History Compass 8/7 (2010): 668681, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00697.

Spanish History of Historiography Recent Development

s Antol n Hofrichter* Andre
Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies, School of History

Abstract

The history of historiography has become a wide research eld in the last few decades. The well known German, French or English cases have strongly attracted the interest of international specialists. Regarding Spanish historiography, however, studies in languages other than Spanish remain rare. Although research in Spain has made some major contributions in this regard in the past 20 years, for many scholars the history of Spanish historiography appears as a hermetically closed and unstudied eld. In an effort to clear up this misconception, this article provides an overview over recent research developments. It uses the main publications as a guideline for an introduction into the Spanish history of historiography since the 19th century while referring to the main subjects of interest, the perspectives, and the debates within the research eld. Following the areas of focus prevailing in this eld, this article refers to the emergence of liberal historiography in the 19th century, the later processes of professionalisation and institutionalisation, the historians contribution to the construction of national identities as well as to the impact of the Spanish Civil War (19361939) and the regime of Francisco Franco (19391975) on Spanish historiography in the 20th century. It underlines the importance of the international intellectual horizon for a better understanding of the development of historiography in Spain and concludes by identifying comparative and transfer approaches as having outstanding potential for further investigation.

In comparison to the well known German, French or English cases, Spanish professional historiography is usually considered a latecomer. It is not until the rst third of the 20th century that we begin to see evidence for the institutionalisation and professionalisation of the eld. Similarly, research on the history of Spanish historiography was traditionally treated even in Spain as a weak subject for systematic investigation. Although there are still very few works dealing with the topic at the international level, fortunately a considerable amount of Spanish scholars have contributed to a substantial progress in this regard in the last 20 years. As this overview is trying to show, the works of historians like , Gonzalo Pasamar or Miguel A. Mar n now provide an insight into the Ignacio Peiro history of modern Spanish historiography since its rise in the second half of the 19th century.1 Nevertheless, the history of historiography is still a shared eld: self-reections about ones own profession from a historical perspective and hagiographically motivated biographies are only slowly being replaced by systematic investigations of the most conspicious phenomena. Although scholars assuming this new systematic approach decidedly reject the traditional approaches, the main lines of interpretation are in many cases established by the latter. This article must take this fact into consideration in order to make the origins and persistence of these interpretations understandable. Furthermore, publications in languages other than Spanish remain rare and, as a result, non-Spanish scholars still perceive the research eld as hermetically closed. Due to this fact, this overview tries to facilitate an introduction into the history of Spanish historiography since the 19th century by referring to the main positions, perspectives and results offered by recent research in Spain.2
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This article follows a chronological order and refers rst to the emergence and establishment of liberal historiography dominant throughout the 19th century. It will then introduce the Europeanisation project that took place in response to the intellectual crisis at the turn of the century. The rise of new institutions like the Centro de Estudios ricos (Center for Historical Studies) and of peripheral, namely Catalan, national Histo historiographies constitute the main visible phenomena within this period. The third part of this article deals with the age of Spanish history still probably considered to be the most polemic: the Civil War (19361939), the Franco regime (19391975) and the political transition to democracy (19751982). In conclusion, some decits and potentials of present Spanish research will be sketched. Spanish Historiography in the Age of Nations: Writing History in the 19th Century Spanish historiography in the 19th century was rst and foremost a liberal domain. Historians like Modesto Lafuente (18061866), probably the most inuential and representative historical writer of this period, linked their intellectual work to a political program which tried to legitimize an established but still fragile system of constitutional monarchy. In reaction to the development of other national historiographies in the European context, Zaragoza, like the nation was discovered as the main subject of historical narratives. Jose the above mentioned Modesto Lafuente a member of the Real Academia de la Historia (Royal Academy of History), clearly resumed this new perspective emerging at the middle of the century: If a historian previously praised a kings or a generals heroism, nowadays he necessarily has to emphasize even more the heroic actions and the notable facts of the citizens.3 Constructing Spanish history afforded a shift of subjects: from kings to citizens, from dynasties to nations. rez, Paloma Cirujano and Teresa Elorriaga on historiogAn early work4 by Juan S. Pe raphy and Spanish nationalism in the 19th century rst studied the close linkage between the construction of Spanish history in a nation-based perspective and the liberal political project attached to the defence of constitutionalism under the