James Hankins - The Baron Thesis

The "Baron Thesis" after Forty Years and Some Recent Studies of Leonardo Bruni Author(s): James Hankins
Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Apr., 1995), pp. 309-338 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2709840 . Accessed: 26/08/2013 22:15
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The "Baron Thesis" after Forty Yearsandsome Recent Studies ofLeonardo Bruni
James Hankins
It was entirely appropriate that thedeathof Hans Baronin November of 1988 shouldhave becometheoccasionfora number of tributes to his work and since Princeton and influence as a Renaissancehistorian; University Press,onlya fewmonths had issueda collection of his papersand earlier, a retrospective look at his contributions to Renaissance studies was articles, made all the more obligatory.' accountsof Amongthe more perceptive Baron's workwas a review-essay whichmade some very by John Najemy, "It is by now commonlargeclaimsforthe importance of Baron's work.2 was to nineteenth-century place," wroteNajemy,"thatwhat Burckhardt Renaissancehistoriography, Baron is to its twentieth-century counterpart: his century's each provided mostinfluential, and debatedintercompelling, pretation ofthesignificance ofthecultural developments ofItaly between the end of the Middle Ages and the modemera." And again: "In recovering Bruni and the civic humanism of the early fifteenth century, Baron did less thanrecastthe entireRenaissancefromPetrarch to Machinothing to quarrel withthem, avelli." Large claimsindeed,yetit is difficult espefrom a scholar ofNajemy'sauthority. Baronwas surely one of ciallycoming thethree orfour mostinfluential oftheRenaissance in thesecond interpreters
A primitive versionofthispaperwas discussedat a roundtable on Hans Baronheld in forItalianRenaissanceStudies(Villa November of 1992 at theHarvard University Center I Tatti).Thanksforhelpful criticisms to WilliamConnell,Arthur Field, RiccardoFubini, and particularly Robert Black, and (for a later version) to Anthony Molho, R. Burr and otherparticipants Litchfield, at the Workshopin Late Medieval and Early Modem ItalianHistory at BrownUniversity (spring1994). 1Hans Baron,In Search ofFlorentine CivicHumanism: Essays on theTransition from Medieval to ModernThought (2 vols.; Princeton, 1988). 2 John M. Najemy,reviewessay ofBaron's Essays,RenaissanceQuarterly, 45 (1992), 340-50.
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in Italy and America,and his particularly century, half of the twentieth in a broadrevivalof interest sparked of thehistory of republicanism studies humantheterm "civic of earlymodemhistory; thistopicamongstudents as of fifteenthof eighteenthism" is now as widelyused amongstudents literary andphilosophical to interpret His lifelong campaign century politics. in youth-is Baron's unusual method still in their historical texts setting-a and historians so) among intellectual today normalpractice(and rightly thought. historians of political is another claimmadeinNajemy's Whatis morecontroversial, however, Baron's view that "Recentworkhas by and largeconfirmed review-essay: and a distinctive cultural program successfully promoted civic humanism redeRoman,and Italianhistory, that Florentine, reshaped politicaloutlook about new expectations and created and liberty, of citizenship notions fined It couldbe argued-as this in society." andeducation theroleofintellectuals of recent studiesof Florentine essay will argue-thatin factthe tendency of has been to studies Leonardo Bruni, history, and particularly intellectual of the and significance Baron'sview of thenature reviseor evenundermine he called "civic humanism."3 phenomenon and thegenesis torecapitulate ofexposition for purposes Itmaybe useful of whathas become knownas the "Baron thesis."Baron's chieffeatures ofthe was Burckhardt's interpretation ofdeparture, byhisownaccount, point of RenaissanceItalespeciallyhis view of the individualism Renaissance, saw the Renaissanceas a period when men famously ians.4Burckhardt of various kinds and in collectivities theiridentities ceased submerging and virtuous, intobeautiful, powerful, to shapethemselves likeartists sought of their versions Greco-Roman as models idealized wise individuals, using to family, thisimplied a loosening of allegiances forebears. For Burckhardt theselatter notas givens to treat a newwillingness and religion, guild,state, plastic to the hands of theirhuman of tradition but as Menschenwerke, men "firstIt was thismorethananything thatmade Renaissance makers. thiswas ofcourse, thesonsofmodern bornamong Europe."ForBurckhardt, theindividualism of theRenaissance could compliment: notan unqualified the of the to commugood indifferent issuein an amoralegoism, sometimes
3 Baron's "civic humanism"and the so-called "Baron thesis" firstgained wide currencyafterthe publicationof his Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic 1955). (Princeton, in an Age of Classicismand Tyranny Liberty and Republican Humanism appearedin thesame yearin Baron's Humanisrelating to thesame themes studies Further of the Quattrocento in Veniceand Florence at theBeginning tic and Political Literature by Mass., 1955). A revisededitionin one volumeof theCrisiswas published (Cambridge, was revisions Press in 1966; an Italianversionof Crisiswithfurther University Princeton published as La crisi del primo Rinascimentoitaliano. Umanesimocivile e liberta (Florence,1970). in un'eta di classicismoe di tirannide repubblicana 4 Baron,Essays, II, ch. 16 and 17.
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ofcivilized to thesurvival valuesnecessary ofthemoral nity and destructive society.' Baronwas of RiccardoFubini, study thebrilliant As is now clearfrom theologian a liberalProtestant Troeltsch, earlyin his lifea discipleof Ernst and soteriwho (influenced by Dilthey)wished to rejectthe dogmatism its insteadinterpreting Christianity, of traditional ological individualism of social action.In the 1920s Baronwas also a firm messageas a theology its away from of theWeimarRepublic,eagerto wean Germany supporter past.6He feltthatthenew era of democratic and monarchical chauvinistic wouldproduce that and culture a newkindofeducation demanded socialism unhealthy political He believedGermany's citizenry. an activeand informed stressing culture university by an entrenched had been aggravated tradition was to distract studies;the effect historical and overspecialized philology from issues and thusto detachscholarship historical from attention larger that tried chauvinism the prevailing Moreover, against commitment. political to contributions to make "the GermanSpirit"the originof all worthwhile was in factinthatGermany he was anxiousto demonstrate civilization, he felt, wouldhelp to other lands;this, ofherculture forvaluedparts debted past to look abroadand in thenon-German readier makeeducated Germans above all, Baron perhaps Finally, politicalculture. formodelsof a healthy comwithpolitical was compatible culture humanistic to provethat wanted of identification was Burckhardt's An the latter aim mitment. obstacleto of more This was a matter of theindividual. withthecultivation humanism something book had acquired as Burckhardt's academicinterest, than purely butpolitically passiveGermans amonghighly-educated of a cult-following thebook immoderforexampleadmired the1920s;theGeorge-Kreis during Burckhardt's greatbook, however, ately.The Germaneliteswho admired individualof untrammelled his messageaboutthedangers tended to ignore the liberated from ofgenius on his seductive picture ismandto focusinstead and social convention. claimsof traditional morality
I See Felix Gilbert, on Rankeand Burckhardt Reflections Politicsor Culture? History: politicswas less nuanced:see 1990), ch. 4. Baron's own view of Burckhardt's (Princeton, afterits Publication," of theRenaissance a Century Civilization his essay "Burckhardt's RenaissanceNews, 13 (1960), 207-22, repr.in Essays, 155-81. 6 Riccardo Fubini,"RenaissanceHistorian: The Career of Hans Baron,"Journalof 64 (1992), 541-74, publishedin Italian as Una carriera di storicodel ModernHistory, Hans Baron (Naples, 1992). Sketchesof Baron's careerand theinfluences Rinascimento: italianonell'opera di upon him had been given earlierin G. Cervani,"II Rinascimento Hans Baron," Nuova rivistastorica, 39 (1955), 492-503; AugustBuck, "Hans Baron's A. Molho and John of theRenaissance,"in Anthony History to theLiterary Contribution Tedeschi(eds.), RenaissanceStudiesin Honor ofHans Baron (Florence,1971), xxxi-lviii; fra e la loro influenza di Hans Baron sul Quattrocento Eugenio Garin,"Le primericerche le due guerre,"in ibid., lix-lxx; and, for modernpolitical context,Renzo Pecchioli, 'civile' dell'umanesimo," Studi storici, 13 "'Umanesimo civile' e interpretazione 3-33. (1972),
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forBaron's majordiscoveries as a These concerns prepared theground in thelate 1920sBaron'sresearch beganto Renaissance historian. Sometime thehomeland ofthedetached disclosein fifteenth-century Italy-supposedly litof humanistic nurtured on classicizing culture-a tradition "individual" and committed, morecommitted, erature thathad shownitself politically It was the expression of civic-minded, republican over,to republicanism.7 in Venice and Florencein whichcitizens and scholars had worked cultures commune-a farcryfrom theculture evokedby together to servethebonum wandering amongthecourts of Burckhardt, a worldof rootless intellectuals of a civic humanistic tradition was for illegitimate tyrants. This discovery believed that Baron the germof his famous"thesis."As Baron himself for him to should serve the public good, it was important scholarship how Italian intellectuals had made the transition froman understand to publiccommitto a "this-worldly" from outlook, private "otherworldly" and moral effort aimed ments,and froma world in which intellectual in thenextlifeto a worldinwhich thecivilcommunity primarily at salvation notmerely to describe civichumanism becamethefont of value. He wanted butto explainhow it had comeabout,forto explainitsgenesiswouldbe to to thestateand to whatwouldnow attitudes explainthegenesisof modern be called the "publicsphere." intothe originsof civic humanism took at length Baron's researches shape in his great work,The Crisisof theEarlyItalianRenaissance:Civic in an Age ofClassicism and Tyranny. In Humanism and Republican Liberty for internalist theappearance ofwhat thisbookBaroneschewed explanations The civichumanism was ofQuattrocento Florence he calledcivichumanism. humanism but new be of Trecento a to not a natural departure outgrowth in terms conditions around theyear 1402. Before of new political explained lacked seriouspoliticalcommitments; their 1402 humanists had generally had servedlimited, insofar as goals; their philosophy, scholarship personal their had one,was Stoicor otherworldly; outward liveshad beenthat of they or quietist citizens. The Florentine rootless courtiers civic tradition, on the thehealthy lifeofthethirteenthother political hand,whileithad preserved the stoodapart from learned cultural traditions that might century commune, It was only the long struggle with Giangaleazzo have given it nurture. in the1390sthat hadbrought thesetwotraditions Visconti together, creating of politically-committed BildungthatBaroncalled civic thehybrid culture In thecrisisof theMilaneseWars,whenFlorence'sveryexisthumanism. of the Petrarchan seemed ence was threatened, scholarship variety private its relevance, Classical learning, to retain wouldhave to selfish and trivial. itselfto the ideological and educationalneeds of the state. subordinate of civic humanism-quickly LeonardoBruni-for Baron the embodiment
