about twel$e miles distant from the monastery of %ar %enas &O >H:2DC. %endis itself he claims was twenty9four miles abo$e &le1andria Lives, >3 &O >H:>CD =see also +rooks; footnoteB. %ar %enas was a celebrated monastery and its reputation was no doubt attracti$e to the newcomers2 pro1imity may ha$e seemed desirable. 'f. Fardy Christian Egypt, >2@92A ="The shrine of #t. %enas had become the Lourdes of the ancient world"B2 and see "8arm &bu %ena " !' , >>>A9@? =%. 8rauseB. A. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2H &O >?:@4?. H. !bid. @@D =my trans.B. ?. !bid. @@49@A. #usan;s acti$ities and ,ohn;s reactions to them are discussed in chap. A. C. 'f. #e$erus of &ntioch "#O$Wre d;&ntioche en Z"ypte " ed. and trans. ). -. 'rum. >D. Lives, 4? &O >?:A?49CD. >>. !bid. A?@. Fere ,ohn carelessly "i$es the impression that #e$erus was recei$ed by the patriarch Theodosius who was not consecrated to the see until @3@ =and then somewhat $iolently: see pseudo9 Nachariah *hetor HE C.>42 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>2B. Theodosius was banished in @3A to

Thrace and then to 'onstantinople where he remained "uidin" the %onophysites until his death in @AA. >2. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 4? &O >?:A?@. >3. #ee esp. /ita Severi =,ohn of +eith9&phthoniaB2 and for the sense of how this aura "rew with #e$erus; le"end see /ita Severi =&thanasius #criptorB Conflict of Severus, ed. and trans. -. ,. 4oodspeed and ). -. 'rum. >4. ,ohn is referrin" here = Lives, 4? &O >?:A?@B in particular to the doctrinal dispute between #e$erus and ,ulian of Falicarnassus. #ee esp. pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.C9 >@. /or e1ample #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >.4C 2.3. >A. .seudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>3. !n the letters pseudo9Nachariah *hetor cites here #e$erus describes himself contendin" a"ainst the 'halcedonians from -"ypt "! IamJ a man who chan"es about from one place to another and ha$e no con$enient time for other thin"s that are re3uired" = HE C.>> I Syriac Chronicle, ed. and trans. /. ,. Familton and -. ). +rooks 23@JB. #ee also #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >.@3. >H. Lives, 2> &O >H:2?39C?. #ee also @4 &O >C:>?A2 @@ &O >C:>C22 @A &O >C:>CH9CC. >?. ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.H9?. >C. Lives, >3 &O >H:>?H92>3. 2D. Gn &mida;s bishops at this time see Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, >DD9>D>2 also ;;,oshua the #tylite " Chronicle L]]]!!!2 and pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@. /or &braham bar 8aili apparently consecrated by .aul "the ,ew" of &ntioch see chap. 3. 2>. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >3 &O >H:>??. 22. !bid. >??9?C. 23. !bid. >?C9CD. 'f. the description of %are;s ad$entures in pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@. 24. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >3 &O >H:>CD. 2@. ,ohn;s account of the li$es of %ary and -uphemia reflects the same intent Lives, >2 &O >H:>AA9 ?A. #ee the discussion of their story in chap. A. 2A. Lives, >3 &O >H:>C2. 2H. ,ohn of -phesus ibid. 2@ &O >?:@2? says of this campai"n: "se$ere fi"htin" and much slau"hter took place in &le1andria as is common in that "reat city." #ee also for e1ample ibid. 3H &O >?:A2C9 3D2 .rocopius %necdota 2A.3@9442 ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle CD.?>9?C C2.@9H2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2> 2@. 2?. #ee the Life of )ohn the %lmsgiver, in *hree 'y,antine Saints, trans. -. &. Dawes and <. +aynes >C@92HD2 %onks "'hurch of &le1andria"2 Fardy Christian Egypt, >3C94> >@49A>. 2C. %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2@. 'f. ,ohn of -phesus; more "eneral description of the persecutions throu"hout the -ast in $ery similar lan"ua"e2 Lives, 24 &O >?:@2492@. 3D. Lives, 4? &O >?:A?H. #ee also for e1ample %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2H. 'f. #e$erus of &ntioch "#O$Wre d;&ntioche en Z"ypte " ed. and trans. ). -. 'rum. 3>. #ee -$a"rius HE 4.C for the pro9'halcedonian $iew of &le1andria and 'onstantinople as the two main centers of reli"ious dissent. 32. & point that particularly rankled .rocopius: see the %necdota . Gn Theodora see +rownin" )ustinian and *heodora 2 +ury History of the Later !oman Empire 2:2H93@2 and Diehl *h"odora . 33. .rocopius %necdota >D. >49>@. 34. !bid. = Opera, ed. and trans. F. +. Dewin" H:>2@B. 3@. -$a"rius HE 4.>D. 'f. &llen Evagrius Scholasticus, chap. ? on -$a"rius; treatment of ,ustin ! and ,ustinian. &llen here points out that -$a"rius adds credibility to .rocopius; %necdota, which thus cannot be dismissed as personal rantin". 3A. -$a"rius HE, 4. >D. 3H. Gn Theodora;s "ood deeds toward the %onophysites see for e1ample #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >.A32 ,ohn of -phesus Lives 2 idem HE, .ragmenta 3.29@2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>42 ,ohn of <ikiu Chron9 icle CD.?H9??2 ,acob of -dessa Chronicon, 32>2 Chronicon anonymum 645, >D2 Chronicon anonymum 4CDA, L!79L72 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.>@ 2D 2>. 3?. Chronicon anonymum 4CDA L72 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2D. This tradition still appeals to the #yrian Grthodo12 it is retold in the play "Theodora " written in &rabic =>C@AB by %or /aulos

+ehram %etropolitan of +a"hdad and translated into #yriac =>CHHB by %or !uhannon .hilo1enos Dolobani the late %etropolitan of %ardin. 3C. +rownin" )ustinian and *heodora 4D. 4D. /or e1ample .rocopius %necdota >H.2H2 -$a"rius HE 4.>D9>>. !t is notable for e1ample that the pro9'halcedonian 1elkite Chronicle of the se$enth centuryEin its reports on ecclesiastical and theolo"ical e$ents in$ol$in" imperial circlesEdoes not once mention the ener"etic empress. #ee "'hroni3ue melkite " ed. and trans. &. de Falleu1 >39>?. This may be a simple case of male chau$inism of course2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor often omits mention of Theodora in places where her acti$ity was decisi$e for e1ample HE ?.@ C.>@ =cf. C.>CB. 4>. .seudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@ C.>2 ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle CD.4C9@C2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.34. !t is interestin" that ,ohn of <ikiu seems to transfer the respecti$e characteristics of the imperial couple from one to the other. &t Chronicle C3.>93 he lists those fi"ures who had most "reatly adorned *ome: *omulus <uma 'aesar &u"ustus "and subse3uently came the empress Theodora the consort of the emperor ,ustinian"P 42. The same respect is shown in his Ecclesiastical History for the emperor ,ustin !!. #ee 'ameron "-arly +y6antine aiserkritik ." 43. /or Theodora;s correspondence with the .ersian 3ueen Lives, >D &O >H:>@H =cf. .rocopius %necdota 2.3293HB2 the hospitals she founded Lives, @> &O >C:>A>9A22 and her prostitution Lives, >3 &O >H:>?C. ,ohn;s statement that Theodora "came from the brothel" = porne is his wordB substantiates the leerin" char"es of .rocopius with none of the latter;s scorn2 see .rocopius %necdota C.>93D. 44. /or e1ample Lives, @H &O >C:2DD92DA. 4@. Lives, 3H &O >?:A?D. #ee also ,ohn;s HE, .ragmenta 3.A where ,ohn says the emperor was an1ious to fulfill the will of his wife e$en after her death. %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2C speaks of ,ustinian;s "rief at Theodora;s death with the implication that this led him to treat the patriarchs &nthimus and Theodosius with leniency. 4A. Lives, 4H &O >?:A?>2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon HH9H? >2@ =,ohn of -phesusB2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2@ 33. ,ohn also con$erted the %anicheans in 'onstantinople at ,ustinian;s re3uest2 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, H@9HA =,ohn of -phesusB2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2@. 4H. %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2@. !t may be that the new con$erts could not appreciate the theolo"ical ar"uments wa"ed o$er the 'ouncil of 'halcedon2 but the missions to <ubia =not led by ,ohn of -phesusB produced a selfconsciously %onophysite followin". #ee /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, 2CH93D32 Fardy Christian Egypt, >4>943. 4?. & "ood e1ample is in ,ohn;s HE, /ra"menta 3.4 where ,ohn went so far as to offend the emperor but does not appear to ha$e suffered for his frankness =here he seems to ha$e acted at least in part throu"h intermediariesB. 4C. 'f. 'ameron "-arly *eli"ious .olicies." @D. 4ray Defense of Chalcedon, esp. >@49A42 )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites, chap. ?. ,ustinian seems to ha$e shown hi"h respect for certain of his theolo"ical opponents2 for e1ample ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.?. Fis aphthartodocetic $iews were similar to those of ,ulian of Falicarnassus2 see n. >4 abo$e. @>. .seudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@. /or #e$erus; cynicism ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.3. Darlin" ".atriarchate of #e$erus " sees this attitude of #e$erus increasin" o$er time be"innin" as early as his years in &ntioch. @2. #ee the documents in +rock "Grthodo19Griental Grthodo1 'on$ersations"2 and "'on$ersations with the #yrian Grthodo1 " ed. and trans. #. .. +rock. 'f. pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>@2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.22. @3. +rock "Grthodo19Griental Grthodo1 'on$ersations " 22A. @4. !bid. 22@2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>@. @@. .seudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>A2 see also -$a"rius HE 4.>>. @A. ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.32 idem Lives, 4? &O >?:A?H2 and #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters 4:H. @H. ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.3 ?2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>C2 -$a"rius HE 4.>>2 "'hroni3ue melkite " >H9>?2 Chronicon anonymum 6AB, 2232 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.22.

@?. ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.42 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.3D. @C. /or e1ample ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.>2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE >2.A2 -$a"rius HE 4.3A2 "'hroni3ue melkite " >C9232 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.3D. +ut the comple1ity of the picture is best "ained in the o$er$iews "i$en by /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement# and )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites . AD. +est encapsulated in his HE, .ragmenta 3.29?. The "radual wear does not seem to ha$e crushed ,ohn;s own spirit until matters internal to the %onophysites broke down under ,ustin !! and Tiberius2 see his HE, pt. !!!. A>. The si"nificance of 'onstantine;s e1ample did not escape his contemporaries as can be seen in the works of -usebius of 'aesarea and more "enerally Liet6mann History of the Early Church, $ols. 3 and 4. A2. Fere too the populace was hi"hly influenced by ascetics in this case by the "#leepless" monks. The Trisha"ion riots were a case in point. -$a"rius HE 3.442 pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, A9H =,ohn of -phesusB2 ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle C.C. A3. /or a "eneral sense of how 'onstantinople "worked " see ,ones Later !oman Empire 2: A?H9HDC2 for its chan"in" circumstances in the si1th century see 'ameron "'orippus; .oem"2 and idem "Theotokos." A4. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2 &O >H:>?93@. #ee chap. 2 for a description of N;ura;s career in %esopotamia. A@. /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, 2HD 2H2. ,ohn "i$es no indication of the date. AA. /or mention of N;ura see #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters 3.22 "'hroni3ue melkite " >?2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.232 +ar Febraeus Chronicon ecclesiasticum >: 2DA9>2. /urther references are noted by /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, 2H22 the stylite apparently bapti6ed Theodora a considerable honor for both parties. %ichael;s account as usual primarily follows ,ohn;s2 so too does that of +ar Febraeus. AH. Lives, 2 &O >H:22. A?. 'f. #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >>.> where the patriarch be"s a would9be solitary not to follow his own selfish desire for withdrawal but instead to face the reli"ious crisis with action because the ur"ency of the times is so "reat. AC. /ita Danielis Stylitae, chaps. H29?@. HD. Lives, 2 &O >H:2492@. H>. !naccuracy of this kind is characteristic of ,ohn;s historical method2 he tended to make his points by whate$er means of emphasis seemed necessary. .rocopius mentions two or possibly three se$ere illnesses contracted by ,ustinian: 'uildings >.A.@9? >.H.A9>A2 idem <ars 2.23.2D which records the emperor;s bout of bubonic pla"ue. The first of these = 'uildings >.A.@9?B in particular bears a resemblance to ,ohn;s account in$ol$in" N;ura since .rocopius claims that ,ustinian was healed by the inter$ention of #aints 'osmas and Damian after doctors pro$ed unable to treat his near9fatal illness and that this became the occasion for a shrine dedicated to the saints by the emperor. This passa"e and its circumstances rather than the $a"ue story of an "eastern monk" and a "ruesome apparition in .rocopius %necdota >2.2392A as +rooks su""ests = &O >H:24 n.B seem an appropriate basis for ,ohn;s story of N;uraEunless the passa"e refers to the emperor;s case of pla"ue which would ha$e it happen at too late a date =N;ura was banished from 'onstantinople in @3A and the pla"ue did not arri$e until @42B. +ut this seems unlikely since .rocopius would surely ha$e mentioned it if the illness had been pla"ue. !f N;ura had been in$ol$ed the emperor clearly could not ha$e paid him tribute2 the choice of #aints 'osmas and Damian would ha$e been particularly appropriate since their $ery popular cult had reached the 4reco9*oman world throu"h the #yrian Grient =in fact the saints may ori"inally ha$e been &rab tribesmenB. #ee .eeters Orient et 'y,ance, A@9A?. The church dedicated to #aints 'osmas and Damian may be the buildin" now known as the &tik %ustafa .asa 'amii2 see +. &ran "The <unnery of the &na"yres and the %ustafa .asha %os3ue: <otes " )G' 2A =>CHHB: 24H9@32 and %athews 'y,antine Churches of 8stanbul, >A. /or an alternati$e cf. ,anin Constantinople by,antine, >23. H2. Lives, 2 &O >H:2@92A. H3. !bid. 2A93>2 also %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.232 and +ar Febraeus Chronicon ecclesiasticum >:2DA9>2 where the two later chroniclers are primarily

dependent on ,ohn;s account. #ee pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>@ >C for another $ersion of &"apetus; $isit and death in 'onstantinople that while not mentionin" N;ura by name substantiates ,ohn;s story with re"ard to the pope;s death. &"apetus in fact did die of fe$er as pseudo9Nachariah *hetor indicates. H2. Lives, 2 &O >H:2@92A. H3. !bid. 2A93>2 also %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.232 and +ar Febraeus Chronicon ecclesiasticum >:2DA9>2 where the two later chroniclers are primarily dependent on ,ohn;s account. #ee pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>@ >C for another $ersion of &"apetus; $isit and death in 'onstantinople that while not mentionin" N;ura by name substantiates ,ohn;s story with re"ard to the pope;s death. &"apetus in fact did die of fe$er as pseudo9Nachariah *hetor indicates. H4. Lives 2 &O >H:3493@. H@. !bid. Theodosius was e1iled from &le1andria in @3A in accordance with the "eneral banishment order decreed at that time a"ainst #e$erus and the other %onophysite leaders. The ;;'hroni3ue melkite " chap. >? includes N;ura;s name in the list of those who were banned. HA. Lives, 3H &O >?:A2494>. HH. !bid. A3>. ,ohn mi"ht not ha$e felt so embarrassed if %are had directed his an"er in this fashion toward anyone else2 but his own position of fa$or in the imperial court made his reaction to the encounter necessarily awkward. !t was not the passion but the disrespect that alarmed him. Gn this $ery incident <Tldeke remarked "&ll this was in e1ecrable taste2 yet it is a real pleasure to see that there still were some people capable of confrontin" the ser$ile ;+y6antinism; of the day in a way that was manly and independent" =<Tldeke Sketches from Eastern History, 23D93>B. H?. Lives, 3H &O >?:A32933. HC. !bid. A3C. ?D. !bid. A4D. ?>. !bid. C &O >H:>3A93H. ?2. & summari6in" chronolo"ical account of Theodora;s patrona"e and its recipients is in Duchesne ".rotO"Os de ThOodora." ?3. Lives, >3 &O >H:>?H92>3. ?4. !bid. 2DH. ?@. !bid. 2>2. ?A. !bid. 4H &O >?:AHH. ?H. !n this chapter of the Lives =4H &O >?:AHA9?4B ,ohn "i$es a tantali6in"ly confused picture of the %onophysite residences in 'onstantinople mentionin" in particular the palace of Formisdas and a martyrion dedicated to #aint #er"ius. The picture is hampered by both insufficient corroborati$e documentation and incomplete archaeolo"ical remains2 ,ohn himself describes se$ere dama"e by fire to the %onophysite 3uarters. &n effort to clarify ,ohn;s presentation in this instance is made by %an"o "'hurch of #aints #er"ius and +acchus"2 and idem "'hurch of #ts. #er"ius and +acchus Gnce &"ain." Gn the .alace of Formisdas see 4uilland Z tudes de topographie >:2C493D@. Gn the 'hurch of #aints #er"ius and +acchus see 7an %illen"en 'y,antine Churches, A29?3. <either 7an %illen"en nor 4uilland uses ,ohn of -phesus despite his detailed =if confusedB descriptions. 'f. ,anin Constantinople by,antine, 3@?9@C. ??. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 4H &O >?:AHH. ?C. !bid. AHC. CD. !bid. A?D. C>. !bid. 4? &O >?:A?49CD. The patriarchs ,ohn includes are #e$erus of &ntioch Theodosius of &le1andria &nthimus of 'onstantinople #er"ius of &ntioch and .aul ="the +lack"B of &ntioch. C2. #ee the accounts of these e$ents in /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, 2HD9H32 idem !ise of Christianity, ?42943. C3. Their leadership was of paramount import to the mo$ement and the act of their communion =which must ha$e been around @3@ KAB with one another remained a critical landmark in %onophysite tradition. /ollowin" their ritual of communion they maintained contact sendin" numerous encyclicals to one another while in e1ile and these were circulated with considerable impact within the church body. #ee for e1ample pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE C.>492A2 ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.@9