reign of Isabel II (1833 1868).5 It shows that in the general context of the Carlist wars between traditionalistic and liberal forces, historians like Lafuente searched for the foundations of representative s.6 Although concentrating on government and the historical essence of an estado burgue the dominant liberal interpretation, this study identies four main ideological positions from which the interpretation of the past emerged: besides the two dominant liberal positions within a monarchic constitutionalism, moderantismo (right) and progresismo (left), federal republicanism and Carlistic-inspired traditionalism are also outlined as ideoctor Gebhardt (18301894) can be logical references. Eduardo Chao (18211887) and V considered as their respective spokesmen in the historiographic eld.7 But before having a closer look at the similarities and discrepancies between these interpretations, a further characteristic of the emergence of national historiography in Spain must be pointed out. Recent studies analysing the construction of Spanish identity in the 19th century have underlined the fact that writing national history must be understood foremost as a reaction to foreign publications dealing with essential problems of rez and, more recently, Roberto Lo pez rightly observe, Spanish history. As Juan S. Pe Spanish national history in the 19th century was rst written by British and French scholars like Samuel A. Dunham and Charles Romey.8 These authors, among others, not only made the rst serious attempts to write Spanish history according to the scientic standards of their times; they also strongly criticized the non-existence of a source-based and methodologically well reected synthesis penned by Spanish historians. In fact, in the
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middle of the 19th century the essential historical reference work of Spanish historiography was still the Historia general de Espan a by the Jesuit Juan de Mariana (15361624), published in 1601. So, Romeys criticism of Mariana led to a two-sided reaction: On the one hand, Spanish historians defended Marianass work by adducing his condition as a Spaniard and therefore his legitimation to write his own nations history. On the other hand, this critique stimulated the most important historiographical project during this period: Modesto Lafuentes Historia General de Espan a.9 lvarez situated this reactive character of the A In his excellent work Mater dolorosa, Jose Spanish historiography in the much broader context of a widely failed construction of Spanish national identity in the 19th century.10 Following his argument of a weak nationalisation, a valuable, if still insufcient, explanation might be that Spanish liberal historians did not insistently peruse a new national history since their main political claims, a territorial unied state with a constitutional monarchy, seemed to be achieved. It was not until the criticism by foreign authors that Spanish historians tried to defend will argue for the their privilege of interpreting Spanish history. In turn, Ignacio Peiro late 19th century that liberal historiography nevertheless held an outstanding position due to state support on a weak intellectual market.11 An increasing number of publications dealt with different aspects of domestic, mainly medieval and early modern history under the inuence of French positivism and German Historismus. Despite the different perspectives taken by these publications, a wide consen lvarez argues, Spanish history was sus was held in respect of some essential aspects: As A primarily conceived as a painful subject, a Mater dolorosa.12 Historians of the late 19th century largely interpreted the Spanish past as a continuous history of decay, departing from an idealized Middle Age where municipalities and assemblies of the estates had already anticipated the liberal idea of political freedom. The political union of the Spanish territory under Isabel I of Castile and Fernando II of Aragon in the late 15th century represented at the same time the founding myth of national unity and imperial expansion, but also the origin of absolutist usurpation and religious intolerance. The period of the Habsburg dynasty (15061700) was depicted as a reign of foreign princes13 (Lafuente) that led Spain into political insignicance. This decay was only shortly tempered by the Bourbon Carlos III in the late 18th century, but it nally culminated in the neo-absolutist reign of Fernando VII (18131833) that overshadowed the heroic national insurgence against Napoleon in the previous years. In her research, Carolyn P. Boyd worked out the different perceptions of Spanish historia patria since the late 19th century.14 Although her research focuses on school textbooks, Boyd proposes a clear scheme which she also applies to Spanish historiography in general. She divides historical perceptions after 1875 into three categories: conservative, liberal-progressive, and democratic-republican positions.15 These perceptions were differentiated into three main subjects: the role of the Church in Spanish history, the emphasis on past democratic and monarchic elements and the cultural, respectively national diversity of Spain. While conservative and liberal-progressive positions agreed on defending national unity, they differed in their judgement of the Churchs contribution to this unity. For conservatives, including the emerging nacional-catolicismo, the Church had been the proper protagonist in Spanish history. National unity was achieved through the Reconquista and maintained by a rm defence of Catholic faith. The still dominant liberal position also recognized Catholicism and the Spanish nation as inseparable elements, but privileged the latter while criticizing the pernicious role of the Inquisition. On the other hand, the underlying monarchic and Castilian-based centralism of both liberal and Catholic interpretations was rmly challenged by republican historians like Eduardo Chao.