7 The term as "civic humanism," Baron first used in Bu7rgerhumanismus, translated the introduction to his Leonardo Bruni Aretino.Humanistisch-philosophische Schriftenr (Leipzig, 1928).
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to "pure classicism"-symbolized by attraction outgrewhis youthful a new kindof classicismwhose aim was to Niccolo Niccoli-and forged inherited the traditions of Florentine republicanism nurture and celebrate from thecommunal age. it in theVisconti warsand thenewkindofhumanism Florence'svictory It meant, of world-historical importance. engendered had,forBaron,results butwould first undera singletyranny of all, thatItalywouldnotbe united as a result, themedieval communal traditions becomea system ofcity-states; toinspire a later ofFlorence andVenicewouldsurvive age ofrepublicanism.8 Florence's to thewritings of civic humanists, Even moreimportant, thanks self-government, free speech,political republican values of independent in the earlymodem and equalityunderlaw would survive, participation, in themarketof absolutist to prevent a monopoly political thought period, inpolitical theground for themodem revolution place ofideasandtoprepare perspective theriseof civichumanideas andpractice. Froman evenlonger another blow againstthe Augustinian of the politicaltradition ism struck in thisworldwas, thevalue ofpolitical activity MiddleAges. ForAugustine it was literally sub specie aeternitatis negative; sub specie saeculi, mostly to promote the healthof the soul. directly nothing, since it did nothing an Aristotelian challenged Augustine by reviving Bruni's civic humanism and other "exterwhichsaw self-government and Ciceronian anthropology This in and perfection of humanity. nal goods" as necessary to thedignity it was no coincidence that of history: Bruni, turn entailed a new conception to detachhistorical of eventsfrom theeconomy thehistorian, was thefirst of not salvation, thetheme and to makepoliticalliberty, divineprovidence to "reality" his history. from "otherworldliness" For Baronthiswas a turn whether the of history, and thisview led Baronto wonder as theprinciple in Quattrocento nothavehad something newrealism evident visualartmight of thehistorical to describe. to do withtheatmosphere crisishe had tried in werethemainconclusions of Baron's Crisis,finished Such,in brief, in twovolumes in 1955 byPrinceton Univer1952 and eventually published volumeof supplementary studieson the same themes sityPress. A third of HarvardUniversity Press in the same year appearedunderthe imprint
8 As was pointed out by Niccolo Valeri ("An Americanand the Renaissance,"
a challenge to themonarchical4 [1956], 88-92),thiswas itself Bulletin, Newberry Library to uniteItaly whichsaw GiangaleazzoVisconti'seffort of historiography Fascisttradition centuryas a tragic failureto do what VittorioEmmanuele II had in the fourteenth "One cannot doubt that Baron's keen century. succeeded in doing in the nineteenth oppositionto the crude Machiavellism of an historicalschool inclined to recognize only insofaras it producespower-in isolationfromeveryother political achievement liberally-minded of other whether like theopposition ideal or ethical-has sprung, motive, froma reactionagainst Fascist and Nazi ideologies." Partlyfor this reason students, libertase Rinascimento italianonell'opera di Hans Baron," GennaroSasso ("Florentina Rivistastoricaitaliana,69 [1957], 250-76) arguedthatBaron's thesiswas internationalist thannationalist and power-oriented. and ideologicalrather
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in Florenceand Veniceat the and PoliticalLiterature Humanistic entitled work becamea canonical The Crisisrapidly oftheQuattrocento. Beginning one-volume in a condensed, and was republished of Renaissancehistory day.9In 1968 a in print up to thepresent in 1966; it has remained edition the with appeared to the"Baronthesis," related mostly of studies, collection the published Twenty yearslaterPrinceton of Chicago Press.10 University Baron's mostimportant mentioned above containing collection two-volume Baron ofhisdeath Atthetime andreworked. ofthem enlarged many articles, ofwhichmorewill Bruni, of Leonardo study on a biographical was working be said in due course. were never his writings Despite Baron's greatsuccess as a historian, butbadly-edited book,a useful Even his first from controversy. free entirely It becamea pawn in the came underattack. of Bruni'swritings, collection and the'twenties wagedduring and Geistesgeschichte philology warbetween persecutor, chief Baron's that believed It was widely ofthecentury. 'thirties at his teachers, was using Baron as a way of getting Ludwig Bertalot, with the Crisis. continued The pattern Meinecke.11 especiallyFriedrich Readersof the Crisiswill recall drewcriticism. AgainBaron's scholarship to dateand attempts with elaborate muchofBaron'sbookis encumbered that
9 For Baron's influenceon AmericanRenaissance scholarship, see the Festschrift and BemardBailyn(eds.), The editedbyMolho and Tedeschi(cited,n. 6); Donald Fleming Mass., 1969); and Migration:Europe and America 1930-1960 (Cambridge, Intellectual Annales, 25 Alberto Tenenti,"Etudes anglo-saxonnessur la renaissance florentine," Baron's "civic humanism" J. G. A. Pocock and his followers (1970), 1394-99. Through and America;see The of earlymodemBritain has had a second lifein thehistoriography RepublicanTradiand theAtlantic Political Thought MachiavellianMoment:Florentine of Baron's ideas to the 3 and 4. The penetration 1976), especiallychapters tion(Princeton, of Italian RenaisHartt'spopularHistory may be seen in Frederick level of thetextbook sance Art(New York, 19873), whereBruniis described(243) as "a sortof Quattrocento Churchill." 10 and Political HansBaron,FromPetrarchtoLeonardoBruni:Studiesin Humanistic (Chicago, 1968). Literature 11BertalotreviewedBaron formally uiberLeonardo Bruni twice, in "Forschungen Aretino,"ArchivumRomanicum,15 (1931), 284-323, and in an untitledreview in were in 29 (1934), 385-400; two otherarticlesby Bertalot HistorischeVierteljahrschrift, des LeonardoBruni derUbersetzungen reviewsof Baron,"ZurBibliographie further effect 27 Aretino,"Quellen und Forschungenaus ItalienischenArchivenund Bibliotheken, ibid.,28 (1937des LeonardoBruniAretino," (1936-37), 178-95,and "Zur Bibliographie in editingBertalot'scollectedpapers (Studienzum italienischen 38), 268-85. Kristeller, themoreabusive at Baron's request, [Rome,1975]), censored, Humanismus unddeutschen (1884LudwigBertalot of P. 0. Kristeller). reviews(communication in Bertalot's remarks withKonradBurdachand LudwigTraube studied extraction, ofHuguenot 1960), a German scholarand bookdealerin life as an expatriate in Munichbut lived mostof his working at the Bayerische Rome (1925-51) afterbeing expelled fromhis positionas a librarian because he saw him as the darlingof the dislikedBaron partly Bertalot Staatsbibliothek. storico at theIstituto hated.Bertalot'spapersare conserved whomhe himself cattedratici Goldbrunner). of Hermann in Rome (communication germanico
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tradiemployed combined The method of Bruni'swritings. redatecertain criticism withwhatcan only of historical and philological tionaltechniques thedateof that Baroninsisted connoisseurship: be calleda kindofhistorian's urbisandDialogues could likeBruni'sLaudatioFlorentinae writings certain the "mood" of thesewritings withthe historical be divinedby correlating havenotstoodup wellat oftheir ManyofBaron'sdatings author. experience methods rather than have diminished of time, and his peculiar thisdistance conclusions.12 of his larger theplausibility enhanced of theBaronthesisthan Therewere,of course,moreseriouscriticisms oftheCrisiscastdoubton overdates.Severalreviewers academicquibbling in could be related changesBarondescribed theidea that thelargecultural any simple way to Florence's wars with the Viscontiand King Ladismathematical search for las-what Lucia GualdocalledBaron's"punctilious texts."13 between military and politicaleventsand literary correspondences on theimportance Baron'sinsistence of reviewers calledintoquestion Other ofculture form ofthenewhybrid andthedateof 1402inthegenesis Florence 14 Their was amply andrepublican skepticism ideology. humanism combining Weiss,Giutheworkof Roberto After research. by subsequent vindicated Ronald Witt, and QuentinSkinner, Nicolai Rubinstein, seppe Billanovich, in to be found it is clearthat therootsof thehumanist movement are others ofthese andearly andthat dictatores many Arezzo,Bologna,andtheVeneto,
reviewofBaron's Crisisby G. in idem,"Die in Gottingischer Gelehrnte Anzeigen, (1956), 35-63,republished Seidlmayer Anlasseund geistigeElemente Friih-Renaissance: Politische Entwicklung deritalienischen des Humanismus, ed. von Hans Baron)," in Wegeund Wandlungen (Zu den Forschungen 1965), 47-74. Baron's dismissivereactionis in From Petrarch, H. Barion (G6ttingen, criticizing Baron's datingsof Bruni's earlyworks, of the literature 108n. For a summary see myPlato in theItalian Renaissance(London, 1990), II, appendix1, and theforthcomofthe Writings A CriticalBibliography Brunianum: ing secondvolumeof myRepertorium vol. 1 is storicoitalianoper il Medio Evo, Nuovi studistorici; ofLeonardoBruni(Istituto e politica,"in ("II Brunia Firenze:retorica has remarked in press). As Nicolai Rubinstein Paolo Viti [ed.], Leonardo Bruni cancellieredella Repubblica di Firenze, Convegnodi of Bruni'sworksare mostly irrelevant to Studi[Florence,1990], 15-28),Baron's redating his largerconclusions. 13 Lucia Gualdo Rosa, "La struttura podell'epistolariobrunianoe il significato litico," in Viti, Bruni cancelliere,372. She generallyfollowsBaron and Garin in her in Bruni's work. betweenideologyand rhetoric interpretation of therelationship 14 See Sasso, "Florentina review of Crisis, cit., n. 12 above; libertas";Seidlmayer, Aldo Scaglione, review of Crisis, in Romance Philology, 10 (1956), 129-37; Charles "The reviewof Baron,Crisis,in JHI, 17 (1956), 426-32; Wallace K. Ferguson, Trinkaus, The Contribution of Hans Baron,"JHI, 19 (1958), 14of ItalianHumanism: Interpretation An 25. Baron replied to Ferguson in "Moot Problemsof Renaissance Interpretation: JHI, 19 (1958), 26-34. David Quint,"Humanismand Answerto Wallace K. Ferguson," 38 (1985), A Reconsideration of Bruni's Dialogues," Renaissance Quarterly, Modernity: withBaron's reading oftheDialogi ad Petrum difficulties 423-45,pointsout someinternal withthe 1402 crisis. and their connection Histrum
12 Questions werefirst raisedin a aboutBaron's datings
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had expressed humanists (a locution surely preferable to "pre-humanists") inclassical Albertino Mussato's Eccerinis their political commitments garb, theonlyexample.15 thebestknown At thesame buthardly being perhaps Davis,EmilioPanella, timeit has beenamply demonstrated by Charles folklore of themedieval Quentin Skinner, and others that therepublican a century before some theoretical over Bruni, commune hadbeengiven heft, writers such as Remigio and sub-scholastic de'Girolami, by scholastic Theexpression andPtolemy ofLucca.16 ofthese valuesis Brunetto Latini, in Salutati andmore and more historically-conscious more mature, secular, On theother hand, Petrarch's contemBruni buthardly original with them. by Baronas typical of plative andpolitically quietist attitudes, presented havecometo seemmore andmore exceptional, an humanism before 1402, between thefallofthecommune ofPaduain 1322 aberration oftheperiod 17 the onthe and1400, when humanists ofBruni's appeared scene. generation had taken issuewithBaron'sattempt to change the Other historians In contrast to Burckhardt's larger picture of Renaissance political culture. and in its as essentially realistic post-ideological viewof theRenaissance thelatefourteenth andearly fifteenth Baron as a century politics, presented
