Root/Affix asymmetries in contact and transfer: Case studies from the Andes* Pieter Muysken Centre for Language

Studies, Radboud University Nijmegen

Abstract In this paper I want to explore the psycholinguistic processing issues, in terms of the type of transfer that they exemplify, that we need to postulate to be hypothetically involved in the emergence of two mixed languages and a mixed register with a Quechua structure: Media Lengua (Ecuador) and Kallawaya (Bolivia), both relexified varieties within the Quechua language family, and bilingual mixed songs in Peru, waynos. The two issues that require most attention are (a) the mental status of roots versus affixes in the transfer process; (b) the possibility of manipulating lexical access in transfer. The languages and the register share a number of structural features, but are sociolinguistically totally different. In Media Lengua the lexicon comes from a new language (Spanish), and in Kallawaya from an old language (Puquina). Media Lengua is an informal community language, while Kallawaya a ritual healing language only used by male adults. Waynos are a very popular musical genre in large parts of the southern Andes in Peru. The root/suffix asymmetries in the mixed languages are confronted with the mirror phenomenon of Spanish suffixes that occur in Quechua, to help us further understand the processing issues involved.

Key words: Quechua, Spanish, Puquina, language mixing, Media Lengua, Kallawaya *I am grateful for the detailed comments from a reviewer for the journal and from the editors.

1. Introduction In the large area in the South American Andes where members of the Quechua language family are spoken, several interesting contact varieties have emerged. In the north, these comprise varieties of Media Lengua in Ecuador, where Spanish roots are inserted into Quechua morphosyntactic and lexical frames. In the center, particularly in southern Peru, intense mixing is apparent in a specific register, the bilingual songs named waynos. In an area in the south, we find Kallawaya, a ritual healing language only used by male adults, in which lexical roots mostly from an ancestral language (Puquina) are introduced. Throughout the area, Spanish lexical elements, but also suffixes, have been transferred into Quechua. Primarily drawing upon, expanding, and synthesizing my own work in this area, I will compare and contrast these varieties and discuss their relevance for the transfer debate. In Table I a number of features of these varieties are presented and contrasted, including their status with respect to the two distinctions introduced in the work of Grosjean (this volume): dynamic interference versus static transfer, and monolingual versus bilingual language mode. It also briefly characterizes them in terms of the MAT (morphemic matter) versus PAT (structural patterns) distinction introduced in the work of Sakel (2007), a distinction which goes back at least to Heath (1978)s distinction between direct (MAT) and indirect (PAT) diffusion, but probably even to earlier sources.

Media Lengua Location Ecuador (Saraguro, Caar, Salcedo, Imbabura)

Mixed songs Central and southern highlands in Peru, highland Bolivia

Kallawaya Bolivia (Charazani province)

Morpho-syntactic frame Inserted elements

Ecuadorian Quechua

Various Quechua varieties

Bolivian (Charazani) Quechua

Spanish root shapes

Spanish root shapes, mostly verbs

A non Quechua root lexicon, partly Puquina

Sociolinguistic profile

In-group register in communities undergoing shift

Songs played and broadcast in bilingual settings (partly urban) Dynamic Bilingual

A ritual register used by practicioners of traditional medicine Static or dynamic Monolingual with extra lexical register

Dynamicity Language mode

Static Monolingual or bilingual

Matter and/or pattern Key references

Mostly matter, some pattern Muysken 1979, 1981, 1988, 1997a; Gomez Rendn 2006, 2008

Matter

Mostly matter, some pattern

Muysken 1990, 2000

Stark 1972; Muysken 1997, 2009

Table 1: Features of the three mixed varieties discussed

It is apparent that there are both similarities and important differences between these varieties. The root/affix asymmetries referred to in the title of this paper are typologically and areally specific: roots are single initial elements that either require another suffix (verbs) or do not, in Quechua and surrounding Andean languages. They do not involve the kinds of units that one

finds in (for instance) lots of French loanwords in Native Canadian languages, where nouns often get borrowed with an article attached.