A2 -$a"rius HE 4.>>2 "'hroni3ue melkite " >H2 ,acob of -dessa Chronicon, 3>C92>2 Chronicon anonymum 6AB, 223 22?2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2>. #e$erus was patriarch in &ntioch from @>29@>? when he was deposed2 he died in -"ypt in @3?. Theodosius held the seat in &le1andria from @3@9@3H and remained in e1ile in 'onstantinople until his death in @AA. &nthimus ser$ed as patriarch only from @3@9@3A when he resi"ned under imperial pressure2 he sur$i$ed in e1ile hidden by Theodora perhaps another se$en or ei"ht years. C4. #ee /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement# )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites# and Fardy Christian Egypt . C@. /or #e$erus; problems while e1iled in maintainin" the internal discipline of the %onophysites see for e1ample #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >.4C @3 @H 2.3. CA. Lives, 44 &O >?:AA>9A?. CH. !bid. AA4. C?. !bid. AA49A@. CC. !bid. AA>. >DD. !bid. 33934 &O >?:@C29ADA2 3?94> &O >?:A4>9@?2 4A &O >?:AH>9HA. >D>. !bid. @H &O >C:2DD92DA. >D2. !bid. 2DD. This was the chamberlain %ishael who ser$ed in the court of &nastasius2 see #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >.>C and C.> and further references in +rooks; footnote Lives, @H &O >C:2DD n. >. !n Si0th 'ook of Select Letters, C.> #e$erus who was patriarch in &ntioch at the time ur"ed %ishael not to abandon his career in the court to become a solitary because the ur"ency of the %onophysite cause made a presence such as his in the palace all the more necessary. Fe offers hi"h praise for the asceticism %ishael practiced while followin" a lay career and he ur"es the chamberlain to accept his situation as one that bestows the crown of martyrdom. >D3. Lives, @H &O >C:2D>. >D4. !bid. 2D@. >D3. Lives, @H &O >C:2D>. >D4. !bid. 2D@. >D@. /or e1ample ,ohn of -phesus HE, .ragmenta 3.@9A2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.23. >DA. /or e1ample pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, H@9HA >2@ =,ohn of -phesusB2 .rocopius %necdota >>.>493> 2?.>A9>?2 and %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2@ 32. >DH. Lives, 33 &O >?:@C29AD>. >D?. !bid. ADD9AD>. >DC. /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement 3229232 and especially )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites, chap. >2. The conduct of the %onophysite community in 'onstantinople was not of course the direct cause of the renewed persecutions in the @HDs. +ut their acti$ity may ha$e been seen to contribute to ,ustin !!;s failure to secure a reli"ious solution by theolo"ical dialo"ue2 certainly the nature of their presence in the capital must ha$e been e1asperatin" for those who sou"ht a pro9 'halcedonian answer. >>D. Gn holy fools see *ydOn "Foly /ool"2 and !. #pidlik and /. 7andenbroucke "/ous pour le 'hrist " Dictionnaire de Spiritualit" @ cols. H@29HD. The practice of holy foolery came to prominence in the +y6antine realm with the career of the #yrian ascetic #imeon #alos in the si1th century2 but its inspiration deri$ed from the .auline teachin"s > 'or. 4:>D9>3 once a"ain a liberali6in" of symbols. The earliest appearance of a holy fool in 4reek literature is in .alladius Historia Lausiaca 3C where a nun fei"nin" madness is re$ealed by di$ine $ision as the holiest of ascetics. &n elaborate #yriac $ersion of the same story is in the "Life of Gnesima " in ,ohn the #tylite Select +arrations of Holy <omen ed. and trans. &. #mith Lewis. /or an e1cellent analysis of the meanin" of this form of ascesis see #yrkin ;;Gn the +eha$ior.;; >>>. Lives, @2 &O >C:>A49HC. /or another couple leadin" similar li$es see the Life of )ohn the %lmsgiver by Leontius of <eapolis chap. 24 in *hree 'y,antine Saints, trans. -. &. Dawes and <. +aynes 232934. De 4aiffier "!ntactam sponsam relin3uens " catalo"s the $ariations on this theme2 ,ohn;s couple are treated at pp. >H>9H2. ! am "rateful to .rofessor Lennart *ydOn for these references and others and for discussin" this chapter of ,ohn;s Lives with me. >>2. Lives, @2 &O >C:>H?.

>>3. .rofessor Lennart *ydOn belie$es that this chapter is a no$elette and is hi"hly unlikely to ha$e any basis in fact2 de 4aiffier "!ntactam sponsam relin3uens " takes this position and $iews ,ohn;s account as a literary de$ice. The "eneral scepticism found in editor +rooks; own notes to the te1t indicates a similar perspecti$e. +rooks is bothered in particular by the erratic chronolo"y of the story. This ! do not find to be a serious concern because it is a chronic problem in ,ohn;s writin"s. &"ainst .rofessor *ydOn;s $iew =and othersB ! must emphasi6e the chapter;s uni3ueness in the Lives if it is fictional and further point to the fool in Lives, @3 which undoubtedly reflects a "enuine encounter and admittedly lacks the romantic tone of Lives, @2. <Tldeke Sketches from Eastern History, 23493@ belie$es that the basic story of the &midan couple was true but that it simply underwent elaboration in bein" told twice o$er. ! do not belie$e that ,ohn for all his carelessness would insert a full9blown fictional account into his collection. Thus if this story should turn out to be a pious fiction then probably it was a later interpolation. >>4. Lives, @2 &O >C:>H2. >>@. !bid. >AC. >>A. #ee chap. 3. >>H. Lives, @3 &O >C:>HC9?@. >>?. !bid. >?3.

V S*%r%#ua&%#y an' A++oun#ab%&%#y( Conse8uen+es o$ #he As+e#%+ Vo9

>. Gn the %onophysite missions see abo$e all Fendriks "&cti$itO apostoli3ue " where considerable attention is "i$en to the situation discussed hereEthe remarkable role of the %onophysite ascetic in the matter of missions. Fendriks notes the sin"ular fire and ri"or of these monks2 it is on this $ery point that ,ohn of -phesus enli"htens us. !n "eneral see also /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, chaps. ?9C2 and )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites, >3?94D. The role of the persecutions cannot be o$eremphasi6ed especially in that it placed these 'hristians in new places amon" new people with impressi$e stories to tell althou"h ,ohn reminds us that persecution was not the moti$atin" force. The parallel situation for the <estorians accounts for both the similarities and differences between the two "roups in this re"ard. /or a sense of how <estorian tradition preser$es this herita"e of persecution and mission see %ar &prem +estorian 1issions . 2. Lives, >A &O >H:22C94H. 3. !bid. 22C. 4. !bid. 233934. @. !bid. 23@93A. A. !bid. 24>. Gn the #ons and Dau"hters of the 'o$enant = bnay and bnath qyama B see p. A abo$e. H. Lives, >A &O >H:24>942. ?. !bid. 24@. C. !bid. 24H. >D. There is one indirect reference to in$asions by the Funs ibid. 24@ discussed earlier here in chap. 3 but no other connection is made to the e$ents dominatin" the eastern pro$inces at that time. >>. 7TTbus History of %sceticism >: 3DH92@ 2:3429AD. >2. Syriac and %rabic Documents, ed. and trans. &. 7TTbus >2>922 =on the date >>@B. >3. Lives, >D &O >H:>3H9@?. &dditional material on #imeon of +eth &rsham is in pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.32 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.?9C2 and +ar Febraeus Chronicon ecclesiasticum >:>CD 2:?A. Gn #imeon;s writin"s see Du$al Litt"rature syriaque, >3A94D 342 3@?9@C. The shorter $ersion of his famous letter on the persecution of the 'hristians in <a5ran is preser$ed from ,ohn of -phesus; HE in pseudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, @49@H2 for discus9 sion of the letter its $ersions and problems see !. #hahid *he 1artyrs of +aHran #ub. Fa". 4C =+ru1elles >CH>B. >4. Gn the ori"ins and history of .ersian 'hristianity see Labourt Christianisme dans l7empire perse 2 /iey )alons pour une histoire 2 +rock "'hristians in the #asanian -mpire"2 and 7TTbus History of the School of +isibis . /or the continuin" sur$i$al of %arcionism see /iey "%arcionites." !n accordance with #yrian tradition ,ohn includes +ardaisan in the same cate"ory as %ani and %arcion. This is an un5ust affiliation as +ardaisan seems to ha$e been "orthodo1" and not of the same

ascetically dualistic orientation as the other two. 'f. +ardaisan " 'ook of the La(s ;; ed. and trans. F. ,. ). Dri5$ers2 and Dri5$ers 'ardaisan of Edessa . >@. Lives >D &O >H:>44. >A. !bid. >D &O >H:>3?. 'f. for e1ample idem HE /ra"menta 3.294 ?. >H. Lives, >D &O >H:>4D94>. >?. !bid. >3?. >C. !bid. >42943 >@29@3 >@H. !n the incident with &nastasius the <estorians persuaded the .ersian kin" that the "orthodo1" =%onophysiteB belie$ers were traitors to the .ersian throne "since their faith also and their rites a"ree with those of the *omans." )hen &nastasius demanded that the persecutions be stopped he also secured a royal decree that the 'hristian peoples of .ersia should "not harm one another by reason of occasions of enmity" =ibid. >42943B. 2D. !bid. >@2. 2>. #ee for e1ample Lives, 3C &O >?:A4@94H2 4D &O >?:A4H9@>2 43 &O >?:A@?9AD2 @> &O >C:>@C9 A4. 22. !bid. 4H &O >?:A?>. 2>. #ee for e1ample Lives, 3C &O >?:A4@94H2 4D &O >?:A4H9@>2 43 &O >?:A@?9AD2 @> &O >C:>@C9 A4. 22. !bid. 4H &O >?:A?>. 23. .seudo9Dionysius 8ncerti auctoris chronicon, H@9H? >2@ =,ohn of -phesusB2 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2@ 33. .a"anism was a problem that $e1ed the church like a festerin" sore. &s ,ustinian;s measures and ,ohn of -phesus; enterprises showed its continued presence was not $iewed as a si"n of lin"erin" death but rather as a mali"nant cancer. !t was not so many years earlier that pseudo9 Nachariah *hetor had written his Life of Severus of %ntioch Eless a bio"raphy than a treatise a"ainst persistin" pa"an worship and a refutation of the char"es that the "reat patriarch had once been in$ol$ed in such practices himself2 see /ita Severi =Nachariah *hetorB. !n fact #e$erus had been a pa"an as a youth and con$erted to 'hristianity while a law student in +eyrouth2 for this e$idence see 4aritte "Te1tes ha"io"raphi3ue " esp. 33@94A. 24. Lives, 4D &O >?:A@D2 43 &O >?:A@?. 2@. !bid. 43 &O >?:A@C9AD. 2A. !bid. 4A &O >?:AH>9HA. 2H. !bid. 24 &O >?:@>392A. &part from the Lives, our ma5or source is the contemporary =written c. @42B /ita 8ohannis Episcopi *ellae, ed. and trans. -. ). +rooks2 see also for e1ample #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters @.>42 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.49@ >D.>2 and Chronicon anonymum ?4A 223. Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, @>9@2 summari6es ,ohn of Tella;s life and acti$ities. ,ohn left us a number of ecclesiastical and monastic canons2 see the references in Foni"mann on p. @2 and the discussion and te1ts in Syriac and %rabic Documents, ed. and trans. &. 7TTbus @@9A>. 2?. This was a $ery early inclinationEwhile a youn" child accordin" to -lias. #ee the /ita 8ohannis Episcopi *ellae, 4D942. 2C. 'f. pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE ?.@. 3D. !bid. @>@9@A. 3>. #ee esp. /rend "#e$erus of &ntioch"2 idem "%onophysites and the Transition"2 and 7TTbus "Gri"in of the %onophysite 'hurch." %ore "enerally cf. /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement# and )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites . 'ompare the alto"ether different perspecti$e of the <estorians in +rock ;;'hristians in the #asanian -mpire " esp. ?9C. 32. The scene is $i$idly described in #e$erus; Si0th 'ook of Select Letters > "Gn ordinations." Fe fre3uently 3uotes from the letters of the 'appadocian /athers and indeed the o$erlap between their situations is fascinatin"Eespecially for the way in which #e$erus chose to interpret the rather unsa$ory manipulation of ecclesiastical structure and law that +asil employed and which 4re"ory of <a6ian6us painfully suffered. #ee +asil Lettres, ed. and trans. 0. 'ourtonne2 and 4re"ory of <a6ian6us Lettres, ed. and trans. .. 4allay. #e$erus was in part con$erted by the writin"s of the 'appadocians while a student. #ee /ita Severi =Nachariah *hetorB2 and /ita Severi =,ohn of +eith9 &phthoniaB.

33. The contro$ersy o$er 'halcedon had ne$er been a dispute between theolo"ians alone2 from its be"innin"s it had stirred popular passions. #ee /rend ".opular *eli"ion"2 and 4re"ory /o0 &opuli . 34. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 24 &O >?:@>H. 3@. /rend "#e$erus of &ntioch " 2H32 idem !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement, 2AD9A>. !n both places the author has misconstrued the year of ,ohn of -phesus; ordination ?4D of the 4reeks =V @2CK3DB for the number of ordinations performed by ,ohn of Tella in one year2 Lives, 24 &O >?:@2>. 3A. !bid. @>?. 3H. !bid. 3?. !bid. @>C. 3C. !bid. @2>922. ,ohn of -phesus would ha$e been in his early twenties at the time. 4D. #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters @.>4. /or ,ohn of Tella in %arde see also ,ohn of -phesus Lives, >@ &O >H:22?. 4>. #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters > "Gn ordinations." The 3uestion of canonicity particularly with re"ard to ordinations was always pro$ocati$ely ar"ued when proceedin"s of di$erse interests were conducted in the church. #e$erus Si0th 'ook of Select Letters >.2 points out that church discipline on ordinations was often remiss in times of persecution. Fe cites the =less than flatterin"B case of +asil;s orchestrated consecration to 'aesarea in 3HD2 4re"ory of <a6ian6us Lettres, 4D94@ presents the other side of that incident. %onophysite tradition howe$er was somethin" to be reckoned with: in his /ita Severi, ,ohn of +eith9&phthonia remarks that .eter the !berian;s consecration in 4@2 was per9 formed under ad$erse circumstances and would ha$e been uncanonical but for the inter$ention of the Foly #pirit who filled in for the re3uisite but missin" third bishop. &s ,ohn of Tella was primarily ordainin" deacons and priests the situation was not as awkward as that of ,acob +urd;aya and his comrade Theodore of &rabia as discussed later here. /or discussion of the concern with purity and the e1clusi$e closin" inward for persecuted or mar"inal "roups see Dou"las &urity and Danger . 42. Lives 24 &O >?:@2D. 43. !bid. @22924. 44. !bid. @22. 4@. !bid. 2@ &O >?:@2A94D. /or ,ohn of Fephaestopolis see further Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, >A@9AH. 4A. Lives 2@ &O >?:@2A92H. 'f. the discussion of Fendriks "&cti$itO apostoli3ue." 4H. Lives 2@ &O >?:@2C. 4?. !bid. 4C. !bid. @3D93>. @D. !bid. @34. @>. !bid. @3A. @2. !bid. @3?. @3. !bid. @4D. @4. Lives, 4C &O >?:AC2. @@. !bid. @D &O >C:>@3. !mportant back"round here is laid by Trimin"ham Christianity %mong the %rabs . @A. Lives, @D &O >C:>@39@4. !n fact another bishop 'yrus had already been performin" some ordinations in .ersia much after the manner of the two ,ohns2 but he was inaccessible to the %onophysites in *oman territory because of the wars in pro"ress between +y6antium and the #asanians. #ee pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE >D.>32 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2C. @H. Lives, 4C &O >?:ACD9CH. @?. !bid. AC>9C2. @C. !bid. @D &O >C:>@4. #ee Foni"mann :v"ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, >@?9A3. AD. Lives, 4C &O >?:ACA. A>. !bid. ACH2 idem @D &O >C:>@@9@A. A2. !bid. 4C &O >?:ACA9CH2 @D &O >C:>@A9@?. 'f. Chronicon anonymum 645, >D. A3. The 3uestion is treated in detail in +undy ",acob +aradaeus." .rincipal sources for ,acob are the followin": ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 4C &O >?:ACD9CH2 and @D &O >C:>@39@?2 idem HE, pt. !!!2 the letters to and from ,acob in Documenta ad origines monophysitarum illustrandas, ed. and trans. ,.9+