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Although these three categories identied by Boyd comprise the sum of Spanish national historiographies, a last singularity emerging in this period must be mentioned: the rise of a specic Catalan historiography. Two outstanding gures exemplify this pro spero de Bofarull (17771859) and the so called Bofarull cess: on the one hand, Pro Dynasty followed an erudite tradition on the institutional basis of the Archivo de la Corona n16; and on the other hand, the politician and intellectual writer V ctor Balaguer de Arago (18241901) summarized some of the main interpretations of the Catalan historiography and acted as a representative of the proto-nationalistic catalanism in the sense dened by Josep M. Fradera as Spanish-Catalan double patriotism.17 Meanwhile, the historiographic eld underwent a gradual process of professionalization that was marked by the consolidation of established institutions and the creation of new and Gonzalo Pasamar exhaustively analysed the three ones. The studies by Ignacio Peiro main institutions which supported this process: The Real Academia de la Historia, the tica and the Cuerpo de Archiveros, Bibliotecarios y Anticuarios.18 Escuela Superior de Diploma argues, as the headstone The Royal Academy of History must be understood, as Peiro of the ofcial historiography.19 It assembled outstanding liberal and conservative thinkers who obtained social and intellectual recognition through a lifetime membership. For , the ofcial character of this institution already becomes clear when he looks at the Peiro close personal link between its membership and the political sphere. As an example, novas del Castillo (18281897), Prime Minister and main political gure of the conserCa n since 1874, held the presidency of the Academia and acted as the patron vative Restauracio of the main historiographical projects. The showpiece of historiographical academicism would become the conservative counterpart to Lafuentes Historia general de Espan a: novas since 1890, was projected by the The new Historia general de Espan a, edited by Ca Academia as a collective work with scientic pretensions written by erudites coming from its ranks. and Pasamar recognized the impulse for what they called professional erudiPeiro tion20 in two new establishments which where closely linked to the Academia: The tica, founded in 1856, served as the educational institution for Escuela Superior de Diploma archivists and librarians. This was the rst establishment to instruct the treatment of sources and bibliographies in a systematic way. Only 2 years later, the Cuerpo Facultativo de Archiveros, Bibliotecarios y Anticuarios was created to assemble qualied professionals. denes their members as guardians of history whose main function was to protect Peiro and preserve Spanish historical patrimony.21 novas, this spirit of profesBesides the (uncompleted) Historia general de Espan a by Ca n sional erudition contributed to the publication of further seminal works: The Coleccio ditos para la historia de Espan de documentos ine a, a kind of attempt at a Spanish Monumenta n de la Real Academia de la Historia, mouthpiece of Spanish Germaniae Historica; the Bolet n academicism; the Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos; and later on the Bolet co Espan Bibliogra ol. All of these projects were founded in the decades before 1900. Nevertheless, around the turn of the century academicism was to lose its prevailing authority regarding historiography and step back in favour of a nearly forgotten institution: the university. The Attempt of Europeanisation: The Professionalisation of Spanish Historiography until the Civil War (19001939) Deleito y Pin The historian Jose uela, professor in Valencia, drew quite an optimistic image of the development of Spanish historiography until 1930: [I]n this discipline as
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well as in the other intellectual disciplines we are closely following the modern rhythm of the world.22 Concerning intellectual matters, this modern world was nothing else than Europe. Since the crisis of 1898 when Spain had lost its last overseas colonies, intellectuals were urgently discussing the historical path and national future of Spain. From then on, the regeneracionismo, an extended intellectual and political movement inaugurated n Costa, searched for answers to the Spanish problem by mainly looking at by Joaqu Europe as Spains future horizon. This new spirit would become the starting point for the primary further development not only of historiography, but also of the sciences in general: namely, an attempt at Europeanisation which included internationalisation and professionalisation and led to what is usually called the edad de plata (silver age) of Spanish science. As stated above, academic historiography was gradually replaced by university-based identied the impulse for this change in what they called research. Pasamar and Peiro tedra23 (chair-based regeneracionismo). The university reform of the regeneracionismo de ca year 1900 created sections exclusively dedicated to historical studies at the faculties of philosophy and humanities in Madrid, Seville, Zaragoza and Valencia. More