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A thesis presented to the Faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF MILITARY ART AND SCIENCE
MICHAEL A. FOX, LCDR, USN B.S., University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas, 1982
Approved by:
,
C &
,
CDR Richard P. ~ e r ~ d o n B.S. ,
...
Member
Lawrence A.
at$,
, Member
Ph.D.
,
Philip J. Brookes, Ph.D.
The opinions and conclusions expressed herein are those of the student author and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College or any other governmental agency. (References to this study should include the foregoing statement.)
ABSTRACT AT THE CAMPAIGN OF SANTIAGO by LCDR Michael JOINT OPERATIONS A. Fox, USN, 93 pages. This study is a historical analysis of the joint operations between the United States Army and Navy during the Santiago Campaign of the Spanish-American War. The study examines the U.S. military's preparations for the campaign, including mobilization and development of campaign plans at both the strategic and operational levels; details the actions of the U.S. military during the campaign, from the landing phase 'through the siege of Santiago to the eventual Spanish surrender; and analyzes the campaign lessons learned as well as the changes and reforms that took place in both services in the ten-year period following the Spanish-American War. The study concludes that, lacking doctrine or a unified command, cooperation between services is imperative to conducting a successful campaign. This cooperation was not evident between the Army and Navy during the Santiago Campaign. As a direct result, the U.S. military instituted several important changes and reforms to help ensure better cooperation in future joint actions. This study also shows that doctrine can be developed by examining the lessons learned of a military operation, as was the case for the landing operations and naval gunfire support performance at Santiago.
iii
A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
I would l i k e t o e x p r e s s m y appreciation t o m y research
wife, Wendy, and o u r c h i l d r e n , Ryan, Tory, and Abby, without whose s u p p o r t , encouragement and u n d e r s t a n d i n g I would n e v e r have completed t h i s t h e s i s .
TABLE OF CONTENTS
APPROVAL PAGE
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LIST O F FIGURES
Fiaure
1. 2.
Map o f T r a n s i t t o Cuba Map o f S a n t i a g o T h e a t e r
l2s.C
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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND DEFINITIONS Admiral William T. Sampson, Commander of the U.S. Fleet, had just completed a successful blockade of Cuban waters during the initial stages of the Spanish-American War. The U.S. naval forces now contained several Spanish ships, under the command of Admiral Pasqual Cervera, inside the waters of Santiago Harbor. However, the U.S. fleet was unable
to exploit its successes further due to the defensive fortresses that overlooked the bay and the possibility of mines in the waters. Sampson promptly wired the War
Department, requesting the Secretary of War, Russell A. Alger, to send U.S. Army assets to the Cuban theater to conduct a siege on the town of Santiago, facilitating his fleet's destruction of the Spanish ships. In response to Sampson's
request the Major-General Commanding the Army, Nelson A. Miles, sent the following instructions (on May 31, 1898) to Brigadier-General William R. Shafter, Commander of the Army's
V Corps, which was being mobilized at Tampa, Florida:
With the approval of the Secretary of War, you are directed to take your command on transports, proceed under convoy of the Navy to the vicinity of Santiago de Cuba, land your force at such place east or west of that point as your judgment may dictate, under the protection of the Navy, and move it onto the high grounds and bluffs overlooking the harbor or into the interior, as shall best
e n a b l e you t o c a p t u r e o r d e s t r o y t h e g a r r i s o n t h e r e , and c o v e r t h e Navy a s it s e n d s i t s men i n s m a l l b o a t s t o remove t o r p e d o e s ; o r , w i t h t h e a i d o f t h e Navy, c a p t u r e o r d e s t r o y t h e Spanish f l e e t now r e p o r t e d t o b e i n S a n t i a g o Harbor. 1 These r a t h e r ambiguous o r d e r s proved t o be t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r what would l a t e r be a n example o f ineffectual joint operations. Although t h e Campaign of
S a n t i a g o h a s t o be c o n s i d e r e d a n o p e r a t i o n a l s u c c e s s due t o t h e subsequent d e s t r u c t i o n of t h e Spanish f l e e t and t h e f o r t s under S p a n i s h c o n t r o l i n t h e c i t y , it w a s p e r h a p s due more t h r o u g h l u c k and enemy incompetency t h a n by any U.S. t a c t i c a l expertise. The l e s s o n s l e a r n e d from t h e i n e p t conduct of j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s a t S a n t i a g o , however, r e s u l t e d i n s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n t h e s t r u c t u r e of b o t h t h e U.S. Army and Navy; t h e y a l s o i n f l u e n c e d f u t u r e j o i n t d o c t r i n e and p r o c e d u r e s . The
purpose o f t h i s t h e s i s i s t o examine t h e conduct of j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s d u r i n g t h e B a t t l e o f S a n t i a g o and t o d e t e r m i n e what went wrong. The i n t e n t i s t o show how t h i s campaign had a
d i r e c t b e a r i n g on f u t u r e j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s , n o t t o a s s i g n blame f o r t h e f a i l u r e s t o any one p e r s o n o r s e r v i c e . One cannot assume t h a t t h e commanders of t h e S a n t i a g o campaign c o m p l e t e l y i g n o r e d t h e s t a n d i n g p r a c t i c e s o r p r o c e d u r e s c o n c e r n i n g t h e conduct o f j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s . S e v e r a l f a c t o r s combined t o handicap m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s a s t h e y t r i e d t o conduct o p e r a t i o n s a g a i n s t t h e Spanish i n Cuba. For one, it had been o v e r t h i r t y y e a r s s i n c e t h e l a s t j o i n t
For
a d i r e c t e f f e c t on t h e t r a i n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s p r i o r t o t h e
campaign. Additionally, t h e lack of a s t r u c t u r e d chain of
mind t h a t poor e x e c u t i o n a t t h e o p e r a t i o n a l l e v e l a s w e l l a s a l a c k of c o o r d i n a t i o n between Sampson and S h a f t e r g r e a t l y c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e o v e r a l l performance of t h e U.S. m i l i t a r y a t Santiago. The j o i n t a s p e c t of t h e Campaign o f S a n t i a g o began w i t h t h e p r e p a r a t i o n s phase. While t e n s i o n s between t h e
Americans and t h e Spanish had been on t h e rise f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s p r i o r t o t h e o u t b r e a k of war, t h e U.S. m i l i t a r y was caught o f f g u a r d when h o s t i l i t i e s began. The Navy, through i t s
Naval War College, had begun i n i t i a l work on f o r m u l a t i n g p o s s i b l e n a v a l a c t i o n s i n response t o a w a r w i t h Spain whereas t h e Army had y e t t o a d d r e s s t h e i s s u e . Thus, no one c o h e s i v e
war p l a n u t i l i z i n g j o i n t f o r c e s had been developed t o oppose a s e a power w i t h d i v e r s e l a n d h o l d i n g s , s p e c i f i c a l l y Cuba and the Philippines.
A s i g n i f i c a n t m o b i l i z a t i o n o f Army t r o o p s
j o i n t t r a i n i n g e f f o r t , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e a r e a of amphibious
operations.
T h i s f i r s t became a p p a r e n t d u r i n g t h e embarkation
o p e r a t i o n s a t Tampa and was l a t e r b o r n e o u t when t h e Army a r r i v e d o f f t h e c o a s t o f Cuba i l l - p r e p a r e d t o t r a n s p o r t p e r s o n n e l , m a t e r i e l , and s u p p l i e s from s h i p t o s h o r e . Furthermore, a s a r e s u l t o f n o t h a v i n g a u n i f i e d commander f o r t h e conduct o f j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s i n t h e a t e r , t h e r e w e r e i n e f f i c i e n t communications p r o c e d u r e s and a s e r i o u s l a c k of c o o r d i n a t i o n . T h i s would prove t o b e a d e t r i m e n t
d u r i n g t h e f o l l o w i n g s i e g e o f t h e town o f S a n t i a g o and i t s surrounding w a t e r s . J o i n t o p e r a t i o n s a l s o s u f f e r e d from i l l - d e f i n e d o b j e c t i v e s r e g a r d i n g t h e end s t a t e o f t h e S a n t i a g o campaign. Beginning w i t h M i l e s ' s o r d e r t o S h a f t e r and t h e l a c k o f p r e s i d e n t i a l guidance t h a t p e r s i s t e d t h r o u g h o u t , Sampson and S h a f t e r conducted o p e r a t i o n s a s t h e y s a w f i t i n o r d e r t o accomplish t h e i r own p e r c e i v e d g o a l s . Only t h e l a c k of a
would have been made eventually, the conduct of joint operations at Santiago proved to be the catalyst that accelerated these reforms and other changes throughout the military structure. This thesis will focus on the conduct of joint operations at Santiago through the examination of both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include official correspondence between the participants at the strategic, operational, and tactical level; official reports from the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy; and the report of the Senate committee that investigated the conduct of the Spanish-American War. First-hand accounts of the Santiago
campaign, such as those by French E. Chadwick and John D. Miley, and newspaper reports from the battlefield are also valuable primary sources. Other sources, such as personal
papers, letters, and correspondence, provide excellent insights into the conduct of joint operations at Santiago. Secondary sources, including comprehensive histories by Graham Cosmas and David Trask, provide excellent background material for this study. This thesis will be limited in its review to those reforms that were instituted in the military in the ten-year period after the War. This thesis will not address the causes
of the Spanish-American War or the conduct of combined operations with the Cuban insurgents.
5
The following definitions will be used throughout the study. Amphibious Operation:
An operation launched from the
sea by naval and landing forces against a hostile or potentially hostile shore.2 Campaign Plan: A plan for a series of related military operations aimed to accomplish a common objective, normally within a given time and space.3 Command: The authority that a commander in the
military Service lawfully exercises over subordinates by virtue of rank or assignment. Command includes the authority
and responsibility for effectively using available resources and for planning the employment of, organizing, directing, coordinating, and controlling military forces for the accomplishment of assigned missions.4 Command and Control: The exercise of authority and
direction by a properly designated commander over assigned forces in the accomplishment of the mission. Command and
control functions are performed through an arrangement of personnel, equipment, communications, facilities, and procedures employed by a commander in planning, directing, coordinating, and controlling forces and operations in the accomplishment of the mission.5 Communications: A method or means of conveying information of any kind from one person or place to an~ther..~
Doctrine:
military forces or elements thereof guide their actions in support of national objectives. It is authorative but
in which elements of more than one Service of the same nation participate.8 Joint Amphibious Operation: An amphibious operation conducted by significant elements of two or more Services.9 Landing Area: That part of the objective area within
which are conducted the landing operations of an amphibious force. It includes the beach, the approaches to the beach,
the transport areas, the fire support areas, and the land included in the advance inland to the initial objective.10 Operation: A military action or the carrying out of a
strategic, tactical, service, training, or administrative military mission; the process of carrying on combat, including movement, supply, attack, defense and maneuvers needed to gain the objectives of any battle or campaign.11 Unified Command: A command with a broad continuing
mission under a single commander and composed of significant assigned components of two or more Services, and which is established and so designated by the President.12 Unified Operation: A broad generic term that
describes the wide scope of actions taking place within unified commands under the overall direction of the commanders of those commands.13
As the nineteenth century was coming to a close, the United States, spurred on by imperialistic rhetoric from prominent political, academic, and literary figures, as well as from the press, began to look abroad to enlarge its role in world affairs of the day. Tensions had already begun to
escalate between the United States and Spain concerning the latter's treatment of the indigenous people of Cuba. By early
nations was becoming more and more likely. Since 1895, Cuban insurgents had been waging a guerrilla campaign in order to gain their independence from the Spanish government. Most of the guerrilla actions consisted of light skirmishes with Spanish regular forces and "scorched-earth" destruction of'sugar'crops. In response, the
Spanish enforced a policy of reconcentration, moving Cuban citizens into camps. Cubans perished. It was in these camps that over 400,000
actions as well as having significant economic interests on the island, found itself forced to respond to the instability in Cuba. 1
8
As early as 1894, the Naval War College had begun to develop war plans to deal with the possibility of military action against the Spanish. Versions of these initial plans called for a blockade of Cuba while mounting an expeditionary force to seize major Cuban ports. In addition to the
blockade, the U.S. Navy would be tasked to defeat any Spanish naval forces sent to protect the island. Consideration was also given to conducting an operation simultaneously in the Philippines in order to prevent the Spanish navy there from sailing for the Caribbean. Other versions called for a.much
greater reliance on the naval blockade in conjunction with naval bombardment, as the invasion force envisioned for Cuba was estimated to require 90,000 men, almost four times the available military manpower at the time. All of these plans,
however, contained variations that had yet to be coordinated between the services when war was declared in April of 1898.2 The structure of the military leadership was illprepared to plan joint operations. Secretary of War Russell
A. Alger and Secretary of the Navy John D. Long, both chiefly responsible for the manning and training of their respective services, were also the principal cabinet-level military advisors to the President. Both the Army and the Navy lacked any semblance of a General Staff, which could have greatly assisted in the planning, preparation, and waging of a military campaign. Guidance for military actions during the
and members of his Cabinet and then disseminated down through the secretaries directly to the commanders in the field. Under these procedures, the President frequently had to act as the mediator between Alger and Long.3 The Army, in particular, was hampered by its own muddled chain of command. Major-General Miles held the title
of Commanding General of the Army, which was primarily an honorary role given to the senior officer in the Army. While
the position of Commanding General had no legal authority, it had evolved to where the occupant served as an invaluable military advisor. The problem was that there was no
centralized control of the Army and that frequently the Secretary of War and the Commanding General feuded over their respective roles. This situation was further exacerbated
later during the Santiago campaign when General Miles left for the field to command troops in the invasion of Puerto Rico, thus leaving the civilian Secretary of War without his chief Army advisor.4 This was the situation when war was declared with Spain. It was quickly realized by the strategic leaders in
Washington that an advisory board of some sort was necessary to help devise campaign plans. The Navy, which lacked a
senior naval advisor comparable to the Army's Commanding General, had already created its own Naval War Board in response to the growing crisis. This board was charged with
a s s i s t i n g i n t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f s t r a t e g i c war p l a n s . Membership on t h i s board i n c l u d e d A l f r e d Thayer Mahan, t h e n o t e d seapower t h e o r i s t , and A s s i s t a n t S e c r e t a r y o f t h e Navy Theodore Roosevelt, b e f o r e he r e s i g n e d t o j o i n t h e Army.5 P r e s i d e n t McKinley and h i s a d v i s o r s had determined t h a t any w a r a g a i n s t t h e Spanish i n Cuba would r e q u i r e t h e i n t e r a c t i o n of t h e Army and Navy. This l e d t o t h e formation
Sampson.