2. Relexification Relexification is a general term used for massive lexicon replacement in a language, and has its roots in Creole studies. The concept has been applied in two areas in this sub-discipline. First of all, it has been used to explain the intricate interactions between African and European language features in the Caribbean Creole languages. Thus, some researchers that take the substratist position in Creole studies have embraced some version of the notion of relexification. Second, it has been used to justify the assumption of West African Portuguese Pidgin as the common substrate of the Caribbean Creole languages, explaining many of their common features. This is referred to as the monogenetic position. In these different areas, it often has a somewhat different meaning, however. In the African feature debate, one of the early exponents was Adam (1883), who proposed the term hybridologie linguistique. Since then, there have been numerous more informal attempts to suggest that many patterns in Caribbean creoles resulted essentially from European word shapes coupled with African meanings and patterns. The most explicit and extreme defendant of this position has been Lefebvre (1998), who argued that Fongbe was relexified with French word shapes to produce Haitian Creole. A cursory survey of the literature will reveal that Lefebvres very strong claims have aroused much debate. Many creolists will allow more more modest amounts of relexification as one of the constitutive processes in creole genesis. The debate surrounding West African Portuguese Pidgin went under the label monogenesis versus polygenesis. In line with the monogenetic position, but in a less extreme version, was Hesselings (1933) paper on Papiamentu influence on Negerhollands, the Dutch lexifier creole

language formerly spoken on the Virgin islands. Hesseling assumed that there had been a group of Papiamentu speakers present in the early stages of the genesis of Negerhollands, who later shifted to a variety of the Dutch creole. Not only did they leave lexical MAT+PAT influences (as kabay for horse CHK; cf. Sp caballo, Port cabalho). They also were responsible for some PAT meaning configurations, as the use of the Dutch word form wil to denote both the wish to do something and the desire for an object or person (cf. Sp. querer, Port quer, Pap ker with both meanings). In Dutch itself, wil can only mean the wish for some action or state. Thus, ik wil jou means I want (to have) you but not I love you, while the Negerhollands equivalent has both meanings, as does Spanish yo te quiero. Or course, these meanings are not unconnected, but you can want someone on your team or for a particular position without loving that person. In Voorhoeve (1973) it is argued that the original Creole slave population of Surinam was Portuguese pidgin rather than English pidgin speaking (due to the prominent role of Portuguese pidgin in the Atlantic slave trade), but that their language was progressively relexified towards English under the influence of the English plantation owners. The Saramaccan maroons escaped into the jungle before their language was fully relexified, which accounts for the high number of Portuguese elements in their language, according to Voorhoeve. In this account, both MAT and PAT are involved in relexification. Schematically:

Source Hesseling (1933) Voorhoeve

Domain Papiamentu influence on Negerhollands

Nature of the transfer MAT(+PAT) (kabay horse) PAT (ker > wil want)

Portuguese pidgin presence in Surinam

MAT+PAT (Portuguese elements in

(1973) Lefebvre (1998)

creoles Fongbe structural (and occasionally lexical) presence in Haitian Creole

Saramaccan) PAT (semantic and structural presence), occasional MAT+PAT

Table 2: Use of the notion of relexification in creole genesis by different authors

3. Media Lengua In the Andes of Ecuador several cases of mixed Spanish-Quechua languages have been documented (Muysken 1979, 1981, 1988, 1997a; Gmez Rendn 2005, 2008), which often are labeled as Media Lengua (other terms are Chaupi lengua, Chaupi shimi [both: half language], Utilla ingiru [little Quechua], Chaupi quichua [half Quechua], Quichuaol [Quechu-anish], and Chapu shimi [mix language]). The best studied cases are the Media Lengua of Salcedo, Cotopaxi province (studied by Muysken) in the center, and the Media Lengua of San Pablo, Imbabura province (studied by Gmez Rendn) in the north, while Muysken has also documented varieties near Caar, Caar province and Saraguro, Loja province in the south. These varieties span a large part of the Ecuadorian Interandean corridor, and as far as we know are unrelated. I will cite examples here from Gmez Rendns valuable (2008) monograph, since the data in my own publications are more easily accessible and have already been frequently cited. Basically, Media Lengua is a form of Quechua in which the large majority of the roots have been replaced with Spanish elements. These elements retain their basic lexical properties, although they are partially adapted phonologically. Thus we have examples such as the following, from a narrative (Gmez Rendn 2008: 85; glosses adapted):