chairs for history were established in the following years, increasing their number from 23 in 1899 to 46 in 1933. This reform was accompanied by the dissolution of the Escuela Superior de tica, whose subjects were now integrated into the regular university courses. But Diploma tedra was mainly supported by slightly left-wing historians, while this regeneracionismo de ca no clear rupture took place regarding the preceding academicismo. Liberal consensus kept coning a Spanish historiography that now was moving into new institutions, while the Academia itself had already changed its shape in the previous years through the gradual penetration of university professors who belonged to the regeneracionismo. A new generan tion of outstanding historians such as Rafael Altamira, Eduardo de Hinojosa, Ramo ndez Pidal and, later on, Claudio Sa nchez Albornoz laid the foundation for a Mene professional historiography striving to gain acceptance on an European level. Within this generation it was most of all Rafael Altamira (18661951) who set the standard for n espan Spanish history. Through his Historia de Espan a y de la civilizacio ola (19001911), Altamira rst replaced the work of Modesto Lafuente, whose opera magna had constituted the main historiographic reference until then. Studies dealing with this period are often dedicated to single biographies of rst-rate historians like Altamira.24 Nevertheless, this merely biographic approach has recently been M. Lo pez who has tentatively studied the most important challenged by the work of Jose ricos (CEH).25 This spearresearch institution of this period: The Centro de Estudios Histo n de Estudios in head of Spanish historiography emerged from the Junta para la Ampliacio 1910, an institution which had been founded 3 years before in order to promote international exchange and to strengthen scientic and educational networks. The CEH was divided into different sections, while history of law, philology, arts and archaeology pez convincingly argues, the CEH was part of represented its main topical pillars. As Lo the project of Europeanisation, which simultaneously tried to reinterpret Spanish history ndez Pidal and culture within the European context.26 As section directors, Mene (18691968) and Hinojosa (18521919) established historical schools focussing on the history of law and philology, respectively. The Anuario de Historia del Derecho Espan ol, which was founded in 1924 and would become the most important journal for Spanish history, transmitted new perspectives on economic and social history. This visible success pez points of the CEH was thereby accompanied by increasing support by the state. Lo out to the fact that although this institution already enjoyed a privileged position under the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (19231930), it was clearly under the Second
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Republic (19311936) that the CEH reached its nancial peak since it had doubled its budget compared to the previous period. pez also emphasizes another characteristic of the CEH, which points out a But Lo peculiarity of Spanish historiography: Historians at the CEH worked on Spanish history from a Castilian-based perception of the nation.27 This perception, deeply rooted in Spanish liberalism, was challenged by competing perspectives mainly from Catalan intellectual circles. As stated above, an autonomous Catalan historiography had begun to establish itself in the second half of the 19th century. Founded in the same year as n de Estudios, the Institut dEstudis Catalans became the main the Junta para la Ampliacio institution to assemble Catalan intellectuals and promote the study of domestic culture and history. Regarding Catalan historiography in the rst third of the 20th century, some important research has been done by Albert Balcells and Enric Pujol.28 It is especially the latter scholar who has studied Catalan historiography using the biography of Ferran Soldevila (18971971) as a guideline.29 As Puyol argues, Soldevila was the rst historian to write a national history of Catalonia and to draw a picture of the Spanish past from the perspective of cultural and national diversity according to the new academic standards. But despite Puyols research, a critical and systematic approach at Catalan historiography must still be considered a challenge for further research.30 Nevertheless, this silver age of Spanish and Catalan historiography came to an abrupt end. Their privileged status and national claims soon generated increasing hostility from n Libre de the right-wing Catholic arena. Inspired by the laical and liberal Institucio n de Estudios and the CEH became useful targets for Ensen azna, the Junta para la Ampliacio the animosity of Catholic integrists, as Carolyn P. Boyd puts it.31 But despite its enduring importance, national Catholic historiography in Spain until the Civil War has remained a signicant research gap. A comprehensive study dealing with right-wing ndido A. Gonza lez (18891949), historians like Antonio Ballesteros (18801949) or Ca amongst many others, may clarify the increasing animosity in the pre-war years and help to understand the political and intellectual radicalisation culminating