m o b i l i z e d and s e n t i n t o Cuba t o s e i z e a major p o r t . 6 The s i t u a t i o n remained complicated, however, because t h e p r i m a r y o b j e c t i v e and t h e s i z e o f t h e e x p e d i t i o n a r y f o r c e k e p t changing. S a n t i a g o w a s s e l e c t e d a s t h e primary o b j e c t i v e
As for the
s i z e o f t h e f o r c e , i t s r e a s o n s f o r v a r y i n g w e r e due t o t h e
changing e s t i m a t e s of t h e s i z e o f t h e Spanish f o r c e s i n Cuba and t h e s t a t e of r e a d i n e s s o f t h e American t r o o p s . Additionally, t h e President f a i l e d t o i d e n t i f y an o v e r a l l campaign commander, who c o u l d have used t h e a v a i l a b l e t i m e t o conduct t e r r a i n a n a l y s i s and develop o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n s . 7
10n
I n t h e two-month i n t e r v a l between t h e d e c l a r a t i o n of
war w i t h Spain and t h e f i r s t Army s o l d i e r t o a r r i v e i n Cuba, a tremendous m o b i l i z a t i o n e f f o r t had t o be conducted. which i n A p r i l of 1898 numbered 28,000, The Army,
had d i s p e r s e d many of
i t s r e g u l a r s a s w e l l a s newly i n d u c t e d v o l u n t e e r s a t s e v e r a l
camps t h r o u g h o u t t h e South, b u s i l y p r e p a r i n g them t o go t o war. S i n c e t h e r e a d i n e s s of t h e Army had been allowed t o
and c o n d u c t i n g rudimentary m i l i t a r y d r i l l . 8 On A p r i l 29th, B r i g a d i e r - G e n e r a l William R . S h a f t e r was o r d e r e d t o proceed t o Tampa, F l o r i d a , t o assume command o f t h e V Corps c u r r e n t l y undergoing t r a i n i n g t h e r e .
H e was
h i s t r o o p s would d e p a r t f o r Cuba. 12
Again, c o n f u s i o n among t h e
o f t h e Army e x p e d i t i o n a r y f o r c e was p u t on h o l d , which allowed S h a f t e r much needed t i m e t o assemble and e q u i p h i s f o r c e s . 1 0 However, t h e c o n f u s i o n and i n d e c i s i o n a t t h e s t r a t e g i c l e v e l r e g a r d i n g t h e o b j e c t i v e s o f t h e Cuban campaign had forced Shafter i n t o a reactive role. He now had t o p r e p a r e
t h e c u r r e n t s t a t e o f r e a d i n e s s o f the Army r e q u i r e d t h a t a l m o s t a l l of t h e t i m e i n Tampa be s p e n t on j u s t moving s u p p l i e s from an i n a d e q u a t e r a i l r o a d l i n e t o t h e p i e r and t h e n p l a c i n g them onboard t h e t r a n s p o r t s . . S h a f t e r was n o t a f f o r d e d t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o u s e t h e t i m e a v a i l a b l e t o conduct j o i n t t r a i n i n g , which would l a t e r prove t o b e c r i t i c a l d u r i n g t h e amphibious o p e r a t i o n s phase.11 While t h e Army w a s c o n t i n u i n g t o b u i l d up i t s f o r c e s , t h e Navy w a s p r o c e e d i n g w i t h i t s blockade o f Cuba. Admiral
more impatient each passing day with the delayed arrival of the Army troops. On June 7, Sampson sent the following message to Secretary Long, which was relayed to Shafter: If 10,000 men were here the city and fleet would be ours within forty-eight hours. Every consideration demands immediate army movement. If delayed, city will be defended more strongly by guns taken from fleet.12 Thus, the mobilization phase came to an end with MajorGeneral Miles's order for Shafter to proceed to Santiago. 1 Cam~aianPlans Shafter's force, numbering almost 17,000 men along with materiel, supplies, and 2,300 animals, left on 14 June for Santiago. The twenty-nine transports and six support
vessels, procured by the Army and captained by civilian masters, were accompanied by thirteen naval escort ships. All
the ships arrived off the coast of Santiago six days later. On June 20, Admiral Sampson and General Shafter, along with General Calixto Garcia, the leader of the Cuban insurgents, met ashore at Aserrado. The purpose of this meeting was to
discuss the operational objectives of the Santiago campaign as well as to determine the landing site for Shafter's forces.13 The area surrounding the city of Santiago provided a formidable haven for the Spanish fleet anchored in the harbor. The entrance to the harbor was, at best, only 350-feet wide, with bluffs on both sides that towered as high as 200 feet. Moreover, on both sides of the entrance sat forts containing gun batteries
east
and e l e c t r i c a l mines.
t h e Spanish guns a g a i n s t t h e U . S .
r e a s o n a b l e l i k e l i h o o d t h a t any s h i p a t t e m p t i n g t o f o r c e i t s way i n t o t h e h a r b o r would be damaged and p o s s i b l y sunk, b l o c k i n g t h e narrow channel f o r b o t h f l e e t s . For t h e U.S.
Navy t o c l e a r t h e mines from t h e channel and engage t h e Spanish f l e e t from i n s i d e t h e h a r b o r e n t r a n c e , t h e f o r t s had t o be c a p t u r e d o r destroyed.14 Complicating t h e i s s u e were t h e g a r r i s o n s l o c a t e d i n s i d e t h e c i t y of S a n t i a g o , approximately t h r e e miles i n l a n d . While t h e s e g a r r i s o n s were of l i t t l e s t r a t e g i c importance, t h e i r p r o x i m i t y t o t h e Spanish s h i p s i n t h e a d j o i n i n g h a r b o r and t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of mutual g u n f i r e s u p p o r t would be s i g n i f i c a n t t o t h e development o f U.S. campaign p l a n s .
General S h a f t e r had a r r i v e d i n Cuba w i t h v e r y l i t t l e guidance on what h i s a c t u a l o b j e c t i v e s were i n r e g a r d s t o t h e l a n d campaign. The o n l y d i r e c t i v e t h a t had been g i v e n was t h e
vague and ambiguous o r d e r o f May 31 from General Miles, which i n e f f e c t allowed S h a f t e r t o choose a s h i s o b j e c t i v e t h e f o r t s a t t h e entrance, t h e g a r r i s o n s i n Santiago, o r both. w i t h no u n i f i e d commander o v e r l o o k i n g t h e s i t u a t i o n a t S a n t i a g o , S h a f t e r c o u l d chose any of t h e o p t i o n s w i t h l i t t l e chance o f b e i n g o v e r r u l e d . Thus,
OCAPA
HORRO CASTLE
O n t h e t r i p from Tampa t o S a n t i a g o p r i o r t o t h e campaign, S h a f t e r had r e a d an account o f t h e B r i t i s h campaign a t S a n t i a g o i n 1741. The B r i t i s h had landed a t Guantanamo,
l o c a t e d o n l y 40 m i l e s t o t h e east of S a n t i a g o , b u t t h e n proceeded t o l o s e o v e r 3,000 men t o d i s e a s e and had t o s t o p t h e campaign s i x t e e n m i l e s o u t s i d e t h e c i t y , never h a v i n g fired a shot. To S h a f t e r , t h i s f a c t s t r e s s e d t h e importance
o f conducting a q u i c k campaign u s i n g t h e b e s t a v a i l a b l e roads and a t t a c k i n g a t t h e p o i n t s o f l e a s t r e s i s t a n c e . 1 5 Shafter a l s o believed t h a t t h e f o r t s a t t h e entrance t o t h e h a r b o r were more h e a v i l y guarded t h a n t h e S a n t i a g o garrisons. I n r e a l i t y , t h e r e were 400 t r o o p s a t Socapa, 400
p o s s i b l y a f t e r s e e i n g t h e h i g h rocky b l u f f s a l o n g t h e c o a s t , reasoned t h a t t h e b e s t avenue of approach l a y f u r t h e r i n l a n d . The g e n e r a l , a l t h o u g h never having observed it p e r s o n a l l y , l a t e r d e s c r i b e d t h e r o u t e a l o n g t h e c o a s t towards t h e Morro C a s t l e a s "rugged, devoid of water, and d e n s e l y covered w i t h a
poisonous undergrowth. " 1 6 With t h e s e f a c t o r s i n mind, S h a f t e r f e l t h i s ' b e s t c o u r s e o f a c t i o n l a y i n p r o c e e d i n g i n l a n d from D a i q u i r i and Siboney, t h e Army's secondary l a n d i n g s i t e . The' Army would
then a s s a u l t t h e garrisons located i n Santiago, with t h e . p o s s i b i l i t y of using naval gunfire support t o cover h i s s i e g e of t h e c i t y . T h i s p l a n s t r e s s e d r a p i d i t y o f a c t i o n , denying
primary o b j e c t i v e was:
t h e waters o f S a n t i a g o Harbor.
mission, t h e e n t r a n c e had t o be completely c l e a r e d of mines s o t h a t U.S. s h i p s c o u l d engage t h e Spanish f l e e t from a more One o p t i o n would have been t o send
e f f e c t i v e f i r i n g range.
f l e e t c o u l d have g r e a t l y t i p p e d t h e b a l a n c e towards t h e Spanish. 18 To t h i s end, Sampson chose what he f e l t was h i s o n l y available option
s o t h a t countermine f o r c e s c o u l d b e s e n t i n t o c l e a r t h e channel.
I t was w i t h t h i s i n mind t h a t he had s e n t h i s
S h a f t e r and
Sampson d i s c u s s e d t h e p o s s i b l e avenues o f approach f o r t h e Army t r o o p s . Although no formal agreement was reached between
Sampson s t a t e d t h a t " t h e p o s i t i o n s occupied by t h e e a s t e r n and western b a t t e r i e s s h o u l d b e c a r r i e d , " t o which General S h a f t e r "gave most c o r d i a l a s s e n t . " S h a f t e r , however, stated in his
o f f i c i a l r e p o r t t h a t "approaching S a n t i a g o from t h e e a s t ...and making a t t a c k from t h a t q u a r t e r ' ' was " t h e o n l y f e a s i b l e p l a n . " I n f a c t , t h e n o t e s o f t h i s conference, which was concerned mostly w i t h t h e impending l a n d i n g o f Army t r o o p s , one r e f e r e n c e t o t h e follow-on p l a n s : D a i q u i r i and march on S a n t i a g o . " contain only
"land expedition a t
S i n c e D a i q u i r i l a y due e a s t
Sampson, believing that the reference to the bluffs corresponded to the route towards the harbor entrance, did not seek further clarification regarding Shafter's actual intentions. It was only after Shafter had begun his advance
towards the city of Santiago several days later that Sampson became aware of the difference in plans. By this time,
Shafter was already committed to carry out his plan and his plan only .21 The conduct of joint operations during the remainder of the campaign went steadily downhill. Each commander,
believing that his course of action would result in the least loss of life and material, could not see his way to compromise. Their lack of cooperation would never be fully resolved.
The
i n i t i a l c o n f e r e n c e of June 20 between Sampson and S h a f t - e r , i n a d d i t i o n t o d i s c u s s i n g o p e r a t i o n a l campaign p l a n s , a l s o was t o determine possible landing s i t e s . Regarding t h e l a n d i n g a r e a , M i l e s ' s ambiguous o r d e r of May 31 t o S h a f t e r p r o v i d e d l i t t l e d i r e c t i o n concerning t h e c h o i c e of a s i t e , whether e a s t o r w e s t of S a n t i a g o , implying t h a t t h e commander i n t h e f i e l d should make t h e s e l e c t i o n . Admiral Sampson f e l t t h a t S h a f t e r s h o u l d l a n d h i s c o r c e s west of S a n t i a g o , l e a v i n g t h e Army i n a more advantageous p o s i t i o n t o a t t a c k t h e f o r t s l o c a t e d a t t h e e n t r a n c e of S a n t a i g o Harbor. General S h a f t e r , however, f e l t t h a t t h e b e t t e r
a d v i c e of General G a r c i a , it was d e c i d e d t h a t t h e l a n d i n g would be done a t D a i q u i r i , a p o i n t approximately 15 m i l e s e a s t of S a n t i a g o 1 S h a f t e r had come t o Cuba w i t h t h e i n t e n t i o n t h a t t h e Army would conduct t h e a c t u a l o f f l o a d i n g of t r o o p s from t h e
22
transports.