(1)

ai-manda lexo-ta bi-kpi-ka there-ABL far-AC see-SUB.DS-TOP

uno blanko asienda one white hacienda

kaza-mi house-AF

asoma-ri-xu-shka-n-ga show.up-REF-PRG-EU-TOP

wagra dueo-ka cow

alla-man-mi

contento happy

i-shka go-NPAS

owner-TOP there-AL-AF

pero el-ka but 3-TOP

akorda-ri-shpa-wan reflect-REF-SUB.SS-COM

anda-xu-shka walk-PRG-NPAS

patron-ka solta-wa-nga-chu boss-TOP

ima-shi

kuanto-ta-shi how.much-AC-IGN

loosen-1.OB-3.FU-Q what-IGN

kobra-wa-nga charge-1.OB-3.FU

yuya-shpa

anda-xu-shka

reflect-SUB.SS walk-PRG-NPAS

Then, while he saw it far away, a white hacienda house became visible, and the owner of the cow walked towards it happily, but thinking by himself he walked along: will the boss let me go, what will it be, how much will he charge me?, thinking those things he was walking along.

Italicized elements are from Quechua throughout this paper. Notice that in (1) the large majority of root elements is from Spanish. The exceptions are wagra cow, ima what, and yuya- think.

Wagra may be a term locally used in Spanish as well, ima is part of a fixed expression ima-shi what will it be?, and yuya- is a genuine counterexample to the claim that all roots are from Spanish. Gmez Rendn (2008) notes that Imbabura Media Lengua contains more Quechua elements than the Salcedo variant. Muysken (2010a) argues that the most prominent apparent counterexample in the Salcedo Media Lengua data, the Quechua copula ka- be, is actually a clitic in the relevant Quechua variety, and hence is expected not to be relexified. Are just Spanish MAT items, outward morphological shapes, imported, or is underlying semantic PAT material brought in as well? For many words, this is hard to establish. Thus the meaning of Quechua puu- sleep and Spanish dormir sleep is not sufficiently different in their semantic range to decide whether Media Lengua durmi- is just a MAT or also a PAT transfer. However, for other words, this is easier. In Table 3 I have tried to establish, on the basis of the discussion and examples presented in Gmez Rendn (2008), which Media Lengua verbs show evidence of Quechua meaning (PAT) transfer. A number of verbs fall into this category.

Media Lengua akorda-riambrithink, remember be hungry (imp.)

Quechua yuya-riyarikathink, remember be hungry (imp.)

Spanish acordar(se) remember hambre hunger (noun)

dizikriyalleba-

say, make sound x grow up take, bring (over there)

niwiaapa-

say, make sound x grow up take, bring (over there)

decir criar llevar

say raise take

llena-chi

fill (caus.)

huntachi-

fill (caus.)

llenar

fill

lloramorinuwa-y, nuwabisinta-

cry, make noise die, be ill there is not

waqawauilla-

cry, make noise die, be ill there is not

llorar morir no hay

cry die there is not

sit, live, be located

tiya-

sit, live, be located

sentar(se)

sit

Table 3: Relexification (PAT transfer) operant in Imbabura Media Lengua verbs

Different varieties of Media Lengua show different degrees of transfer of Quechua semantic distinctions. Saraguro is the most Quechua-like version. The distinction between 1SG and 1SG.POS is not made (just like in Ecuadorian Quechua varieties), there is no 3SG gender distinction, and no 2SG politeness distinction. In Imbabura Quechua a politemess distinction has been introduced for 2SG, but this is not characteristic for Quechua as a whole.