(Rome, 1949); theworkofGiuseppe l5Roberto Weiss,Ilprimosecolo dell'umanesimo is summarized by Guido Billanovich, Billanovich and his school on "preumanesimo" Rino Avesani,and Luciano Garganin Storia della culturaveneta,II (Vicenza, 1976), 19"PoliticalTheoriesin the RenaisSee Rubinstein, 110, 111-41,and 172-70,respectively. (New York, sance," in AndreChastel et al., The Renaissance: Essays in Interpretation 1982), 153-200, Skinner,"Ambrogio Lorenzetti:the artistas political philosopher," Proceedingsof theBritish Academy, 72 (1986), 1-56,and "Machiavelli'sDiscorsi and the Skinner, and Maurizio Pre-humanist Originsof RepublicanIdeas" in Gisela Bock, Quentin (Cambridge,1992), 121-41; Skinner'scriViroli (eds.), Machiavelli and Republicanism ofModernPolitical Thought, vol. 1: The tiqueof Baronon thispointis in his Foundations Renaissance (Cambridge,1978), chap. 4. See also Ronald G. Witt. "Medieval Italian Cultureand the Originsof Humanismas a StylisticIdeal," in AlbertRabil, jr. (ed.), Forms,Legacy (Philadelphia, 1988), I, 29-70, and, RenaissanceHumanism: Foundations, from a different approach,AntonioSantosuosso,in "LeonardoBruniRevisited:A Reassessmentof Hans Baron's Thesis on the Influence of the Classics in the Laudatio and Society:Essays Presented Florentine Urbis,"in AspectsofLate Medieval Government to J. R. Lander, ed. J. G. Rowe (Toronto, 1986), 25-51, arguingthat Baron greatly in theLaudatio of his classical source,Aelius Aristides, Bruni's independence overstates Florentinaeurbis. 16 CharlesTill Davis, Dante's Italyand OtherEssays. (Philadelphia, 1984); Skinner, Foundations, chap. 3; Emilio Panella, "Dal bene comune al bene del comune:I trattati Memoriedomenicane, nella Firenzedei bianchi-neri," 16 politicidi Remigiodei Girolami (1985), 1-198. 17 See Rubinstein, betweencivic and quietist "Political Theories." Salutati's shifts and Coluccio Salutati'sView of Politicsand values are discussedin Witt, "The De tyranno Nuova rivistastorica,53 (1969), 434-74, and (in a moreBaronianvein) RomanHistory," and Thought of Coluccio Salutati(Durham, in Herculesat theCrossroads: TheLife,Work forSalutati'sinconsistencies can be found in Robert N.C., 1983). A convincing explanation of the Florentine The HistoricalJournal, 29 Chancellors," Black, "The PoliticalThought (1986), 991-1003.
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The crisis between and signory. struggle republicanism periodof ideological a new cultural movement emphasizing secular of 1402 forBarongenerated to the community-a view which challenged values and commitment apart under thepressure society breaking Burckhardt's picture ofa traditional however, and illegitimate power.Severalscholars, of egoistic individualism PeterHerde,and (implicPhilipJones, rejected thisattempt at revisionism. tookBaronto taskforhis naiveview of republican itly)Nicolai Rubinstein They arguedthatthese politicsin medievaland Renaissancecity-states."8 of as theirtraditions societieswere in realitynot as devotedto liberty fullfreedom was enjoyed onlyby folklore wouldsuggest; internally, political while residence," of local origin and prolonged "property-owning burgesses ofsubject towns bytheimperial claimsof thefreedom was limited externally the metropolis. Therehad always been "a strident contradiction" between government; thisdid and thereality of Renaissance therhetoric of freedom In fact,Renaissance republics were oligarnot changewiththehumanists. chies and, from claimsto pointof view,had notmuchbetter a democratic thanRenaissancetyrannies. For Jonesand Herde,the "titanic legitimacy betweenmonarchic and republican principles Baron saw at the struggle" thecontinuation in antiquedressof a was merely dawnof theRenaissance similar forms of govwarbetween twoessentially century-long propaganda ernment. in themid-1960s as Jones'sand Herde's view receivedfurther support on Renaissance humanism beganto be widely theworkof P. 0. Kristeller to turn of Severalscholarsattempted Kristeller's interpretation influential. of the into of Kristeller's view humanism saw humanism a critique Baron. to the of rhetoric and drewattention as a phase in thehistory phenomenon forhimhumanism couldnotbe ofthehumanists; professional employments context. It was notenough itssocial and institutional understood apartfrom or a court; one should livedin a republic to say whether a humanist simply look also at theprofessional roleshe filled.One could onlymake sense of ifone saw that most humanists (as opposed literature professional humanistic professors of literature, hadworked as schoolmasters, to interested amateurs) and chancellors, courtpoets,and highambassadors, politicalsecretaries,
in Late-MedievalItaly," Philip Jones,"Communesand Despots: The City-State of the Royal HistoricalSociety,5th ser., 15 (1965), 71-96, and review of Transactions undRhetorik 53 (1968), 410-13; PeterHerde,"Politik Baron's Crisis(2nd ed.), in History, 50 (1965), 141far Kulturgeschichte, in Florenzam Vorabendder Renaissance,"Archiv 220; idem, "Politische Verhaltensweiseder FlorentinerOligarchie, 1382-1402," in (WiesSchlesinger und Verfassungsgeftige: Frankfurter Festgabefur Walter Geschichte and the Medici AscenConstitutionalism "Florentine baden, 1973); Nicolai Rubinstein, Studies(Florence,1968). in Rubinstein (ed.), Florentine Century," dencyin the Fifteenth of Salutati to Baron's interpretation defends Baron againstHerde withrespect Rubinstein n.s. 26 (1976), 3-26, some points made in idem, "Florentinalibertas,"Rinascimento earlierin Trinkaus'sreview(n. 14, above).
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levelcivilservants. Mostifnotall ofthese an expert professions required of rhetoric. theriseof humanism couldin part be exknowledge Indeed, in the nature of theseprofessions theearly plainedby changes during viewofhumanism, backed knowlKristeller's upbyhiscomprehensive newquestions raised about Baron's edgeofmanuscript sources, inevitably in Were mensuchas Salutati andBruni as rooted "civichumanists." really ofthe hadseemed the Florentine classes as they to values andattitudes ruling If thegreat Florentine wereas politically committed Baron? chancellors as in office how had Salutati to survive Baronrepresented them, managed of 1375-82? How had Bruni through thepolitical upheavals survived the of theMedici?Whyhad Bruni, after the exile and return immediately ofthe with of1402andinthe war off crisis midst to supposed Ladislas, gone serve thesignore ofRomeandthePapalStates? didhe admire Why petty and Braccioda Montone? tyrants suchas CarloMalatesta Whydid the into the Medici party take the firebrand supposed republican reggimento after of 1437?Whyhad Bruni remained a lifelong friend Antonio the Loschi, defender of Milanese twoworks to him?How to "tyranny," dedicating in his missive, facile backandforth between the explain Salutati's shifts, "new"republican andthe"old" Guelf was there ideology ideology? Why thecoolly ofpolicy so little common between realistic discussions ground in the Consulte e pratiche the 1390s,and theoverheated found during rhetoric of Salutati's public ofthe letters? Howto explain Bruni's missive 1430s,which contain Bruni letters espousing policies privately disagreed both and damning theMedici, letters letters the with, praising eulogizing likethese, Emperor andtheDukeofMilan? Should writings andbyextenofprofessional seenas piecesofpolitical thework propaganda, rhetoricians for ofsincere occasions andnot mirrors writing specific unspotted republican conviction?
sion Bruni'sLaudatioand Oration notbe for theFuneralofNanniStrozzi, 19 Renaissance.
Petrarch and Bruni," Past and Present, 34 (1966), 3-48; idem,Philosophy and Rhetoric in theItalian Renaissance (Princeton, 1968); Herde,"Politicund Rhetorik," and "Politische Verhaltensweise." Baron's replyto Seigel appeared as "Leonardo Bruni: 'Professional Rhetorician'or 'Civic Humanist'?"Past and Present, 16 (1968), 21-37. Kristeller has criticizedBaron's view of humanismin "Florentine Platonismand its Relations with Humanismand Scholasticism," ChurchHistory,8 (1939), 201-11, repr. in Studies in RenaissanceThought and Letters, III (Rome, 1993), 38-48; "Humanism and Scholasticism in the Italian Renaissance,"Byzantion, 17 (1944-45), 346-74, repr.in Studies,I (Rome, 1956), 553-83; "The Activeand Contemplative Life in RenaissanceHumanism," in Brian Vickers (ed.), Arbeit,Musse, Meditation,Betrachtungen zur 'Vita activa' und 'Vita contemplativa' (Zurich, 1985), 141-42; "Humanism,"in Charles B. Schmitt (ed.), The CambridgeHistoryof Renaissance Philosophy(Cambridge, 1988), 131; Renaissance Thought and theArts(Princeton, 1990), 46-47.
19 Jerrold E. Seigel, "'Civic Humanism' or CiceronianRhetoric?The Cultureof
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to someof these yearswe have begunto getanswers In thelast fifteen to a broadrevivalof Brunistudiesled by Lucia Gualdo thanks questions, Baron's hadbeen,aside from about1980there Rosa andPaolo Viti.Up until of Bruni'slifeand works.Thereis even basic study own work,verylittle ofhis letters, no modemedition ofhis works, bibliography todayno reliable of biographical study andthemostserious papers; ofhisstate andno calendar or so a dozenoftheseventy-five Fewerthan ofCesareVasoli.20 himwas that it workon Bruni, hispenhavebeencritically edited.21 Scholarly works from in him.Yet interest to Baron'sknown seems,was longputoffin deference years thelasttwenty Baronhad spent inEuropewereawarethat fewscholars his of hero.22 study a biographical ofhis lifewriting in thelong butanother a biography is notproperly Thisunfinished study ofhis in response to criticisms that Baronwrote seriesofpiecesjustificatives totheissues as a response intended inthiscase thebookwas primarily thesis; is to Seigel and PeterHerde.Baron's objectthroughout raisedby Jerrold but a "civic humanrhetorician" show thatBruniwas not a "professional ideologyshapedby his political witha consistent Florentine ist":a patriotic Florence. So we aretaken inthecivicworld ofearly Renaissance experiences a biographical thistimefrom theperiodof the"crisis"once more, through with Many of the old datingissues are raisedagain,together perspective. passionis notto The ruling is little new research. somenew ones,butthere describewhatsortof personBruniwas or to give a nuancedview of his thought Bruni'spolitical to showthat Baronwants intellectual development. 1402to theendofhislife. from consistent weretotally andpolitical loyalties inarticle form in 1977)23 was published one (muchofwhich Henceinchapter did not give hima medieval education we are told whyBruni'sscholastic the soultwo is to explainwhy,after the burdenof chapter worldview; in servethe Florence to of staying of instead Bruni, events 1402, shattering
a degli italiani(Rome, 1972), XIV, 618-33. I am preparing Dizionario biografico to be publishedby the Istituto of Bruni's writings criticalbibliography three-volume to (see n. 12), and a biography per il Medio Evo in theseries"Nuovi studistorici" storico Press. A biographicalsketchof Bruni was also be publishedby CambridgeUniversity The JamesHankins,and David Thompson, to GordonGriffiths, givenin the introduction N.Y., 1987), 9-46. ofLeonardoBruni,SelectedTexts(Binghamton, Humanism 21 For criticaleditionsof Bruni's writings, to my Repertorium see the introduction I (in press). Brunianum, 22For Baron's papers,see Catherine A Past Renewed:A Catalog of GermanEpstein, speaking RefugeeHistorians in the UnitedStates after 1933 (Cambridge,1993), 34. I was able to see Archives. at theDuke University Baron's papershave now been deposited of Brunithanksto the kindnessof biography the papers relativeto Baron's unfinished on depositat the Ronald G. Witt.These papers are currently executor, Baron's literary Villa I Tatti,in Florence. BibliotecaBerenson, 23Hans Baron,"The Year of LeonardoBruni'sBirth the and MethodsforDetermining 52 (1977), 582-625. Speculum, Born in the Trecento," Ages of Humanists