S e c r e t a r y Long, w h i l e i n q u i r i n g t h e p r e v i o u s
month a b o u t t h e Army's c a p a b i l i t y t o conduct l a n d i n g o p e r a t i o n s , n o t i f i e d t h e Army t h a t : While t h e Navy w i l l be p r e p a r e d t o f u r n i s h a l l t h e a s s i s t a n c e t h a t may be i n i t s power, it i s obvious t h a t t h e crews o f t h e armored s h i p s and o f such o t h e r s a s w i l l b e c a l l e d upon t o remove t h e Spanish mines and t o meet t h e S p a n i s h f l e e t i n a c t i o n can n o t b e s p a r e d f o r o t h e r p u r p o s e s , and ought n o t t o b e f a t i g u e d by t h e work i n c i d e n t t o l a n d i n g o f t h e t r o o p s , s t o r e s , etc.2 S e c r e t a r y of War Alger responded t o Long t h a t t h e Army -was n o t i n need o f any s p e c i a l a s s i s t a n c e from t h e Navy. cannot be determined whether General S h a f t e r e v e r r e c e i v e d t h i s n o t i f i c a t i o n of t h e Navy's p l a n n e d involvement i n t h e landing operation. However, it was most l i k e l y S h a f t e r ' s
It
Navy w a s t a s k e d t o p r o v i d e g u n f i r e s u p p o r t t o s u p p r e s s any armed o p p o s i t i o n a s h o r e w h i l e l e a v i n g t h e o f f l o a d t o t h e Army t r a n s p o r t s themselves.3 T h i s q u i c k l y changed when it was d i s c o v e r e d t h a t t h e Army had f a i l e d t o b r i n g a l o n g t h e n e c e s s a r y l a u n c h e s t o t r a n s p o r t a l l o f i t s t r o o p s i n a t i m e l y manner. The Navy, i n
q u a l i f i e d t o perform t h i s f u n c t i o n .
A f t e r t h e St. L o u i s went
t o w i t h i n one and a h a l f miles from t h e s h o r e t o d e m o n s t r a t e t o t h e o t h e r b o a t s t h e d e p t h o f t h e water, t h e l a n d i n g o p e r a t i o n commenced.4 I n conducting n a v a l g u n f i r e s u p p o r t o f t h e l a n d i n g , t h e Navy bombarded s e v e r a l p o i n t s a l o n g t h e c o a s t s u r r o u n d i n g Santiago. T h i s was done a s a d e c e p t i o n maneuver t o h i d e t h e I n a n o t h e r move, Navy c o l l i e r s , made up These
r e a l p o i n t of a t t a c k .
c o l l i e r s even went through t h e d r i l l o f lowering l i f e b o a t s i n o r d e r t o d e c e i v e Spanish o b s e r v e r s a l o n g t h e s h o r e l i n e . f e i n t movements were s u p p o r t e d by l a n d a t t a c k s from Cuban insurgents. One d e a t h o c c u r r e d aboard t h e Texas when it was These
s h e l l e d by t h e Socapa b a t t e r y a t t h e mouth o f t h e S a n t i a g o Harbor. 5 After t h e preliminary naval gunfire cleared t h e l a n d i n g a r e a a t D a i q u i r i , launches were l o a d e d and s e n t towards t h e s h o r e . Many o f t h e s e l a u n c h e s had t o be l o a d e d
s e v e r a l m i l e s o u t t o s e a , a s t h e c i v i l i a n c a p t a i n s of t h e t r a n s p o r t s d i d not want t o expose t h e i r s h i p s t o enemy f i r e . T h i s f o r c e d t h e Navy l a u n c h e s t o make l o n g t r i p s back and f o r t h , slowing down t h e o f f l o a d procedure; B y t h e end of t h e
were n o t c o m p l e t e l y o f f l o a d e d u n t i l t h r e e days l a t e r . 6
24
The o f f l o a d i t s e l f d i d n o t p r o c e e d smoothly.
With t h e
a n i m a l s were
thrown overboard under t h e assumption t h a t t h e y would s w i m ashore. S i n c e t h e r e was no b o a t a v a i l a b l e t o watch t h e Over 30 a n i m a l s Also, two s o l d i e r s
drowned when t h e i r b o a t w q s smashed a g a i n s t t h e rocks.' During t h e onload o p e r a t i o n back a t Tampa, much of t h e m a t e r i e l and s u p p l i e s had been l o a d e d i n t h e o r d e r i n which it had been r e c e i v e d . While t h i s was n e c e s s a r y due t o t h e s h o r t
a b l e t o b e g i n t h e ground campaign, h a v i n g two i n f a n t r y d i v i s i o n s , a dismounted c a v a l r y d i v i s i o n , and an independent i n f a n t r y brigade at h i s disposal.8 That t h e l a n d i n g a t D a i q u i r i was done w i t h s o l i t t l e l o s s o f l i f e i s due mostly t o l u c k and t h e l a c k o f armed r e s i s t a n c e from t h e S p a n i a r d s a s h o r e . The S p a n i s h commander,
a t D a i q u i r i , e s t i m a t e d a t 300, q u i c k l y f l e d from t h e s h o r e .
Had t h e Spanish massed t h e i r f o r c e s a t D a i q u i r i o r emplaced barbed w i r e a l o n g p o s s i b l e l a n d i n g a r e a s , t h e amphibious o p e r a t i o n c o u l d have had a d i f f e r e n t ending.9 S h a f t e r , from t h e f i r s t days o f m o b i l i z a t i o n back a t Tampa, had u n d e r e s t i m a t e d t h e amount o f c o o r d i n a t i o n and equipment it would r e q u i r e t o o f f l o a d h i s e n t i r e f o r c e . Since
equipment and poor p i e r f a c i l i t i e s would have a g r e a t impact on S h a f t e r ' s l o g i s t i c s l i n e s and p l a g u e t h e A r m y t h r o u g h o u t t h e campaign. German Rear-Admiral M. Pluddemann, o b s e r v i n g t h e o p e r a t i o n s a t S a n t i a g o , made t h e f o l l o w i n g comments r e g a r d i n g t h e landing a t Daiquiri: o one i n There w a s l a c k o f management g e n e r a l l y . N a u t h o r i t y had been a p p o i n t e d commander o f t h e l a n d i n g p l a c e . 'The commander-in-chief, General S h a f t e r , d i d n o t t r o u b l e himself about t h e l a n d i n g . Admiral Sampson had o n l y made arrangements a s f a r a s t h e warships and t h e i r b o a t s were concerned. 10 Not a l l t h e blame can be p l a c e d on t h e Army o r t h e Navy f o r t h e c h a o t i c l a n d i n g o p e r a t i o n s . There were no
was u n f o r e s e e n a t t h e t i m e w a s t h a t t h e l a n d i n g phase was a p r e c u r s o r f o r t h e j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s t h a t were t o happen d u r i n g t h e f o l l o w i n g campaign. e towards S By 2 6 June, General S h a f t e r had g a t h e r e d enough t r o o p s , m a t e r i e l , and s u p p l i e s t o b e g i n h i s advance towards Santiago. The o n l y e x i s t i n g r o u t e between D a i q u i r i and
S a n t i a g o was more o f a t r a i l t h a n a road, and movement o f s u p p l i e s and heavy equipment q u i c k l y became a problem. There
between t h e two, combined w i t h r a i n y weather d u r i n g t h e campaign, c o n s p i r e d a g a i n s t S h a f t e r ' s a b i l i t y t o r e s u p p l y h i s t r o o p s . 11 While S h a f t e r w a s advancing towards S a n t i a g o , Admiral Sampson's f l e e t c o n t i n u e d t o m a i n t a i n i t s s t a t i o n o u t s i d e t h e entrance t o t h e harbor. From t h e i r p o s i t i o n s , t h e Navy s h i p s
were c a p a b l e o f p r o v i d i n g g u n f i r e s u p p o r t t h a t c o u l d c o v e r t h e
27
e n t i r e advance of t h e Army f o r c e s .
The s h e l l s a b o a r d t h e
meager amount o f s u p p o r t t h e n a v a l g u n f i r e was a b l e t o provide, t h e i r possible contributions i n t h e a r e a s of p r e p a r a t o r y f i r e and as a morale b u i l d e r s h o u l d n o t have been overlooked. 12
I t i s d i f f i c u l t , t h e n , t o comprehend why S h a f t e r d i d
conjunction with t h i s f e i n t , Shafter f i n a l l y requested t h e a s s i s t a n c e of naval gunfire.13 The a s s a u l t s on E l Caney and San Juan H e i g h t s were s c h e d u l e d f o r J u l y 1. On June 30, S h a f t e r c a b l e d Sampson
... and
t h i s r e q u e s t , though t h e a c t i o n appeared t o have l i t t l e e f f e c t on t h e s m a l l number of t r o o p s l o c a t e d a l o n g t h e c o a s t l i n e . A d d i t i o n a l l y , Sampson a l s o had h i s f o r c e s s h e l l d i r e c t l y i n t o t h e c i t y t o keep t h e S p a n i a r d s occupied. f o l l o w i n g message from S h a f t e r t o Sampson:
A f e w s h e l l s of l a r g e s i z e f e l l some d i s t a n c e b e h i n d o u r
T h i s produced t h e
I t i s h a r d l y p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e y came from l i n e s to-day. your s h i p s , b u t I can n o t account f o r them u n l e s s t h e y came from t h e enemy's navy.
T h i s s u r e l y c o d d n o t have h e l p e d t h e a l r e a d y d e t e r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between Sampson and S h a f t e r . 1 4 While Sampson was bombarding Aguadores, S h a f t e r and h i s t r o o p s were f a c i n g much g r e a t e r problems. The g e n e r a l had
days o f i n t e n s e f i g h t i n g , it i s a p p a r e n t t h a t S h a f t e r was c l e a r l y unprepared f o r any prolonged d e l a y i n r e a c h i n g Santiago. There were o t h e r f a c t o r s t h a t a l s o had a n impact on S h a f t e r ' s p l a n of a c t i o n . D i s e a s e s such a s yellow f e v e r and
f e e l i n g t h e e f f e c t s o f d i s e a s e , and perhaps w i t h t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e 1 7 4 1 B r i t i s h campaign on h i s mind, s t a r t e d t o look f o r ways t o f i n i s h t h e campaign a s q u i c k l y a s p o s s i b l e . 15 The g e n e r a l made h i s f e a r s known t o Alger, c a b l i n g him on J u l y 3 t h a t h i s d e f e n s e s were t h i n , t h a t l o s s e s (due b o t h t o b a t t l e and t o d i s e a s e ) were b e g i n n i n g t o mount, and t h a t r a i n was having an impact on h i s a b i l i t y t o keep h i s f o r c e s supplied. S h a f t e r even c o n s i d e r e d h a v i n g h i s f o r c e s f a l l back
t h a t S h a f t e r began t o
d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e Spanish f l e e t as w e l l as p r o v i d e more e f f e c t i v e g u n f i r e s u p p o r t t o assist t h e Army's advance. r e s p o n s e , Sampson s t a t e d t h a t it was " i m p o s s i b l e t o f o r c e e n t r a n c e u n t i l w e can clear c h a n n e l o f mines, a work o f some t i m e a f t e r f o r t s a r e t a k e n p o s s e s s i o n o f by your t r o o p s . " l 7 L a t e r t h a t same day, S h a f t e r c a b l e d t h e f o l l o w i n g message t o Sampson:
I t i s i m p o s s i b l e f o r m e t o s a y when I can t a k e b a t t e r i e s a t entrance t o harbor. I f t h e y are a s d i f f i c u l t t o t a k e a s t h o s e which we have been p i t t e d a g a i n s t it w i l l b e some t i m e and a g r e a t loss o f l i f e . I a m a t a loss t o see why t h e Navy can n o t work under a d e s t r u c t i v e f i r e a s w e l l a s t h e Army.