in the Spanish Civil War (19361939) and ultimately provoking the enduring disruption between republican and Franco-oriented historians. The Rupture of the Liberal Tradition and the Renewal of Spanish Historiography during the Civil War and the Franco Regime Any historic consideration of modern Spain must start out from that time when, in the course of almost 3 years of fraternal war, driven by forces which cannot be explained in detail by the here presented work, the country was split into two parties (19361939).32 This dictum by Jaume Vicens Vives (19101960), professor in Barcelona and co-founder of economic and social history in Spain, was by 1952 more than a mere research proposition. Vicens as well as the other Spanish historians had experienced the Spanish Civil War as a profound break in their careers and in Spanish historiography in general. Already divided in the previous years, the historiographic eld underwent a polarization which would rst and violently be resolved through the victory of the forces behind nchez Francisco Franco. The exile of liberal and left-wing historians like Altamira and Sa Albornoz as well as the ideologically controlled inside activity seemed to coin the new image of Spanish historiography during and immediately after the war. The question about continuities and discontinuities of Spanish historiography after the barri argued that Civil War generated debates early on. Although scholars like Ignacio Ola Spanish historiography still maintained an acceptable scientic level in the post-war
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years,33 a wide consensus was held by rather critical historians who regarded historiography during the early Franco regime as an intellectual desert.34 These debates, articulated as self-reections about the history of ones own profession, were soon challenged by Gonzalo Pasamars research of what he called the break of the liberal tradition,35 referring to the rupture of the Spanish historiographic eld. As Pasamar shows, this rupture implied rst of all the systematic cleansing of the teaching staff according to ideological and personal criteria. It also meant the ideological penetration of contents, the institutional overthrow and the establishment of new patronage systems for re-occupying the emptied university chairs. cas On the institutional level, Pasamar analyses the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cient (CSIC), which was created in 1940 as the national and Catholic substitute for the Junta para n de Estudios. This Supreme Research Council aimed at coordinating, centralizla Ampliacio ing and monopolizing scientic activity in order to subordinate it to the higher goal of national reconstruction. Journals like Hispania, which sought to become mouthpieces of a new historiography, were dependent on CSIC historical institutes for their content. Meanwhile the universities, which were also subordinated to strict state control, lost much of their autonomy and weight within an already weak academic eld.36 Following Pasamar, this new institutional framework acted as the main pillar from which historians would participate in the historical legitimization of the new regime.37 According to the existing interpretations, this period of intellectual autarchy of the 1940s was followed by a slow but consistent process of diversication and reorientation M. Jover as early as of historiography under the Franco regime. Inaugurated by Jose 1974, these interpretations tend to regard the decades of the 1950s, 1960s und 1970s in terms of a phased recovery of scientic seriousness, de-ideologisation and realignment with the European academic community.38 Specialized research meanwhile offers a more differentiated picture of this developn examines the Spanish historiographic ment. In his pioneering study Miquel A. Mar practice between 1948 and 1975 using quantitative and qualitative methods.39 By analysing publication practices, institutional developments and the gradual realignment with n identies what he calls the normalisation40 of Spanish the European environment, Mar n states, after failed attempts in the 1950s, the breakthrough historiography. As Mar of this process occurred in the 1960s. It included an expansion of institutions which structured the social and intellectual interaction between historians, such as congresses, university chairs in history (from 86 in 1964 to 109 in 1974) and periodical publications. Although research remained centralized throughout the pre-democratic period, the Consejo and Madrid gradually lost their scientic hegemony in favour of peripheral n thereby universities like those in Barcelona, Valencia or Santiago de Compostela. Mar uses a comparative approach that consistently contrasts the quantitative developments in Spain to those in France, Germany, Italy or Great Britain.41 An important part of this process constituted the increasing entanglement of Spanish n, historians with the international community and the reception of foreign research. Mar pointed out the importance of these contacts for the renewal of Pasamar and Peiro Spanish historiography.42 The experience of the reformation of international historiography functioned as one of the main impulses for a reorientation of Spanish research. French historiography thereby became the main point of reference in this process, via the Annales school and gures like the Marxist historian Pierre Vilar (19062003), who had published his well-known Catalogne dans lEspagne moderne in 1962. An active Hispanism from abroad increasingly attracted the attention of different generations of Spanish M. Jover, Jordi Nadal, Josep Fontana, and many scholars, including Jaume Vicens, Jose