'habot Letters H 23 2C 3> 32 33 3@ 3A2 pseudo9Nachariah *hetor HE >D.>22 %ichael the #yrian Chronique C.2C93>2 and +ar Febraeus Chronicon ecclesiasticum >.2>39>? 233944. There is also the spurious /ita 8acobi 'aradaei, falsely attributed to ,ohn of -phesus edited and translated by -. ). +rooks2 the attribution to ,ohn was supported by the pla"iarism of certain passa"es from ,ohn;s Lives, but it also indicates how $enerable a historian ,ohn was held to be in later tradition and the marked influence of his particular bio"raphical renderin" of ,acob;s life e$en where le"end had "rown e1tensi$ely. To this spurious /ita, 2A?9H3 editor +rooks appends a short te1t that concerns the transfer in A22 of ,acob;s relics from the -"yptian monastery at 'asium where he died to his former home the monastery of /siltha at Tella. A4. #ee esp. S"v2re ibn9al91oqaffa, "v;que d7%schmounain, !"futation de Sa7id ibn9'atriq = Eutychius B = Le Livre des Conciles B ed. and trans. .. 'hObli &O 3 =.aris >CDCB 2D?ff.2 'hronicle of #eert Histoire nestorienne, ed. and trans. &. #cher >4D9422 and Le Livre de la Lampe des t"n2bres par %bF l9'arakEt 8bn abour, ed. and trans. L. 7illecourt -. Tisserant and 4. )iet &O 2D =.aris >C2CB H33. A@. ,acob;s demise is perhaps best summari6ed in )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites . AA. Foni"mann :v;ques et "v;ch"s monophysites, is indispensable for understandin" the structural e$olution that took place in the %onophysite mo$ement durin" the si1th century.

VI So,e I,*&%+a#%ons( The Case o$ /o,en

>. The critical analysis is /ioren6a 8n 1emory of Her . 2. Luke ?:>93 >D:3?942. 3. /ioren6a 8n 1emory of Her# idem ")ord #pirit and .ower: )omen in -arly 'hristian 'ommunities " in %cLau"hlin and *uether <omen of Spirit, 2C9HD2 '. .ar$ey "The Theolo"y and Leadership of )omen in the <ew Testament " in *uether !eligion and Se0ism, >>H94C. 4. > 'or. >4:3393@2 > Tim. 2:>>9>42 Titus 2:39@2 -ph. @:22924. @. 4al. 3:2H92?. A. 'hadwick Early Church, @?9@C. H. "The &cts of .aul " in +e( *estament %pocrypha 2: 3229CD =trans. 3@29CDB esp. 33D933 and 3@39 A4 =trans. "The &cts of Thecia"B. ?. 'f. for e1ample &. Farnack *he 1ission and E0pansion of Christianity in the .irst *hree Centuries, trans. ,. %offat =<ew 0ork >CD?B book 4 chap. 2. The role of mothers and wi$es as "missionaries" for the faith continued. -1amples are le"ion2 but for instance in the fourth century &u"ustine of Fippo was profoundly influenced by his pious mother %onica o$ershadowin" his reli"iously uncon$inced father. The two brothers +asil of 'aesarea and 4re"ory of <yssa had the e1ample of their de$out mother -mmelia and e$en more their "reat sister %acrina. C. /or the inception and de$elopment of ministry and hierarchy for the ecclesiastical body see for e1ample 8irk %postolic 1inistry# /liche and %artin Histoire de l7"glise >:2@C9H? 3H39?A 2:3?H9 4D2. )hat happened to women in the midst of this process is delineated in /ioren6a 8n 1emory of Her# idem ")ord #pirit and .ower" =see n. 3 abo$eB2 .ar$ey =see n. 3 abo$eB2 and Danielou "%inistWre des femmes." >D. 'lark %scetic &iety and <omen7s .aith . The de$elopin" situation for the )estern church is well sketched in the two $olumes !eligion and Se0ism and <omen of Spirit =see n. 3 abo$eB. /or the de$elopment in the eastern pro$inces of the empire cf. .atla"ean "Fistoire de la femme dO"uisOe"2 idem &auvret" "conomique, esp. >>39@@2 4rosdidier de %atons "/emme dans l;empire by6antine"2 +eauchamp "#ituation 5uridi3ue;;2 and +uckler ")omen in +y6antine Law." >>. ,. '. -n"elsman *he .eminine Dimension of the Divine =.hiladelphia >CHCB sets out the basic issues of this sub5ect. >2. #ee Lucian De dea Syria, and &puleius 1etamorphoses ?.2393> for ancient $iews on her cult. /or her place in ancient <ear -astern reli"ion and in the 4reco9*oman world see #e"al Edessa, 4@9 A>2 Dri5$ers Cults and 'eliefs at Edessa, esp. HA9>2>2 #tron" and 4arstan" Syrian $oddess# and <ock Conversion . >3. #e"al Edessa# %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom . >4. .. +ird "!ma"es of )omen in the Gld Testament " in *uether !eligion and Se0ism, 4>9??2 ,. Fauptmann "!ma"es of )omen in the Talmud " in *uether !eligion and Se0ism, >?492>2. +ut the

confines of women;s li$es were ri"idly monitored and no less in the early 'hristian era than before. #ee <eusner History of the 1ishnaic La( . >@. Trible $od and the !hetoric . >A. 7on *ad <isdom in 8srael, esp. >449HA. /or a sur$ey of scholarship and discussion of 'hristianity;s inheritance of the )isdom tradition see ,. D. 4. Dunn Christology in the 1aking= %n 8nquiry into the Origins of the Doctrine of the 8ncarnation =London >C?DB >A392>2 32493?. 7on *ad does not address the issue of whether )isdom;s female persona is si"nificant in itself. -n"elsman .eminine Dimension of the Divine, attempts to treat the issue but here =as also for Demeter and the 7ir"in %aryB she mishandles the sources. Gn the #hekinah see 4oldber" Intersuchungen Jber die /orstellung . >H. The psycholo"ical attraction of a %other 4oddess fi"ure is shown especially in the 4reco9*oman world by the adoption of the !sis cult but similarly of 'ybele the #yrian 4oddess and indeed Diana of the -phesians. 4reek and *oman counterparts did not inspire the same response as these oriental mystery cults. #ee .omeroy $oddesses, <hores, <ives, and Slaves# and <ock Conversion . The 4reat %other of 4reek mytholo"y probably at her stron"est in %inoan 'rete was considerably scaled down in power and diffused as a cult once the pantheon of Neus and Fera emer"ed. Lucian commented that one would ha$e to combine Fera &thena &phrodite &rtemis <emesis *hea #elena and the /ates in order to encompass the power of the #yrian 4oddess2 Lucian De dea Syria, 32. >?. #ee %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom, 3>292D. >C. #ee especially Gdes ? >C 2? 3@ and 3A2 and %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom, 3>292D for discussion of this kind of ima"ery. /or recent assess9 ments of Gde >C see La"rand "Fow was the 7ir"in %ary"2 and Dri5$ers ">Cth Gde of #olomon." !t is not until a considerably later date that )estern tradition attempts to e1plore these possibilities. #ee %cLau"hlin ";'hrist my %other.;" 2D. -sp. Gde >C:A9>D in Odes of Solomon, ed. and trans. ,. F. 'harlesworth ?>9?4. 2>. 4raef 1ary >:3493@. 4raef;s su""estion that Gde >C confuses %ary with the "oddess !sis misses the mark: people knew the differences between them. 22. #ee +rock "%ary in #yriac Tradition"2 idem "%ary and the -ucharist"2 %urray "%ary the #econd -$e"2 and 4raef 1ary >:@H9A2 >>C92C. 'ompare 4raef 1ary# and idem "Theme of the #econd -$e " for parallel de$elopments in later 4reek and )estern traditions. 23. The ori"in of the &rotevangelion remains in dispute. /or the principal theories see +e( *estament %pocrypha, >:3HD9??2 #trycker .orme la plus ancienne# and #mid &rotevangelium )acobi . #trycker ar"ues for an -"yptian author #mid for a #yrian one. -$ery " &rotevangelion of )ames, " su""ests an ori"in in -phesus. 24. The #yriac $ersion of the &rotevangelion is in %pocrypha Syriaca, ed. &. #mith9Lewis #tudia #inaitica >> =London >CD2B. /or the #yriac Life of the 7ir"in see History of the 'lessed /irgin, ed. and trans. -. &. )allis +ud"e. 2@. 'f. also +rown et al. 1ary in the +e( *estament, 24>9?2 2C39C4 for %ary;s place in 4reco9Latin works of the second century. 2A. &bo$e all see +rock Holy Spirit, esp. HC9?? >2C9332 and +e""iani Early Syriac *heology, esp. >D>9>3. 2H. +rock Holy Spirit, >3D932. 2?. /or e1amples from the #yrian Grthodo1 'hurch of the -ast and %aronite litur"ies see +rock Holy Spirit, HC9?? >2C9332 and +e""iani Early Syriac *heology, >D>9>4. 2C. /or e1ample .omeroy $oddesses, <hores, <ives, and Slaves# and <ock Conversion . 3D. #ee %urray Symbols of Church and ingdom, 3>292D. /or a $i$id e1ample of the transformation of meltha, see the 4ospel of ,ohn in the .eshitta. +rock "&spects of Translation " ?H sees both instances as a lo"ical conse3uence of translation techni3ue. 'f. also +rock "Towards a Fistory " >D. 3>. %urray "%ary the #econd -$e " esp. 3H3. 32. &s %urray himself points out ibid.2 but also for e1ample this re$erence can be seen in the Odes of Solomon . 3>. %urray "%ary the #econd -$e " esp. 3H3. 32. &s %urray himself points out ibid.2 but also for e1ample this re$erence can be seen in the Odes of Solomon .

33. #e"al Edessa, 3?93C. 34. &s discussed in the !ntroduction here. #ee esp. +undy "%arcion and the %arcionites"2 +rown 'ody and Society, ?39>D22 +auer Orthodo0y and Heresy# and 7TTbus History of %sceticism > for the impact of %arcionism on the #yrian Grient. 3@. /or e1ample Tertullian %dversus 1arcionem >.2C. 'f. /rend !ise of Christianity, 2>@9>A. 3A. %arcion himself came from &sia %inorETertullian %dversus 1arcionem >.> says from the .ontusEbut he made his career in *ome. The particular fertility of the #yrian Grient for his teachin"s howe$er finds an important parallel in the ".hry"ian heresy" of %ontanism. +oth "roups "ranted women positions of hi"h responsibility and sacerdotal import2 both .hry"ia and the #yrian Grient had worshiped "oddesses of ma"nificent character. & natural e1tension in both cases from reli"ious thou"ht to societal conse3uences may ha$e unconsciously been at work. 'ertainly these two heresies were the source of particular bitterness for the mainstream church and their similar settin"s are strikin". -usebius HE @.>49>C describes the %ontanists as spreadin" "like $enomous reptiles." !t is interestin" to speculate here on the conse3uences of followin" a historical tradition written by and about men: contemporary sources tell us that some members of the %ontanist sect chose to call themsel$es .riscillianists after their female foundress .risca =.riscillaB. /or the scandali6ed reaction to heresies that "ranted authoritati$e roles to women see for e1ample Tertullian De praescriptione haereticorum 4>. 3H. #ee the earlier discussion in the !ntroduction here. 'f. +rown 'ody and Society, 2@C9?4. 3?. !n "eneral see 7TTbus History of %sceticism . )e ha$e little e$idence for women stylites beyond the mere records of their e1istence: 7``bus History of %sceticism 2:2H39H42 Delehaye "/emmes stylites." /iey "'Onobitisme fOminin ancien " deals mainly with !ra3 and reads the lack of e$idence more pessimistically. 3C. #ee esp. 7TTbus History of %sceticism# and Syriac and %rabic Documents, ed. and trans. &. 7TTbus. 7TTbus History of %sceticism 2:2@H ri"htly 5ud"es the ne"ati$e moti$ation behind the authority "ranted deaconesses to distribute communion: it was the mark of the unworthiness of the nuns that they were not to recei$e it at the hands of a priest. 'f. also Danielou "%inistWre des femmes." 4D. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2C 3D. 4>. /or a similar presentation see ,.9%. /iey "(ne hymne nestorienne sur les saintes femmes " %nal'oll- ?4 =>CAAB: HH9>>D. 42. /ebronia 'HO, 3D2932 'H$, 2D?9C. 43. Gur oldest manuscript dates back to the si1th century. The #yriac te1t is in /ita .ebroniae, and an -n"lish translation is in Holy <omen of the Syrian Orient, trans. #. .. +rock and #. &. Far$ey >@D9 HA. /ebronia;s cult remains popular to this day2 cf. 4alcan "*enewal of %onastic Life." 44. 'f. the similar interchan"e in the martyrdom of %ahya. !. #hahid *he 1artyrs of +aHran, #ub. Fa". 4C =+ru1elles >CH>B 1i1911ii2 translated in Holy <omen of the Syrian Orient, trans. #. .. +rock and #. &. Far$ey >DC9>>>. 4@. .ela"ia 'HO, C>C2 'H$, >4H?9HC. The #yriac te1t is in /ita &elagiae, and an -n"lish translation is in Holy <omen of the Syrian Orient, trans. #. .. +rock and #. &. Far$ey 4D9A2. !t is unlikely that the .ela"ia and +ishop <onnus of our te1t can be identified with the courtesan mentioned by ,ohn 'hrysostom or with the +ishop <onnus of Theophanes for reasons of lack of e$idence in the former case and inaccurate chronolo"y in the latter. #ee now the mono"raph &"lagie la p"nitente, ed. .. .etitmen"in2 and for a deeply sensiti$e treatment of her story and theme )ard Harlots of the Desert . 4A. #ee Delehaye Legends of the Saints, >@D9@@2 Delcourt "/emale #aints in %asculine 'lothin" " in Hermaphrodite, ?49>D22 and .atla"ean "Fistoire de la femme dO"uisOe." 4H. "The &cts of Thecla " +e( *estament %pocrypha, 2:33D933 3@39A4. 4?. 'onsider for e1ample %atrona of 'onstantinople =c. 42@9@24B 'H$, >22>9232 the si1th9century &nastasia 'H$, HC9?D who seems to ha$e been a correspondent of #e$erus of &ntioch. )hen the .iacen6a .il"rim $isited the Foly Land around @HD he not only $isited .ela"ia;s tomb but also reported a recent e1ploit like &nastasia;s2 .iacen6a .il"rim *ravels, 34 ed. .. 4eyer2 also in )ilkinson )erusalem &ilgrims, H?9?C. 4C. #ee the discussion in .atla"ean "Fistoire de la femme dO"uisOe."