In
Sampson, c l e a r l y f e e l i n g t h a t S h a f t e r had no knowledge o f t h e Navy's s i t u a t i o n , f i r e d o f f t h i s r e s p o n s e : Our t r o u b l e from t h e f i r s t h a s been t h a t t h e c h a n n e l t o t h e h a r b o r i s w e l l s t r e w n w i t h o b s e r v a t i o n mines, which would c e r t a i n l y r e s u l t i n t h e s i n k i n g of one o r more of o u r s h i p s i f w e a t t e m p t e d t o e n t e r t h e h a r b o r , and by t h e sinking of a s h i p t h e object of t h e attempt t o e n t e r t h e h a r b o r would b e d e f e a t e d by t h e p r e v e n t i n g o f f u r t h e r p r o g r e s s on o u r p a r t . I t was m y hope t h a t an a t t a c k , on your p a r t , of t h e s e s h o r e b a t t e r i e s from t h e rear would l e a v e u s a t l i b e r t y t o drag t h e channel f o r torpedoes. I f it i s your e a r n e s t d e s i r e t h a t we s h o u l d f o r c e o u r e n t r a n c e , I w i l l a t once p r e p a r e t o u n d e r t a k e i t . I t h i n k , however, t h a t o u r p o s i t i o n and y o u r s would b e made more d i f f i c u l t i f , as i s p o s s i b l e , w e f a i l i n o u r attempt. 19
As a result of these exchanges, both commanders, finally recognizing the need to meet face to face to resolve their differences and possibly to formulate a coherent plan of attack, arranged to meet ashore on July 3. Sampson was
prepared to submit a plan in which his fleet would countermine the harbor entrance, followed by an immediate entrance of his ships. He wanted the Marines encamped at Guantanamo to storm
the Socapa battery in conjunction with an Army assault on the Morro Castle. Though this plan would surely have resulted in
a significant loss of life, Sampson most likely felt it was time to force the issue. As for Shafter, he was prepared to
discuss no plan other than his own.20 However, whatever prospects existed for some semblance of jointness were dashed when the Spanish fleet, under the command of Admiral Cervera, picked the exact moment of the proposed conference to sortie his fleet out of Santiago Harbor. Destruction of the S~anishFleet As the morning dawned on July 3, the joint forces of the United States could best be described as disorganized. There existed no coherent plan of attack that would best utilize the joint capabilities of the U.S. Navy's ships and the land forces of the Army's V Corps. Additionally, the
tenuous relationship between the two commanders in the field had begun to degenerate into a clash of personalities, as each
maneuvered h i s forces as he saw f i t , w i t h l i t t l e r e g a r d f o r the other service. Admiral Sampson's f l e e t , o v e r s e v e r a l days, had conducted a v i g o r o u s s h e l l i n g o f t h e e n t i r e r e g i o n s u r r o u n d i n g S a n t i a g o and i t s h a r b o r w a t e r s . . The problem w a s t h a t ,
e n t r a n c e c o u l d be c o m p l e t e l y c l e a r e d o f mines.
A s f o r S h a f t e r , h i s f o r c e s had reached t h e end o f
t h e i r advance, encamping on t h e o u t s k i r t s o f S a n t i a g o .
While
t h e e n t r e n c h e d Army f i r m l y h e l d t h e S p a n i s h t r o o p s i n s i d e t h e i r garrisons,
it w a s f e a r e d t h a t a n a s s a u l t upon t h e
f e e l t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e c o n t i n u i n g campaign, i n f i n i t e l y more
t h a n t h e Navy. While t h e Navy's s h i p s c o u l d p e r i o d i c a l l y
o f f i c i a l r e p o r t of t h e campaign: Our s u p p l i e s had t o b e brought forward by a narrow wagon road, which t h e r a i n s might a t any t i m e r e n d e r impassable; f e a r w a s e n t e r t a i n e d t h a t a storm might d r i v e t h e v e s s e l s c o n t a i n i n g o u r s t o r e s t o s e a , t h u s s e p a r a t i n g u s from o u r b a s e o f s u p p l i e s ; and l a s t l y , it w a s r e p o r t e d t h a t General Pando, w i t h 8,000 reenforcements f o r t h e enemy, was e n r o u t e from Manzanillo and might be e x p e c t e d i n a few d a y s . These f a c t o r s , combined w i t h t h e growing number o f s o l d i e r s a f f l i c t e d with disease, g r e a t l y influenced S h a f t e r ' s decisionmaking p r o c e s s . 2 1 E a r l y on J u l y 3, b e f o r e S h a f t e r and Sampson were a b l e t o c o n f e r and a g r e e on a mutual p l a n o f a t t a c k , S h a f t e r s e n t a r e q u e s t f o r s u r r e n d e r t o t h e Spanish commander i n S a n t i a g o , General T o r a l . While q u i t e p o s s i b l y a b l u f f , S h a f t e r reasoned
s u r r e n d e r , r e a s s u r i n g themselves t h a t t h e s i t u a t i o n d i d not y e t c a l l f o r such d i r e a c t i o n . 2 2 I n r e a l i t y , however, f o r t h e Spanish f o r c e s i n and around S a n t i a g o t h e s i t u a t i o n was r e a c h i n g j u s t t h a t p o i n t . The Spanish f l e e t , b o t t l e d up i n s i d e t h e h a r b o r w a t e r s f o r o v e r a month, had been t o l d t o p r e p a r e f o r movement i n c a s e t h e c i t y was a b o u t t o f a l l . Approximately 1,000 s a i l o r s had
despite having to run past the American fleet stationed just outside the harbor, than to blow up their own ships. Thus, over Admiral Cervera's objections, who felt it was best to keep the fleet in support of the town's defense, his ships were ordered to attempt an escape from Santiago Harbor.23 At 10 o'clock in the morning on 3 July, the Spanish fleet, under the command of Admiral Cervera, filed through the narrow harbor entrance and proceeded westward in a vain attempt to outrun the superior American fleet. The following battle at sea resulted in the complete annihilation of Cervera's fleet of six ships. The Spanish losses in manpower
totaled over several hundred killed due to gunfire and drowning, and about 1,300 prisoners. one killed and two wounded.24 While the action of Sampson's fleet in defeating Cervera's ships was strictly a naval operation, the impact of joint operations, however disorganized, cannot be overlooked. Continuous shelling from the naval vessels and the Army's light artillery, despite causing little physical damage, was most likely beginning to take its toll on the morale of Santiago's defenders. Though they were stocked to wait out a American losses totaled
siege of up to two months, they quickly realized that, with no reinforcements coming from Spain, it was only a matter of time before capitulation. The Spanish commanders evidently had no idea of the conflicts and problems that the Americans were facing. From
t h e i r perspective, overpowering.
t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s were
For a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes, t h e f a l l o f
S a n t i a g o appeared t o be imminent. s i e a e of
Santiaao
Any f u r t h e r
a c t i o n on t h e p a r t o f t h e Americans would o n l y s e r v e t o accomplish secondary o b j e c t i v e s , none o f which were of s t r a t e g i c importance. P r e s i d e n t McKinley and h i s a d v i s o r s
back i n Washington, however, were determined t o c o n t i n u e t h e campaign u n t i l t h e remaining Spanish f o r c e s i n Cuba had surrendered. Nothing s h o r t o f a t o t a l s u r r e n d e r i n t h e Cuban
t h e a t e r would b e s u f f i c i e n t b e f o r e c o n t i n u i n g w i t h t h e n e x t phase of t h e war w i t h Spain.25 Though t h e Spanish f l e e t had been d e s t r o y e d , t h e s i t u a t i o n around S a n t i a g o remained t e n s e . While it was most
l i k e l y t h a t t h e c o n t a c t mines had been removed p r i o r t o t h e s o r t i e o f t h e Spanish f l e e t , t h e r e remained t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t e l e c t r i c a l mines, c o n t r o l l e d from t h e s h o r e b a t t e r i e s on b o t h s i d e s o f t h e h a r b o r , were s t i l l emplaced. I n essence,
U.S. Navy s h i p s c o n t i n u e d t o f a c e t h e l i k e l i h o o d o f b e i n g s e v e r e l y damaged i f t h e y a t t e m p t e d t o n a v i g a t e t h r o u g h t h e channel. General S h a f t e r , f i r m l y e n t r e n c h e d around t h e c i t y and n o t wanting t o l o s e any more l i v e s t h a n he a l r e a d y had, was loath t o force the issue. Faced w i t h t h e Spanish r e f u s a l t o
36
s u r r e n d e r and t h e r e i n f o r c e m e n t o f Spanish t r o o p s i n S a n t i a g o , o r i g i n a l l y e s t i m a t e d a t 8,000 men b u t a c t u a l l y much c l o s e r t o 3,500, S h a f t e r began t o look f o r a l t e r n a t e ways t o end t h e Having missed t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o meet w i t h Sampson
standoff.
due t o t h e s e a b a t t l e , what f o l l o w e d w a s a l o n g series o f exchanges between t h e t w o commanders i n t h e hopes o f p e r s u a d i n g t h e o t h e r t o come around t o h i s p l a n o f a t t a c k . 2 6 Beginning on J u l y 4 , S h a f t e r began t o i m p l o r e Sampson t o f o r c e h i s way i n t o t h e e n t r a n c e o f t h e h a r b o r . end, he s e n t t h e f o l l o w i n g message t o Sampson: Now, i f you w i l l f o r c e your way i n t o t h a t h a r b o r t h e town w i l l s u r r e n d e r w i t h o u t any f u r t h e r s a c r i f i c e o f l i f e . M y p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n has c o s t m e 1,000 men, and I do n o t wish t o l o s e any more. With m y f o r c e s on one s i d e and y o u r s on t h e o t h e r - and t h e y have a g r e a t t e r r o r o f t h e Navy, f o r t h e y know t h e y cannot h u r t you - we s h a l l have them.27 To Sampson, t h i s was j u s t a r e p e a t o f t h e p l a n t h a t S h a f t e r had proposed e a r l i e r i n t h e campaign. With t h e To t h i s
Spanish f l e e t no l o n g e r anchored i n s i d e S a n t i a g o Harbor, t h e a d m i r a l was even l e s s w i l l i n g t o s a c r i f i c e men and, e s p e c i a l l y , Navy s h i p s t o a s s i s t i n t h e s i e g e o f S a n t i a g o . What a l t e r e d t h e s i t u a t i o n was t h a t S h a f t e r had begun t o inform S e c r e t a r y of War Alger about h i s r e q u e s t s f o r Navy assistance. Almost e v e r y message between S h a f t e r and A l g e r
o v e r t h e n e x t week c o n t a i n e d r e f e r e n c e s t o t h e p o s s i b l e r o l e o f t h e Navy i n f o r c i n g an e n t r a n c e i n t o t h e h a r b o r . A d d i t i o n a l l y , p r e s s c o r r e s p o n d e n t s t h a t had been t r a v e l i n g w i t h t h e Army began t o send back S h a f t e r ' s messages f o r
With no o p p o s i t e
it s t e a d i l y began t o a p p e a r
t o t h e l e a d e r s i n Washington and t o t h e p u b l i c i n g e n e r a l t h a t t h e Navy was n o t c a r r y i n g i t s end o f t h e o p e r a t i o n . 2 8 Consider t h e f o l l o w i n g messages from S h a f t e r t o Alger, b o t h s e n t . e a r l y on J u l y 5 and w i t h i n twenty minutes o f each other:
I r e g a r d it a s n e c e s s a r y t h a t t h e navy f o r c e an e n t r a n c e i n t o t h e harbor of Santiago not l a t e r than t h e 6th i n s t a n t and a s s i s t i n t h e c a p t u r e o f t h a t p l a c e . I f t h e y do, I b e l i e v e t h e p l a c e w i l l s u r r e n d e r without f u r t h e r s a c r i f i c e of l i f e .
and
I f Sampson w i l l f o r c e a n e n t r a n c e w i t h a l l h i s f l e e t t o t h e upper bay of S a n t i a g o , w e can t a k e t h e c i t y w i t h i n a few h o u r s . Under t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s I b e l i e v e t h e town w i l l surrender. I f t h e army i s t o t a k e t h e p l a c e , I want 1 5 , 0 0 0 t r o o p s s p e e d i l y , and it i s n o t c e r t a i n t h a t t h e y can b e landed, a s it i s g e t t i n g stormy. Sure and speedy way i s through t h e bay.29
T h i s exchange q u i c k l y g a i n e d t h e a t t e n t i o n of P r e s i d e n t McKinley.
A s t h e Commander i n Chief and t h e o n l y
p e r s o n who was i n b o t h t h e Army and Navy c h a i n o f command, he had t h e a u t h o r i t y t o d e c i d e t h e i s s u e o u t r i g h t by choosing a course of a c t i o n . Though t h e r e was no e q u i v a l e n t t o o u r
p r e s e n t day S e c r e t a r y o f Defense, McKinley d i d have a t h i s d i s p o s a l s e v e r a l m i l i t a r y a d v i s o r s , i n c l u d i n g S e c r e t a r y o f War Alger, S e c r e t a r y of Navy Long, and t h e Naval War Board. However, i n s t e a d o f o p t i n g f o r a s p e c i f i c p l a n , McKinley,
38
"confer...at
once f o r c o o p e r a t i o n i n t a k i n g S a n t i a g o .
After
t h e f u l l e s t exchange o f views you w i l l a g r e e upon t h e t i m e and manner o f a t t a c k . " 3 0 I n r e s p o n s e t o t h e s e i n s t r u c t i o n s , Admiral Sampson s e n t word t o General S h a f t e r on J u l y 5 t h a t he would l i k e t o
Sampson come a s h o r e f o r t h e meeting, as he was t o o ill t o make t h e t r i p o u t t o Sampson's command s h i p . made f o r t h e two t o meet on J u l y 6.31 Meanwhile, Alger, s e e i n g t h a t t h e Navy was u n w i l l i n g t o f o r c e i t s way i n t o S a n t i a g o Harbor, f o r m u l a t e d h i s own p l a n
He
Arrangements were
t a k e a t r a n s p o r t , c o v e r t h e p i l o t house i n most exposed p o i n t s w i t h b a l e d hay, a t t a c h an anchor t o a t o w l i n e , and, i f p o s s i b l e , g r a p p l e t h e t o r p e d o c a b l e s , and c a l l f o r v o l u n t e e r s from t h e Army - n o t a l a r g e number - t o run One i n t o t h e h a r b o r , t h u s making a way f o r t h e Navy t h i n g i s c e r t a i n ; t h a t is, t h e navy must g e t i n t o t h e h a r b o r , and must s a v e t h e l i v e s o f o u r b r a v e men t h a t w i l l b e s a c r i f i c e d i f w e a s s a u l t t h e enemy i n h i s entrenchments without a i d .
...
...