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others.43 These historians tried to adapt to Spanish historiography what they perceived as the new international scientic style, thereby inaugurating a new social and economic history in Spain. The reception of European research seemed to act as a vehicle for the renewal of Spanish historiography previous to the transition to democracy. In the general context of the intellectual and political development throughout this n intensively studied the regimes attempt of cultural control through difcult period, Mar the establishment of a department for local historical studies being dependent on M. Quadrado, founded in 1948, aimed at congregating and the Consejo. The Patronato Jose instrumentalizing those institutions and erudites as being situated at the local level.44 In fact, the Patronato Quadrado counted, by 1966, already 30 sections distributed across Spain. This thesis of an attempted instrumentalisation of local studies does nevertheless stay in n, Boyd contrast to Caroly P. Boyds conclusions regarding the same period. Unlike Mar underlines the declining importance of historiography as a source of legitimisation for the regime at least since the 1960s. Although she does not analyse the phenomenon directly, Boyd suggests an interpretation in which the regimes retreat from this intellectual eld left a considerable vacuum, thereby enabling the diversication and reorientation of Spanish historiography.45 Besides these conicting positions, the process of renewal is often placed within the context of a wide social and cultural democratisation of Spain prior to the death of Francisco Franco. Pedro Ruiz Torres even understands this process as a late professionalisation which was immediately connected to a democratization utopia.46 A systematic research on the relationship between democratization and historiographic renewal might, nevertheless, still identify some unexpected contradictions. Even before Francos death Spanish historiography seemed to have passed through an early transition from a regime-oriented to democratically inspired and normalized research. Despite the question about the correctness of this assertion, no major ruptures or polemics took place within the historiographic eld during the politically tense period n (19751982). A wide institutional and personal continuity enabled in turn of the transicio the incorporation of outspokenly left-wing historians from the exile, such as the Marxist n de Lara (19151997). Manuel Tun o However, the approximation between historians in Spain and in the exile did not begin in the late 1970s. Pere Bosch Gimpera (18911974) in Mexico as well as Claudio nchez Albornoz (18931984) and his Cuadernos de Historia de Espan Sa a in Buenos Aires, are only two examples of outstanding historians of the pre-war period who had left Spain during the war but had tried to continue their careers in their respective host countries and, later on, to partly recover scientic dialog with historians in Spain.47 It was foremost rico the major debate in the 1950s between the latter and the exiled philologist Ame Castro (18851872) which was mindfully attended by historians under the Francoregime. This essentialist controversy about the question whether Spains national character nchez was already formed in the Early Middle Ages and therefore mainly Christian (Sa Albornoz) or whether it was constituted through the coexistence of Christian, Jewish and Muslim cultures (Castro) strongly converged with inner concerns about the nations history and the reasons of its apparently unique historical path.48 Besides this debate, it is n de Lara, who has attracted the nevertheless the gure of the above mentioned Tun o attention of research on the history of historiography in exile. The colloquiums organized n at the French university of Pau from 1970 on functioned as an open forum by Tun o for discussions on contemporary economic and social history from a critical distance to the late Franco dictatorship. The coloquios de Pau, cradle of a Marxist-inuenced historiography in Spain, would later become an important place of remembrance for the primarily left-wing historiographical community.49