20
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the three tells left Florence toserve PopeinRome; chapter bonum commune, inthe ofthe Bruni's interest Platonic dialogues andhishero-worship us why should notbe seenas inconsistyrant CarloMalatesta condottiere andpetty itwould to with andso on.While ofcourse beunfair humanism, tent hiscivic ina very inthis unfinished caseitseems state, condemn a bookthat wasleft Baron's talents was notthat ofthe scholarly among many safeto saythat an idealized of Baron'sBruni is a wooden projection puppet, biographer. nota portrait of a man.24 Thissometimes leadsto mildly Baronhimself, tries toexplain such as theOratio as when Baron jeuxd'esprit comic results, the to the by Emperor Elagabalus an imaginary speech given Heliogabali, by fallfrom grace occasioned interms ofa temporary prostitutes ofRome, doeslittle to improve milieu. Regrettably, Baron'sstudy thewicked curial lifeandthought. ourunderstanding ofBruni's inrecent A newunderstanding ofBruni to emerge begun has,however, In 1980a renaissance with the wassetoff publication ofBruni studies years. Bruni hadbeen utilized studies, This the foundation ofmodem Bruni.25 work, in hisLeonardo before halfa century Luiso'spermission) byBaron (with half-existence since1904butnot himself its curious (in proof observed, to inhibit theprogress of Bruni studies.26 until 1980)did much published an interofLuiso'sStudi, Gualdo Rosaorganized Following the publication of Bruni'sEpistulae themanuscript tradition national equipeto survey ofthe text. A collaboratoproducing a critical edition with a view familiares widediffusion of becauseof theextraordinarily tiveeffort was necessary of thefifteenth Bruni's century, as thebest-selling author Bruni's works: in about3200 literary 200 incunaand nearly works survive manuscripts tocalendar the time Around same PaoloVitiorganized another bula.27 equipe ofFlorence. In 1987hiscollaborators, as chancellor Bruni's writings public ofolder of scholars andsomemembers with group together a distinguished helda conference on Bruni's career as a public theGualdoRosa equipe, ofFlorence. servant andchancellor
(1928); butas Baron Humanistisch-philosophische BruniAretino: Schriften by Lucia Gualdo Rosa of F. P. Luiso's Studisu l'Epistolariodi Leonardo
24 The degree to which Baron identified personallywith Bruni will be evidentto passionateoutbursts anyone who peruses Baron's papers on Bruni,withtheirfrequent Bruni'sbehavior. againstotherscholarswho criticized 25 FrancescoPaolo Luiso, Studisu l'Epistolariodi LeonardoBruni,ed. Lucia Gualdo fasc. 122-24 (Rome, 1980). Rosa, Istituto storicoper il Medio Evo, Studistorici, 26 Hans Baron, "Progress in Bruni Scholarship. A propos of F. P. Luiso's Studi su l'epistolariodi Leonardo Bruni,"Speculum,56 (1981), 831-39. 27 See Per il censimento dei codici dell' Epistolariodi Leonardo Bruni,ed. Gualdo dei codici dell' volume of the Censimento Rosa and Paolo Viti (Rome, 1991). The first di LeonardoBruni, ed. Lucia GualdoRosa, has now appearedin theNuovi studi Epistolario storicoitalianoper il Medio Evo (Rome, 1993). vol. 22, published by theIstituto storici,
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At this conference, the proceedings of whichwere published by the ItalianNationalInstitute forRenaissance Studiesin Florence in 1990,28due honorwas paid to thecontribution of Hans Baron;butHans Baron's Bruni in evidence.In(save in the contribution of EugenioGarin)was nowhere stead,a number of questions first raisedby Nicolai Rubinstein and Peter Herdewerequietly takenup and developed. Rubinstein himself presented a Bruni of Florentine whoseidealizedpresentation idealsandpractice political contrasted sharply withthe actual functioning of politicsunderthe preMedicean oligarchy.29 He suggested his thatBrunihad come to identify withthat political outlook of theMediciparty by thelate 1430s.He pointed of Bruni'sfamous out,furthermore, thatthe context Laudatio Florentinae urbiswas thedefense of Florentine Milanesecharges of imperialism against hypocrisy. Milanese propagandaarguedthatFlorencehad put down the in Tuscany liberties ofhersubject towns whileclaiming to be thedefender of Italian liberties againstthe Milanese "tyrant" (a charge,in Rubinstein's view,notwithout justice).Bruni'sreply, following Salutati, reformulated the in a waythat idea ofliberty was to proveofgreat he argued importance: that in thecase of subject liberty towns was notto be defined as self-government in the liberty of themetropolis butas sharing by iure vivere-by livingin from accordance with just laws free had arbitrary power.Thusin 1404 Bruni move of redefining the classic oligarchical libalreadydiscovered positive as negative an appealto law.30 erty liberty through in two articles This line of thought was takenstillfurther by Riccardo Botharticles Fubiniand AnnaMaria Cabrini.31 showedhow muchintellectual history has benefited fromthe work of social historians of the last on therelationships between netgeneration power,social class, patronage and politicalinstitutions such as the publicdebt works, marriage patterns, ofFlorence. Baronhad seentheFlorentine funds ofthelateTrecento republic the values of the popularregimes of the late as preserving and extending
28
Viti,Brunicancelliere,citedabove, n. 12. "II Brunia Firenze,"extending voiced in "Florentine Rubinstein, thecriticism first Constitutionalism" but anticipated,albeit in an extremely cursoryway, in Augustin Renaudet's review of Baron's Crisis in Bibliothequed'Humanismeet Renaissance, 18 (1956), 322-25: "La belle definition que, en 1428, Bruni,dans l'Oraison funebrepour Nanni Strozzi,donnaitdes libertesflorentines et notamment de la 'libertasreipublicae illusoire."Cf. Scaglione's reviewof theCrisis(citedabove, n. 14), 134. adeundae,'restait 30 For an interesting see Martin Ostwald, FromPopular parallelwithclassical Athens, Athens Sovereignty to theSovereignty of Law: Law, Societyand Politics in Fifth-Century (Berkeley,1986), especiallyPartIII. 31 RiccardoFubini, statalee il contrib1uto "La rivendicazione di Firenzedella sovranita delle Historiae di Leonardo Bruni,"and Anna Maria Cabrini,"Le Historiae del Bruni: 29-63 and 247risultati e ipotesidi una ricercasulle fonti," bothin Viti,Brunicancelliere, Floren319, respectively, continuing the line of Fubini,"OsservazionisugliHistoriarum tinipopuli Libri XII di Leonardo Bruni,"in Studi di storia medievalee modernaper ErnestoSestan (Florence,1978), I, 403-48.
29
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ofcivichumancontext onthesociological articles Duecento. In hisvarious ofoligarchic tendencies in Florence theexistence ismBaron acknowledged hedenied that the Ciompi had but heatedly the of1378, Ciompi uprising after class.32 In hisview ofa closedandconservative ruling ledto theformation of the 1340s thecommercial failures class after theFlorentine political andcivic-minded anditbecame character, a more open, integrated, acquired inproperty "a broad status andin uniformity stratum ofrelative middle-class The socialhistory ofthelasttwo outlook." socialandeconomic political, more viewoftheFlorentine classmuch decades hasmadethis ruling rosy Recent work has that Florentine to sustain. difficult argued powerfully andfifteenth centuries was "nota bourgeois in thelater fourteenth society moreakin, to those of a one whosevalueswerecloser, butrather world, It has emphasized theclosedcharacter and aristocratic society." feudal, classand largely discarded the of Florence's tiny ruling aristocratic ethos inwhich workmen viewofFlorence as anegalitarian society romantic older, with bankers as socialequals.33 shoulders merchant rubbed toreconsider hasforced the scholars society ThenewviewofFlorentine it is clearthat the discourse. Nowadays of Florence's republican meaning thepolitical and symbols of thecommune between language relationship it ofpower is far more than allocation complex around 1400andtheactual of Salutati's and seemed republicanism years ago. If theFlorentine forty manyof the slogansof the popularcomBruni'sday had preserved of those "freespeech"-themeaning mune-"liberty," "participation," from as theregime haddeveloped hadchanged fitfully profoundly slogans preof the 1280sand '90s intothestable therelatively popular regime to political Baronwas simply Withrespect history, Medicean oligarchy. wars.Theyhad notmade aboutthesignificance of theMilanese wrong the into had they thesurvival ofpopular High Renaissance; regimes possible on thereggimento ofFlorence by thegrip oftheoligarchy infact solidified of With tothe history for respect patronage. itsopportunities vastly enlarging ofBruni's "civic tothetrue significance Baron wasblind political thought,
32 See "The Historical of the Florentine Renaissance,"History, n.s. 22 Background in Essays, I, 3-23); "A Sociological Interpretation (1938), 315-27 (repr.in expandedform of the Early Renaissance in Florence," South AtlanticQuarterly,38 (1939), 427-48 (Essays, II, 40-54); "The Social Backgroundof Political Libertyin the Early Renaisn.s. 4 (1960), 440-51. Studiesin Societyand History, sance," Comparative 33 Cited from Molho, MarriageAlliance in Late Medieval Florence (CamAnthony Historians and the ItalianRenaissance:An bridge,Mass., 1994); and see his "American for Renaissance Studies,9 (1991), 10-23. The chief Overview,"Bulletinof the Society The Building of voice fromthe recent consensus is Richard Goldthwaite, dissenting and conclusion;see also the Renaissance Florence (Baltimore,1980), openingchapters "The Rulersof inconclusive evidenceamassed by David Herlihy, striking, but ultimately and Medieval Italy, ed. Florence, 1282-1530," in City States in Classical Antiquity 1991), 197-221. Anthony Molho, KurtRaaflaub,and JuliaEmlen (Stuttgart,
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itwasinfact inoligarchic terms of a subtle reinterpretation that humanism": language.34 republican Florence's traditional has been of oligarchy of Bruni as a defender Thisnewunderstanding indetail the They show byFubini andCabrini. great clarity brought outwith judgments: andpolitical Bruni's historical informing oligarchic prejudices chief institutional for the oftheSignoria (the authority hispreference central guilds Councils, tothat ofthepopular power inFlorence) toolofoligarchic the ofthe commune toassert sovereignty andufficialiforestieri; histendency ofthe rivals, internal andexternal, andother Empire, the Papacy, against the (Balie) ofthe commissions for the emergency hispraise Florentine oligarchy; topermit the inorder popular procedures bypassed traditional 1390s, which in wartime; for his preference oligarchs to act withspeedand secrecy the judgment knowledge over andfor expert men" "prudent andexperienced that their his opposition to exiling nobleson thegrounds of thevulgar; his fulsome to thecommonwealth; was necessary experience of affairs oftheoligarchy; hispreferoftheParte that bastion Guelfa, championship of merit overthatof sortition in choosing public ence fortheprinciple thesoverattempts to assert for theAlbizziregime's officials; his support the Empire; of the populist and his horror against eignty of Florence of 1378. revolt "Ciompi" an aspectof Bruni's ignored by History Fubini has also emphasized ofFlorentine liberty, but alsoof not only as a celebration, Baron: itscharacter be said,was one of Baron'smajor imperialism. This,it should Florentine is a Ifnowadays theimperial anditscontradictions democracy blind spots. of study, it was less so in Baron'sday;andBaron'sopen familiar object thehome ofthebrave andthefree, of"little against Florence," partisanship Infact Florence for reading today. embarrassing "the ofMilan" makes tyrant anditwasFlorence's as opponents, andMilanwere, matched; pretty evenly of Arezzoin theacquisition in Tuscany, particularly imperial expansion ofthe War;shetook advantage Milanese hadsetoff theSecond 1384, which ofGiangaleazzo togobble thedeath upPisa.Itwas chaosinLombardy after in 1402, first not the that ofPisain 1406, death ofGiangaleazzo the conquest a Florentine theideaofwriting History.35 gaveBruni were ofthe1987conference published, after the Twoyears proceedings with a onBruni ofhisownarticles together a collection PaoloViti published LeonardoBrunie Firenze:Studisulle letfewnewpieces.Thiscollection,