While n o t e n t i r e l y i m p l a u s i b l e , t h i s scheme does r e f l e c t on t h e misapprehension by t h e S e c r e t a r y o f War, and t h e Army i n g e n e r a l , o f t h e p r o p e r a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e U.S. Navy.32 On J u l y 6, Sampson s e n t word t h a t he w a s ill and would n o t b e a b l e t o a t t e n d t h e meeting w i t h S h a f t e r . In h i s place,
t h a t h i s t r o o p s would s u f f e r t h e b r u n t o f t h e c a s u a l t i e s w h i l e t h e Navy would e x p e r i e n c e v e r y l i t t l e , i f any, l o s s of l i f e . 3 3 F i n a l l y , a compromise agreement was worked o u t between Chadwick and S h a f t e r . Under t h i s p l a n , a l e t t e r of t r u c e
t h e Spanish f a i l e d t o comply, t h e n a v a l f l e e t would commence f i r i n g 8- t o 13-inch s h e l l s on t h e c i t y f o r a 24-hour p e r i o d , a t a r a t e of one s h e l l e v e r y f i v e minutes, e x c e p t f o r one hour when t h e r a t e would be one e v e r y two m i n u t e s . I f , a t t h e end
of t h i s p e r i o d and a f t e r s u b m i t t i n g a second demand f o r s u r r e n d e r , t h e Spanish s t i l l d i d n o t comply, Sampson and h i s f l e e t would t h e n f o r c e i t s way i n t o t h e c h a n n e l e n t r a n c e . The
f o r a l l i n t e n t s , would be i n p l a c e u n t i l
t h e commencement of t h e n a v a l g u n f i r e . 3 4 S h a f t e r was less t h a n e n t h u s i a s t i c a b o u t t h i s p l a n . For one, he was n o t convinced t h a t , when t h e t i m e came, t h e Navy would a c t u a l l y c a r r y through w i t h i t s f o r c e d e n t r y . For
Alger : The f a i l u r e t o have t u g s and l i g h t e r s f o r u s e i n h a n d l i n g t h e f l e e t i s o f s o s e r i o u s a n a t u r e t h a t I must a g a i n r e f e r t o i t . T r a n s p o r t s go o f f m i l e s from s h o r e and t h e r e i s no way o f r e a c h i n g them o r compelling them t o come i n . I t i s a c o n s t a n t s t r u g g l e t o keep them i n h a n d . . . I t i s w i t h t h e t h e g r e a t e s t d i f f i c u l t y t h a t one d a y ' s food can b e i s s u e d a t a t i m e . 35 These l o g i s t i c a l and communications problems were l a t e r compounded when t h e t r u c e was extended a day t o a l l o w General T o r a l t o communicate w i t h t h e S p a n i s h government o v e r t h e l a t e s t surrender offer.36 The Spanish, hoping t o make t h e b e s t of a bad s i t u a t i o n , agreed t o t h e surrender o f f e r , with c e r t a i n stipulations. Most n o t a b l y , t h e s e i n c l u d e d a l l o w i n g t h e
S h a f t e r would
t h e r e a f t e r seek only t h e unconditional surrender of t h e Spanish f o r c e s . 3 7 O n J u l y 10, a t approximately 4 o ' c l o c k i n t h e a f t e r n o o n , Navy s h i p s , i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h Army l i g h t a r t i l l e r y , commenced t h e bombardment o f S a n t i a g o . Army
when t h e o r d e r
t o c e a s e f i r i n g was g i v e n by General S h a f t e r . 3 8 Surrender a t Santiauo General Miles, who had s p e n t t h e p r e v i o u s c o u p l e of weeks w i t h h i s t r o o p s i n Tampa, a r r i v e d i n t h e Cuban t h e a t e r on 1 1 July. Though he was t h e r e p r i m a r i l y i n a r e i n f o r c i n g
however, would be f o r naught a s t h e f i g h t i n g a t S a n t i a g o was a l l b u t over.39 L a t e r t h a t same day, J u l y 11, S h a f t e r s e n t a n o t h e r l e t t e r o f s u r r e n d e r f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n by General T o r a l . This
t i m e , h a v i n g begun t o s e e t h e h o p e l e s s n e s s o f h o l d i n g o u t
t h a t , a s l o n g as t h e Navy r e f u s e d t o f o r c e i t s way i n t o t h e h a r b o r , h i s t r o o p s would o n l y be s u b j e c t t o more p a i n and h a r d s h i p i n a s i t u a t i o n t h a t may t a k e weeks t o r e s o l v e . I n d i c a t i v e o f h i s growing e x a s p e r a t i o n w i t h Sampson w a s t h i s message t o Alger, s e n t e a r l y J u l y 11: A f t e r twenty-four h o u r s ' bombardment navy promised t o t r y and g e t i n c l o s e t h e h a r b o r w i t h some o f h e r l a r g e d r a f t boats. I f to-morrow bombardment i s n o t s a t i s f a c t o r y I s h a l l a s k them t o make t h e a t t e m p t . I w i l l not s a c r i f i c e any l i v e s . . . T h e o b t a i n i n g o f l a u n c h e s from t h e navy w a s n o t s a t i s f a c t o r y , and I p r e f e r c a l l i n g on them a s l i t t l e as p o s s i b l e . 4 1 Meanwhile, A d m i r a l Sampson, who w a s s t i l l underway a t s e a a b o a r d t h e New York;had no i d e a t h a t s u r r e n d e r Sampson c a b l e d
n e g o t i a t i o n s had begun t o t a k e p l a c e a s h o r e .
Sampson t h a t a t r u c e was i n e f f e c t and t h a t he f e l t f a i r l y c o n f i d e n t t h a t a s u r r e n d e r would soon be reached.42 The t r u c e c o n t i n u e d t o remain i n e f f e c t a s t h e S p a n i s h commanders i n S a n t i a g o c o n f e r r e d w i t h t h e i r governmental l e a d e r s back i n S p a i n . Over t h e n e x t s e v e r a l days, each
s u r r e n d e r o f f e r w a s met w i t h a c o u n t e r o f f e r . .
As the
n e g o t i a t i o n s c o n t i n u e d t h e American f o r c e s , b o t h a s h o r e and a t s e a , e s s e n t i a l l y p l a y e d a w a i t i n g game. General S h a f t e r , s t i l l f e e l i n g t h e e f f e c t s o f h i s t e n u o u s s u p p l y l i n e , maintained h i s p o s t u r i n g about t h e l a c k o f Navy s u p p o r t t o S e c r e t a r y Alger back i n Washington. J u l y 1 2 , S h a f t e r c a b l e d Alger t h a t , e n t e r t h e h a r b o r by t h e Navy. a determined e f f o r t a t once." On
"So f a r no a t t e m p t t o
d i s c u s s i o n between S e c r e t a r y Alger and A l f r e d Thayer Mahan, who had been a d v i s i n g b o t h t h e P r e s i d e n t and t h e S e c r e t a r y of Navy a s a member of t h e Naval War Board. The o n l y outcome of
t h i s f u r t h e r example o f d i s j o i n t e d o p e r a t i o n s was t h e u r g e n t message from S e c r e t a r y Long t o Sampson: The commanding g e n e r a l of t h e Army u r g e s , and S e c r e t a r y o f War u r g e n t l y r e q u e s t s , t h a t Navy f o r c e h a r b o r . Confer w i t h commander of Army. Wishing t o do a l l t h a t i s r e a s o n a b l y p o s s i b l e t o i n s u r e t h e s u r r e n d e r o f t h e enemy, I l e a v e t h e m a t t e r t o your d i s c r e t i o n , e x c e p t t h a t t h e United S t a t e s armored v e s s e l s a r e n o t t o be r i s k e d . 4 3 Sampson w a s q u i e t l y o u t r a g e d upon r e c e i v i n g t h i s l a t e s t message. For one, h e t r u l y f e l t t h a t he and h i s men
had f u l l y c o o p e r a t e d w i t h t h e Army t h r o u g h o u t t h e campaign. For a n o t h e r , Sampson, though p r e p a r e d t o c o n t i n u e t h e s h e l l i n g and q u i t e p o s s i b l y t h e f o r c i n g o f t h e e n t r a n c e , had n o t done s o because he understood t h a t S h a f t e r had c a l l e d f o r t h e truce. The arrangement reached e a r l i e r between Chadwick and
Sampson was
determined not t o f o r c e t h e entrance u n t i l t h e g u n f i r e support had been f u l l y e x h a u s t e d and t h e Spanish g i v e n a n o t h e r chance t o surrender i n response. n o t been done. 4 4
It i s a l s o i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h a t b o t h t h e S e c r e t a r y
H e f e l t t h a t , a s o f y e t , t h i s had
o f War and Commanding General o f t h e Army i n t h e f i e l d were c a l l i n g f o r a major n a v a l o p e r a t i o n a g a i n s t t h e Spanish d e f e n s e s w h i l e a t r u c e was i n effect. Though t h e American
a l l o w e d t h e Navy t o c l e a r o u t t h e mines a t t h e h a r b o r e n t r a n c e , t r u c e o r no t r u c e .
A s S h a f t e r and Miles, who w a s b e g i n n i n g t o e x e r t h i s
r e q u e s t t o S h a f t e r , who responded t h a t he would b e g l a d f o r Sampson t o do s o , b u t t h a t it would b e d i f f i c u l t t o coordinate. S h a f t e r a d v i s e d Sampson t o send a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e Before Sampson c o u l d respond,
t o s i t i n on t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s .
surrendered.
The enemy, however, had n o t y e t a g r e e d t o a l l o f t h e s u r r e n d e r t e r m s , and o v e r t h e n e x t t h r e e days it was s t i l l u n s u r e i f t h e f i g h t f o r t h e S a n t i a g o g a r r i s o n s would have t o b e conducted. Sampson, having f a i l e d t o send someone t o
r e p r e s e n t t h e Navy i n t h e matter, had t o r e l y on t h e c a b l e s t h a t c o n t i n u e d t o come i n p e r i o d i c a l l y from t h e s h o r e . Sampson d i d n o t send anyone a s h o r e sooner i s open t o speculation. Perhaps he d i d n o t want t o r i s k h a v i n g a s e n i o r W h y
e x p e r i e n c e , when t h e scheduled c o n f e r e n c e of J u l y 3 p r o h i b i t e d Sampson from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t h e o n l y n a v a l a c t i o n of t h e campaign. F i n a l l y , on J u l y 1 6 , t h e terms of t h e s u r r e n d e r were a g r e e d t o by a l l p a r t i e s and t h e formal s u r r e n d e r t o o k p l a c e t h e n e x t morning. I n n o t i f y i n g Sampson of t h e f o r m a l
agreement, Miles t o l d him t h a t he was " g l a d t h a t t h e Navy h a s been a b l e t o c o n t r i b u t e such an important p a r t . " 4 6 Sampson, however, was s t i l l n o t p l e a s e d w i t h t h e outcome of t h e s u r r e n d e r . He c l e a r l y f e l t t h a t , i n a j o i n t
C a p t a i n Chadwick a r r i v e d a t t h e f r o n t t o s i g n t h e a r t i c l e s
S h a f t e r r e f u s e d t o a l l o w him t o do s o .
Chadwick s t a t e d t h a t
r e f u s i n g Chadwick's s i g n a t u r e was t h a t t h e a r t i c l e s had a l r e a d y been a g r e e d t o , and no f u r t h e r s i g n a t u r e w a s r e q u i r e d . 47 While amusing a t b e s t , t h e s e a c t i o n s were soon t o l e a d t o a n o t h e r c o n f l i c t between t h e two s e r v i c e s . There s t i l l
t h e s u r r e n d e r n e g o t i a t i o n s , each s e r v i c e a t t e m p t e d t o c l a i m t h e s e v e s s e l s a s t h e i r own.