@D. /iey "(ne hymne nestorienne" =see n. 4> abo$eB. @>. /or e1ample Lives, > &O >H:>22 4 &O >H:AC9H>. 'ompare the parallel case when ,ohn himself nearly died as a baby2 Lives, 4 &O >H:A>9A4. @2. ,ohn claims the preponderance of females in need of e1orcism without hesitation. #ee esp. Lives, 4 &O >H:A@2 and cf. for e1ample the cases in > &O >H:>2 >49>@2 >@ &O >H:22392?. @3. !bid. 44 &O >?:AAA9A?. @4. !bid. 4 &O >H:A3. 'f. #imeon the #tylite who had the same rule2 Theodoret Historia religiosa 2A.2>. @@. Li$es 4H &O >?:AHA9?4. @A. #ee chap. 4 for detailed discussion. @H. Lives, 4H &O >?:A?39?4. @?. Lives, >@ &O >H:22D92?. @C. The account of ,acob as unwillin" e1orcist is discussed in chap. 2. AD. Lives, >@ &O >H:22@. A>. !bid. 22A92H. A2. !bid. 22?. A3. !bid. 22A. A4. !bid. @A &O >C:>C?9CC. A@. !bid. 3> &O >?:@H?9?@. -li5ah and Theodore are discussed in chap. 2. AA. Lives, 3> &O >?:@?29?@. AH. !bid. 2> &O >H:2CD9C3 2CH9C?. A?. 'f. %cLau"hlin and *uether <omen of Spirit . AC. Lives, >2 &O >H:>AA9AH2 2H &O >?:@42. HD. !bid. 2H &O >?:@4>. H>. !bid. 2? &O >?:@@C. H2. -1amples abound perhaps most "raphically in the $ospel of *homas, Lo"ion >>4. 'f. /ita 1acrinae, in 4re"ory of <yssa Opera, ed. ). ,ae"er ?.>.3H>2 .alladius Historia Lausiaca C2 Theodoret Historia religiosa 2C2 and in the sayin"s of #arah %pophthegmata patrum, &$ A@.4>C922 Iand the additional #ayin" C in Sayings of the Desert .athers, trans. +. )ard =London >CH@B >C2J. H3. Lives, >2 &O >H:>AA9H>. ,ohn does not title her ;;the .il"rim " but the label ser$es here to distin"uish her from %ary the &nchorite discussed later. The passa"es 3uoted from ,ohn;s te1t are my own translations. H4. !bid. >AC. H@. !bid. >AC9HD. HA. !bid. /or miracles worked by presence rather than by will cf. Theodoret Historia religiosa 24.H. HH. #ee chap. 22 and Lives, 4 &O >H:@A9?4. H?. Lives, >2 &O >H:>H>9?A. The passa"es 3uoted are my own translations. HC. Lives, >2 &O >H:>H>. ?D. !bid. >H49H@. ?>. !bid. >H@9HA. -uphemia was not the only one of ,ohn;s ascetics who refused to take the sins of others upon herself. #ee also Lives, 4 &O >H:AH2 and 44 &O >?:AA@. ?2. Lives, >2 &O >H:>HC9?D. ?3. !bid. >?>. ?4. !bid. >?>. 'ompare the similar 5u1taposition of Thomas and #tephen Lives, >3 &O >H:>?H92>3 discussed earlier in chap. 4. ?@. #ee chap. 42 Lives, 2H &O >?:@4>9@?. ?A. 'f. 'lark ".iety .ropa"anda and .olitics"2 and idem "&scetic *enunciation and /eminine &d$ancement." ?H. Lives, 2H &O >?:@@29@3. ??. !bid. @@H. ?C. !bid. 2? &O >?:@@C9A2. CD. !bid. @AD. C>. !bid. @A2.

C2. #ee chap. 3. C3. Lives, 2? &O >?:@@C. C4. /or e1ample .atla"ean "#ur la limitation"2 and esp. idem &auvret" "conomique, >>39@@. C@. Lives, 44 &O >?:AAD9A?. CA. !bid. @4 &O >C:>?@9C>. CH. !bid. @49@A &O >C:>?@9CC2 ,ohn of <ikiu Chronicle CD.>3. C?. .alladius Historia Lausiaca . 'f. the studies collected in 'lark %scetic &iety and <omen7s .aith . CC. #e$erus of &ntioch Si0th 'ook of Select Letters, >D.H. >DD. There is a lacuna of a leaf or two in the manuscript at the be"innin" of ,ohn;s chapter about her2 &O >C:>?A and >?A n. 3. Fe may ha$e included mention of her chan"e in circumstance in the missin" portion. +ut it also may not ha$e been of concern to him considerin" the situation in which he knew herEas an ascetic within an ascetic community. >D>. The sufferin" of members of the nobility who took up asceticism is a recurrin" theme in ha"io"raphical literature. 'f. for e1ample the case of &rsenius in the -"yptian desert of #cete %pophthegmata patrum, &$ A@.??9>DH. #ee also 'lark "&uthority and Fumility." >D2. Lives, @4 &O >C:>?H. >D3. !bid. >??. 'f. %elania;s $ast knowled"e of patristics .alladius Historia Lausiaca @@. >D4. #ome of these are treated by ,ohn in Lives @@9@A &O >C:>C>9CC. >D@. !bid. @4 &O >C:>?C. >DA. !bid. >CD. >DH. !bid. >C>. >D?. 'f. %elania who e1ploited her temporal position for the sake of the ascetics she so lo$ed. .alladius Historia Lausiaca 4A @4. #ee also 'lark "&scetic *enunciation and /eminine &d$ancement"2 idem "&uthority and Fumility." >DC. Lives, @@ &O >C:>C>9CA. >>D. !bid. >C2. >>>. !bid. >C39C@. >>2. #ee the discussion in chap. >. >>3. .alladius Historia Lausiaca 2?93D 3393@ 3H 4C AC9HD. >>4. !bid. @ 3> AD A39A4 AC. >>@. !bid. C 4> 4A @49@H A> AH. >>A. !bid. @C. &mma Talis "o$erned a con$ent of si1ty women: "IThese womenJ lo$ed her so much that no lock was placed in the hall of the monastery as in others but they were held in check by their lo$e for her. The old woman I&mma TalisJ had such a hi"h de"ree of self9control that when ! had entered and taken a seat she came and sat with me and placed her hands on my shoulders in a burst of frankness" = &alladius, trans. *. T. %eyer >4DB. >>H. &"ain .alladius states that the responsibility for sin is women;s when in fact he also indicates that the fault is not theirs at all. Gf Taor he says "#he was so "raceful in appearance that e$en a well9 controlled person mi"ht be led astray by her beauty were not chastity her defense and did not her decorum turn sinful eyes to fear and shame" = Historia Lausiaca @C2 &alladius, trans. *. T. %eyer >4DB. &nd on another e1cellent holy woman "&ll the cler"y confirmed that when she was a youn" maiden of about 2D she was e1ceedin"ly pretty and really to be a$oided because of her beauty lest one be suspected of ha$in" been with her" = Historia Lausiaca A32 &alladius, trans. *. T. %eyer >44B. >>?. Theodoret Historia religiosa 2C 3D. >>C. !bid. 2C. >2D. ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale HA ?? >3@93A >@2 >?? 2DH 2>H. 'hap. >2? speaks of women;s weakness in the face of demons and of their inability to lead others. >2>. !bid. 3 >4 >C 3> 3C 4@ AD H@ H? >HC >?C 2D49A. >22. !bid. 4@94? @D H@. /or discussion of the %arian witness of ,ohn %oschus see 'hadwick ",ohn %oschus"2 and 7asey ",ohn %oschus %onk %arian )itness." ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale 2D speaks also of the potency of #aint Thecla as intercessor.

VII -ohn o$ E*hesus( As+e#%+%s, an' So+%e#y

>. 'yril of #cythopolis /itae, in yrillos von Skythopolis, ed. -. #chwart6. #ee also /estu"iWre 1oines d7Orient 3:>93 Les moines de &alestine . 'yril;s bio"raphies record the li$es of #aints -uthymius #abas ,ohn the Fesychast 'yriacus Theodosius Theo"nius and &braamius. Gn 'yril as a ha"io"rapher see abo$e all /lusin 1iracle et histoire . 2. ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale, .4 ?H.3.2?@>93>>2. 3. /ita Euthymii A2 /ita Sabae, .rolo"ue. 4. /estu"iWre 1oines d7Orient 3.>:>D praises him for "une candeur charmante"2 'yril does of course use familiar ha"io"raphical themesEfor e1ample friendship with lions di$ine protection and temptation by #atan in the wildernessEthat mi"ht be called "thematic styli6ation." +ut the presence of these incidents in no way undermines the historical inte"rity of his bio"raphical narrati$e. @. /ita Euthymii 4>9AD2 /ita Sabae HH9CD. A. 'f. for e1ample /ita Euthymii 3A 4D 432 /ita Sabae .rolo"ue A >D >@ >C 2H A? HH2 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti @ >>2 /ita yriaki ? >D. /or e1ample /estu"iWre 1oines d7Orient 3.>:429442 Dictionnaire de Spiritualit" 2.2 cols. 2A?H9CD =!. FauscherrB. Gn 'yril;s use of dates see abo$e all yrillos von Skythopolis, ed. -. #chwart6 34D9@@. H. /or e1ample /ita Euthymii 2 >A2 /ita Sabae > 2 C 2@2 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti > 32 /ita %braami . 'f. /lusin 1iracle et histoire, ?C9CD2 and cf. for e1ample the parallel situations of the 'appodocian /athers especially +asil;s network of contacts2 and the situation in fifth9century -"ypt. Gn +asil see in particular Saint 'asile, Lettres 2 and the discussions in 8opecek "#ocial 'lass"2 *amsey "Life in the Days of #t. +asil the 4reat " in &auline and Other Studies, 3AC94DA2 idem ;;<oble &natolian /amily"2 and *uether $regory of +a,ian,us . Gn the -"yptian situation consider the connections laid out especially by .alladius Historia Lausiaca 2 cf. *ousseau "+lood9 relationships." The /ita %ntonii, and Theodoret in his Historia religiosa, both stru""le to 5ustify the presence of uneducated lower9class ascetic leaders. ?. /or the political conte1t see /. T. <oonan ".olitical Thou"ht in 4reek .alestinian Fa"io"raphy =ca. @2A9ca. A3DB" =.h.D. diss. (ni$ersity of 'hica"o >CH@B. C. /ita Euthymii >H 2@ 3? 442 /ita Sabae >> >H @? A4 AA AH2 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti >22 /ita yriaki ? C >H2 /lusin 1iracle et histoire, >2A >?>9?2. >D. /ita Euthymii >32 /ita Sabae @ >4 23 34 4C2 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti >3 >?2 /ita yriaki >D >A. >>. /ita Sabae 2@2 /ita yriaki >? >C. >2. /or e1ample /ita Euthymii 2@2 /ita Sabae AH2 /ita %braami . >3. /or e1ample /ita Euthymii >D >2 >C 232 /ita Sabae 3C 4@2 /ita yriaki C >D2 /ita %braami . >4. /ita Euthymii 3D 3@2 /ita Sabae 3> H2 H32 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti @2 /ita *heodosii 32 /ita %braami . This setup is closely ali"ned with +asil;s welfare and social ser$ice pro"ram as instituted in 'aesarea. 'f. +asil Lettres C4 >429@42 and 4re"ory of <a6ian6us Oration 43.A3. This became the model for +y6antine philanthropia 2 see 'onstantelos 'y,antine &hilanthropy and Social <elfare 2 +oo5amra "'hristian &hilanthropia "2 and Downey " &hilanthropia ." >@. /ita Euthymii 4> 43 44 4?9AD2 /ita Sabae H?9?4. >A. /ita Euthymii >H 2@2 /ita Sabae @? A4 A@ AH2 /lusin 1iracle et histoire, >2392@. >H. /or e1ample /ita Sabae 44. >?. /or e1ample the treatment in /rend !ise of the 1onophysite 1ovement . >C. /ita Euthymii 3D 3@. There is a familiar motif here of spurnin" a woman;s audience howe$er $irtuous or pious she may be2 the summary model is that of &rsenius in the %pophthegmata patrum, &$ A@.C@9C?. #ee also /estu"iWre 1oines d7Orient > Culture ou Saintet", 4H94?. 2D. /ita Euthymii 43. 2>. /ita Sabae @D9@4. 22. !bid. @@. 23. !bid. @A9@H. 'f. -$a"rius HE 3.3> 33. 24. /ita Sabae A4 AA9AH HD. 'f. .rocopius %necdota >>.2492A. 2@. /ita Sabae H>9H@. #abas treats Theodora rather more kindly than -uthymius treated -udocia e$en while holdin" her %onophysitism in utter disdain. 2A. /ita Euthymii 2 2D 2A92H.

2H. /ita Euthymii 3D2 /ita Sabae 3? @2 @@ H42 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti 2H. 2?. /ita Euthymii 2H 3D 43 4@2 /ita Sabae 3D 33 3@93A 3? @D @A9@H AD H2 H4 ?39CD2 /ita yriaki >>9>@2 /ita *heodosii >2 /ita *heognii . 'yril;s condemnation of Leontius of +y6antium is scathin". The contrast to the opinion of modern scholars is noteworthy. 'f. 4ray Defense of Chalcedon, CD9>D32 )i"ram Separation of the 1onophysites, >2D2 %oeller "'halcOdonisme et le nOo9chalcOdonisme"2 #ellers Council of Chalcedon . 2C. 'yril does mention an anchoress in the desert: /ita yriaki >?9>C. There may not ha$e been con$ents within the specific "eo"raphical area 'yril writes about outside ,erusalem but the con$ents in and around the Foly 'ity were certainly renowned. 'onsider those founded by ,erome and .aula and *ufinus and %elania. There were also desert communities of women south of 'yril;s re"ion in lower .alestine. 'f. for e1ample '. ,. 8raemer ,r. ed. E0cavations at +essana 3 +on9Literary &apyri =.rinceton >C@?B .. <essana 2@ =?B 2C 3> A2 HC2 and the .iacen6a .il"rim *ravels >2 >A 22 342 which mention communities throu"hout the Foly Land. ! am indebted to .eter Dono$an for these references. 3D. /ita Euthymii >A 3>2 /ita Sabae H 2C AC2 /ita yriaki 4. 'ompare the similar attitude in -"ypt 'hitty Desert a City, AA9AH. 3>. /ita Sabae, 4H. )omen were not allowed to enter the monasteries e$en when in need: /ita Euthymii @4. 32. /ita Euthymii > 3 23 3D 3@ @2 @42 /ita Sabae @3 A29A3 A? HD9H> ?D2 /ita yriaki >?9>C2 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti 23924. 33. /ita Euthymii > 32 /ita Sabae H@2 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti 2D 239242 /ita *heodosii >2 /ita *heognii . 34. /ita Sabae A29A3. 'f. /lusin 1iracle et histoire, >?D9?>. 3@. 'f. +aynes "The &ratum Spirituale, " in 'y,antine Studies, 2A>9HD2 'hadwick ",ohn %oschus"2 and ",ean %oschus " Dictionnaire de Spiritualit" ? cols. A3294D =-. %aniB. 3A. ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale >HC. 3H. !bid. ?4 ?H ?C >2D92> >HD >HC. 'f. 'yril /ita Sabae 242 /ita yriaki >?9>C. 3?. ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale >4 >C 3C 4@ CH >3@. 3C. !bid. >3A >?A 2DH. 4D. !bid. >?A >C3 2D> 2DH. 4>. !bid. >3>932. 42. !bid. 2D92> CC. 'f. 'yril /ita Sabae >42 /ita yriaki >A2 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti >3. 43. ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale 3?2 cf. 'yril /ita Euthymii >H. 44. #ee chap. A. 4@. ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale 2A. 4A. !bid. 3D. 4H. !bid. 4?94C. 4?. !bid. >DA. 4C. !bid. 2C cf. 3A. @D. &nother shared motif is the relationship between holy men and wild beasts particularly lions. /or e1ample 'yril /ita Euthymii >32 /ita Sabae 23 33934 4C2 /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti >32 /ita yriaki 4C9@D2 and ,ohn %oschus &ratum spirituale 2 >? @?. /or a measure of realism beyond the motif compare these with the nuns; lion in the .iacen6a .il"rim *ravels 34. !n "eneral see /estu"iWre "Lieu1 communs"2 and idem 1oines d7Orient >:@39@H. 'f. for e1ample Theodoret Historia religiosa A. @>. &rchaeolo"ical e$idence appears to indicate that the si1th century witnessed an e1pansionist period in .alestine despite the pla"ue and other factors. /or e1ample F. D. 'olt ed. E0cavations at +essana > =London >CA2B and '. ,. 8raemer ,r. ed. E0cavations at +essana 3 +on9Literary &apyri =.rinceton >C@?B2 and 'ameron "Late &nti3uity." +ut cf. .atla"ean &auvret" "conomique, H49C2 on .alestine;s share of catastrophes particularly of famine. #i1 earth3uakes only are recorded for .alestine in the si1th century of which two in @D2 and @3> were serious. 'f. 8allner9&miran "*e$ised -arth3uake9'atalo"ue " >92. /or a particular case in point see Downey $a,a in the Early Si0th Century .