I Bruniis also treated by RussellDees, article in a perceptive thinker as an oligarchic of the Florentines," and the Mixed Regime in On the Constitution "Bruni, Aristotle, by JohnNajemy, "The n.s. 15 (1987), 1-23, and implicitly Medievalia et humanistica, Politics,"in CityStates (cited above, n. 33), 269-87. Dialogue of Powerin Florentine 35 Lorenzo Mehus (ed.), Leonardi Bruni Arretini libri VIII (Florence, Epistolarum by Donato 1741), I, 35-36 = Ep. II, 4 (Luiso II, 3). The Italianversionof Bruni'shistory circulateswith Gino Capponi's Conquest of Pisa. For Baron's Acciaiuoli frequently rivalryin the contextof modem debates about the readingof the Florentine-Milanese see Pecchioli(citedabove, n. 6), 18f. politicsof theKleinstaatand the Grossstaat,
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ofBruni's public e private,36 the first serious study constitutes tere pubbliche on behalf he wrote as chancellor of the1800orso missive correspondence, ofwhich hadpreviously been a small number theFlorentine only Signoria, context to immediate historical andtries These Viti placesintheir published. Bruni his own Viti's is particuwrote under name. study relate totheworks from themost interesting of extensive portions larly useful as ittranscribes their own them. tomake about judgment readers the missive, enabling richnewarchival material as well as many contains Viti'scollection andpaleographical butitalso,inevitably, repeats data, technical philological A more serious andcreates somenewones(see appendix). someolderrors general toadvance anyconvincing is hisfailure problem with Viti'svolume thinker. He has and political of Brunias a publicservant interpretation relative to theforeign and new data aboutBruni'sactivities unearthed he of his daybutseemsembarrassed byhis ownriches; domestic politics the of tocriticize tousehisfresh research effectively oldpicture Bruni, fails oninthe a newone.He declares essay early large synthetic still lesstocreate with that heaccepts some volume di Firenze") which the ("II primato begins "Itthus that all the viewofBruni: appears evident reservations theBaronian notjust his workon theHistories, is a of Bruni, Florentine experience tocertain tothecity-subject, tobe sure, moments constant actofadhesion from 1405to 1415" tohisdetachment as papalsecretary inaddition ofcrisis that Bruni has a strong to loyalty ideological throughout (12). He assumes there is a high ofcontinuitd andthat degree signory republicanism as against he wascalledupon beliefs andthebeliefs to idealebetween Bruni's private the This of course the for Florentine creates as Signoria. express spokesman sincemany letters those appearto contradict of interpretation, problems theoverlordship ofthe for letters popeand acknowledging beliefs, example, to be theDukeofMilan.Viti'ssolution seems or letters praising emperor, in(supposedly) with themes republican whenever Bruni's missive agree that, they LaudatioortheOration forNanniStrozzi, works suchas the "private" whenever Bruni's canbe construed as expressing they convictions; personal with the canbe areatvariance they expressed byBruni, opinions "privately" This solu"rhetorical," or "stereotyped." "formulaic," taken as "empty," in Bruni's between the writings as itdoesa cleardistinction tion, assuming is lessthan therhetorical andthepersonal, satisfacandtheprivate, public tory. Vitiis,tohiscredit, much lessnaive than Baron Onthe other hand about inFlorence more willing tolookat andmuch the ofpolitical power realities viewofBruni's evidence which tellsagainst Baron's roseate character and notonlythat Bruni He finds newevidence was tempted intothe beliefs. 1405and of thesignore of thePapal States (thePope) between chancery
36 Paolo Viti, Leonardo Bruni e Firenze: Studi sulle lettere pubbliche e private (Florence,1992).
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1415, butalsothat he tried toprepare theground so as tobe taken into the of thecondottieri Carlo Malatesta and Giovanfrancesco service princes hewasalsotempted, Viti service with Martin V even totake Gonzaga; notes, Florentine Viti regards after he had received theseacts as citizenship. trasgressioni (369),blemishes on Bruni's record as a republican. He recognizesthat Bruni ofcertain couldbe critical ofpopular aspects government, suchas itsinstability (28), itscumbersome decision-making processes (39), anditsanti-meritocratic in bias(73). He admits that Bruni wasdisingenuous extreme for the about Florence's motives itsunprovoked attack onitsfellowrepublic Luccain 1429;ifitis in fact thecase,as itwould seemin light of Viti'snewevidence, that the DukeofMilan inthe secretly acquiesced attack onLucca(103),then much ofBruni's the for warturns outtobe justification mendacious. Vitirecognizes the positively eleFollowing Fubini, jingoistic ment in Bruni's writing about Florence's andquotes empire somestartling inwhich Bruni thenatural talks about ofFlorentines to passages superiority other peoples (5-7).He points outthe sideofBruni's ugly behavior after the Medici missive hecomposed for the extradition coupin 1434:the calling and ofhisformer hiswillingness toactas a republican punishment front friends, manfor theMedicean hissilence the ofrepubliregime, about undermining can institutions, of Basel about of andhis lies to theCouncil thenumber ofthethreat Florentine exilesandtheseriousness they presented to public he recognizes order Gordon thatBruni's (172-73).Following Griffiths, in hisGreek ofFlorentine treatise On thePolityof the description politics Florentines(1439) is markedly morewilling to disclosethe oligarchic in Florentine element on the than his three government previous writings LikeGriffiths before Vitiregards this shift subject.37 (andRubinstein him), as a signof Bruni'schanging of and his acceptance political alignment rule. Medicean The last pointrevealstheanachronism in Viti's-and Baron's-aptoBruni. Bruni insome proach Since they both as a republican regard degree inhisthought ideologue, they canonly explain inconsistencies andbehavior in terms of thechronological of his thought or in terms of development Butifweadmit trasgressioni. Bruni's that impostazione is primarily that ofa the rhetorician, problem disappears. TheLaudatioFlorentinae urbisandthe FuneralOration ofepideictic areboth rhetoric. for NanniStrozzi examples In epideictic as Bruni himself to the rhetoric,said with specific reference is not truth Laudatio,what counts but audience what want to telling your they A fewrhetorical hear.38 insincerities about Florentines notbeing to subject
37Griffiths, Hankins,and Thompson, The Humanism, 115.
See Bruni,Epistularum libri VIII, ed. L. Mehus (Florence,1741), II, 111-12 (Ep. VIII.4): "The orationwas written when I was young,freshout of Greekclass. It was a boyishtrifle, a rhetorical exercise.... The rhetorical genre(fora critic shouldconsider this, too) in panegyrics of this kind calls forboastfulness and winningapplause. ... In civic thespeechis directed to thosewhomyou wishto praise;thegenredemandsan panegyrics
38
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to delighted record, orbeing military a brilliant orhaving ofa few, the power as are excusable-just of a popular war-effort, taxesin support paytheir andvirtue, justice, wisdom, for their kings topraise itexcusable Bruni found Thetreatise On the Polity of inhisprivate andpublic both correspondence. on modelled treatise wasa philosophical hand, ontheother the Florentines, that mostly to an audience would Politics (anddirected parts ofAristotle's owntheory of ofpopular By Bruni's havebeencontemptuous government). treatise and that itis thephilosophical conclude we must genres, rhetorical viewof which Bruni's considered represent orations notthetwoepideictic government. ofFlorence's thenature and Salutati menlikeBruni that If we do awaywith theanachronism commitment to one an exclusive wereideologues (in thesenseof having ofViti's we canmake better sense such as republicanism), ideology political in sharp stands of his newresearch by Viti,much material. As presented If Bruni wasa committed belief that republican. tohisBaronian contradiction andBruni as presented that Florentine by Salutati we admit republicanism with in keeping either their notnecessarily private artifact was a rhetorical from ofthetime, we canat leastsavethem orthepolitical realities beliefs In fact character. the their moral serious charges against someofthemore ofpermanent was that under-secretaries, Salutati andBruni ofboth attitude best oftheir out tothe than tothe andcarrying regime rather toFlorence loyal masters. Theywere thechanging political abilities policiesof successive in themost basicsenseofbeing rhetoricians professional also,undeniably, for thestate. were madebytheir toproduce They propaganda paidsalaries that were sometimes inconsisletters andspeeches towrite masters political the butno onethought ownprivate convictions, to their orhostile tent with that. Salutati and Bruniwerealso human for beingswith worse ofthem with whomadeeachhis ownaccommodation andestates children, wives, hidwhatever viewsthey andprudently private realities political changing andiftheir heroic; were useful rather than As men they politics. hadonparty historians would as somemodem like, they were notas tender consciences their among The inconsistencies we can admire. qualities other hadmany ofcircumstances, do notmean thepressure madeunder utterances, various
a multitude of people, not forthepurposeof hearinglegal audience,and bringstogether oratory, judicial or deliberative from on publicpolicy,[i.e., it is different cases or deciding but in orderto reap was obligedto respectthe truth], to ancienttheory whichaccording is one thing, panegyric itsownpraisessung.... History hearing applauseand pleasurefrom The above thetruth." extollsmanythings mustfollowthetruth, panegyric History another. witha passage of theLaudatio is made patentwhenthispassage is compared insincerity 249): "No doubta fewfoolswill suspect (Baron,FromPetrarch, from theLaudatio itself thispanegyric of mine,and thatin the somepopularfavorfrom to capture thatI am trying towards me as much yourmindsfavorably yourgood will and disposing processofwinning with truefor thesake on thelimits oftruth, falsethings mixing as possible,I am trespassing in thisvein foralmosta page. to protest Brunicontinues embellishment." of rhetorical