A s Sampson s t a t e d :
Our o p e r a t i o n s l e a d i n g t o t h e f a l l of S a n t i a g o have been j o i n t a s d i r e c t e d by t h e P r e s i d e n t and s o confirmed by t h e i r c h a r a c t e r . A l l p r o p r i e t y and usage s u r r e n d e r s t h e f l o a t i n g m a t e r i a l i n such c a s e s t o t h e n a v a l f o r c e , and I have t a k e n p o s s e s s i o n o f i t . . . I do n o t t h i n k t h e commanding g e n e r a l q u i t e a p p r e c i a t e s how n e c e s s a r y a p a r t o u r force's were t o t h e r e d u c t i o n o f S a n t i a g o and t h e surrender of i t s garrison.48 S h a f t e r , however, w a s n o t p r e p a r e d j u s t t o hand o v e r t h e v e s s e l s t o Sampson and t h e Navy. He s e n t n o t i c e t o
I r e s p e c t i v e l y i n v i t e your a t t e n t i o n t o t h e f a c t t h a t no c l a i m f o r any c r e d i t f o r t h e c a p t u r e o f Cervera and h i s f l e e t h a s been made by t h e Army, a l t h o u g h it i s a f a c t t h e Spanish f l e e t d i d not leave t h e harbor u n t i l t h e investment of t h e c i t y was p r a c t i c a l l y completed.49
CHAPTER 4 CAMPAIGN LESSONS LEARNED AND SUBSEQUENT REFORMS It would be only a month following the campaign at Santiago before the war with Spain would be concluded with the Treaty of Paris. During the interim, military action between
the United States and Spain would continue both in the Philippines and in Puerto Rico. While both of these theaters
had Army and Navy forces, the operations of each service were mostly unilateral in nature. Thus, the matter of joint
operations between the two services during the SpanishAmerican War ended at Santiago in July of 1898. While the
U.S. military was able to accomplish its objective of defeating the Spanish forces at Santiago, the victory was more the result of Spanish incompetence than any joint expertise on the part of the Army or Navy. Indeed, a more formidable foe
might have handed the United States a military disaster. As circumstances usually dictate, the immediate months following the military operation at Santiago were spent getting U.S. forces redeployed out of Cuba and back home. This was especially true for the V Corps, which was now seriously debilitated with numerous cases of yellow fever and malaria. Much of the Navy had been redeployed to the Puerto The military leadership, both at the strategic
49
Rico campaign.
and operational level, were rightly more concerned with the health and safety of their men and less interested in discerning any lessons learned from their performance at Santiago.1 Given this situation, it should be no surprise that the after-action reports from the principals in the Santiago campaign highlighted the U.S. accomplishments while barely mentioning any of the deficiencies. Shafter's report to
Secretary Alger, dated September 13, 1898, was especially glowing in his evaluation of the Army's performance. Shafter did outline his problems with disease and logistical support, but only to demonstrate the obstacles the Army had to overcome in their victorious action. praise to the Navy, saying: My thanks are due to Admiral Sampson and Captain Goodrich, U.S. Navy, for their efficient aid in disembarking my Army. Without their assistance it would have been impossible to have landed in the time I did.2 As for Sampson, his report to Secretary Long, submitted immediately following the Spanish surrender at Santiago, was more critical of the joint operations between the two services. This was because his report used the communications between himself and Shafter to speak for themselves, messages that Long had not been privy to during the campaign. Sampson's intent was to show the correctness of Shafter went on to give faint
his actions in relation to Shafter's requests, in order to set the record straight concerning the Navy's performance.
Sampson had become acutely aware of the press reports of the Santiago campaign and the perceived inaction on the part,of the Navy. His report, which was later published in the Army
and Navy Journal, was written "in order that a more complete history of the actions of the fleet in combination with the Army
...may
For both Sampson and Shafter, the after-action reports essentially ended any further contribution on their part to the campaign lessons learned effort. Sampson, for his part,
went on to contend with the Schley affair, in which questions arose over the proper credit due Commodore Winfield Scott Schley for the Santiago naval battle of July 3. Schley had
been the senior naval officer present during the naval action, as Sampson was on his way to confer with Shafter. Sampson,
who felt that Schley had been less than aggressive during the naval blockade and was to some extent responsible for allowing Cervera's fleet to slip into Santiago Harbor, was now loathe to credit Schley for the destruction,ofthe Spanish fleet. This flap ultimately led to a Court of Inquiry, requested by Schley, to determine who exactly was responsible for the Santiago naval victory. The matter was eventually settled
some years later, in Sampson's favor, but the controversy only served to diminish Sampson's accomplishments at Santiago.4 As for the Army, barely had the troops arrived back in the states before charges of mismanagement were made, leveled especially at Secretary of War Alger. Cries for an
investigation forced President McKinley to form a commission, headed by railroad executive and former Army general, Grenville M. Dodge. The Dodge Commission conducted extensive
hearings in late 1898, inquiring into all aspects of the Army's participation in the war with Spain. The Commission
concluded, while there had been no intentional mismanagement or negligence: In the judgment of the commission there was lacking in the general administration of the War Department during the continuance of the war with Spain that complete grasp of the situation which was essential to the highest efficiency.and discipline of the Army.5 This conclusion would have profound effects on the near and later future for the Army. The Dodge Commission also investigated the Army's performance at Santiago, but concluded that the Army had done an exemplary job at meeting the objectives of the campaign. The members of the Commission went on to point out: All this was accomplished without the loss of a prisoner, a gun, or a color, and with a list of casualties aggregating in killed less than 250 and in wounded less than 1,400 losses which, in comparison with results, are less than have ever heretofore occurred in modern warfare.
In fact, the Commission went on to state that, "The cooperation of officers and men in this campaign is to be noted. " 6 It would not be long, however, before both the Army and the Navy would begin to reflect on their respective Service's performance at Santiago. Their analysis of the campaign would ultimately lead to calls for changes in a
multitude of m i l i t a r y procedures.
Combined w i t h t h e growing
Based upon t h e f i n d i n g s o f t h e Dodge Commission, P r e s i d e n t McKinley sought t o s o l v e t h e Army's mismanagement problems by r e p l a c i n g S e c r e t a r y Alger. Root, a c o r p o r a t e lawyer from N e w York.
H e d e c i d e d on E l i h u
p r i o r m i l i t a r y e x p e r i e n c e , brought a l e a d e r s h i p and management s t y l e t o t h e War Department t h a t would r i v a l t h a t i n any s u c c e s s f u l c o r p o r a t i o n of t h e day.7 Root, a f t e r c a r e f u l l y examining t h e Dodge Commission r e p o r t , concluded t h a t i t was paramount t o reform t h e Army's s e n i o r - l e v e l l e a d e r s h i p s t r u c t u r e by i n s t i t u t i n g a General Staff. Root, however, r e c o g n i z e d t h e i n h e r e n t d i s t r u s t i n
such a s t a f f s t r u c t u r e t h a t was widespread t h r o u g h o u t t h e Army and i n Congress, which would have t o approve any change t o a General S t a f f f o r m a t .
As a result,
t h r e e years t o bring h i s e f f o r t s t o fruition.8 To advance h i s argument, Root used t h e Army's performance d u r i n g t h e S a n t i a g o campaign t o show e x a c t l y why an o r g a n i z a t i o n such a s t h e General S t a f f was n e c e s s a r y . In
h i s a n n u a l r e p o r t t o t h e P r e s i d e n t f o r 1902, Root o u t l i n e d t h e need f o r such a s t a f f , a r g u i n g t h a t : The most i m p o r t a n t t h i n g t o be done now f o r t h e Regular Army i s t h e c r e a t i o n o f a g e n e r a l s t a f f ....
It i s e a s y f o r a P r e s i d e n t , o r a g e n e r a l a c t i n g under h i s d i r e c t i o n , t o o r d e r t h a t 50,000 o r 100,000 men proceed t o Cuba and c a p t u r e Havana. To make a n o r d e r which h a s any r e a s o n a b l e chance of b e i n g e x e c u t e d h e must do a g r e a t d e a l more t h a n t h a t . He must determine how many men s h a l l be s e n t and how t h e y s h a l l b e d i v i d e d among t h e d i f f e r e n t arms o f t h e s e r v i c e , and how t h e y s h a l l b e armed, and equipped, and t o d o t h a t he must g e t a l l t h e i n f o r m a t i o n p o s s i b l e about t h e defenses of t h e place t o be captured and t h e s t r e n g t h and c h a r a c t e r and armament o f t h e f o r c e s t o b e met. H e must determine a t what p o i n t s and by what r o u t e s t h e p l a c e s h a l l be approached, and a t what p o i n t s h i s t r o o p s s h a l l l a n d i n Cuba; and f o r t h i s purpose he must b e informed a b o u t t h e v a r i o u s h a r b o r s o f t h e i s l a n d and t h e d e p t h o f t h e i r c h a n n e l s ; what c l a s s e s o f v e s s e l s can e n t e r them; what t h e f a c i l i t i e s f o r l a n d i n g a r e ; how t h e y a r e t o b e a t t a c k e d ; t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e i n t e r v e n i n g c o u n t r y ; how f a r i t i s h e a l t h f u l o r u n h e a l t h f u l ; what t h e c l i m a t e i s l i a b l e t o be a t t h e s e a s o n o f t h e proposed movement; t h e temper and sympathies of t h e i n h a b i t a n t s ; t h e q u a n t i t y and k i n d o f s u p p l i e s t h a t can be o b t a i n e d , and a g r e a t v a r i e t y o f o t h e r t h i n g s which w i l l go t o d e t e r m i n e whether it i s b e t t e r t o make t h e approach from one p o i n t o r from a n o t h e r , and t o d e t e r m i n e what it w i l l be n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e Army t o c a r r y w i t h it i n o r d e r t o s u c c e e d i n moving and l i v i n g and f i g h t i n g . . A l l t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n it i s t h e b u s i n e s s o f a g e n e r a l s t a f f t o p r o c u r e and p r e s e n t . I t was t h e l a c k o f such a body of men d o i n g t h a t k i n d of work which l e d t o t h e c o n f u s i o n a t t e n d i n g t h e S a n t i a g o e x p e d i t i o n i n t h e summer o f 1898. The c o n f u s i o n a t Tampa and e l s e w h e r e was t h e n e c e s s a r y r e s u l t of h a v i n g a l a r g e number o f men, e a c h of them doing h i s own s p e c i a l work t h e b e s t he c o u l d , b u t w i t h o u t any a d e q u a t e f o r c e o f o f f i c e r s engaged i n s e e i n g t h a t t h e y p u l l e d t o g e t h e r a c c o r d i n g t o d e t a i l e d p l a n s made beforehand. Such a body o f men d o i n g g e n e r a l s t a f f d u t y i s j u s t as n e c e s s a r y t o p r e p a r e a n Army p r o p e r l y f o r w a r i n t i m e o f peace a s it i s i n t i m e o f war. 9
...
s t r u c t u r e w a s s o r e l y . needed by t h e Army.
A f t e r . a hard-fought
b a t t l e w i t h Congress, R o o t ' s arguments e v e n t u a l l y won o u t w i t h t h e General S t a f f becoming law i n February o f 1903.10 The d u t i e s of t h e s t a f f under t h e law i n c l u d e d " t o p r e p a r e p l a n s f o r t h e n a t i o n a l d e f e n s e and f o r t h e mobilization of t h e m i l i t a r y f o r c e s i n t i m e of w a r . " A d d i t i o n a l l y , t h e s t a f f would " i n v e s t i g a t e and r e p o r t upon a l l q u e s t i o n s a f f e c t i n g t h e e f f i c i e n c y of t h e Army and i t s s t a t e of preparation f o r m i l i t a r y operations."ll Development of t h e Navv General Board The U.S. Navy, based upon i t s n a v a l a c t i o n s a t
a s t h e Navy was concerned, much of i t s s u c c e s s w a s due t o t h e i n v a l u a b l e r o l e o f t h e Naval War Board, which performed admirably a s S e c r e t a r y Long's c h i e f a d v i s o r .
I t was e v i d e n t
The Naval War Board was d i s e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e f a l l o f 1898, s h o r t l y a f t e r t h e w a r ended, when i t s s e r v i c e s were no longer necessary. i n c l u d i n g Long, However, many p e o p l e t h r o u g h o u t t h e Navy,
advisory board to eliminate the need to form a temporary one in time of war. Thus, the Secretary established the Navy
General Board, under executive order, in March of 1900.13 The purpose as envisioned by Long was "to insure efficient preparation of the fleet in case of war and for the naval defense of the coast". Their duties in practice were to devise plans for deployment of the fleet, advise on training and acquisition matters, and recommend possibilities for naval bases overseas. The board, keeping in mind the performance of joint forces at Santiago, was also tasked to develop an "effective cooperation with the Army."l4 Pevelo~ ment of the Joint Armv and Navv Board While internal changes were being made to each service, officers from both the Army and the Navy also recognized the need to foster greater joint interservice cohesiveness. A few years of reflecting on the joint
operations during the Santiago campaign had made it obvious that there was a great requirement for improved liaison between the two services. To meet this end, the service secretaries created the Joint Army and Navy Board in 1903. It would be this board
that would function as the precursor to the Joint Chiefs of Staff, which was later developed in World War 11. The initial
board was designed to consider mutual matters of interest that the secretaries chose to present before it. As with the
recommendations would r e q u i r e t h e a p p r o v a l o f b o t h s e c r e t a r i e s and, i n some c a s e s , t h e P r e s i d e n t . 15 The J o i n t Board was composed o f o f f i c e r s from b o t h t h e Army's General S t a f f and t h e Navy's General Board. While t h e
it w a s t o p l a y a c o n s i d e r a b l e r o l e i n t h e
i n f l u e n c e on t h e s e l e c t i o n p r o c e s s f o r U.S. b a s e s overseas.16 The J o i n t Board f i r s t f l e x e d i t s a v a i l a b l e muscle i n 1904, when, a t t h e s u g g e s t i o n o f t h e Army Chief o f S t a f f , L i e u t e n a n t General A . R . Chaffee, it was t a s k e d t o develop a The
s e r i e s o f war p l a n s a g a i n s t p o s s i b l e enemy t h r e a t s .
i n i t i a l work was a c o l l a b o r a t i o n b e t w e e n s t u d e n t s from t h e Naval War C o l l e g e and t h e Army War College, who t h e n forwarded t h e i r i d e a s t o t h e J o i n t Board. The f i r s t w a r p l a n developed
by t h e J o i n t Board was f o r a p o s s i b l e m i l i t a r y i n t e r v e n t i o n and t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f b a s e s on t h e i s l a n d o f S a n t o Domingo. T h i s p l a n , known a s t h e H a i t i - S a n t o Domingo P l a n , c a l l e d f o r a n a v a l l a n d i n g f o r c e which would t h e n be r e l i e v e d by a n Army e x p e d i t i o n a r y f o r c e t h i r t y days a f t e r t h e i n i t i a l s e i z u r e . 1 7 Over t h e n e x t s e v e r a l y e a r s , t h e J o i n t Board developed a s e r i e s o f color-coded p l a n s t h a t were aimed a t p o s s i b l e U.S. adversaries. These p l a n s i n c l u d e d P l a n BLACK f o r Germany,
Plan ORANGE for Japan, and Plan RED for Great Britian.