Feature ML Saraguro ML Salcedo ML Imbabura 1SG 1SG PO 2SG 2SG (H) 3SG M 3SG F el el ste miu yo/ami miu bos yo, mio/miyu, uka mi, mio Bos ust il/el illa/ella

Spanish yo mi, mo (strong) vos, tu usted l ella

Quechua uka

kan (kikin) pay

1 PL 2 PL 2PL (R) 3PL M 3PL F

miukuna ustekuna

nurzhu boskuna

nosotros/notros, nuitro/nutro nosotros boskuna ustikuna ustedes

ukanchik kankuna (kikinkuna)

elkuna

elkuna

ilkuna/elkuna/illoskuna illakuna/ellakuna/illaskuna

ellos ellas

paykuna

Table 4: Media Lengua personal pronouns in the different varieties

4. Bilingual songs, the wayno In Peru and Bolivia there is the popular genre of the wayno, bilingual popular songs performed by small bands and transmitted through radio and cassette or CD. These songs are sung at festive occasions but also at dances and in bars. In these waynos very frequently a combination of both Quechua and Spanish occurs. Large collections of these waynos have been printed. A typical example of a wayno is given in Escobar and Escobar (1981: 256) (Quechua elements italicized):

(2)

Pobre poor

sicuan-e-ita, Sicuan-PRV-DIM.F venido,

[Poor girl from Sicuani]

a qu habrs

[wherefore have you come?]

to what have.2.FU come.PP Kay runa-h this man-GEN wasi-n-pi house-3-LOC [just to cry?] [In this house of strangers]

waqa-na-lla-yki-pah? cry-NOM-DEL-2-for

Kay runa-h this man-GEN

llahta-n-pi town-3-LOC

[In this town of strangers]

llaki-na-lla-yki-pah? grieve-NML-DEL-2-for

[just to grieve?]

Mama-y-mi

ni-wa-ra-n

[My mother told me]

mother-1-AF say-1.OB-PAS-3 ama ri-pu-y-rah-cu;

PRH

[dont go away yet;]

go-BEN-IMP-yet-NEG ni-wa-ra-n [my mother told me]

mama-y-mi

mother-1-AF say-1.OB-PAS-3 ama pasa-y-rah-cu;

PRH

[dont leave from here yet;]

pass-IMP-yet-NEG

The bilingual element comes in by various means. In the song above two means are illustrated: code switching (the switch from initial Spanish to subsequent Quechua), and the one of concern here in this paper, bilingual doubling. The poetic effect in this genre of songs is reached for a large part with this technique of parallelism or doubling. Phrases are repeated, but often with a slight lexical modification. Thus we have a number of semantically roughly equivalent lexical pairs in subsequent lines, at least in the universe of the song (given in bold in (2) above):

(3)

wasi house

waqa-

cry

ri-pu-go away

llahtatown

llaki- grieve

pasa- pass (by)

Since it is often difficult to find a semantic equivalent in the same language, as in the first two pairs in (3), often equivalents from Spanish are taken, as in the third pair. This is by itself not remarkable, since Spanish words can easily borrowed into Quechua. However five features stand out in doubling in bilingual songs:

(a) (b)

it is an extremely frequent phenomenon; it involves particularly verbs rather than nouns, while ordinarily nouns are borrowed with much more frequency (although Spanish verb borrowing is not impossible in Quechua);

(c) (d)

it involves basic vocabulary as well, not just more marginal vocabulary; it frequently involves verbs that are never borrowed in ordinary discourse, as can be established from corpus studies of spoken Cuzco Quechua;

(e)

the verb occurs with all the relevant Quechua suffixes, as illustrated in (4), taken from the

last line in (2):

(4)

Ama pasa-y-rah-chu
PRH

pass-IMP-yet-NEG

Dont leave from here yet

Typical verb doublings found in waynos include:

(5)

SPANISH ORIGIN sabi- know

QUECHUA ORIGIN yacha- know

bulta- return pasa- pass tuma- drink tupa- meet

kuti- return ri-pu- go away uxya- drink tinku- meet

I assume these forms to be conventionalized doublets, which can be freely entered into the wayno for doubling purposes, and then receive the full range of Quechua affixes.

5. Kallawaya

In a very different speech genre, something similar to both Media Lengua and the wayno verb doubling is found: the Kallawaya ritual language of the professional healers of the Charazani region north of La Paz in Bolivia. Compare the paired examples in (6) and (7):

(6)

a. Qari-s, warmi-s,

alkalde-tah ri-n-ku. go-3-PL

(QUECHUA)

man-PL, woman-PL, alcalde-EMP

b. Laja-kuna, atasi-kuna, alkalde-tah isna-n-ku. man-PL woman-PL alcalde-EMP go-3-PL

(KALLAWAYA)

The men, the women and the mayor went.