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and values. But since theywereprofesthattheyhad no core convictions to detect whatthese historians haveto work muchharder sionalrhetoricians, the as possible,reconstruct were:theyhave to collecttheevidenceas fully Black suggests, be sensitive to the and,as Robert context of each utterance, in disciplines from no longer training acquired professional habits ofthought and rhetoric.39 Men to whomwordscome easilyare like grammar familiar, thata strict findincompatlogicianmight often able to reconcile positions are insincere or without utterances ible, but thisdoes not mean thattheir of fewif anypolitical thinkers are perfectly interest. The writings historical as must be studied byhistorians with each other. Thisis whythey consistent and well as by political scientists philosophers. studies, seemsmuch thatBruni,in lightof recent Whydoes it matter There rhetorician" thanhe does a "civic humanist"? morea "professional it showsthatthe First, are, in my view,two mainreasonswhyit matters. to conceal ofpoweremployed attempt bytheMediciregime-their disguises their thecloakofrepublican thetrue ruleunder locus ofpowerby exercising with them. Salutati andBruni, as servants ofthe forms-were hardly original thesamething for halfa of 1382-1434, had doneprecisely oligarchic regime to conceal the a decentcoveringof populistrhetoric century, providing padrini.Manipulation concentration ofpowerin thehandsof a few growing was probably moreconscious andmorecynical under ofrepublican symbols Fromthis perspective, theMediceans, different. butitwas notfundamentally in theMediciregime The shouldcome as no surprise. Bruni'sparticipation was neither to theMediceanregime theAlbizzianoligarchy transition from as represented the sharpbreakit is sometimes norpolitically ideologically being. of Brunimatters is because it The secondreasonwhythenew picture means that the whole categoryof "civic humanism"needs to be reit of itsexcluso as to strip or redefined discarded entirely thought-either Bruni was always ExhibitA in Baron's sive links withrepublicanism. the examplethatbecame forhim a kindof of civic humanism: definition to Florencewas not Weberian ideal type.If we acceptthatBruni'sloyalty depicted in the ideological-that the populist republicanism primarily his core beliefs-then does not represent Laudatio and the Strozzioration in Rome,Ferrara, humanists Brunibeginsto lookmuchmorelikehis fellow of a separate speciesof Naples,and Milan,and muchless liketheexemplar Like his fellowhumanists, Bruni's core politicalconvictions humanist.40
39 See Black, "Florentine Chancellors." 40In thePrefaceto his translation Hankins, and Thompson, of thePolitics (Griffiths,
in the Strozzioration his remarks 159-61) Bruniseems to have forgotten The Humanism, forherehe identifies form of government, aboutpopularisstatusbeingtheonlylegitimate and concludes,"thepopularstateis therefore democratia popularisstatuswithAristotle's In thetexteditedby Baron as Epistola ad magnum kindof government." not a legitimate to dated to 1413, and attributed principem imperatorem, [recteMagnae, i.e., Germany]
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andeloquence, andaboutthevalueofclassical wereaboutthevalueofvirtue modelsofvirtue andeloquence. Thesewereuniversalantiquity as providing in anysort istvalues,valuesthat couldbe instantiated ofregime or constituare thevaluesof a ruling For tion;they caste,nota local political ideology. in theinterests Brunias forAristotle, signori couldbe good rulers, ruling of but orthey couldbe tyrants; thegoverned, populicouldalso be goodorbad.41 from bad was nottheir constitutions Whatdistinguished good governments of their rulers. Bruni'sbeliefin thevalue of theactivelife, butthevirtues withhis wealth, military valor,and thefamily-all beliefsBaronassociated in Italian humanist "civic humanists"-can be documented everywhere notjust in republican writers. The change of thefifteenth writings century, of humanism Baron observedin the character betweenthe generations of thereturn) of humanism Petrarch and of Bruni-the move (or rather to the notonlyin Florence and Venice,butthroughpublicsphere-maybe found in in signorial outItaly, as well as republics. regimes theDe re publica of UbertoDecemConsider, by way of comparison, in Lombardy, was bornand educated brio.42 Decembrio servedas humanist to GiangaleazzoVisconti'sson, GiovanniMaria, from1404 to secretary 1410,andwas thefather ofPierCandidoDecembrio, secretary from 1419to 1447 to Filippo Maria Visconti,Duke of Milan. The elder Decembrio's the "tyrant" treatise was dedicatedin 1422 to Filippo Maria Visconti, of muchof the 1420sand '30s. Milanwith whomFlorence was at warthrough The workbeginswitha call to revivetheliberalartsof ancient Lombardy, the noble intellects of Virgiland Catullus, those artsthathad nourished For Uberto, as fortheso-called"civichumanists," Ambrose and Augustine. is a product of nature, theurbancommonwealth arising from mutual need, shouldbe treated and based uponjustice.Everyone equallyunderthelaw. arenotable bythemselves Sinceciviccommunities to supply all their needs, there arisesa needfor merchants naturally andfor money. Buying andselling are natural to society; evenpawnshops are necessary to supply thewantsof
Bruni (see Baron, Humanisticand Political Literature,173-81), the authormistakenly identifies democratia as thethird of Aristotle's good forms of government, and,translating it as popularisstatus, declaresitto be theform of constitution in use in Florence.The attributionof thisworkto Bruniis suspect, forreasonsI shallgive in vol. 2 of myRepertorium Brunianum. 41 Bruni,as papal secretary, rather was able to condemnthe Roman conveniently revoltagainstthepope as perverse, and lazy (Ep. I.4 and I.5, ed. people in their drunken, Mehus,I, 6-11). 42 Text unpublished; I use the autograph MS, Milan, BibliotecaAmbrosiana B 123 sup.; cf.Kristeller, IterItalicum, I, 328. The parallelsbetween Bruni'spoliticaltheory and thatof both Ubertoand Pier Candido Decembriowere observedby Kristeller in "Pier Candido Decembrioand His Unpublished Treatiseon the Immortality of the Soul," in L. Wallach (ed.), The Classical Tradition: and HistoricalStudiesin Honor ofHarry Literary Caplan (Ithaca,N.Y., 1966), 536-58, repr.in Kristeller's Studies,II (Rome, 1985), 281300.
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thepoor.Mercenaries, too,are something every developed society needs; warlike virtue a civic hasa positive function from Thesecret of perspective. a happy consists in its prince, republic its leading men,and its citizens and exercising theclassicalvirtues. A humanist possessing education is necessary toinculcate these virtues. True liesinvirtue, notdescent. nobility Eloquence isproper toman andhasthe function ofspreading virtue the ofthe tohishearers. speaker LikeBruni, Decembrio ofAristotle, is a follower and that argues and thefamily arenatural marriage institutions which are the blocks building ofthecommonwealth andnecessary to itssurvival. Egoism is condemned; quoting Uberto we arenotborn Plato, for saysthat ourselves alone, butfor ourfamilies, ourfriends, andour patria. [In addition to ourduty to worship God and honor we religion] should alsodevote ourselves with special lovetoourcountry where ourparents, children, wives, relatives, andfriends dwell;no good man ever feared todiefor hiscountry. Forthe safety ofone'scountry embraces thesafety ofall itsinhabitants. then [Decembrio cites the ofQuintus example the Curtius, Decii,etc.]From itfollows this that we should honor with thewarmest lovethegovernor andprince of our country, whomwe call itspaterpatriae,under whoserule over, citizen every should takecareto livewith hisfellow citizens with a sense ofright that is fair andequal;he should neither behave ina servile himself andabject manner, so that heis held incontempt, norshould hegetabove himself so that heappears tooppress others. Also,he should for desire hiscommonwealth those things that are andhonorable. peaceful heshould Finally, so conduct himself that he be reputed a goodmananda fair-minded citizen [aequus] byeveryone. Let himbe a cultivator of thevirtues, especially justiceand moderation, both ofwhich most causea goodmantofind approval. Lethimdiligently observe themores andcustoms ofthecommonwealth andnever from depart them.... Sucha manwastheYounger
Cato, [etc.]. (ff.93v-94r)
subjectpeoples are governed withcalm and quietpeace. ... More-
There is hardly a sentence ofDecembrio's De republica which Leonardo Bruni would havequarrelled with (on other than stylistic grounds). Indeed, of thescholarship much on humanism during the1980s, focussing on regionalhumanisms, has pointed outtheuniversality of thethemes Baron connected with thepolitical experience ofFlorence.43 Ifwe continue to use the term "civic itshould humanist," be clearly recognized that the attempt to
43 See JohnF. D'Amico, Renaissance Humanismin Papal Rome: Humanistsand Churchmen on theEve of theReformation (Baltimore, 1983); Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanismin an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton, 1986); and Jerry H. Bentley, Politicsand Culturein RenaissanceNaples (Princeton, 1987), esp. 196-222.
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in accordance reform and revalorize the life of the city-state withancient thatbeginswiththegeneration models-the great"civic humanist" project of Bruni,Poggio Bracciolini, GuarinoVeronese,Gasparino Barzizza, Pier Paolo Vergerio, and Niccolo Niccoli-was nevera project confined to Ren"Civic humanism" is notFlorentine, butRoman.It is a aissancerepublics. from ancient Rome through inherited styleof thought Sallust,Livy,Virgil, ofpolitical andaboveall Cicero.It aimsat thereform communities generally the moral behaviorof theirrulingelites. It does this by by improving them to "good letters," to theartsworthy of a free exposing man,theliberal theartswhich makemennoble,wise and good. arts, Taken in thismoregeneralsense,it can be said thatBaron's idea of "civic humanism" a core of validity, retains and can standas an important of theRenaissance. It is not to theBurckhardtian supplement understanding after reallya contradiction, all, to say thatan age of egoism,illegitimate shallow-rooted and increasing indifgovernment, religious crisis, ideologies, have to communal values shouldalso been an age wheneducators, ference and men of letters scholars,civil servants, everywhere urgedupon their and service to thecommon audiencetheneedforsacrifice, patriotism, good. It is notsurprising thatthemenof theRenaissance shouldhave lookedfor own diseasesof spirit. Burckhardt admired theindividualism curesfortheir taken it could to an extreme, oftheRenaissance, buthe also recognized that, be destructive of civilized society.If Burckhardt drew attention to the to show how the age diseases of the times,Baron was among the first a form its own cure,through of Bildungthataimednot onlyat attempted butalso at inculcating a senseofpublicduty personal distinction, and social Humanistic like an aristocratic form conscience. education is, chivalry, of that with honor. Thatis whatithas always socialization linksgood behavior ofthelate is whyitis in crisisin theradically societies been;that egalitarian that Renaissance humanists true twentieth century. taught human excellence in wisdom that consisted and goodness; was powerunrestrained by goodness in theciviclifehad to includea theworst of evils.Truepersonal distinction If Baronwas wrong to one's community. senseofduty to readhishumanists he was correct in seeingthathumanof republicanism, as fervent partisans morethan thecultivation ism,as a cultural program, sought oftheindividual. It aimedalso tobring andlearning to bearon thetaskofbuilding scholarship thevirtues to thepreservation of civilsociety. necessary Harvard University.
Hans Baron Bibliography Supplementary
331