@2. 'yril /ita Sabae H29H42 'f. .rocopius %necdota >>.2492C. #ee &$i90onah )e(s of &alestine, 24>943. @3. ,ohn of -phesus Lives, 2> &O >H:2?H9??. @4. !bid. 2?C. @@. !bid. @A. !bid. 2C>9C2. @H. !bid. >2 &O >H:>?D9?>. @?. !bid. 3? &O >?:A4394@. Gn this episode see Far$ey ".hysicians and &scetics." )hat makes this episode so strikin" is the contrast to how other ha"io"raphers portray illness and healin". 'f. for e1ample &dnWs and 'ani$et "4uOrisons miraculeuses." /urthermore ,ohn is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. 'f. 'onstantelos ".hysician9priests." @C. 'f. Fopkins "'ontraception in the *oman -mpire"2 .atla"ean "#ur la limitation"2 and #i"erist Civili,ation and Disease =<ew 0ork >C44B esp. AC9H>. AD. Lives, A &O >H:>>?. A>. !bid. 2@ &O >?:A>49>?. A2. !bid. A>@. A3. !bid. A>A.

A''re*iations
!or dictionaries, encyclopedias, and collections, full details may be found in the "ibliography. &-* &,. &%# &nal. +oll. &nnales: e.s.c. +-G +F4 +FG +%4# +N '+M 'F '. '* '#'G '#-L '#L DF4&merican -cclesiastical *e$iew &merican ,ournal of .hilolo"y &cta %artyrum et #anctorum &nalecta +ollandiana &nnales: Oconomies sociOtOs et ci$ilisations +ulletin d;Otudes orientales +ibliotheca Fa"io"raphica 4raeca 3d ed. edited by /. Falkin2 and idem <o$um &uctarium +F4 +ibliotheca Fa"io"raphica Grientalis edited by .. .eeters +y6antine and %odern 4reek #tudies +y6antinische Neitschrift 'atholic +iblical Muarterly 'hurch Fistory 'lassical .hilolo"y 'lassical *e$iew 'orpus #criptorum 'hristianorum Grientalium #criptores #yrii =unless otherwise notedB 'orpus #criptorum -cclesiasticorum Latinorum 'orpus #criptorum Latinorum Dictionnaire d;histoire et de "Oo"raphie ecclOsiasti3ues

: >4? : DG. D* DT' -'* -F* 4'# 4*+# FFT* ,&' ,&G# ,+L ,-F ,%,`+ ,*# !T# L'L <T <T# G'& G'. GL. .+& .-T#.4 .G .G' *+8 **-, *F*G' Dumbarton Gaks .apers Downside *e$iew Dictionnaire de ThOolo"ie 'atholi3ue -astern 'hurches *e$iew -n"lish Fistorical *e$iew Die "riechischen christlichen #chriftsteller der ersten drei ,ahrhunderte 4reek *oman and +y6antine #tudies Fistoria -cclesiastica Far$ard Theolo"ical *e$iew ,ahrbuch far &ntike und 'hristentum ,ournal of the &merican Griental #ociety ,ournal of +iblical Literature ,ournal of -cclesiastical Fistory ,ournal of %edical -thics ,ahrbuch der `sterreichischen +y6antinistik ,ournal of *oman #tudies ,ournal of Theolo"ical #tudies Loeb 'lassical Library <o$um Testamentum <ew Testament #tudies Grientalia 'hristiana &nalecta Grientalia 'hristiana .eriodica Grientalia Lo$aniensia .eriodica .roceedin"s of the +ritish &cademy .apers of the -stonian Theolo"ical #ociety in -1ile .atrolo"ia 4raeca edited by ,. .. %i"ne .atrolo"ia Grientalis .roche9Grient 'hrOtien *ealle1icon 6ur +y6antinischen 8unst .aulys *ealen6yklopXdie der classischen &ltertumswissenschaft *e$ue des Otudes 5ui$es *e$ue d;histoire ecclOsiasti3ue *e$ue de l;orient chrOtien

#'F #L<.</ ##T# #ub. Fa". *I NT8 N8

#tudies in 'hurch Fistory edited by D. +aker 4. ,. 'umin" #. %ews et alii #elect Library of <icene and .ost9<icene /athers : >4C : #tudies #upplementary to #obornost #ubsidia Fa"io"raphica Te1te und (ntersuchun"en 6ur 4eschichte der altchristlichen Literatur Neitschrift far Theolo"ie und 8irche Neitschrift far 8irchen"eschichte

<ote on primary sources: /or indi$idual saints; li$es not in ma5or collections =e.". ,ohn of -phesus Lives B see under /ita bbb. : >@> :

$i'liogra"hy
Pr%,ary Sour+es
/or indi$idual saints; li$es not in ma5or collections =e.". ,ohn of -phesus Lives B see under /ita bbb. %cta 1artyrum et Sanctorum . H $ols. -dited by .. +ed5an. .aris >?CDLCH2 Fildesheim >CA?. %cta sanctorum martyrum orientalium . -dited by ,. #. &ssemani. .ars 2. *ome >H4?. &nan9!sho. *he 'ook of &aradise= 'eing the Histories and Sayings of the 1onks and %scetics of the Egyptian Desert- *he Syrian *e0ts, %ccording to the !ecension of %nan98sho of 'eth %bhe . 2 $ols. -dited and translated by -. &. )allis +ud"e. London >CD4. %ncient Syriac Documents . -dited and translated by ). 'ureton. London >?A42 &msterdam >CAH. %necdota Syriaca . 7ol. 2. -dited by ,. .. <. Land. Leiden >?A?. &phrahat. %phraatis sapientis persae demonstrationes . -dited and translated by D. !. .arisot. &atrologia Syriaca, 7ol. > -dited by *. 4raffin. .aris >?C4. Demonstrations > @LA ? >D >H 2>L22 are translated in %phrahat the &ersian Sage by ,. 4wynn #L<.</ >3 34@L4>2. G1ford >?C?. Demonstrations >>L>3 >@L>C 2> and part of 23 are translated in %phrahat and )udaism by ,. <eusner. Leiden >CH>. *he %pocryphal +e( *estament . Translated by %. *. ,ames. G1ford >CH2. %pophthegmata patrum . &$ A@ cols. H>L44D. &puleius 1etamorphoses . Translated by ,. Lindsay. %puleius= *he $olden %ss- +loomin"ton >CA2. +ardaisan. "*he 'ook of the La(s of the Countries> or= >Dialogue on .ate ." -dited and translated by F. ,. ). Dri5$ers. &ssen >CA@. : 2DD : +ar Febraeus. $regorii 'ar Hebraei chronicon ecclesiasticum . 3 $ols. -dited and translated by ,. +. &bbeloos and T. ,. Lamy. Lou$ain >?H2LHH. +ar Febraeus. *he Chronography of 'ar Hebraeus, 'eing the first part of his &olitical History of the <orld . 2 $ols. -dited and translated by -. &. )allis +ud"e. G1ford >C32. +asil of 'aesarea. Saint 'asile, Lettres . 3 $ols. -dited and translated by 0. 'ourtonne. .aris >CAA. Chronicon anonymum . -dited and translated by !. 4uidi '#'G >K> 2K2. .aris >CD3. Chronicon anonymum ad annum Christi 645 pertinens . -dited by &. +arsaum '#'G ?>K3A2 and translated by ,.9+. 'habot '#'G >DCK@A. .aris >C2DL3H. Chronicon anonymum ad annum Domini 6AB pertinens . -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks and ,.9 +. 'habot '#'G 3K3 4K4. .aris >CD4. Chronicon anonymum ad annum Christi 4CDA pertinens . -dited and translated by ,.9+. 'habot '#'G ?>K3A ?2K3H and '#'G >DCK@A. .aris >C>AL2D2 Lou$ain >C3H. &nd by &. &bouna and ,.9%. /iey '#'G 3@4K>@4. Lou$ain >CH4. Chronicon Edessenum . -dited and translated by !. 4uidi '#'G >K> 2K2. .aris >CD3.

"La chroni3ue melkite abrO"Oe du ms. sinaR syr. >D." -dited and translated by &. de Falleu1. Le 1us"on C> =>CH?B: @L44. 'hronicle of #eert. Histoire nestorienne KChronique de SeertL . -dited and translated by &. #cher. &O H:C@L2D3. .aris >C>>. "The 'on$ersations with the #yrian Grthodo1 (nder ,ustinian =@32B." -dited and translated by #. .. +rock. OC& 4H =>C?>B: ?HL>2>. 'yril of #cythopolis. /itae- 8n yrillos von Skythopolis . -dited by -. #chwart6. *I 4C.2. Leip6i" >C3C. &lso in Les moines de &alestine, Les moines d7Orient 3.>L3. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. .aris >CA2LA3. Doctrine of %ddai . -dited and translated by 4. .hillips. London >?HA. &lso in *he *eaching of %ddai . *etranslated by 4. Foward. %issoula >C?>. Documenta ad origines monophysitarum illustrandas . -dited and translated by ,.9+. 'habot '#'G >HK>H >D3K@2. .aris and Lou$ain >CD?L33. -phrem #yrus. Des heiligen Ephraem des syrers carmina +isibena >L2. -dited and translated by -. +eck '#'G 2>?KC2 2>CKC3 24DK>D2 24>K>D3. Lou$ain >CA>LA3. -phrem #yrus. Des heiligen Ephraem des syrers hymnen de fide . -dited and translated by -. +eck '#'G >@4KH3 >@@KH4. Lou$ain >C@@. -phrem #yrus. Des heiligen Ephraem des syrers sermones >. -dited and translated by -. +eck '#'G 3D@K>3D 3DAK>3>. Lou$ain >CHD. -phrem #yrus. Ephraim the Syrian, Hymns and Homilies . Translated by ,. 4wynn #L<.</ >3 >A@L 344. G1ford >?C?. -phrem #yrus. "-phrem;s Letter to .ublius." -dited and translated by #. .. +rock. Le 1us"on ?C =>CHAB: 2A>L3D@. -phrem #yrus. *he Harp of the Spirit= 46 &oems of St- Ephrem . 2d ed. Translated by #. .. +rock ##T# 4. London >C?3. : 2D> : I-phrem #yrus?J Des heiligen Ephraem des syrers hymnen auf %braham idunaya und )ulianos Saba . -dited and translated by -. +eck '#'G 322K>4D 323K>4>. Lou$ain >CH2. -piphanius of #alamis. %dversus Haereses K&anarionL . -dited by 8. Foll 4'# 2@ 3> 3H. Leip6i" >C>@L33. Euphemia and the $oth (ith the %cts of 1artyrdom of the Confessors of Edessa, Shmona, $uria and Habib . -dited and translated by /. '. +urkitt. London and G1ford >C>3. -usebius of 'aesarea. Historia ecclesiastica . -dited by -. #chwart6 4'# C. Leip6i" >CD3. -usebius of 'aesarea. *he Ecclesiastical History and the 1artyrs of &alestine . Translated by F. ,. Lawlor and ,. -. L. Gulton. London >C@4. -$a"rius #cholasticus. Historia ecclesiastica . -dited by ,. +ide6 and L. .armentier. London >?C?2 <ew 0ork >CHC. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. 'y,antion 4@ =>CH@B:>?HL4H>. "The /en3itho of the %onastery of %ar 4abriel in Tur &bdin." -dited and translated by #. .. +rock. Gstkirchliche Studien 2? =>CHCB: >A?L?2. 4re"ory of <a6ian6us. Saint $r"goire de +a,ian,e, Lettres . 2 $ols. -dited and translated by .. 4allay. .aris >CAH. 4re"ory of <a6ian6us. Opera Omnia . &$ 3@L3?. 4re"ory of <yssa. Opera . ? $ols. -dited by ). ,ae"er. Leiden >C@C. *he History of the 'lessed /irgin, and the History of the Likeness of Christ <hich the )e(s of *iberias 1ade to 1ock %t . -dited and translated by -. &. )allis +ud"e. 7ols. 4 and @ Lu6ac;s #emitic Te1t and Translation #eries. London >?CC. Holy <omen of the Syrian Orient . Translated by #. .. +rock and #. &. Far$ey. +erkeley and Los &n"eles >C?H. "(ne hymne nestorienne sur les saintes femmes." -dited and translated by ,.9%. /iey. %nal- 'oll- ?4 =>CAAB: HHL>>D. !saac the #yrian. *he %scetical Homilies of Saint 8saac the Syrian . Translated by Foly Transfi"uration %onastery ID. %illerJ. +oston >C?4. ,acob of -dessa. Chronicon . -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks '#'G @K@ AKA. .aris >CD@L >CDH.

)e(s and Christians in Egypt= *he )e(ish *roubles in %le0andria and the %thanasian Controversy . -dited and translated by F. !. +ell. London >C242 )estport >CHA. =DocumentsB. ,ohn of -phesus. 8oannis Ephesini historiae ecclesiasticae fragmenta quae e prima et secunda parte supersunt . -dited by -. ). +rooks '#'G >D4K@3 4D2L2D. Lou$ain >CA@. ,ohn of -phesus. "&nalyse de la seconde partie inOdite de l7Histoire Ecclesiastique de ,ean d;&sie patriarchs 5acobite de 'onstantinople =@?@B." -dited by /. <au. !OC 2 =>?CHB: 4@@LC3. ,ohn of -phesus. 8oannis Ephesini historiae ecclesiasticae pars tertia . -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks '#'G >D@K@4 >DAK@@. .aris >C3@L3A. ,ohn of -phesus. Lives of the Eastern Saints . -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks. &O : 2D2 : >HL>C. .aris >C23L2@. &lso in Commentarii de beatis orientalibus . Translated by ,. .. <. Land and ). ,. $an Douwen. &msterdam >??C. ,ohn %oschus. 8oannis 1oschi pratum spirituale- &$ ?H.3 cols. 2?@>L3>>2. &lso in )ean 1oschus, Le pr" spirituel . Translated by %.9,. *ou[t de ,ournel. #ources 'hrOtiennes. .aris >C4A. ,ohn of <ikiu. Chronicle . -dited and translated by *. F. 'harles. London >C>A2 >C?>. ,ohn *ufus. &l"rophories, t"moignages et r"v"lations contre le concile de Chalc"doine . -dited and translated by /. <au. &O ?:@L2D?. .aris >C>2. ,ohn the #tylite of +eth9%ar9Manun. Select +arrations of Holy <omen . -dited and translated by &. #mith Lewis. Studia Sinaitica CL>D. London >CDD. ",oshua the #tylite." Chronicle . -dited and translated by ). )ri"ht. 'ambrid"e >??2. Lucian. Opera . ? $ols. L'L. -dited and translated by &. F. Farmon. LondonK 'ambrid"e =%ass.B >CAC. Lucian. Lucian, *he Syrian $oddess KDe dea syriaL . Translated by F. ). &ttrid"e and *. &. Gden. %issoula >CHA. "& %artyr at the #asanid 'ourt under 7ahran !!: 'andida." -dited and translated by #. .. +rock. %nal'oll- CA =>CH?B: >AHL?>. =V +rock #. .. Syriac &erspectives, chap. C.B %ichael the #yrian. Chronique de 1ichel le syrien . 3 $ols. -dited and translated by ,.9+. 'habot. .aris >?CCL>CD@. *he +ag Hammadi Library in English . 2d ed. ed. ,. %. *obinson. #an /rancisco >C??. +arrationes variae . -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks '#'G @K@:2@CLA3 and AKA:33>L3@. .aris >CD@L>CDH. +essana &apyri . !n E0cavations at +essana . 7ol. 3 +on9Literary &apyri . -dited and translated by '. ,. 8raemer ,r. .rinceton >C@?. +e( *estament %pocrypha . 2 $ols. -dited by -. Fennecke and ). #chneemelcher translated by *. %. )ilson. London >CH3. Odes of Solomon . 2d ed. -dited and translated by ,. F. 'harlesworth. %issoula >CHH2 'hico >C?2. .alladius. Historia Lausiaca . !n *he Lausiac History of &alladius . 2 $ols. -dited and translated by '. +utler. 'ambrid"e >?C?L>CD4. &lso in &alladius= *he Lausiac History . Translated by *. T. %eyer. &ncient 'hristian )riters 34. London >CA@. /or the #yriac $ersions Les formes syriaques de la mati2re de l7histoire lausiaque . 2 $ols. -dited and translated by *. Dra"uet '#'G 3?CK>AC 3C?K >H3. Lou$ain >CH?. &atrologiae cursus completus, Series $raeca . -dited by ,. .. %i"ne. .aris >?AHL>C34. &atrologia Orientalis . -dited by *. 4raffin /. <au and /. 4raffin. .aris >CDH9. .iacen6a .il"rim. *ravels . -dited by .. 4eyer '#-L 3C >@CLC>. 7ienna >?C?. =V '#L >H@ >2HL @3.B &lso in )erusalem &ilgrims 'efore the Crusades, HCL?C. Translated by ,. )ilkinson. ,erusalem >CHH. : 2D3 : &rocopius- Opera . H $ols. L'L. -dited and translated by F. +. Dewin". London >CA>. =<ars, $ols. >L@2 %necdota, $ol. A2 'uildings, $ol. H.B .seudo9Dionysius of Tell9%ahre. 8ncerti auctoris chronicon anonymum pseudo9Dionysianum vulgo dictum . -dited and translated by ,.9+. 'habot '#'G C>K43 >2>KAA and >D4K@3. Lou$ain >C2HL4C2 >C33. Les saints stylites . -dited and translated by F. Delehaye #ub. Fa". >4. +ru1elles >C23.