(Stark 1972: 216)

(7)

a. Ri-pu-nki mana willa-ku-spa. go-BEN-2

NEG

(QUECHUA)

tell-REF-SUB.SS

b. Isna-pu-nki u go-BEN-2
NEG

uri-ku-spa. tell-REF-SUB.SS

(KALLAWAYA)

You went away without telling.

(Oblitas Poblete 1968: 34)

The forms in (6a) and (7a) represent the ordinary speech of the speech community, while the forms in (6b) and (7b) the special ritual language. The non-italic forms in (6b) replace the Quechua equivalents in (6a), while the Quechua morphology and grammar is maintained (in addition there is a Spanish loan, alkalde mayor, in both language samples of (6); it need not concern us here). As far as we can establish many of the lexical roots of Kallawaya are of Puquina origin, but there may also be other languages involved, such as Leko, Tacana, Moseten, and Uru. Finally, a number of words may simply be neologisms; striking is the avoidance of loans from Spanish, in contrast with all the languages of the area, and certainly with Quechua. Just like in the case of Media Lengua, there is replacement of Quechua roots with elements from another language, and these elements are partially adapted phonologically to Quechua. In addition, there words are affixed with the standard Quechua affixes, for the most part. For all intents and purposes, contemporary Kallawaya is a form of Quechua with roots from another language. It resembles the wayno songs in that through lexical replacement different registers are created: in the case of Kallawaya this is the ritual register, in the case of the wayno songs this is the doubling register.

6. Issues of genesis and processing In this section, I will briefly comment on issues of genesis and processing with respect to Media Lengua, mixed bilingual songs, and Kallawaya. In terms of scenarios of genesis, three primary scenarios come to the fore: Creation, Shift, and Borrowing.

Creation. It is quite possible that in all three cases, processes of conscious creation have played a role. Media Lengua may have emerged out of a language game in the early decades of the twentieth century, when so far almost monolingual Quechua-speaking construction workers from rural villages suddenly found themselves working in the rapidly expanding capital of Quito. Both the expansion of the capital and the mobility of the work force were the result of the construction of a railroad connection to the coastal port of Guayaquil. This language game may then have become conventionalized in the communities the migrant construction workers were from. There has been no study so far of the history of popular music in the southern Andes, but there is no doubt that the bilingual songs were the result of a process of semi-conscious creation, triggered by the requirements of the process of semantic doubling in Quechua poetry and facilitated by the wide-spread bilingualism in the area. The origins of Kallawaya remain obscure, but it is clear that in the more contemporary forms of Kalllawaya usage, creative processes linked to the ritual practices play an important role. Kallawaya usage is highly performative in nature, as far as we know. Shift. Media Lengua may be interpreted as a linguistic phenomenon that accompanies the overall shift in many rural highland communities in Ecuador from Quechua to Spanish; indeed in all cases where forms of Media Lengua have emerged we find shift occurring as well. However, several observations speak against a strong intrinsic link between Media Lengua formation as such and shift. First, in many Andean communities there has been language shift without the creation of Media Lengua. Second, the genesis of Media Lengua took place at a time when there was no shift yet to Spanish in the relevant communities. There is no intrinsic link between Media Lengua formation and shift, particularly also when we take other mixed languages into account.

The use of bilingual songs in the southern Andes is indicative of wide-spread bilingualism, but not necessarily of shift. Rather, the continued presence of Spanish and Quechua in these songs suggests a form of possibly stable diglossia. In the case of Kallawaya, there has been shift originally, but in this case away from the lexifier language (Puquina) to the structure language (Quechua). The resulting ritual language, however, is more like a case of counter-shift or U-turn. Borrowing. Again, the relation with borrowing is quite complex. In the areas where Media Lengua is spoken there is also extensive borrowing, and the way Spanish borrowed forms are adapted to Quechua is exactly like the way relexified items are adapted. However, borrowing is quantitatively restricted to about maximally 40% of the root tokens in the local varieties of Quechua (Stark and Muysken, 1977), while in the case of Media Lengua we have almost 100% of the root tokens. Qualitatively, borrowing is mostly restricted to non-basic vocabulary and the distinction basic/non-basic is irrelevant in the case of Media Lengua. In the varieties where waynos are sung there is also wide-spread borrowing (although more limited than in Ecuador), but the pattern of bilingual verb doublings involved verbs that are never borrowed. Regarding Kallawaya, it is clear that the systematic use of Puquina and non-Quechua other words in the ritual language is very different from what we may find elsewhere in the region; there have been reports of some unusual specialized vocabulary, but the Quechua of the area is overwhelmingly non-Puquina influenced, as far as can be gathered from the materials published so far. Language mode and dynamicity. As to language mode, the picture is different for the three varieties at hand.