Most
of these plans would essentially remain the same until they were modified at the beginning of World War 11.18 The board, however, was also subject to disagreement between the two services. Specifically, in 1907 the members
of the board split along service lines over the choice of Subic Bay, Philippines as a Pacific base of operations. While
the matter was eventually settled in the Army's favor with Subic Bay being dropped as a base, the heated dispute between the two services only inhibited the board's potential in future years.19 One important matter that the board failed to resolve was the concept of unity of command in joint operations. It
was precisely this aspect that had resulted in the disjointed operations throughout the Santiago campaign. Each time the
board was asked to consider this concept, it chose to recommend that, instead of designating a unified commander, the services would best accomplish their objectives through mutual cooperation. The board felt it was better to avoid possible service dissatisfaction, by subordinating one service to another, at the expense of having a unified command. This was indeed one instance in which the military failed to heed the lessons learned from the conduct of joint operations during the Santiago campaign.20
S i n c e t h e s e r v i c e s had had no e x i s t i n g r e g u l a t i o n s o r d o c t r i n e f o r t h e conduct o f l a n d i n g o p e r a t i o n s p r i o r t o t h e embarkation a t Tampa, t h e s u c c e s s o f t h i s phase o f t h e o p e r a t i o n i n S a n t i a g o had t r u l y depended on t h e mutual c o o p e r a t i o n between t h e Army and t h e Navy. The b a s i s o f t h i s
as p o s s i b l e .
R e a l i z i n g t h a t f u t u r e l a n d i n g o p e r a t i o n s might
w a r w i t h Spain, however, b e f o r e t h e f i r s t r e a l e f f o r t a t
c o d i f y i n g r u l e s f o r l a n d i n g o p e r a t i o n s would be a t t e m p t e d . Some of t h i s d e l a y was due t o t h e reforms ( i . e . , General S t a f f , General Board) t h a t occupied much o f t h e a t t e n t i o n of t h e services during t h i s period. A d d i t i o n a l l y , t h e reduced
chance f o r any near-term m i l i t a r y a c t i o n p r o v i d e d a n excuse t o delay studying landing rules.21 I n 1905, it was a n o t h e r c o l l a b o r a t i v e e f f o r t between
w a r c o l l e g e students t h a t l e d t o a f i r s t d r a f t of landing
rules. These o f f i c e r s r e c o g n i z e d t h a t f u t u r e l a n d i n g
service.
T h i s d r a f t w a s forwarded t o t h e J o i n t Board f o r i t s
c o n s i d e r a. t i o n and recommendations.22 A f t e r t h e J o i n t Board reviewed t h e r u l e s t h e y were s e n t , i n February o f 1906, b e f o r e t h e S e c r e t a r i e s and t h e President, who promptly a c c e p t e d them. These r u l e s were 174.
I t was n o t
u n t i l 1910 t h a t t h e s e r u l e s would a p p e a r i n t h e Army's. F i e l d Service Regulations. Order N o . 25.23 The Navy p u b l i s h e d t h e r u l e s a s General
Great emphasis
t r a n s p o r t s o n t o t h e b o a t s , where t h e Navy would t h e n assume c o n t r o l o f t h e movement t o t h e shore.24 Under a s i t u a t i o n s i m i l a r t o t h e one a t S a n t i a g o , t h e Army commanding o f f i c e r would d e c i d e t h e d e s t i n a t i o n and t i m e o f s a i l i n g o f t h e convoy.
If c i r c u m s t a n c e s were t o change
a f t e r t h e convoy had s a i l e d , t h e Army and Navy commanders would t h e n c o n f e r t o d e c i d e on a l t e r n a t i v e s . 2 5 Once t h e convoy began t o s a i l , t h e Navy commanding o f f i c e r assumed c o n t r o l o v e r t h e movement and p r o t e c t i o n o f
the convoy formation. The senior naval officer aboard each ship was to maintain command of his vessel
at no time would
the captain of the ship become subordinate to the senior Army officer aboard. This was important in case a ship would
become detached from the main formation. The Navy would keep control of the convoy until it reached the pier or anchorage. The Army commanding officer would decide the plans for landing, to include the site and time. This point, however,
hinged on the stipulation that the Navy commanding officer be consulted. Once the landing site was determined, the Navy was
responsible for placing the transports at the point of debarkation.26 Throughout the landing operation, there would be a continued emphasis on establishing and maintaining communications channels between the two commanding officers. It was highly recommended that the Army commanding officer be embarked on the flagship of the naval convoy commander. Again, this was an effort to counter the confusion of the disjointed operations that had taken place at Santiago between Sampson and Shafter .27 As for naval gunfire support, there was some concern over the performance of naval gunfire, especially in support of the siege of Santiago. It had been determined that there
were only forty-six major-caliber hits on fifty-seven houses in Santiago, out of over 1300 rounds fired. This performance,
t h e n a v a l g u n f i r e by General S h a f t e r .
H e had s p e c i f i c a l l y
would have caused t h e s h e l l s t o f a l l c l o s e r t o V Corps t r o o p s , t h e Navy w a s more t h a n c a p a b l e o f d e c o n f l i c t i n g t h e n a v a l g u n f i r e . 28 Thus, t h e performance of n a v a l g u n f i r e s u p p o r t was due more t o m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g of j o i n t c a p a b i l i t i e s t h a n t o a d i s r e g a r d f o r t a c t i c s , t e c h n i q u e s and p r o c e d u r e s . T h i s was
i n an
e f f o r t t o combat t h i s d e f i c i e n c y , t h e Army and Navy proposed e x e r c i s e s t h a t would conduct j o i n t g u n f i r e t r a i n i n g . accomplished by t h e development o f t h e Army and Navy Maneuvers, a j o i n t e x e r c i s e t h a t f i r s t t o o k p l a c e i n 1 9 0 2 . Although p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h g u n f i r e s u p p o r t i n a c o a s t a l d e f e n s e s c e n a r i o , t h e maneuvers used p e r s o n n e l from b o t h s e r v i c e s t o observe t h e o t h e r s e r v i c e ' s g u n f i r e o r a r t i l l e r y techniques. This e a r l y attempt a t conducting j o i n t e x e r c i s e s T h i s was
g r e a t l y h e l p e d t o f o s t e r t h e growing r e l i a n c e on s e r v i c e c o o p e r a t i o n . 29.
The U.S. military prior to the Spanish-American War, suffering from inadequate readiness and an ineffective command structure, was in great need of reform. The decade after the
war provided the opportunity to bring about these changes. Although all of these changes and reforms were not a panacea, it was apparent that both services were willing to put aside many of their interservice differences in order to achieve better joint cohesiveness. It had been the disjointed
performance of the Army and Navy during the campaign of Santiago that had provided the impetus to do so.
CHAPTER 5 ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS The p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r s have p r o v i d e d a background of t h e conduct of j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s d u r i n g t h e S a n t i a g o campaign d u r i n g t h e Spanish-American War of 1898. While n o t t h e f i r s t
it i s important t o u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e r e
t h e i r a c t i o n s i n a remote area o f Cuba would have a f a r r e a c h i n g impact on t h e f u t u r e of t h e two s e r v i c e s . . To t h a t end, it i s n e c e s s a r y t o r e a l i z e t h a t t h e a c t i o n s a t S a n t i a g o and t h e m i l i t a r y reforms t h a t t o o k p l a c e i n t h e y e a r s a f t e r t h e war were l i n k e d , t h a t one caused t h e o t h e r . primary o b j e c t i v e of t h i s t h e s i s - - t o That i s t h e
show t h a t t h e conduct of
j o i n t o p e r a t i o n s a t S a n t i a g o d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d t h e U.S. m i l i t a r y i n t h e f o l l o w i n g decade. There i s l i t t l e argument t h a t t h e United S t a t e s m i l i t a r y was f a c e d w i t h a d i f f i c u l t t a s k i n d e f e a t i n g t h e Spanish f o r c e s i n Cuba d u r i n g t h e summer months o f 1898.
64
Prior to the war, the military had been reduced to its lowest level of readiness and manning since the end of the Civil War. The build-up of forces required to meet the strategic war objectives was not initiated until war was declared in April. These objectives were simply to defeat the Spanish troops in the Cuban and the Philippine theaters, using a joint effort between the Army and the Navy. The joint operation at Santiago began as a hastily prepared Army expeditionary force thrown together with a fleet of thinly stretched Navy ships conducting a naval blockade. The state of pre-war readiness and the need for mobilization had negated any opportunity to conduct valuable joint training before the campaign began. There also existed a dearth of
doctrine,.tactics, techniques and procedures on which the services could have drawn as a starting point for joint operations. AS a result, the Santiago campaign was characterized by the inability of the two services to operate in a cohesive manner. Despite the disjointed means, the Santiago campaign, in the end, had to be considered a success because the operational objectives, though ill-defined, were met. The
constant pressure applied by the U.S. Army on the garrisons of Santiago had forced the Spanish fleet to attempt an escape of harbor waters. In turn, the Spanish ships under Admiral
Cervera's command had been destroyed by the U.S. Navy's guns. The siege of Santiago that followed forced the Spanish troops
to eventually capitulate, leading to the surrender of the entire province of Santiago de Cuba. The U.S. military
actions in Cuba set the stage for the highly successful followon campaign in Puerto Rico. Combined with the actions in the
Philippines, the Spanish-American War lasted a short four months, with a small number of casualties. The overarching lesson that can be drawn from the conduct of joint operations at Santiago is that as much, if not more, can be learned from an ineffective campaign as well as from a totally successful one. This was certainly the case for the Santiago campaign. The performance of the Army and Navy forces at Santiago, and the lessons to be drawn from this campaign, were directly responsible for many of the initiatives and reforms that were instituted in the services in the decade following the Spanish-American War. Secretary Root successfully argued for a General Staff, stating that such a command organization would have avoided the Army's mismanagement of the Santiago campaign. Secretary Long established the General Board because he had been tremendously impressed by the Naval War Board's advice concerning the Navy's role in Cuba. These intraservice
reforms led to the establishment of the Joint Army and Navy Board, which later resolved the issue of joint landing operations, among others. ~lthough many of these changes most
evident that the events at Santiago clearly precipitated these events. The major deficiency of this campaign was the lack of command guidance and structure, especially in the failure to dictate unity of command. Although there have been successful operations that have lacked a unified commander, in this case joint operations between the Army and Navy was greatly hampered by having two commanders in the field who were, in effect, working against each other. It is apparent that both
General Shafter and Admiral Sampson were conducting their operations, rightly or wrongly, with their own service interests at heart.
A
commander from the start quite probably would have resulted in a shorter campaign and with possibly fewer casualties. Cooperation between services and their commanders, while clearly a good thing, is not always a matter of common application. This was true in the relations between Sampson and ~hafter. Even when the degree of their conflict became known back in Washington, the only correction to the s.ituation was a dictum from President McKinley to cooperate better. ~houghthe two commanders did not consciously ignore McKinley's advice, the lack of doctrine or guiding principles, either formal or informal, concerning service responsibilities in a joint arena was a decisive factor for the high degree of disjointed operations.