#e$erus of &ntioch. Les homiliae cathedrales de S"v2re d7%ntioche, Hom"lie MM . -dited and translated by %.9&. 8u"ener and -. Triffau1 &O >A:HA>L?A3. .aris >C22. #e$erus of &ntioch. "#O$Wre d;&ntioche en Z"ypte." -dited and translated by ). -. 'rum. !OC 3 =>C22L23B: C2L>D4. I'optic fra"mentsJ #e$erus of &ntioch. *he Si0th 'ook of Select Letters of Severus, &atriarch of %ntioch by %thanasius of +isibis . 4 $ols. -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks. G1ford >CD22 >CAC. #imeon the #tylite. "The Letters of #imeon the #tylite." -dited and translated by '. '. Torrey. )%OS 2D =>?CCB: 2@3LHA. #ocrates. Historia ecclesiastica . -dited by ,. +ide6 and 4. '. Fansen 4'# @D. +erlin >CAD. #o6omen. Historia ecclesiastica . -dited by ,. +ide6 and 4. '. Fansen 4'# @D. +erlin >CAD. Syriac and %rabic Documents !egarding Legislation !elative to Syrian %sceticism . -dited and translated by &. 7TTbus .-T#- >>. #tockholm >CAD. *he Syriac .athers on &rayer and the Spiritual Life . Translated by #. .. +rock 'istercian #tudies >D>. 8alama6oo >C?H. Tertullian. %dversus 1arcionem . -dited by &. 8roymann '#-L 4H. 7ienna >CDA. Tertullian. De cultu feminarum . -dited by &. 8roymann '#-L HD @CL??. 7ienna >C42. Tertullian. De praescriptione haereticorum . -dited by &. 8roymann '#-L HD >L@?. 7ienna >C42. Theodoret of 'yrrhus. Historia religiosa . !n *h"odoret de Cyr, Historie des moines de syrie . -dited and translated by .. 'ani$et and &. Leroy9%olin"hen. #ources 'hrOtiennes 234 2@H. .aris >CHHLHC. &lso in *heodoret of Cyrrhus, % History of the 1onks of Syria . Translated by *. %. .rice 'istercian #tudies ??. 8alama6oo >C?@. Thomas of %ar"a. Historia monastica . !n *he 'ook of $overnors= *he Historia 1onastica of *homas 'ishop of 1arga&.D. ?4D. 2 $ols. -dited and translated by -. &. )allis +ud"e. London >?C3. *hree 'y,antine Saints . Translated by -. &. Dawes and <. +aynes. G1ford >C4?2 London >CHH. /ita %braami ='yril of #cythopolisB. -dited by -. #chwart6 *I 4C.2 244L4H. &lso in Les moines d7Orient 3.3 H3LHC. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. .aris >CA2LA3. /ita %le0ii . !n La l"gende syriaque de Saint %le0is l7homme de Dieu . -dited and translated by &. &miaud. .aris >??C. : 2D4 : /ita %ntonii- &$ 2A cols. ?3HLCHA. &lso in *he Life of %ntony . Translated by *. T. %eyer. &ncient 'hristian )riters >D. London >C@D. &nd in %thanasius= *he Life of %ntony and the Letter to 1arcellinus . Translated by *. '. 4re"". <ew 0ork >C?D. /or the #yriac $ersion La /ie primitive de S- %ntoine . -dited and translated by *. Dra"uet '#'G 4>HK>?3 4>?K>?4. Lou$ain >C?D. /ita Danielis Stylitae . !n Les Saints Stylites, edited by F. Delehaye >LC4. &lso in *hree 'y,antine Saints, translated by -. Dawes and <. +aynes >LH>. /ita Euthymii ='yril of #cythopolisB. -dited by -. #chwart6 *I 4C.2 3L?@. &lso in Les moines d7Orient 3.>. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. .aris >CA2. /ita .ebroniae =ThomaRsB. %1S @:@H3LA>@. &lso in Holy <omen of the Syrian Orient, translated by #. .. +rock and #. &. Far$ey >@DLHA. /ita 8acobi 'aradaei . !n "& #purious Life of ,ames." -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks &O >C:22?LA?. .aris >C2@. /ita 8ohannis Eleemosynarii =Leontius of <eapolisB. !n Leontios7 von +eapolis leben des heiligen )ohannes des 'armher,igen er,bishofs von %le0andrien . -dited by F. 4el6er. /reibur"KLeip6i" >?C3. &lso in *hree 'y,antine Saints, translated by -. Dawes and <. +aynes 2DHLA2. /ita 8ohannis Episcopi *ellae =-liasB. -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks '#'G HKH: 2CLC@ and ?K?: 2>LAD. .aris >CDH. /ita 8ohannis Hesychasti ='yril of #cythopolisB. -dited by -. #chwart6 *I 4C.2 2D>L22. &lso in Les moines d7Orient, 3.3 >3L34. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. .aris >CA2LA3. /ita 8saiae 1onachi =Nachariah *hetorB. -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks '#'G H>H: >L>A and ?K?: >L>D. .aris >CDH. /ita yriaki ='yril of #cythopolisB. -dited by -. #chwart6 *I 4C.2 222L3@. &lso in Les moines d7Orient, 3.3 3CL@2. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. .aris >CDH. /ita 1acrinae =4re"ory of <yssaB. -dited by 7. ). 'allahan. !n 4re". <y. Opera, edited by ). ,ae"er ?.> 34HL4>4.

/ita &elagiae =,acob the DeaconB. %1S A:A>AL4C. /or the $ersions &"lagie la p"nitente= 1etamorphoses d7une legende . 7ol. > Les te0tes et leur histoire . -dited by .. .etitmen"in. Ztudes &u"ustiniennes. .aris >C?>. &lso in Holy <omen of the Syrian Orient, translated by #. .. +rock and #. &. Far$ey 4DLA2. /ita &etri 8beri =,ohn *ufusB. !n &etrus der 8berer . -dited and translated by *. *aabe. Leip6i" >?C@. /ita Sabae ='yril of #cythopolisB. -dited by -. #chwart6 *I 4C.2 ?@L2DD. &lso in Les moines d7Orient, 3.2. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. .aris >CA2. /ita Severi =&thanasius #criptorB. !n "&thanasius #criptor of &ntioch *he Conflict of Severus ." -dited and translated by -. ,. 4oodspeed and ). -. 'rum &O 4 =>CD?B: @H@LH2A. /ita Severi =,ohn of +eith9&phthoniaB. !n "/ie de S"v2re par ,ean de +eith9&phthonia." -dited and translated by %.9&. 8u"ener &O 2:2D4LA4. .aris >CDH. /ita Severi =Nachariah *hetorB. !n "/ie de S"v2re, &atriarche d7%ntioche N4CON46 par Nacharie le scholasti3ue." -dited and translated by %.9&. 8u"ener &O 2:HL>>@. .aris >CDH. /ita Simeonis Stylitae . !n Das leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, -dited by F. Liet69 : 2D@ : mann *I 32.4. Liep6i" >CD?. The #yriac /ita is in %1S 4:@DHLA44. &lso in "The Life of #t. #imeon #tylites." Translated by /. Lent. )%OS 3@ =>C>@L>HB: >D3LC?. &lso in *he Lives of Simeon Stylites . Translated by *. Doran. 'istercian #tudies >>2. 8alama6oo >C?C. /ita Simeonis Stylitae 8unioris . !n La vie ancienne de S- Sym"on Stylite le Heune =NC4ON5C B. 2 $ols. -dited and translated by .. 7an den 7en #ub. Fa". 32. +ru1elles >CA2LHD. /ita *heodosii ='yril of #cythopolisB. -dited by -. #chwart6 *I 4C.2 23@L4>. &lso in Les moines d7Orient, 3.3 @HLA2. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. .aris >CDH. /ita *heognii ='yril of #cythopolisB. -dited by -. #chwart6 *I 4C.2 24>L43. &lso in Les moines d7Orient, 3.3 A@LAH. Translated by &.9,. /estu"iWre. .aris >CDH. /itae virorum apud 1onophysitas celeberrimorum . -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks '#'G HKH ?K?. .aris >CDH. <omen in the Early Church . Translated by -. &. 'lark. )ilmin"ton >C?3. Nachariah *hetor. Historia ecclesiastica Pachariae !hetori vulgo adscripta . -dited and translated by -. ). +rooks '#'G ?3K3? ?4K3C ?HK4> ??K42. Lou$ain and .aris >C>CL24. &lso in *he Syriac Chronicle no(n as that of Pachariah of 1itylene . Translated by /. ,. Familton and -. ). +rooks. London >?CC2 <ew 0ork >CHC.

Se+on'ary Sour+es
&dnWs &. and 'ani$et .. "4uOrisons miraculeuses et e1orcismes dans l"Fistoire .hilothOe; de ThOodoret de 'yr." !evue de l7Histoire des !eligions >H> =>CAHB: @3L?2 >4CLHC. &i"rain *. L7hagiographie= Ses sources, ses m"thodes, son histoire . .aris >C@3. &llen .. Evagrius Scholasticus the Church Historian . Lou$ain >C?>. &llen .. "The ;,ustinianic; .la"ue." 'y,antion 4C =>CHCB: @L2D. &llen .. "& <ew Date for the Last *ecorded -$ents in ,ohn of -phesus; Historia Ecclesiastica ." OL& >D =>CHCB: 2@>L@4. &llen .. "Nachariah #cholasticus and the Historia Ecclesiastica of -$a"rius #cholasticus." )*S 3> =>C?DB: 4H>L??. &ltaner +. &atrology . /reibur" >CAD. &shtor -. "&n -ssay on the Diet of the 7arious 'lasses in the %edie$al Le$ant." !n 'iology of 1an in History, edited by *. /orster and G. *anum >2@LA2. =V %nnales= e-s-c- 23 I>CA?J: >D>HL@3.B &tiya &. #. % History of Eastern Christianity . London >CA?. &une D. -. *he Cultic Setting of !eali,ed Eschatology in Early Christianity . Leiden >CH2. &$i90onah %. *he )e(s of &alestine= % &olitical History from the 'ar okhba <ar to the %rab Conquest . G1ford >CHA. +aker &. "-arly #yrian &sceticism." D! ?? =>CHDB: 3C3L4DC. +aker &. "#yriac and the Gri"ins of %onasticism." D! ?A =>CA?B: 342L@3. +arnes T. D. "&n"el of Li"ht or %ystic !nitiate? The .roblem of the Life of %ntony ." )*S 3H =>C?AB: 3@3LA?. +arnes T. D. "'onstantine and the 'hristians of .ersia." )!S H@ =>C?@B:>2AL3A.

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*amsey ). %. "& <oble &natolian /amily of the /ourth 'entury." C! 33 =>C>CB: >LC. *amsey ). %. &auline and Other Studies . London >CDA. !ealle0ikon ,ur 'y,antinischen unst . -dited by 8. )essel. #tutt"art >CAA9. *osen 4. 1adness in Society= Chapters in the Historical Sociology of 1ental 8llness . London >CA?. *osen 7. and /orshall ,. Catalogus codd- mss- orientalium qui in 1useo 'ritannico asservantur >: Codices Syriacos et Carshuni amplectens . London >?3?. *ousseau .. %scetics, %uthority, and the Church in the %ge of )erome and Cassian . G1ford >CH?. *ousseau .. "+lood9relationships &mon" -arly -astern &scetics." )*S 23 =>CH2B: >3@L44. : 2>H : *ousseau .. "The #piritual &uthority of the %onk +ishop." )*S 22 =>CH>B: 3?DL4>C. *uether *. *. $regory of +a,ian,us= !hetor and &hilosopher . G1ford >CAC. *uether *. *. ed. !eligion and Se0ism= 8mages of <omen in the )e(ish and Christian *raditions . <ew 0ork >CH4. *ydOn L. "The Foly /ool." !n *he 'y,antine Saint, edited by #. Fackel >DAL>3. #an5ian &. 8. Colophons of %rmenian 1anuscripts 4DU4O4A6U . 'ambrid"e =%ass.B >CAC. #e"al ,. +. Edessa= *he 'lessed City . G1ford >CHD. #e"al ,. +. "The ,ews of <orth %esopotamia +efore the *ise of !slam." !n Sefer Segal, edited by ,. %. 4rint6 and ,. Li$er !sraeli #ociety for +iblical *esearch 32LA3. ,erusalem >CA4. #e"al. ,. +. "%esopotamian 'ommunities from ,ulian to the *ise of !slam." &'% 4> =>C@@B:>DCL3C. #ellers *. 7. *he Council of Chalcedon= % Historical and Doctrinal Survey . London >C@3. #eller *. 7. *(o %ncient Christologies . London >C4D. #i"erist F. -. Civili,ation and Disease . <ew 0ork >C43. #mid F. *. &rotevangelium )acobi, % Commentary . Translated by 4. -. 7an +aaren9.ape. &ssen >CA@. #tein -. Histoire du bas9empire . 2 $ols. .aris >C4C. #tron" F. &. and 4arstan" ,. *he Syrian $oddess . London >C>3. #trycker -. La forme la plus ancienne du &rot"vangile de lacques #ub. Fa". 33. +ru1elles >CA>. #yrkin &. 0. "Gn the +eha$ior of the ;/ool for 'hrist;s #ake;." History of !eligions 22 =>C?2B: >@DL H>. Tchalenko 4. /illages antiques de la Syrie du nord . 3 $ols. .aris >C@3L@?. Teall ,. L. "The +arbarians in ,ustinian;s &rmies." Speculum 4D =>CA@B: 2C4L322. Torrey '. '. "<otes on the 'hronicle of ,oshua the #tylite." Hebre( Inion College %nnual 23 =>C@DB: 43CL@D. Trethowan ). F. "-1orcism: & .sychiatric 7iewpoint." )1E 2 =>CHAB: >2HL3H. Trible .. $od and the !hetoric of Se0uality . G$ertures in +iblical Theolo"y >. .hiladelphia >CH?. Trimin"ham ,. #. Christianity %mong the %rabs in &re98slamic *imes . London >CHC. Turner '. F. "The Lausiac Fistory of .alladius." )*S A =>CD4L>CD@B: 32>L@@. 7an +erchem %. and #tr6y"owski ,. %mida . Feidelber" >C>D. 7an %illin"en &. 'y,antine Churches in Constantinople= *heir History and %rchitecture . London >C>22 >CH4. 7an *oey &. "Les dObuts de l;O"lise 5acobite." !n Das on,il von Chalkedon, edited by &. 4rillmeier and F. +acht 2:33CLAD. 7asey 7. ",ohn %oschus %onk %arian )itness." %E! >43 =>CADB: 2AL34. 7asilie$ &. &. )ustin the .irst= %n 8ntroduction to the Epoch of )ustinian the $reat . Dumbarton Gaks #tudies >. 'ambrid"e =%ass.B >C@D. 7ikan 4. "&rt %edicine and %a"ic in -arly +y6antium." DO& 3? =>C?4B: A@L?A. 7ikan 4. 'y,antine &ilgrimage %rt . )ashin"ton >C?2. 7on *ad 4. <isdom in 8srael . Translated by ,. D. %artin. London >CH2. : 2>? : 7TTbus &. 'elibacy: & *e3uirement for &dmission to +aptism in the -arly #yrian 'hurch . .-T#- >. #tockholm >C@>. 7TTbus &. Fistory of &sceticism in the #yrian Grient . '#'G >?4K#ub. >4 >CHK#ub. >H. Lou$ain >C@?. 7TTbus &. Fistory of the #chool of <isibis . '#'G 2AAK#ub. 2A. Lou$ain >CA@.