It is clear that in the original invention stage of Media Lengua the two languages must have been present in the mind of the speaker, in order for her or him to be able to relexify; however, as the Media Lengua stabilized, relexifications became conventionalized, and there was no need for the activation of either language. In fact, there are speakers of Media Lengua without good knowledge of Quechua (vocabulary), although the initial creators of Media Lengua surely were highly proficient speakers of Quechua, incipient bilinguals in Spanish. For MAT transfer as in relexification to occur, there is no need for very deep knowledge of the second language. Words are adapted phonologically, nativized, although some properties of the original lexemes are retained (see below). The producers of and many of the listeners to bilingual songs are bilinguals, and indeed the confrontation of the two languages is part and parcel of the esthetic pleasure that these songs provide. However, many of the actual verb doublets are highly conventionalized. The present day speakers of Kallawaya left do not know Puquina. The Puquina words are simply part of a lexicon of non-Quechua words that they can use in speaking Kallawaya, while they are also able to use the Quechua lexicon in speaking Quechua. Matter and pattern. The final issue that concerns us here is that of the transfer of matter versus pattern. How do we account for (a) the lexicon/grammar split in these three varieties, and (b) the affix/root split? What the mixed language data clearly show is that manipulating access to a lexicon separate from the one that is conventionally attached to the grammar is clearly a possibility in this case, in special but not exceptional circumstances. While speakers need to know the matrix grammar and phonology well, the transferred lexicon is possibly only incompletely known. The phonology of the mixed languages involved shows mixed features (Van Gijn 2009). Vowel distinctions ([mid]/[high] in the case of Media Lengua, [long]/[short] in the case of Kallawaya) for instance

are closer to those of the donor language, while phonotactic patterns are more like those those of the recipient language. For this reason, the phonology does not provide us with much of a clue here. The question remains, however, why Quechua as a language has allowed these processes of relexification or massive lexical transfer. Part of the answer may lie in its history as an imperial language which was adopted in many parts of the Andes as a second language during and even after Inca rule, and in the bilingual sociolinguistic context within which it is spoken. This cannot be the whole story, however, since other languages in the world also have this character of imperial languages and do not show relexification to the same extent, if at all. What facilitates the separation of the Quechua lexicon from its grammar is that most of the burden of interacting with the actual grammatical system in Quechua lies in the affixes rather than in the roots. Most grammatical work is done by suffixes, not by the lexical roots themselves: (a) Roots belong to two word classes, nouns (with a subclass of adjectives) and verbs. Elements such as pronouns, quantifiers, adverbs, and conjunctions are subclasses of the noun class. (b) Some elements are both nouns and verbs. (c) All nouns can occur as bare forms in the language, most often they carry some case marking, person marking, topic marking, evidentials, etc. Verbs can never occur as bare forms. Thus taking roots from another language does not have a major impact on grammatical processing, which mostly interacts directly with the affixes. Furthermore, roots and affixes are clearly distinct from the perspective of lexical processing. Roots always initial in Quechua: there are only suffixes, no prefixes or infixes. Furthermore, there are different phonotactic constraints for roots and affixes, and phonological rules such as voicing, vowel raising, contraction in central Ecuadorian Quechua clearly distinguish between

affixes and roots. Most roots have two syllables, affixes one. Roots have more types of sounds and are phonologically more complex. Affixes have a much more abstract meaning than roots. The token frequency of affixes is much higher than that of roots. These differences are coupled with the agglutinative morphology characterizing Quechua. Altogether, the grammatical and morpho-phonological properties of Quechua on the whole are propitious to a process of relexification involving the roots of the language, and not the affixes. The affixes function as separate units and theoretically could be relexified by themselves. Indeed we find some cases of Spanish suffixes in Media Lengua, including ndu adverbial subordination, and du resultative nominalization. However, only the form ndu appears to be productively used, and is also the suffix which does not occur frequently as a borrowing in other Quechua varieties. Spanish suffixes in Quechua will be the subject of the next section.