News,9 Renaissance of Baron'sCrisis, W. J. Untitled review Bouwsma, (1956),27-30. 33 The Historical Journal, Alison."Hans Baron's Renaissance," Brown, (1990),441-48. italiana, 79 (1967),237Rivista storica ofBaron'sCrisis, Cervelli, I. Review 45. Renaissance News,8 (1955), ReviewofBaron'sCrisis, Vincenzo. Cioffari, 203-6. in andoutof Florence," in Tradition, William J."The Republican Connell, andPolitics inRenaissance Florence, ed. Girolamo Savonarola: Piety, Prophecy 95-105. (Dallas,1994), andV. R Hotchkiss DonaldWeinstein in "HansBaron," obituary and G. Brucker. G., P. 0. Kristeller, Constable, 64 (1989),802. Speculum, Fubini, R. Reviewof Baron's Crisis,Giornalestoricodella letteratura 130(1958),631-38. italiana, al IllumiE. "La retorica di Leonardo in Dal Rinascimento Bruni," Garin, 21-42. nismo (Pisa,1970), M. P. Reviewof Baron'sCrisis, American Historical Review, 61 Gilmore, (1956),621-24. in AnHistoriography," Hay,D. "The Place of HansBaronin Renaissance inHonor A. Tedeschi Studies ofHans (eds.),Renaissance thony MolhoandJohn xi-xxix. 1971), Baron(Florence, TransIdeology atFlorence," "TheEmergence ofanUrban Holmes, George. actions Historical Society, 23 (1973),111-34. Royal ofthe inHistory andTheory, 9 (1970), B. J.Review ofBaron, From Petrarch, Kohl, 121-27. nel '400," Giornale civilefiorentino dell'umanesimo Radetti, G. "Le origini 38 (1959),98-122. critico dellaletteratura italiana, 4 (1953),308-14. ofBaron's Rinascimento, work, Vasoli,C. Review e Memorie Atti Bruni alla lucedellepiurecenti ricerche," . "Leonardo artie scienze diArezzo, 50 (1988),3-26. di lettere, dellaAccademia Petrarcha Appendix Paolo Viti's recentcollectionof studies,Leonardo Bruni e Firenze but to Brunistudies, contribution (Rome: Bulzoni,1992), is a considerable errors and adds somenew ones whichit somelong-standing he also repeats here. to correct maybe useful published (58-59) was previously as an ineditum Vitipublishes The text unterAlbrechtII (ed. G. Beckmann in the Deutsche Reichtags-akten and U. Durand's 1925], 141-42,no. 92) as well as in E. Martene [Stuttgart dogmaticorum, historicorum, Veterumscriptorumet monumentorum The oration to the I, 1578). collectio ([Paris,1724-33], moralium amplissima from Santini was previously "Si laudes tuas" (55-56) transcribed Emperor by S. Baluze (Miscellaneanovo ordinedigesta,ed. J. D. Mansi published [Lucca, 1762], 150). The Oratio qua se defenditab accusationibus
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orationof imperatoris (96, 109) is in facta missiva,not an independent to theDoge of Venice and to theAnzianiof Lucca Bruni.IThe two letters of Latin missive;in Italian translations (110-11) are in fact anonymous MSS moreof are twenty-four to thefour MSS listedby Viti,there addition The missive of thelatter.2 on pages published theformer textand seventeen in myPlato in theItalianRenaissance, II, published 133-34was previously to Bruniof the 405. Much of whatViti says aboutthedateand attribution by EmestoBerti, VaticanMSS Urbinasgraecus33 and 34 was anticipated for too the attribution.3 The who is elsewhere criticized accepting rashly of Xenophon's Hellenicaand the between connection Bruni'scompendium intellectualexchanges at the Council of Florence was firstmade by SebastianoGentilein Marsilio Ficino Lettere([Florence,1990], xix). In ofBruni'shand(including thepresent all previous students writer) criticizing in Section11.3("Preliminari sulla grafia di Leonardo Bruni"), peruno studio to entertain thepossibility Viti seemsunwillingly thatBruni,like Poggio, had one handfornotarial and chancery humanists, Niccoli,and manyother for he andanother humanistic is he ofthis that documents MSS; so convinced
1 The textis found in Florence, Archivio di Stato,Signori, Missive,Ia Cancelleriavol. sit mentibus nostris. The missivewas copied in a inc Licet gravissimum 33, ff.94r-97r, MS Plut.90, sup 34, e.g. Florence, BibliotecaLaurenziana number of literary manuscripts, and Chis JIV 119, ff.165vMS Barb. lat. 1927, ff.22v-25r ff.183v-189v; VaticanLibrary, The titleused by Viti (takenfrom 169v;Rome, BibliotecaAngelica MS 141, ff.91r-94r. Schriften [Leipzig, fromBaron, Leonardo Bruni Aretino,Humanitisch-philosophische The text has been published therubric oftheAngelicamanuscript. 1928], 174) comesfrom severaltimes, Magni CosmiMedicei Vita,II (Pisa, 1788), 51-55; C. Guasti, by A. Fabroni, Commissionidi Rinaldo degli Albizzi per il Comune di Firenze dal MCCCXCIX al MCCCCXXXIII,Documentidi storiaitaliana,III (Florence,1873), 536-38; and H. Herre, unter Kaiser Sigmund, X, Teil 1 (Gotha, 1900), 495-98, n. 302. DeutscheReichtagsakten 2 The letter delle opere) is foundin to theDoge of Venice (inc. Poiche per lo effecto 148, f. 73r; thatto theAnzianiof MS Panciatichi Florence, BibliotecaNazionale Centrale, is in ibid.,ff.77V-78r. This manuscript, as is known, is a copy Genoa (inc. Se si ricerchano) of a volume missingfromthe archivalseries of Signori,Missive Ia Cancelleriain the letter known of theformer Archivio di Statoof Florence.To thefourliterary manuscripts seventeen: Florence, to Viti (Ricc. 1193 shouldbe Ricc. 1133) may be added a further BibliotecaLaurenzianaMS Redi 113, 143; FlorenceBibliotecaNazionale CentraleNaz. and Magl. VI.197; Florence,Biblioteca Riccardiana 1074, 2272, 11.1.71, Naz. 11.11.81, Nationale 2278, 2322, 2544; Lucca, BibliotecaGovemativaMS 1436; Paris,Bibliotheque MS ital.593; Toledo,BibliotecaCapitular Borg.lat.402, Ross. 784, 9,35; VaticanLibrary, to the Anziani of Genoa is foundin twenty-four and Vat. lat. 3125 and 8088. The letter in additionto the fourlistedby Viti: Florence,BibliotecaLaurenziana othermanuscripts Magl. Plut.43, 17 and 90 sup. 65, Redi 113, 143; Florence,BibliotecaNationaleCentrale II.IX.15, Nuovi acquisti 354; Florence, 11.11.81, VI,189 and VIII, 1373, Naz . 11.1.71, BibliotecaRiccardiana1074, 2272, 2278, 2322, 2544; Lucca, BibliotecaGovemativaMS Nationaleital. 593, lat. 1436; Naples, BibliotecaNazionale XIII G 35; Paris,Bibliotheque Borg. lat. 402, Ross. 784, Vat. 9,35; VaticanLibrary, 17888; Toledo, BibliotecaCapitular lat. 3215; Venice,BibliotecaMarciana,Marc. lat. XIV 221 (4632). di LeonardoBrunidel Fedone di Platoneed un codice "La traduzione 3Ernesto Berti, MuseumHelveticum, 35 (1978), 125-48. Viti also ignores della BibliotecaBodmeriana," of Bodmer136 withBruni'stranslation thetextual evidenceamassedby a Bertiassociating thePhaedo.
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dismissesthe evidenceof a colophonin Padua, BibliotecaUniversitaria per me Leoest fideliter oracio translata 1499, f. 40r, "Hec Demosthenes sexto, millesimo quadringentesimo de mensenovembris nardum Aretinum correcfails to the seemingly authorial analyze and sede vacante," apostolica notes to "Lettereper i tions in the same MS. To the bibliographical Malatesta" (365-78) should be added J. Hankins,"The Humanist,the of Cosimoand Lorenzo Letter An Unpublished Banker, and theCondittiere: de'Medici Written by LeonardoBruni,"in RenaissanceSocietyand CulandR. Musto ture:Essays inHonorofEugeneF. Rice,Jr.,ed. J.Monfasani "Deof Bruni'scorrespondant (New York,1991), 59-70. The identification by me in 1987.4 suggested Scarano(336) was first withDemetrio metrius" armorum (397) is in Viticalls De laudibusexercitii The text by Bruniwhich in a singleMS, of Latintranslation, surviving of an anonymous factthetitle whichsurdettaa Niccol6 Tolentino, Bruni'svolgarespeech,theSermone theerror of C. C. vives in about 90 MSS.5 On the same page Viti repeats with to be concerned theFlorentine whobelievedBruni'sDe militia Bayley, for the itis an attempt to find classicalroots wheninreality militia communal cavalleresca.6 dignitd contemporary theBaronian view of Brunileads himintosome Viti's urgeto preserve he repeats implausible Forexample, (313, 337) thehighly strange judgments. in Bruni held in R. M. the conference on Zaccaria advancedby idea, first in 1437 intotwo offices chancery 1987,thatthedivisionof theFlorentine Bruniofpower their opponent political was a plotby theMediceansto strip and thathe was compensated by purely"ceremonial"positionson the theabsenceof evidence that Quiteapartfrom Priorate and theTen of War.7 Bruni ever opposed the Medici after1434 (and much evidencethathe
ofLeonardoBruni and D. Thompson (eds.), TheHumanism 4G. Griffiths, J.Hankins, N.Y., 1987), 370-71. (Binghamton, sThe Latin version,which is not by Bruni,is foundonly in BibliotecaApostolica and in a seventeenthexercitiorum) Vaticana,Vat. lat. 1043 (inc. Omniumhumanorum seems century copyoftheVaticanMS in ParisBN Par. lat. 17888,97-102. Viti's reference 175. in Baron,BruniSchriften, to be based on theerror 6 C. C. Bayley, War and Society in Renaissance Florence: The "De Militia" of Leonardo Bruni(Toronto,1961); on the defectsof thisstudysee Paul Oskar Kristeller's 44 (1963), 66-70. The traditional view,popularized reviewin Canadian HistoricalReview, and an advocateofcivicmilitias, Bruniwas hostile to condottieri by Baronand Bayley,that in R. Dees, "Bruni,Aristotle, and theMixed Regimein On theConstitution is questioned n.s., 15 (1987), 1-23, and in my articles, Medievalia et humanistica, of theFlorentines," "The Latin Poetryof Leonardo Bruni,"HumanisticaLovaniensia,39 (1990), 1-39, and citedin the textabove. The traditional "The Humanist, the Bankerand the Condottiere," in Lucia Gualdo Rosa, "L'elogio delle lettere e delle arminell'operadi view is maintained LeonardoBruni,"in L. Avellini(ed.), Sapere e/epotere. Il caso bolognesea confronto, Bologna 13-15 aprile 1989, I: Forme e oggettidella disputadelle arti (Bologna, 1990), 103-13. 7 R. M. Zaccaria, "II Bruni cancellieree le istituzioni della Republica,"in P. Viti (ed.), Leonardo Bruni cancellieredella Repubblicadi Firenze,Convegnodi Studi (Florence,1990), 97-116.
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thecart the is clearly before supported them), this explanation putting horse: into after 1437(evenVespasiano da Bruni was infact taken thereggimento Bisticci said "gli dettano lo stato"; cf. his Vite. ed. A. Greco[Florence, 1970], I, 473).Thedivision ofthe chancery wassurely intended torelieve the him in ofsome ofhisduties so as tofree toparticipate elderly chancellor fully In his effort to present these most powerful of civicdignities. Bruni as a Vitidescribes the rather from covert anti-Medicean following, cool,sentence ofthe"progressive as a "denunciation" suffoBruni's History ofFlorence "In cation ofliberty" about (24-25)in Florence brought bytheMediceans: inthe there wasa drastic commonwealth Florence alsoabout this time change werebrought been andCosimode' Mediciandhisrelatives back,having while a different theprevious rather was expelled year, faction, numerous, sitsill with Viti'saccurate sentintoexile."Thisjudgment statement elsein hispublished Bruni sensitive where (336) that avoided politically topics "studi is no evidence recenti" epistolary. Similarly, despite (64, 129),there in office to keepBruni that EugeneIV usedhis influence as chancellor, ofCosimo de'Medici. Themost of overcoming the hostility plausible reading inFlorence, the evidence would show that Bruni, likemost other people kept hisheaddown the strife of 1426-34. during party in arguing Viti is also mistaken (395-401)thattheOration for the in thepiazza Bruni Funeral Strozzi was delivered ofNanni by Chancellor ofthecelebrations on 16May1428, theendofthe as part Signoria marking Inthe first Bruni hisfuneral War. oration as Milanese place, clearly presents this itwere "Weshall write a literary as though fiction, declaring: panegyric rites" at thevery endofhisfuneral a an oratio being spoken ("itascribetur nobis extremo Bruni quasiinipsofuneris dicatur oratio"). Secondly, speaks hoc bello of thewarwith Milanas stillin progress ("ita [Nanni Strozzi] adversus Mediolanensium Ducemcivitasnostra nuncgerunt Venetique In anycasethere is no evidence that Latin wasever used bellando interiit"). on suchpublicoccasions in Florence; thedozensof by thechancellor known tothe from the writer areall in dicerie surviving Quattrocento present