7TTbus &. "The !nstitution of the +enai Meiama and the +enat Meiama in the &ncient #yrian 'hurch." 'F 3D =>CA>B: >CL2H. 7TTbus &. "The Gri"in of the %onophysite 'hurch in #yria and %esopotamia." 'F 42 =>CH3B: >HL 2A. )ard +. Farlots of the Desert: & #tudy of *epentance in -arly %onastic #ources . 'istercian #tudies >DA. G1ford and 8alama6oo >C?H. )are 8. T. "'halcedonians and <on9'halcedonians: The Latest De$elopments." -'* 3 =>CH>B: 42?L 32. )iden"ren 4. %ani and %anichaeism . Translated by '. 8essler. London >CA@. )iden"ren 4. %esopotamian -lements in %anichaeism =8in" and #a$ior 2B. (ppsala and Leip6i" >C4A. )iden"ren 4. "*esearches in #yrian %ysticism: %ystical -1periences and #piritual -1ercises." <umen ? =>CA>B: >A>LC?. )i"ram ). &. The #eparation of the %onophysites . London >C232 <ew 0ork >CH?. )ilkinson ,. ,erusalem .il"rims +efore the 'rusades . ,erusalem >CHH. )ips6ycka -. Les ressources et les acti$itOs Oconomi3ues des O"lises en -"ypt de !7e au 7!!!e siWcles . .apyrolo"ica +ru1ellensia >D. +ru1elles >CH2. )ri"ht ). 'atalo"ue of the #yriac %anuscripts in the +ritish %useum . 3 $ols. London >?H2. )ri"ht ). & #hort Fistory of #yriac Literature . London >?C4. 0oun" /. %. "'hristolo"ical !deas in the 4reek 'ommentaries on the -pistle to the Febrews." ,T# 2D =>CACB: >@DLA3. 0oun" /. %. /rom <icaea to 'halcedon: & 4uide to the Literature and its +ack"round . .hiladelphia >C?3. 0oun" /. %. "The 4od of the 4reeks and the <ature of *eli"ious Lan"ua"e." !n -arly 'hristian Literature and the 'lassical !ntellectual Tradition edited by ). *. #choedel and *. L. )ilken ThOolo"ie Fistori3ue @3 4@LH4. +eauchesne >C?D. 0oun" /. %. "& *econsideration of &le1andrian 'hristolo"y." ,-F 22 =>CH>B: >D3L>4. Na1 %. and 'owen -. &bnormal .sycholo"y: 'han"in" 'onceptions . 2d ed. <ew 0ork >CHA. Nie"ler .. The +lack Death . London >CAC. : 2>C :

Inde+
A
&aron 33 4C >43 &bbi HD &braham =abbot of %ar ,ohn (rtayaB @? &braham =successor of abbot &brahamB @C &braham and &ddai =monksB 32 4? 94C &braham bar 8aili =bishop of &midaB 3D A2 9A3 H> H2 H3 H? >H> n42 >H4 nAC >HH n2D &braham of 8alesh =styliteB 2? 32 @D 9@> >A2 n2> &braham the .resbyter 33 &braham the *ecluse 32 4H 4C &cacian schism >3H &dam and -$e A See also -$e &ddai the 'horepiscopus 32 4A 94H &d$ersary >D >> >4 >>? See also #atan &"apetus =popeB A2 >?> nH3 &"athias 3> &le1andria >4 HH H? HC >2H >3A >HH n2H >HH n3> See also -"ypt &le1ius the %an of 4od 3 >@ >? 92> >@? n>2D &mida =Diyar +ekirB 2A 92H 2? 3D 32 34 44 @3 @4 @A @H 9H@ HA ?4 C3 >23 >4A >H3 nA2 See also &scetics

&midan in$aded by .ersia @H @C 9A> A3 A4 A@ >AC n>3 >H3 n@D >H3 n@> pla"ue of madness A4 9A@ >H> 9H2n44 >H2 n4H >H2 n4? >H3 n@D >H3 n@> >H3 nA> &midan monasteries 32 33 3@ 4? @D @@ AH AC 9H2 >D2 &midan monks e1pulsion of AH 9A? ?? >H4 nHD &roma Talis >3D >C4 n>>A &nastasius ! =emperorB 23 AD ?D C? >3H 93? >?@ n>C &nthimus of 'onstantinople ?? >H? n4@ >?2 nC> >?2 nC3 &ntioch 1$ >@ >? 23 A2 >D4 >3A &ntony of -"ypt C >4 >H 24 3? >@A n?@ &n6etene 4@ 4A @? @C &phrahat the .ersian >> >2 &r;a *abtha =monasteryB 2? 2C @> &rabia C? >DA &rianism 2 >2 >3 @@ >D> &rmenia =&rmeniansB 2 4> >D2 >DA >A@ nH3 &rsenius >C4 n>D> >CA n>C &r6anene HH >D2 >HA n4 &scetic practice See also &sceticism2 &scetics anchorites =solitariesB 1$ >2 >4 >@ 32 4A 4H 4C @? AA H2 HH C> 9C3 CA >DD >>4 >22 >2? >3D >3A >3C >CA n2C effects of persecution on A? 9H> ?4 >DD >23 >24 >42 : 22D : as public ser$ice in 'yril of #cythopolis >3A 93H >3? >3C in ,ohn of -phesus 44 94A 4H 94C @A H2 ?A ?C CD >23 >44 See also &sceticism role in society &sceticism See also &scetic practice2 &scetics2 %onophysites2 #er$ice definition of ,ohn of -phesus 4A 4C @2 9@3 C@ CC 9>DD >D3 de$elopment of 4C -"yptian >4 9>@ C> >DH See also &ntony of -"ypt2 -"ypt &midan ascetics in2 .alladius e1treme >H 4@ 4A @4 HD >22 >2H >@? n>>3 martyrdom and @@ .alestinian >@ pillar standin" >D >@ 9>C 2? 3> 32 44 94@ @D 9@> A? H2 >DH >@H n>D> See also &braham of 8alesh2 Daniel the #tylite2 %aro the #tylite2 #imeon the #tylite the -lder2 #imeon the #tylite the 0oun"er2 N;ura pillar standin" women >>4 >C> n3? role in society >3 92> 4C @2 A@ AA 9AH AC 9H> >3@ >3C See also &scetic practice as public ser$ice2 #er$ice ="ood worksB #yrian 1ii 1$i 4 9? C >> >3 92> 3> @2 CH >@A n?A >A? n3 contrast with -"yptian and .alestinian >4 9>@ de$elopment of 1$i 4 9? @2 >@4 n4@ >A? n2 >A? n3 tradition of 3A @2 AA 9AH AC CH #yrian traits of 3C 43 use of symbols =ima"eryB @ >>D >>> >>2 >>4 >@3 n2C See also +etrothal to 'hrist2 %ary 7ir"in2 .rayer cruciform &scetics See also &scetic practice2 &sceticism &midan 2A 2? 3H 42 4? @H 9H@ HA H? ?@ C> 9C2 >DH >3? >HH n2D e1iles 2C 42 H3 H? 9HC C> >2A >43 >44 intercession of >4 >C 44 lapsed commitment of @@ 9@A >A? nAD

lay 4 9@ A >3 33 43 ?? 9?C >>4 >>H >?2 n>D2 lower9class leaders of >C@ nH re"imen of >@ 4C 9@D relation to laity >C 92D 34 A? H> CA 9CH >AA n2C >HC nA2 as teachers CA >A@ nAA wealthy >2H 92C >42 943 >C3 n>D> >C4 n>D? women >>4 >2> See also )omen &sia 2C ?2 CC >DA &sia %inor 33 3@ >2C >3> >32 &thanasius of &le1andria >4 24 &u"ustine of Fippo >?? n?

7
+aptism @ 9A >>> +ardaisan of -dessa 2 CH >@3 n2H >?@ n>4 +asil of 'aesarea >4 >D> >@H nCH >?A n32 >?A n4> >?? n? >C@ nH >CA n>4 +asiliscus ?@ +assian 33 +eth &rsham 33 CH C? +etrothal to 'hrist =4odB >> >2 >@4 n4? See also 'hrist as the Fea$enly +ride"room +ible. See 4ospels2 <ew Testament2 Gld Testament #yrian understandin" of 4 @ +ilin"ualism 3 4D 942 >A4 nA3 'nay and bnat qyama . See 'o$enanters 'thula, H +y6antine -mpire 1i 1$ 3 2> 2@ 34 @A C@ See also 'onstantinople reli"ious conflict in ?4

C
'aesaria the .atrician 33 >2H 93D >C3 n>DD 'appadocia 'appadocians >4 >@ 4H >D2 >DA 'appadocian /athers >?A n32 >C@ nH See also +asil of 'aesarea2 4re"ory of <a6ian6us2 4re"ory of <yssa 'appadocian monasteries @A 'aria 2C ?2 CC >DA 'elibacy @ 9A H >> of women >DC >>3 >>A >>H >@4 n4? 'halcedon 'ouncil Gf =&. D. 4@>B 1$i 2> 923 2@ 3A ?2 ?H >D> >D@ >DH >3? >@3 n2D >H? n4H >?A n33 'halcedonian faith ,ustinian and ?D 9?3 of %oschus >4> 'halcedonian theolo"y de$elopment of >@C n>33 'halcedonians 2> 92@ 2C 4D 4@ 4A @@ : 22> : A2 9A4 AH H2 H4 HH ?2 9?3 >D4 >3@ >44 from -"ypt >HA n>A "o$ernment and 1i 1ii 2C 3D 4D A> HC ?2 9?3 >HD n2H 'harrhae A4 'hastity >3 >3> >C4 n>>H See also 'elibacy 'hrist @ A ? 9C >4 >H 2> 22 2@ 3C 44 >D? >>D >>> >>3 >>C >2> >HA n>4

as the Fea$enly +rid"e"room @ H >> See also +etrothal to 'hrist 'hristianity See also &sceticism2 'halcedonians2 %onophysites asceticism and >D 9>> -astern and )estern H >D 22 4reco9Latin 2 4 C >>> >>2 >>4 >>A in .ersia C CH 9C? >@C n>2A >?@ n>4 >?@ n>C #yriac feminine symbols in >>D 9>4 #yrian > 4 9? >2 >3 >H HH >@2 n>D See also &sceticism #yrian 'hristolo"y 3 2> 922 24 >4@ &le1andrian 2> 24 &ntiochene 2> 922 'onstantina. See Tella 'onstantine ! ?3 'onstantinople =+y6antiumB 1$ 3 23 24 2@ 34 @C H? >DA >3H 93? >4A >AD n>3C >HA n>> >HH n3> >HC nA3 See also +y6antine -mpire2 ,ohn of -phesus in 'onstantinople2 %onophysites in 'onstantinople 'ouncil of =&.D. 3?>B 2@ 4eneral #ynod ='ouncil of &.D. @@3B 23 3A ?3 'onstantius @H 'osmas and Damian 3 >?D nH> 'o$enanters =#ons and Dau"hters of the 'o$enantB A >> >C CA CH >>3 'yril of &le1andria >4 2> 22 23 24 92@ 3A ?2 >A? n@C 'yril of #cythopolis >34 94D >4> >42 >44 >C@ n> >C@ n4 >CA n2? >CA n2C 'yrus =bishop in .ersiaB >?H n@A

2
Daniel =archimandriteB 33 Daniel the #tylite 3? @2 ?@ >@? n>2> Decius =emperorB C Diatessaron, @ Dionysius of Tell9%ahre =pseudo9B 3D Dioscurus 24 Doctrina %ddai,C >@> n@ Dualism @ H 9? >2 >H >?@ n>4

E
-dessa > 2 C >D >3 >@ >? 34 A4 >D@ >@> n@ >H3 n@A -dessenes =monastery of theB @? H> -"ypt 2 >4 9>@ 24 42 @A HA 9?D >3A >C4 n>D> >C@ nH See also &le1andria2 &ntony of -"ypt &midan ascetics in 42 H? 9HC C> 'halcedonians from >HA n>A %onophysite e1iles in 24 33 HA 9?D ?> ?4 >DH >24 92@ >2? >H@ n2 >H@ n3 persecution of %onophysites in ?@ >D3 >D4 -lias =monkB 34 4> -lias =patriarch of ,erusalemB >3H >A@ nH3 -li5ah @ >4 >H 4@ -li5ah of Dara 33 4? @@ -li5ah and Theodore =tradersB 33 4H 94? >2D -lisha @ 4@ -mmelia >?? n?

-phesus 2C 'ouncil of =&.D. 43>B 2@ #econd 'ouncil of =*obber #ynodB =&.D. 44CB 3A -phrem of &ntioch =patriarchB 3D A2 9A3 A? >D3 >A> n>2 >HD 9H>n33 >H> n3? >H> n3C >H4 nAC >H4 nH2 >H@ nCC -phrem #yrus 2 3 >> >2 >3 4> >>> >>2 >@2 nC >@2 n>H >@3 n2C >@A n?3 >@A n?@ >@H nC> -piphanius of #alamis >>C -schatolo"y A 9H >> -udocia >3H >CA n2@ -uphemia and the 4oth 3 -uphemia of &mida 32 33 3? 93C 4@ H3 9H@ >23 >24 >2@ >2A >3D >32 >43 >HH n2@ >C3 n?> -uphrasius A2 >HD n3> -usebius of 'aesarea >D 4> >@> n@ >HC nA> -uthymius >3H >3? >3C >CA n2@ -utychianism 22 -$a"rianism 3A -$a"rius #cholasticus 2@ 3> ?D >HH n3@ -$e A >>H >2D -1orcism =e1orcistsB 32 3C 4? @D A4 AA >>H 9>? >3H >42 : 222 :

F
/amine @C AD A3 H> >H> n43 /ebronia >>@ >>A >C> n43

)
4nosticism @ H >>D 4oddesses >DC 9>D >?C n>H >C> n3A 4ospels @ >3 3C 44 HD 4reek lan"ua"e > 2 94 4D 942 See also Fellenism 4reek literature 1ii 1$ii >H 3> 34 93@ >@> n? >@@ n@H >@? n>>2 >?3 n>>D #yriac translations of 3@ 93A >@3 n23 >@3 n24 4re"ory of <a6ian6us >4 >D> >@H nCH >?A n32 4re"ory of <yssa >?? n? 4re"ory of Tours >A@ nH? 4uria C >D 34

H
Fabib =-dessan martyrB C >D Fabib =holy manB 32 34 43 944 4@ 4A @2 ?? Fa"io"raphy 1i$ 1$ii 3 >@ 34 3H 94> @D >>@ >>C >34 9 3@ >4@ >A2 n2@ >C? n@? See also ,ohn of -phesus as ha"io"rapher2 ,ohn of -phesus Lives of the Eastern Saints definition of 1i$ 1$ii >4A models for >3 standard formulae and themes of 1i$ 3 3? 93C >>A >2> >4> >43 >44 >A4 nAD >C4 n>D> >C@ n4 >CH n@D style 42 >A4 nAD women in >>@ >>A >2> >3D 933 >3C Fala 33 H> CD Farfat 32 4@ Farith bar 4abala >D@

Fealin"s 3C 44 @D @2 @A Fellenism 2 94 >A 34 >>2 >@2 n>D >A2 n>H See also 4reek lan"ua"e2 4reek literature Henoticon, >A2 n>H Fephthalitae A> AA >HD n24 Feresies 2 >A 22 2C 3A @@ CD CC >>2 >3H 93? >AH n@> >C> n3A See also &rianism2 4nosticism2 %anicheans2 %arcionism2 %ontanism2 <estorianism hnana @> Foly fools 34 3C A@ C> 9C3 >A2 n2> >?3 n>>D >?3 n>>> >?3 n>>3 See also #imeon #alos Foly #pirit >>D >>2 >?H n4> Formisdas =palaceB ?H CD >>? >?> n?H Fosea >H Funs A> A@ 9AA >HD n24

I
ihidaya ="sin"le one"B H 9? !n"ila =!n"ileneB 2? !ntercession of ascetics >4 >C 44 !saac =monkB 33 !saac of <ine$eh 3 >@2 n>H !saiah >H >>D

,acob =&midan monkB 4? 94C >>? ,acob =anchoriteB AA ,acob +urd;aya 2C 33 A4 >D3 >D@ 9A >DH >3> >?H n4> >?? n A3 >?? nA@ ,acob of <isibis >2 9>3 >4 3A @? ,acobite #yrian Grthodo1 'hurch >DA >3> See also #yrian Grthodo1y ,eremiah >H ,erome >CA n2C ,erusalem 1$ H4 HH >DA >>@ >22 >3A >3H >4> >CA n2C ,esus 2> 22 >D? >@> n@ See also 'hrist ,ews ,udaism > 2 @ >> CD >>D >4A >AH n@> persecution by 'hristians @3 9@4 ,ohn %oschus 3> 3@ >>? >3D 93> >34 93@ >4D 942 >44 ,ohn of +eith9&phthonia ?2 ,ohn of -phesus =,ohn of &siaB 1i 2? 93> 3@ 942 43 9@A @? AD A4 A? AC H3 HA H? ?C >3C ascetic $iews of 32 34 @@ 9@A HA CH CC 9>DD >DH >D? >42 >44 bilin"ualism 3@ 4D 942 consecration as bishop >DA >DH in 'onstantinople 1i 2C 93D 32 3@ HA C3 >A> n>2 >H? n4A death of 3D >A> n>> early life 2? 92C 32 3@ 3A @> @2 >DH Ecclesiastical History 1i 1i$ 91$ii 3D 93> 34 3H 4D A3 A4 CC >D3 content of 3D in -"ypt 2C 32 HA 9HH as ha"io"rapher 1$ 3H 942 43 >34 >4@ 94A >?? nA3 ha"io"raphic style of 3H 94D >42 >A4 nAD ha"io"raphic=alB purpose of 3H 4D 94> @4 A@ ?4 C> C4 >D3 >32 >34 93@ >3A >4> >4@ 94A imprisonment of 3D >A> n>D ,ustinian and Theodora and 2A 3> ?> 9?2 >>? >H? n4A >HC n@D >?> nHH