7. Spanish suffixes in Quechua In Table 5 (summarized from Muysken 2010b) the different Spanish suffixes are listed, loosely ranked in terms of their grammatical status and productivity, that occur in varieties of Media Lengua and Quechua. Borrowed Spanish suffix -ndu -do Spanish form Gloss Variety References

-ndo -do

Gerund Resultative

-dor/-dora -dur dero

-dor/-dora

Agentive / Habitual / Professional Agentive /

-dero

Salcedo Media Lengua (Ec) Inga (Col) Salcedo Media Lengua (Ec) Inga (Col) Cajamarca (Pe) Imbabura ML (Ec) Inga (Col)

Muysken 1981, 1997 Levinsohn 1976 Muysken 1981 Levinsohn 1976 Quesasa (1976: 42) Gomez Rendn (2008) Levinsohn 1976

-hora

hora hour

habitual / professional Temporal subordination Diminutive

Inga (Col)

Levinsohn 1976

-itu / -ita / - -ito/-ita/-ecito situ/-ditu

Cochabamba (Bol) Cajamarca (Pe) Inga (Col) Santiago del Estero (Arg) Santiago del Estero (Arg) Cotopaxi (Ec)

Urioste (1964) Quesada (1976: 42, 105) Levinsohn 1976 Bravo (1985: 113, 150)

-ilu/-ila -lun

-likido -nyintu -iru -s

?-illo/-illa abu-elo/a -lon (cf. dormiln sleepy person) lquido liquid -niento -ero -s

Characterizer, diminutive Characterizer

Bravo (1985: 143, 178/9) Muysken (1977)

Characterizer Characterizer Characterizer Plural

Lamas (Pe) Cajamarca (Pe) Cajamarca (Pe) Cajamarca (Pe) Salcedo ML (Ec) Cochabamba (Bol)

Taylor (1975: 54) Quesada (1976: 91) Quesada (1976: 64. 67, 68) Quesada (1976: 140) Muysken (1981) Urioste (1964)

Table 5:

Suffixes borrowed or relexified from Spanish in different varieties of Quechua and Media Lengua

We can conclude that there is a wide variety of Spanish suffixes that have been adopted into different Quechua varieties. Broadly speaking, they fall into four categories: I. Suffixes that replace a Quechua suffix, often in the verbal paradigm:

(8)

- kpi and shpa > -ndo -sqa, -ska, -shka > -do

adverbial subordinator (only in Media Lengua) resultative nominalizer

-q, -k ?-pacha

> -dor, -dero agentive > -hora temporal subordinator

In some varieties these suffixes are only partially productive and limited to the lexical domain, but this requires more study. The element hora may replace the suffix pacha time, world, since, but in most Quechua varieties this suffix is not used grammatically as -hora is in Inga in Colombia. An example of the use of ndo or -ndu in Salcedo Media Lengua is:

(9)

ahi-da-ga

abi-n,

piru tarde-ya-ndu-ga gana-u-nga-y late-TRF-SUB-TOP earn-PRG-3.FU-EMP

there-AC-TOP exist-3 but

It is there, but when it gets late he will be winning. Media Lengua, Ecuador (Muysken 1997: 386)

This ndu replaces the different subject subordination marker kpi here. Cases of dor, which replaces the Quechua agentive marker q (Peru) or k (Ecuador), are:

(10) Chay runa-ka macha-dor-mi ` that man-TO drink-AG-AF That man is a drunkard. Ecuador (Ross 1960: 51-52)

(11) sementerio-ma cemetery-to

apa-dor ka-rka-kuna take-AG be-PA-PL Inga, Colombia (Levinson 1976: 106)

They used to take [us] to the cemetery.