thevolgare.
The following to Viti,suggests unpublished text, apparently unknown for inpart, that Bruni's oration Strozzi wasintended atleast for foreign rather to be a letter domestic The text seems oftransmission than consumption.8 for meant to accompany a presentation Oratio NiccoloIII copyofBruni's the ofFerrara. There aretwocopies ofthe inthe both d'Este, Marquess text, ofMatteo Both ina bound hand Strozzi. areundated, but copies they appear twoother volume between documents dated 7 organized bydate respectively and9 June 1428. Theletter tohave been written di March purports byMatteo ofNanni. brother Butitwas almost Simone by Strozzi, certainly composed Bruni himself. from thestyle, andthetwoclassical Apart qui sapit Aretini,
8
This textwas kindly to myattention Field. brought by Arthur
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of Bruni, there are no other examplesamongthe quotations, bothfavorites of of Matteo Strozziin the Carte Strozziane extensive surviving writings of anykind.Bruniwas close to Matteoas well as Palla Latincompositions on Strozziand would have been the obvious personto compose a letter Matteo'sbehalf.(Less thana yearlaterhe would composea similar letter, on behalf of Cosimoand Lorenzode'Medici.)9 thistimeto CarloMalatesta, that theMarquessshouldsuccour Nanni'sorphaned The theme of theletter, theOratio, for attheendofthepreface tothat with speech sons,is continuous natorumque educatione Bruniwrites, "Sed de funeris quidempublicihonore The letter et debent, ut spero, providebunt." and speech et curaii qui possunt linked orchestrated areplainly partof a campaign by compositions, probably in a publicfuneral theStrozzi tohaveNanni'sservices celebrated andtohave his sonslookedafter by Niccolo d'Este.
9 See my article, the Bankerand the Condottiere," citedabove. "The Humanist,
di Stato, CarteStrozziane, Archivio Ser.III, 132,f.280r-v (copy Florence, of Matteodi Simone A) and f. 283r-V (copy B). Bothcopies are autographs A title al has beenaddedby Senatore CarloStrozzi Strozzi. (s. XVII): Lettera di NanniStrozzi. di Ferrara scritta sullamorte Marchese et rectegloriosa nobisetiam Preclara admodum, magnifice princeps, serui tui Johannis, fratris mors fidelissimi atque etiam cogitantibus etenim etproDominatione nonimmerito uiderosolet-pro patria nostri, nullumcertealiud Tua non dubitauit obcumbere-quo generemortis uehementer equidem angor 5 prestantius cogitari potest. Quocircaprimum eo fratre orbatus erat, rursus uero,cumcogitoei qui mihiuitamea carior ei ullo tandem fuisse nec ullamclariorem mortem aliquandomoriendum pacto potuisse contingere, paucorum annorumaccessionem parui admodumfaciendam ratusangorille, quo priusuehementer angebar, tumdemum in dies pene 10 ob preclarum genusmortis paulisper primum, euanescit.Hoc itaque modo me ipsumconsolansrursusiterum atque iterum de flliisquos paruulos cogitatio quedampaulatim repens reliquit filiossuos egregia esthuiusmodi: ac nimirum animum subit. Ea cogitatio indole preditos singulari ingensglorielumenet uelut iubarquoddam in uitapermanere si ipsumparentem diutius 15 elaturos contigisset. fuisse, et moribus, tumpaterna Nam preter indolemcum doctrina egregiam ut arbitror fructus adiutimirabilies peperisquoque imitatione profecto sent.Acceditquod Dominatio Tua ex omnibus unumJohannem utpote fidissimum seruumsuumunice diligebat, pre ceterisunumJohannem in uno deniqueJohanne in iocundissimo tanquam quodam 20 obseruabat, portufluctibus principatus quandoque iactata acquiescereuidebatur. tibi qui uel ex eo iocundissimus Quamobrem ipsiusuiuentis aspectus,
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latiusabs te ipsumabesse equo quod ungue(ut dicitur) fuisseuidebatur Dominationem Tuam quodammodo tantopere animopati non poteras, et largitate ac pene ut liberossuos benignitate tua singulari 25 admonuisset et ad dignitatis gradus extulisses. incredibili ergase suaqueet adiuuisses quosdam non ambigo quin multofaciliusadmirabiles Quod si fieret, essent.Quippe quam si uel non adiutiuel destituti effectus parerent est: sententia nonignobilis poeteuera,immouerissima cuiusdam 30 illos quorum uirtutibus obstat haudfacileemergunt domi. res angusta ad gloriam angor commodorum Quare non parum inpresentiarum nuncuero filiimei una cum parente amissionequa nepotesquondam, amiserunt. huiuscemodiad gloriam Proinde cogitantimihi quemadmodum Tue commodarecuperari possent,non ab re uisum est Dominationi orationem de servitui laudibusa Leonardo quandamelegantissimam nostre editam mittere. Aretino uiroomnium etatis eloquentissimo nuper tui in fidissimi serui mente Quod ideo feci, non quia memoriam Tue insiderepenitusignorarem, Dominationis neque eo quod illam sed profecto existimarem, priusuita tua desituram ip<s>am memoriam cum ut Johannis inquam famulitui, assidua recordatio tui, Johannis ut fit,sopitaac hac Tue magnitudinem interdum, propter Dominationis reuiuescat, orationequandoque exsu<s>citatarecentius elegantissima tuisquoddamperpetuum munimentum fidelissime tumetiamutposteris Id propterea feci Tuam seruitutis semper appareat. erga Dominationem tui non ingratas uel potiusgratissimas tibi libentius quia laudes semui cumnona laudatosolum,a quo Hectorille presertim futuras arbitrabar, sed certea laudatissimo uiroseruus ille tuus Neuianuslaudaricupiebat, merito laudetur. ductor etprinceps, te oroatqueobtestor uthoc magnifice Quapropter, sed sententiarum mole paruissimum uerborumque pondere opusculum, in bibliotheca tuaclarissima certe collocare atqueceleberrima maximum, non solummihi,sed uniuerse digneris. Quod si feceris, atqueapponere tuisperpetuum monumentum nostre eritet posteris familie gratissimum nostris et te seruitutis gratum extabit, quod posteris tante tamfideerga futurum esse certissime sentio. admodum
A nimirum 22 tibi iocundissimus B s.s. B 24 tanteMSS 13 egregriam 32 inpresentiarum in marg.A 33 parente] 30 emergere patreB MSS B 41 sua A 42 ut] tu B 39 memoria
35
40
45
50
55
30-31 Juv.Sat. III, 164-65
48-49 Cic. Fam. V, 12 (7).
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337
Viti's book providesmanystriking examplesof Bruni's abilityas a rhetorician to manipulate the languageof whatmight be called "imperial humanism."'0 The maintopicsin thissortofdiscourse arepraiseoftheHoly able to bringpeace and unityto Roman Emperoras the one authority andto protect itfrom theinfidel. The to settle internal Christendom, quarrels to his care;they arehis loyalsons,he their peoplesofEuropearecommitted He inherits thevirtues of Caesar,especiallyhis clemency. The text father. timebelow gives yet another publishedforthe first exampleof Bruni's in thisvein.It is a speechwritten ambassafluency by BruniforFlorentine thecoronation ofFrederick III as KingoftheRomansin dorsattending either 1440orthecoronation ofAlbrecht III in 1438.I discovered thenewtext some years ago in a MS in the Beinecke Libraryat Yale. Dr. MartinDavies to my noticeanother witnessof Aretine subsequently brought manuscript to provenance, dated 1449, in theVaticanLibrary.11 It seemedworthwhile further Bruni's skill as an "imperial" publishthe texthere to illustrate The spellingfollowsthatof the VaticanMS; punctuation and rhetorician. are mine. capitalization
especially55-62. 11See my article, in NorthAmerica,"in L. Gualdo Rosa and P. "BruniManuscripts Viti (eds.), Per il Censimento dei codici dell'Epistolario di LeonardoBruni,Istituto storico 10 (Rome, 1991), 55-90, at p. 63. per il Medio Evo, Nuovi studistorici,
10 See
1449)
C-Biblioteca Apostolica MS Chis.J.IV. 119,ff. 289r-v a. Vaticana, (Arezzo,
(s. XV 3/4) 129v-130r
Y-New Haven, Yale University Connecticut, Library, MS Marston 60, ff.
Leonardi Aretini ad imperatorem oratio propartecomunis Florentie. 'Vidimusstellam eius in oriente e venimus adorare eum'. Verbasunt MattheiEvangelistein capitulo<secundo>. Serenissime atque gloriossime princeps:Non sine probabilirationesimilitudo facta est ab inter et astrain celo fulgentia. Primum enim 5 antiquis fastigium imperiale ut in stellisest altitudo sic etiamimperialis atquesublimitas admiranda, et altitudo sublimitas mortales Ut stellafulgorem fastigii super attollitur. habetet claritatem, sic etiamimperialis serenitatem et illustradignitas in civitionem continet et fulgorem admirandum lucemqueclarissimam tates populosque effundit. Utqueexortus stellarum seu siderum aliquidin 10 futurum significat et ostendit, sic etiam exortusmaximiprincipis et hominibus seculi felicitatem. optimi, qualis tu es, repromittit futuram ne nuncnoviter a me reperta Que quidemomnia, putes,audi quid dicat doctissimus: Virgilius poetarum
338 15 ecce Dyoneiprocessit Cesarisastrum astrum quo segetesgauderent frugibus quoque duceret apricisin collibusuva colorem.
JamesHankins
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40
voluitex Cesaris stella seu Tranquillitatem et pacem poeta significare sidereproventuram, idque significavit per segeteset opera rusticorum a bellis.Hanc igitur et pacemet que maxime dissipantur tranquillitatem tuussperat devotissimus quietamseculi felicitatem populusFlorentinus ex salutari ex tuoexortu stellaseu sidere tamquam perYtaliamac ceteras mundi partes esse futuram. Itaque gaudens et exultanshac seculi nos misit beatitudine oratores ad orandum et venerandumtuum sanctissimum ac fulgentissimum iubar.Noli enimputare, prestantissime fuissesusceptam ex alicuius letitiam Cesar, iam multisseculistantam principis asumptione quanta per universum mundum susceptaest ex esse potestaut debet feliciista adsumptione tua. Quid enimoptabilius et regi,qui fidem quam ab optimo principe gubemari afferat, iustitiam et quieti,populorum bella Cristianorum confirmet, tollat,paci studeat infidelium conatuset opera maligna repellat.Tue enim admirabiles tua fides et moderatio,tua fortitudo et prestantissimeque virtutes, tua admirabilis tua incorrupta clementia, iustitia, sapientiaet altitudo et populispollicetur. In hanc spemoptimam civitatibus consiliimerito et in asumptione hac populusFlorentinus devotissimus tuusconfidit tua iampridem mirabili gaudioexultavit atqueexultat. Quod licetperliteras tamen /f.130r/ significavit, vivisquoque affatibus pernos oratores suos demonstrari plenius voluit ac presentestuo culmini sublimissimo se ipsumdevoteet gratulari prohac feliciadsumptione tua,recomendans ac invictissime humiliter tue sacratissime maiestati.Ceterum,serenissime princeps,non nulla seorsumexponerehabemus,que, cum tuemaiestati dabitur locus et tempus, seriosius exprimemus.
1 Leonardo Aretiniom. Y 2 eam Y 3 spatiumduodecimlitterarum post futuram capituloCY 7 Ut] Et Y 12 alterum post seculi canc. Y 15 processit edd.] precessitC: preces sic Y 16 quoque CY] et quo edd. 17 apricis]apricibus 18 ex C ex corr.] e Y 19 sidere] sydera C: a precibus Y 17 uva] una CY Y 20 a om. Y et alterumom. Y 26-30, 31-32 sex litteraeex initio harum linearumabscissae sunt in Y 30 paci] pati Y 36 licet om. Y 37 significarit Y C 38 sublimissimi CY 41 exprimere
2 Matt.2:2
15-17 Ecl. IX.47-49.

James Hankins - The Baron Thesis

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The "Baron Thesis" after Forty Years and Some Recent Studies of Leonardo Bruni Author(s): James Hankins

12 Questions werefirst raisedin a aboutBaron's datings

19 Jerrold E. Seigel, "'Civic Humanism' or CiceronianRhetoric?The Cultureof

subjectpeoples are governed withcalm and quietpeace. ... More-

Hans Baron Bibliography Supplementary

This textwas kindly to myattention Field. brought by Arthur

30-31 Juv.Sat. III, 164-65

48-49 Cic. Fam. V, 12 (7).

C-Biblioteca Apostolica MS Chis.J.IV. 119,ff. 289r-v a. Vaticana, (Arezzo,

(s. XV 3/4) 129v-130r

Y-New Haven, Yale University Connecticut, Library, MS Marston 60, ff.

15-17 Ecl. IX.47-49.

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