Given a situation where military operations are called for, the most common response is to refer to doctrine to develop a basis for future operations. This doctrine may be written down or may simply be a philosophy that pervades throughout a military service. Whatever the form, this doctrine provides the commanders the same "sheet of music' from which to perform. As long as there is this common
thread, the operation will be able to adjust to any deviations that are necessary in order to adapt to the situation. The
Santiago campaign, however, suffered considerably from a lack of doctrine, especially in the areas of landing operations and naval gunfire support. If there is no doctrine (or common tactics, techniques, and procedures) from which to draw upon, the next step is to look for, lacking a better term, "institutional memory.' This refers to the corporate knowledge that exists in the military from previous occurrences of similar operations. Despite this lack of doctrine, the existence of this institutional memory can be just as valuable, if not more, in conducting military operations. For the Santiago campaign, there was none of this knowledge that either service could utilize. It had been over
thirty years since the Civil War, when the last instance of joint operations had occurred. If the commanders at both the
someone to offer his expertise, they would have quickly discovered that no such person existed. Finally, if there are no apparent answers, written or otherwise, then the next step is one of innovation, heavily influenced by the exigency of the situation. Military leaders for generations have been valued for their ability to solve problems in a timely fashion. At Santiago, there were signs of this talent during the landing operations phase, when the services put aside their differences in order to get the V Corps ashore as quickly and as safely as possible. Although later on there was a considerable amount of fingerpointing from both sides concerning service responsibilities, the landing itself greatly benefitted from a unified effort. The deception plan in support of the landing was especially remarkable given the lack of pre-war planning and training. This effort to cooperate, however, was quickly forgotten as soon as the advance on Santiago began. Whether through the application of doctrine, institutional memory or innovative ideas, the overriding influence in conducting successful operations comes down to the personalities of the commanders involved. Examples of this include General Ulysses Grant, whose leadership ensured success at Vicksburg, and General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, whose guidance prevented failure in Operation DESERT STOFWDESERT SHIELD. The power of their personalties, in conjunction with
command guidance, played a significant part in their operations while resolving the matter of unity of command. For the Santiago campaign, it is apparent that both Sampson and Shafter, with no strategic guidance and lacking any doctrine or institutional memory concerning joint operations, were left overly dependent on their own ability to identify the problem and reach a unified solution. Their failure to do so at Santiago, then, was because the personalities of the commanders involved essentially nullified any willingness to cooperate. One can only speculate as to their reasons why they acted as they did. For one, both men probably viewed defeating the Spanish at Santiago as, in the end, a consequence of their own service's actions. For this to occur, both Sampson and Shafter had to have recognized that success of their own service was greatly dependent on the other service setting the stage. Given this, it is likely that neither man wanted his service to play a subordinate role in the eventual outcome. They may have been overly concerned that the recognition for the major role in the Santiago campaign would go to the service who had ended the fighting, while ignoring the contributions of the service that had set the conditions. For another, it is evident that both commanders were misinformed as to the capabilitites and limitations of the other's service. This would explain why Sampson could not comprehend why the Army could not just storm the garrisons at
action would probably result in a larger loss of life on the Army's part than in conducting a siege of Santiago. Conversely, Shafter was mistaken in his belief that opening the entrance to the harbor was simply a matter of U.S. naval ships forcing their way in. This type of action would also
have led to a large loss of life, this time at the expense of Navy seamen. This lack of understanding also explains the ineffective naval gunfire support that existed throughout the campaign. In hindsight, perhaps there was not an acceptable joint course of action that the two commanders could have agreed upon that would have achieved the same results. Regardless of whether there was one or not, the main point is that Sampson and Shafter should have at least gotten together more frequently to discuss the conduct of the operation and, at least, explore other possible solutions. The two commanders met face to face only once during the entire campaign and that was upon Shafter's arrival in the theater. Instead, they chose to conduct the Santiago campaign via message, hoping against hope that one of them would eventually come around in his way of thinking. This was not to be. Fortunately for the Americans, the Spanish forces were not equipped to counter the U.S. offensive, no matter how disorganized. As stated earlier, the entire campaign was over in a matter of months, long before any long-term effects of
the disjointedness between Sampson and Shafter could be realized. To some extent, credit must be given to both services for their actions in the years following the war. After
reflecting upon the conduct of the campaign, the Army and Navy recognized that there could not be a repeat of the joint operations at Santiago. In the decade following the Spanish-
American War, the services, singularly and jointly, underwent the greatest amount of reform in their histories. Though
these reforms did not solve every problem that had arisen during the Santiago campaign, it did show that it is possible to discern valuable lessons learned from the conduct of military operations. Ultimately, the Santiago lessons learned
were translated into doctrine, as in the case of landing operations, or into the establishment of vital command and advisory structures. This study focused solely on the changes and reforms that occurred in the decade following the Santiago campaign. Many of these reforms, however, had an impact on the way the military operated for several decades. In the case of the
landing rules developed by the Joint Army and Navy Board in 1906, they bear a striking resemblance to current amphibious doctrine. For example, the division of service
responsibilities afloat and ashore arrived at by the Joint Board remains essentially unchanged almost ninety years later. Therefore, further study is recommended to determine if there
is a link between the initial landing rules and.the development of current amphibious doctrine. It is quite
possible, then, that the Santiago campaign had an influence on joint military operations that continues to this day.
ENDNOTES
1U.S. War Department Adjutant General's Office, Corres~ondenceRelatina to the War with Suain and Conditions Prowina Out of the Same includina the Insurrection in the Philiu~ineIslands and the China Relief Ex~editionBetween the Adjutant-General of the Armv and Militarv Commanders in Ehe United States. Cuba. Porto Rico. China, and PhiliDDine &lands (From ADril 15. 1898 to Julv 30. 1902) (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1902), 18-19. 2Joint Chiefs of Staff, Joint Publication 1-02. DOD Dictionarv of Militarv and Associated Terms (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 19891, S.V.
e R o o s e v e l t -red
1 9 8 7 ) , 30-31;
3George J . Tanham, " S e r v i c e R e l a t i o n s S i x t y Years Ago," U i t a r v A f f a i r s 23 ( F a l l 1 9 5 9 ) : 139-140. 4 J a m e s H e w e s , "The U n i t e d S t a t e s Army G e n e r a l S t a f f , l9OO-l9l7, " M i l i t a r v 38 ( A p r i l 1974) : 68. S C h a r l e s 0. P a u l l i n , "A H a l f C e n t u r y of Naval A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n A m e r i c a , 1861-1911," m t e d S t a t e s Naval I n s t i t u t e P r o c e e d i n u s 40 ( J a n u a r y - F e b r u a r y 1914) : 116. 6 p e t e r S . K i n d s v a t t e r , " S a n t i a g o Campaign of 1898: J o i n t a n d Combined O p e r a t i o n s , " M i l i t a r v Review 7 3 ( J a n u a r y 1993) : 3 . 7U.S. W a r Department A d j u t a n t G e n e r a l ' s O f f i c e , Growina Out o f t h e Sam e i n c l u d i n u t h e I n s u r r e c t i o n i n the P h i l i D D i n e I s l a n d s a n d t h e China R e l i e f E x ~ e d i t i o nBetween t h e A d i u t a n t -G e n e r a l o f t h e Armv and M i l i t a r v Commanders i n t h e
. .
(From A w r i l 15. 1898 t o J u l v 30. 1902) (Washington, D . C . : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1 9 0 2 ) , 14-16. 8Stockbridge H. Barker, 9U.S. "Cuban C r i s i s , " 9-11.
loGraham A. Cosmas,
(Columbia, ( 1 9 7 1 ) . 129-130.
A n : The LbiLe.&
1 2 u . s . War Department,
, -
29-30.
14John Davis Long, pawers of John Davis Lona. 1897Massachusetts Historical Society, 1939), 134; French.E. Chadwick, The Relations of the united States and Sgain: The swanish-American Way 2 Vol. (New York: Charles Scribner's and Sons, 1 9 1 1 1 26-29.
u,(Boston:
14.
IsRichard H. Titherington, A Historv of the Swanishw r i c a n War of 1898, (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1900). 302; Trask. 230. 17Kindsvatter: 8; Trask, 207.
1su.S. Navy Department, A~wendixto che Rewort of the vlaatlon for 1898: The S~anishw i c a n War, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, l899), 609. 19Ibid.; U.S. War Department, Rewort of the Secretary ~f War. 1898, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. 1898), 150; Russell A. Alger, The Swanish-American War, (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1901), 86-91.
2Ou.s.. Navy Department, Awwendix, 498
zlwilliam A. M. Goode, yith Sam~son Throuah the War, (New York : Doubleday and McClure, 1899 , 179. chawter Three lPeter S. Kindsvatter, "Santiago Campaign of 1989: Joint and Combined Operations," Militam Review 73 (January 1993): 6. 2U.S. War Department Adjutant General's Office, ~orres~ondence Relatina to the War with S ~ a i n and Conditions in the Growina . . Out of the Same includina the Insurrection ition Between the 11xwwine Islands and the China Relief E m e d . . hdiutant-General of the Armv and Mxlxtarv Commanders in the united States. Cuba. Porto Rico. China. and Phili~wineIslands 30. 1902) (Washington, D.C.: (From Awril 15, 1898 to ~ u l v Government Printing Office, 1902). 19. York: 3Russell A. Alger, The S~anish-American War, (New Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1901), 80-81.
4Jean Legrand, "The Landing at ~aiquiri."United States Naval Institute Proceedina~26 (March 1900): 123. 5Armv and N a w Journa3, 25 June 1898: 860.
7Graham A. Cosmas, fin Armv for Emuire: The United States A r m and the Suanish-American War (columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1971), 207.
lounited States Navy, "Comments of l ear-Admiral Pluddemann, German Navy on the Main Features of the War with Spain," united States Naval Institute Proceedinas 24 (December 1898): 784.
lzFrench E. Chadwick, Zhe Relations of the United States and Soain: The Suanish-American War 2 Vol. (New York: Charles Scribner's and Sons, 1911), 1: 58 and 67; David F. Trask, The War with Suain in 1898 (New York: Macmillan, l98l), 252. 13U.S. Navy Department, Auuendix to the Reuort of the chief of the Bureau of Naviaation for 1898: The Suanishmerican War, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1899), 503; Trask, 252. 14u.s. Navy Department, Auuendix, 503. IsTrask, 249. 16U.S. War Department, Corresuondence, 74-75. 17U.S . Navy Department, Auuendix, 504. IsIbid., 608. 19Ibid. zo~bid., 618; U.S. War Department, ReDort, 157.
;L898,
21U.S. War Department, Bewort of the Secretarv of War. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1898),
151. 22u.S. War Department, Correswondence, 78-79; Trask. 254-255; Walter Millis, The Martial soirit: A Studv of our Mar with Swain, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1931), 298299. 23Trask, 257-261; U.S War Department, p I 3 L 157. 24u.S. War Department, Correswondence, 81.
10.
27u.s. Navy Department, m e n d i x , 609. 28Ibid., 625; U.S. War Department, Correswondence, 8789. 29u.s. War Department, Correswondence, 88-89. 30Margaret Leech, In the Davs of McKinlev, (New York: Harper Publishing Company, 1959), 263-266; U.S. War Department, ~orreswondencg,89. 3lu.S. Navy Department, Fwwendiy, 619. 32~lger,188-189; U.S. War Department, Correswondence,
91.
37U.S. War Department, Corr-suondence, 117-120. 38U.S. Navy Department, Auwendix, 621. 39~elsonA. Miles, Servina the R e ~ u b,u (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1911), 285-286. 78
41Ibid., 304-305; U.S. War Department, Corresoondence, 125. 42U.S. Navy Department, pxmendix, 624-625. 431bid., 625; U.S. War Department, Corresoondence, 132; John Davis Long, The New American N a w , (New York: he Outlook Company, 19031, 152.
45U.S. Navy Department, Aooendix, 624; Trask, 308. 46U.S. Navy Department, ~ m e n d i x , 627 47Ibid.; Trask. 316. 48u.S. Navy Department, Aooendix, 628; Trask, 320-321. 49U.S. Navy Department, Aooendix, 630 SOTrask, 320-321.
l~avidF. Trask, The War with SQain in 1898 (New York: Macmillan, 1981), 324-328 and 352.
m, (Washington, D.C.:
2U.S. War Department, Reoort of the Secretarv of War, Government Printing Office, 1898), 160-161.
3u.S. Navy Department, Aooendix to the Reoort of the Chief of the Bureau of Naviaation for 1898: The SpanishAmerican War, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1899), 615; Armv and N a w Reaister, 3 December 1898: 372 and 380-381.
5U.S. Commission Appointed by the President to Investigate the Conduct of the War Department in the War with 8 Vol. (Washington, D.C.: Spain, Peuort to the PresiGovernment Printing Office, 18991, 1: 113-116; Trask, 484485. 6U.S. Commission, 124-125. 7~rask, 485; James Hewes, United States Army . . *The General Staff, 1900-1917," -tam Affa i 38 ~ (April ~ 1974): 68. 8Philip L. Semsch, "Elihu Root and the General Staff." plilitarv ~ f f a i r 27 ~ (Spring 19631 : 18-19
. . Staff: Its Historv and 9James D. Hittle, The Mllltaru_ Develoument, (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Stackpole Books, 19611, 201-202.
12U.S. Navy Department, Annual Reuort of the N a w Deuartment for the Year 1898, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 18991, 958.
. Paullin, "A Half Century of Naval 13Charles 0 Administration in America, 1861-1911," United States Naval ;Institute Proceedings 40 (January-February 1914): 116-117.
14Jarvis Butler, "The General Board of the Navy," Ynited States Naval Proceedin- 56 (August 1930): 702; John B. Hattendorf, "Technology and Strategy: A Study in the Professional Thought of the U.S. Navy, 1900-1916,"Naval War Colleae Review 24 (November 1971): 28. lsWilliam F. Atwater, United States Armv and ~ a + y Develournent of Joint Landina Ouerations. 1898-1942, (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms International, 19861, 17.
17Hattendorf: 31; Richard D. Challener, Admirals. and American Foreian Policv. 1898-1914, (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 19731, 35, 43-44.
s.
2oC. Kenneth Allard, Command. Control. and the Common Defense, (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1990), 95; Atwater, 30.
23Ibid.; U.S. War Department, General Orders of the Armv. 1906, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 19071, G.O. No. 174. 24u.s. War Department, S;eneral Orders, G.O. No.174.
2aE. B. Potter, Sea Power: A Naval Historv, (~nnapolis, ~aryland: Naval Institute Press, 1981), 376; Trask, 302-303.
2gGeorge Harrison, Rules for Armv and N a w Maneuvers, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1903), 1-3.
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D r . J e r o l d E . Brown, Ph.D. Combat S t u d i e s I n s t i t u t e U.S. Army Command and General S t a f f C o l l e g e F o r t Leavenworth, K S 66027-6900
L i e u t e n a n t Colonel W i l l i a m C . Lockwood Department of J o i n t and Combined O p e r a t i o n s U.S. Army Command and General S t a f f C o l l e g e F o r t Leavenworth, K S 66027-6900 Commander R i c h a r d P. Ferguson Department o f J o i n t a n d Combined O p e r a t i o n s U.S. Army Command and General S t a f f C o l l e g e F o r t Leavenworth, K S 66027-6900
D r . John T . F i s h e l , Ph.D. Department o f J o i n t and Combined O p e r a t i o n s U.S. Army Command and General S t a f f C o l l e g e F o r t Leavenworth, K S 66027-6900
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