: 223 : Lives of the Eastern Saints 1i 4 2A 3D 93H 4D 42 @H ?> C3 C@ CC >DD >D3 >DH compared to 'yril;s Lives of &alestinian Saints >34 >3@ 93H >3C >4> >42 >44 compared to %oschus; &ratum spirituale 3@ >34 >4> >42 compared to .alladius; and Theodoret;s Lives 3@ 4C @4 9@A >3D contents 3> 934 3C HD HA H? HC ?3 C4 >D3 >DA purpose 4D 94> C> >32 >34 >43 >44 >4@ 94A women in >D? >>A 92D >22 >2A >32 in %esopotamia 1i 2? 32 missions 2C 33 3@ ?2 CC >2C >3> >H? n4A modern scholarship and 1ii 1i$ ordination of 2C >D2 >DH >?A n3@ pa"anism and 2C C? 9CC >?@ n23 $iew of %onophysites in 'onstantinople ?4 9?A ?H CD $iew of solitary practice C> 9C3 >3C $iew of women >>A 9>H >>C 92D >2> 932 ,ohn of Fephaestopolis 33 >D3 94 >D@ >DH >3> ,ohn of Tella 2C 33 34 3H HD ?2 >DD 9@ >DA >DH >>C >3> >HA n4 >?@ n2H >?H n4> ,ohn #cholasticus 3D ,ohn the &lms"i$er HC ,ohn the +aptist @ >4 ,ohn the <a6irite 32 @D ,ohn the #olitary 3 >@2 n>H ",oshua the #tylite " 3> AD >AC n>> ,udaism. See ,ews ,ulian of Falicarnassus >HA n>4 >HC n@D ,ulian #aba >2 9>3 >4 3A @? ,ustin ! 23 924 4D A> AH >A2 n23 >HD n2H ,ustin !! 3> ?3 C> >A> n>D> H? n42 >HC nAD >?3 n>DC ,ustinian 23 2A 2H A3 AH ?D ?@ ?A ?C >3? >4> >@C n>3? >AD n>4A >H? n4> >H? n4@ >H? n4A >HC n@D 'halcedonian faith of 22 924 2@ 2C 3A HC ?D ?> ?3 >D4 military campai"ns 2A A> %onophysites and A3 ?D 9?3 ?H CD CC and pa"ans >?@ n23 N;ura and ?4 ?@ >3?

:
8ashish 33 8awad @C A> AA >AC n>> 8hosroes A> >HD n24

L
Latin lan"ua"e and literature 22 4> >A@ nH? Leontius =monkB 33 Leontius of +y6antium >CA n2? Lo"os 2> 22 >>2 Lycaonia >DA Lycia 2C ?2 CC >DA

0
%acrina >?? n? %adness pla"ue of A4 9A@ >H> 9H2n44 >H2 n4H >H2 n4? >H3 n@D >H3 n@> >H3 nA> %a"i CH C?

%ahya >C> n44 %aiouma H? %aipher3at =%artyropolisB A4 %alalas >A2 n>H %an of 4od =&le1iusB >@ >? 92> 34 %ani =%anicheansB @ H CH CC >H? n4A >?@ n>4 %ar ,ohn (rtaya =monasteryB 2C 32 3@ @? @C AD AC %ar ,ohn (rtaya @? %ar %ama AH HD %ar %enas >HA n4 %arcion =%arcionismB 2 @ H CH >>3 >?@ n>4 >C> n3A %arde >D2 %are =bishop of &midaB H? 9HC >A@ nAA %are of +eth (rtaye 32 @A %are the #olitary 33 ?@ 9?A ?H >3? >?> nHH %ari 33 %aria =dau"hter of -uphemiaB H3 9H4 >23 %aria =wife of Thomas the &rmenianB >2D %aro the #tylite 2? 92C 32 33 3C @D 9@2 A@ 9AA H2 >DH >>? >22 %aronites >CD n2? %arria"e spiritual A >> C> >>3 >>4 >2C women and >>3 >>H >2A >2C %artyrdom C 9>D >2 34 @4 9@@ AH H4 >DD >D3 >DC >>@ >C> n44 sal$ation and >>@ %artyrius of ,erusalem >3H %ary 7ir"in >>> >>2 >>4 >>? >>C >2D >3> >32 >?C n>A : 224 : %ary the &nchorite 33 >2> >2@ 9>2A >2? >3D %ary the .il"rim =sister of -uphemiaB 32 >22 923 >24 >2@ >2A >2? >3D >HH n2@ %elania the -lder >2H >C4 n>D3 >C4 n>D? >CA n2C %elania the 0oun"er >2H %eltha >>2 %endis HH HC >24 >HA n@ %esopotamia 1i 1$ >2 2? 32 4> 42 @H HH >@H nCC See also &mida ascetics in 3> 33 HA 'halcedonians in A3 in$asions of A> >4> persecutions of %onophysites 24 A> H? >H4 nA@ %ichael the #yrian 3D ?2 %iracles >H @> @A >22 >23 >3H >43 944 %ishael >?2 n>D2 %itylene >DA %onasteries >@ 2C @A @? AH A? H> H? >@H nC3 >H@ nCC See also &midan monasteries #yriac library >A@ nAA %onasticism H >3 9>4 4C 9@D @? HD >3A de$elopment of >> >@ 9>A >C 92D @2 9@3 trainin" of no$ices 3@ 4> 4C AC 9HD %onica >?? n? %onophysite bishops 33 HA ?> ?? >DD 9>D> >D4 >H4 nH4 %onophysite e1iles HA ?? >DD >DH >24 92@ >3? >44 See also &scetics &midan e1iles2 -"ypt %onophysite e1iles in %onophysite missions C4 9>DD >32 >H? n4H >?4 n>

See also ,ohn of -phesus missions %onophysite mo$ement de$elopment of 2> 92@ >?? nAA %onophysite theolo"y de$elopment of >@C n>33 %onophysites 1i 1$ 1$i 4 2> 92@ 3? A? HD HH 9H? C> >DD >>H >3H >4> >A3 n3H communion act >?2 nC3 in 'onstantinople =+y6antiumB 2C 3D 33 4@ HC ?D ?> ?3 9C> C2 9C3 >D3 >D4 >DH >2H >AC n>H >?> n?H >?2 n>D2 >?3 n>DC disputes amon" 1i 3D 3> >HC nAD in -"ypt HA 9?D >H4 nA@ See also -"ypt %onophysite e1iles in leadership of H3 ?? >D3 >D@ 9A >DH >4A meetin"s with 'halcedonians ?2 9?3 >D> ordination of 2C >D> 9H >32 persecutions of 1ii 1$i 24 3D 3A 4D 4@ 4A @4 @A H4 >D3 >23 be"innin" 2C 3> AH 9A? >A2 n23 causes >AC n>H >?3 n>DC in 'onstantinople C> effects of 34 A4 H? ?4 ?A 9?H >DD >?4 n> >?A 9?Hn4> in %esopotamia A> 9A@ >H4 nA@ in .ersia C? >AC n>H protected by Theodora 2C ?D 9?4 ?A 9?H CD C? >D4 >HH n3H >?> n?2 >?2 nC3 as separate church 1$ >DD >DA 9H >H4 nH4 women and >2> 922 >3> >32 %ontanists =%ontanismB 2C ?2 CC >C> n3A %oses @ >4 >H ?@

N
<estorians =<estorianismB ='hurch of the -astB 2 22 4> CH 9C? >3? >?4 n> >?@ n>C >?A n3> >CD n2? <estorius 2> <ew Testament @ A >D? >DC >>> >>3 >2C <icea 'ouncil of =&.D. 32@B >2 2> 922 2@ ?3 <isibis 2 >> >2 >3 C? >>@

O
Odes of Solomon ? 9C >H >>D 9>> >>2 >@> n? >@4 n4H Gld Testament @ >A 4@ 4A >>D >>A Grdination >DD 9>DH >32 >?A n3@ >?A n4> >?H n@A Gri"enists =Gri"enismB >3A >3? >4> Gsrhoene > >2 >DD Glympias >2H

P
.achomius >@4 n4@ .a"ans =pa"anismB > 2 2C ?2 CD C@ 9CA C? 9CC >>D >>@ >AH n@> >?@ n23 .alestine >@ HH >DA >34 93? >4D >4> >CH n@> .alladius 3> 34 3@ 3A @4 9@A >3D .apacy 24 2@ ?3 >3H .arables marria"e feast @ 9A : 22@ : .aradise A H >3A >3H .aul apostle @ >DC >>> >>3 >?3 n>>D .aul of &ntioch =monkB 34 CC .aul the &nchorite 32 AA >43

.aul "the +lack" of &ntioch =patriarchB >?2 nC> .aul "the ,ew" =patriarchB A> 9A2 >HD n3> >H4 nA@ >HH n2D .aula >2H >CA n2C .ela"ia 3 >>@ 9>A >2A >@2 n>C >C> n4@ >C2 n4? .enance >H >>C .ersecution C 3H HH >H4 nHD >H@ nCC >HA n4 >HH n2C >?@ n>C See also %onophysites persecutions of of 'hristians in <a5ran >?4 n>3 effects of 32 33 of <estorians 2 .ersia > 33 4> @H C@ CH C? >AC n>H >HD n2> 'hristianity in C CH 9C? >@C n>2A >?@ n>4 >?@ n>C in$asion of &mida @H @C 9A> A3 A4 A@ >AC n>3 >H3 n@D >H3 n@> %onophysites in C? >AC n>H sie"e of -dessa >H3 n@A sie"e of <isibis >2 wars 1i 23 2A >AC n>> >AC n>H >?H n@A .eter and .hotius 33 .eter of ,erusalem =patriarchB >3? .eter the !berian H? >?A n4> .hilo1enus of %abbo" >D2 >D@ .hry"ia 2C ?2 CC >DA .iacen6a .il"rim >C2 n4? .il"rims >@ 9>A H4 HH >22 >C2 n4? See also %ary the .il"rim .la"ue 4reat +ubonic 2@ 3D 3> A3 ?A >AD n>4@ >H> n43 .oplars =monasteryB AH A? >H@ nCC .rayer >2 >3 >4 >@ >A >C cruciform ? 9C >H >? 2D #yrian tradition >@2 n>H .rocopius 2A 3> A> A@ AA ?D ?4 ?@ >AD n>4A >HH n32 >HH n3@ >H? n43 >?D nH> &rotevangelion of )ames >>> >>2 >CD n23 >CD n24

;
3addishe . See %arria"e spiritual Mal;at #im;an >? Mumran >> Mu3ites >@3 n2H

R
*abbula +ishop >? >C 2D *enunciation @ H 9? >> See also &sceticism *esurrection C >>> *oman -mpire 33 4> See also +y6antine -mpire army AD 9A> AH H> war with .ersia >AC n>H >AC n2> *omanos %elodos 3 *omanus 33 *ufinus >CA n2C !uha, >>D >>2

S
#abas >3H >3? >3C >A@ nH3 >CA n2@ #al$ation @ >D> >>@ belief and 22 #amaritans >3A >3? >4> #aracens >D@ >4> #atan >D >H >>C >2D >32 >4> See also &d$ersary #er"ius =cellmate of ,acobB >D@ #er"ius =disciple of #imeonB 32 @3 9@4 H2 9H3 #er"ius =archimandriteB 33 #er"ius and +acchus 3 >?> n?H #er"ius of &ntioch >?2 nC> #er$ice ="ood worksB >> >2 >3 >? 9>C 2D 33 3? 42 H3 9H4 >42 See also &scetic practice as public ser$ice #e$erus of &ntioch 3H >D> 92 >D@ >DA >2H >3H 93? >AD n>3C >HA n>> >HA n>3 >HA n>4 >HA n>A >?2 nC> >?2 nC3 >?@ n23 >?A n32 in &ntioch 23 24 >HC n@> >?2 n>D2 banishment and e1ile A> A3 ?D ?? >?2 nC@ early life >?@ n23 in -"ypt HA H? ,ustinian and ?2 9?3 writin"s of >@3 n23 #hapur !! C #harbil C >D 34 #hmona C >D 34 #imeon of the Gli$es >@H nC3 #imeon #alos >?3 n>>D See also Foly fools #imeon the Fermit 32 @3 #imeon the %ountaineer 32 33 AA C@ 9CH C? CC >DH #imeon the .ersian Debater 33 CH CC >HA n4 #imeon the #cribe 33 : 22A : #imeon the #olitary 32 H2 #imeon the #tylite the -lder =#imeon #tylitesB >D >@ 9>C 2D 2> 34 3A 3? 4@ @D @2 @4 A@ >3H >@H n>DD #imeon the #tylite the 0oun"er >@? n>2> #olitaries. See &scetic practice anchorites #ophanene 44 ?? #osiana 33 >2C 93D #tephen =deacon companion of ThomasB 32 H? 9HC ?A 9?H C> #tylites. See &sceticism pillar standin" #usan 33 HA 9HH HC ?D >DH >2> >24 92@ >2A >2? 92C >3D >32 >3C 94D #ycae =monasteryB 2C ?@ ?A C2 #ycamores =monasteryB AH H> #yria > >4 >@ >DA >3A >4> #yriac academies 2 3 4> #yriac lan"ua"e 1i 1ii > 94 H 4D >@> n2 4reek lan"ua"e and 2 94 4D 942 >>2 #yriac literature 1ii 1$ii > 2 3 >A 9>H 34 3A >@> n? >@2 n>D >@2 n>H >@H n>DA >@? n>>A >@C n>2? >A3 n32 >?3 n>>D >CD n24 >C> n43 >C> n4@ #yrian 4oddess >DC 9>D >?C n>2 >?C n>H #yrian Grient. See &mida2 -dessa2 %esopotamia2 <isibis2 Gsrhoene2 .ersia2 #yria

#yrian Grthodo1y =,acobitesB 4 >DA >3> >H? n3? >CD n2?

T
Tatian @ Tella ='onstantinaB A4 C> >DD >22 >?? nA3 Tertullian >>? Thecla >DC >>A Theodora =empressB 2H H? 9HC ?@ >H? n4D >H? n4> >H? n43 >H? n4@ >CA n2@ baptism >?D nAA %onophysite faith of 2C ?D 9?> protects %onophysites 2C AH ?D 9?4 ?A 9?H ?? CD C? >D4 >D@ >>? >HH n3H >?> n?2 >?2 nC3 Theodore =brother of -li5ahB 4H 94? Theodore of &rabia 33 >D@ 9A >?H n4> Theodore of #ykeon >AH n4> Theodore the Castrensis 33 ?C 9CD Theodoret of 'yrrhus 3A compared to ,ohn of -phesus 3? 4D 4A 4C @4 9@A >3D 93> Historia religiosa >A 9>H 3> 34 @@ >>4 >@A n?3 >AH 9A?n@C Theodosius =patriarch of &le1andriaB 3D ?@ ?? >D3 >D4 >HA n>> >H? n4@ >?2 nC> >?2 nC3 Thomas =bishop of &midaB H? Thomas =deacon companion of #tephenB 32 H? HC ?D C> Thomas of Damascus 33 Thomas of %ar"a 3@ 3A Thomas the &rmenian 32 H? >2D >2? >42 943 Thrace >D4 Three 'hapters contro$ersy 3A ?3 Timothy !7 H? *ome of .ope Leo 22 >@C n>2? Tralles >D4 Trans$estite saints >>A >2A >@2 n>C >C2 n4? Tribunus 33 ?? 9?C CD >>? >2D >2A Trisha"ion riots >HC nA2 Tur &bdin >@H nC3

/
)isdom >>D >?C n>A )omen 1$ 33 34 3H 3? HH >D? 933 >4> >?? nC >?C n>4 See also 'elibacy of women2 early 'hristianity and >D? 9C as missionaries and martyrs >DC >3> >?? n? monks and >>4 >3C >CH n3> as source of e$il >>C 92D >3D as spiritual leaders >>4 >32 933 >C> n3A status in #yrian society >>3 >>4 as trans$estite saints >>A >2A >@2 n>C $iew of 'yril of #cythopolis >3C weakness of >C4 n>2D

<
N;ura 32 33 43 44 4@ 4A AA ?4 9?@ ?A ?H ?? 9?C >DH >3? >?D nAA >?D nH> >?> nH3 Nachariah *hetor =pseudo9B 3> 42 AC >?@ n23 Nacharias HD Neno =emperorB @C ?@ >3H : 22H :