II. A range of diminutive suffixes that only partly come in the place of Quechua suffixes, but also derive some gender properties from the donor language Spanish (Cochabamba Quechua; Urioste 1964):

(12) *-itu

after Quechua words that end in /u/, but also partially sensitive to (particularly

natural) Spanish masculine gender punqu *-ita punq-itu little door after Quechua words that end in /a/, but also partially sensitive to (particularly

natural) Spanish feminine gender uma *-situ rumi um-ita little head

after Quechua words that end in /i/ rumi-situ little stone

We also find the form ditu occasionally as a diminutive or a characterizer. III. A range of characterizing and affective suffixes often loosely modeled on Spanish suffixes but without clear Quechua models:

(13) -ilu/-ila -lun -likido -nyintu -iru

diminutive, affective characterizer characterizer characterizer characterizer

Some selected examples:

(14) siki-lu ass-CHAR with a big ass Santiago del Estero (Bravo 1985: 296)

(15) wacha-chi-lun give.birth-CAU-AG midwife Ecuador (Muysken 1977)

(16) rumi-likido stone-liquid like stone Lamas Peru (Taylor 1975: 54)

Interesting is the fact that these suffixes appear to be characteristic of two closely related, affective semantic domains in nominal morphology: affective and characterizing. Seifart (2009) stresses the tendency towards specialization within a single domain as a feature of morphological borrowing. IV. A final category is the Spanish plural suffix s which is used almost obligatorily with Quechua nouns ending in a vowel (the vast majority) in Bolivian Quechua.

(16) warmi-s women algu-s dogs Bolivia (Urioste 1964)

It is rare if not nonexistent in other varieties of Quechua. The origin and spread of this use of s merits further historical study. Altogether the range of Spanish suffixes and their spread across a number of varieties of Quechua is striking, although further comparative work on similar situations involving other languages, such as Nahuatl (Karttunen and Lockart 1976; Field 2002) will be needed to be sure of this. In any case, these findings tend to support the observations made in section 7 about the special separate status of affixes in Quechua.

8. Conclusions This paper has ranged over different Andean territories, from Colombia and Ecuador to Argentina, and has explored the psycholinguistic transfer types, needed to be postulated to be hypothetically involved in the emergence of two mixed languages and a mixed register with a Quechua structure: Media Lengua (Ecuador) and Kallawaya (Bolivia), both relexified varieties within the Quechua language family, and bilingual mixed songs in Peru, waynos. The two issues that require most attention are (a) the mental status of roots versus affixes in the transfer process; (b) the possibility of manipulating lexical access in transfer. The languages and the register share a number of structural features, but were found to be sociolinguistically totally different. In Media Lengua the lexicon comes from a new language (Spanish), and in Kallawaya from an old language (Puquina). Media Lengua is an informal community language, while Kallawaya a ritual healing language only used by male adults. In Waynos there is evidence of relatively balanced bilingualism. The mixed language are confronted with the mirror phenomenon of Spanish suffixes that occur in Quechua, to help us further understand the processing issues involved.

With respect to the mental status of roots versus affixes in the transfer process, we can conclude that affixes in Quechua are fairly autonomous, and separate from roots. With respect to the possibility of manipulating lexical access in transfer, we can conclude that roots, but not affixes, can easily be manipulated. Presumably, affixes carry the grammatical processing load by themselves, freeing roots for being transferred, either from an ancestral community language, as in the case of Kallawaya, or from a dominant post-colonial language, as in the case of Media Lengua. In mixed songs, as well, we see the freedom of manipulation with respect to roots, though not affixes.

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Appendix A: Glosses used

ABL AC AF AL BEN COM DEL DIM

ablative accusative affirmative evidential allative benefactive comitative, instrumental delimitative diminutive

M NEG NML NPAS OB PAS PL PO

masculine negation nominalizer narrative past object past plural possessive

EMP EU F FU GEN H IGN IMP LOC

emphatic euphonic feminine future genitive honorific ignorative imperative locative

PP PRH PRG PRV Q SUB.DS SUB.SS TOP TRF

past participle prohibitive progressive provenance question different subject subordinator same subject subordinator topic transformative