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Conclusions characterized the research on the Spanish history of historiAs late as 1997 Ignacio Peiro ography as literature without a subject.50 The low degree of specialisation and the small interest in systematic approaches almost left the eld to biographical homages, bibliographical surveys, and self-reections concerning theories and methods. Ever since the transition to democracy, reections about the use of history in the public sphere and the responsibility of historians regarding this use foremost concerning the Spanish Civil War and the Franco dictatorship have also contributed to the range of perspectives on the history of ones own profession.51 But although the history of Spanish historiography still remains a shared eld, fortunately Peiros assertion is now less true than at the end of the 1990s. Hopefully, this short overview of the Spanish history of historiography was able to show that some important work has been done in the past twenty years. Spanish specialists have preferably studied processes of professionalisation and institutionalisation as well as the relationship between politics, historiography and the construction of national identities in the 19th and 20th centuries. Of course, the quoted studies only touch upon a vast research eld. However, although this article merely aims at offering some orientation and encouraging further reading, it can already point out some decits and potentials of present research. Due to its conciseness, this overview will conclude with only three remarks in this regard: (1) Studies on the presented subject are by their vast majority still published in no language other than Spanish. As long as this persists to be the common practice, the history of Spanish historiography will remain a hermetically closed eld. A contrary example is given by the publication in English of the contributions to the congress History Under Debate, held in Santiago de Compostela in 1999 and organized by Carlos Barros. This translation rst enabled a wider international consideration.52 (2) Primarily regarding the periods until 1939, Spanish research has privileged liberal historiography as a subject of study while almost ignoring anti-liberal historiography coming from the political right-wing. The radical Catholic spectrum mostly appears as a mere traditionalistic opponent to a scientic progress being carried out by liberal historians. Research on right-wing historiography and its concrete handling of processes of scientification would be useful for a broader understanding of the history of historiography in Spain. Not least, a greater consideration of this item would also lead to a better understanding of the very inuential regime-oriented historiography after the Civil War. (3) Finally, specialists have recently highlighted the importance of including comparative studies and transfer approaches in the research of the history of Spanish historiogran who opened the path to systematic comparison phy.53 It has most of all been Mar in his study from 2005. Nevertheless, approaches emanating from cultural transfer might be even more fruitful than comparative studies since Spanish historians, as underlined in this article, usually shaped their concept of historiography as a scientic activity through the mindful observation of international developments. Academic historiography in Europe acted as an intellectual horizon and yardstick to measure ones own scientic status and specic modernity.

Acknowledgement n for his stimulating suggestions and critiques. I would like to thank Miquel A. Mar
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Short Biography s Antol ns research interests is on contemporary Spanish history and The focus of Andre the international history of historiography in the 20th century. His present research project deals with transfer processes between the Spanish and the international, mainly French historiographical elds in the period of the regime of Francisco Franco. Through a combination of transfer analysis with approaches coming from the sociology of science, his project aims at providing insight into processes of inner erosion and Europeanization n studied History, Philosophy, and in pre-democratic Spain. Born in Madrid, Antol Economics at the Albert-Ludwigs-Universita t in Freiburg (Germany). Currently, he is Doctoral Fellow at the Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies. Notes
* Correspondence: Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies, School of History, Doctoral Fellow, Starkenstr. 44, 79104 Freiburg i. Br., Germany. Email: andres.antolin@frias.uni-freiburg.de. and Pasamar published in 2002 the rst comprehensive encyclopedia of Spanish historians of Namely Peiro contemporary history. It offers an indispensible biographical database for all further investigation. G. Pasamar and neos (18401980) (Madrid: Akal, 2002). , Diccionario Akal de historiadores espan I. Peiro oles contempona 2 n, La historia de la historiograf a en Espan n y Different research reviews are offered by M. A. Mar a. Recepcio co en los u ltimos crisis de una disciplina, 19762007, in T. M. Ortega (ed.), Por una historia global. El debate historiogra a tiempos (Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2007): 391437. G. Pasamar, Historia e historiograf , La historia de la historiograf a en espan ola, Bulletin dhistoire contemporaine dEspagne, 43 (2007): 520. I. Peiro Espan a. Una literatura sin objeto, Ayer, 26 (1997): 12937. 3 dos en la Real Academia de la Historia el 12 de abril de 1852 (Madrid, 1852), 9, quoted from J. Zaragoza, Discursos le rez, Modesto Lafuente. Art ce de la historia de Espan J. S. Pe a, in M. Lafuente, Historia de Espan a desde los tiempos s remotos hasta nuestros d as. Discurso preliminar, ed. by J. S. Pe rez (Pamplona: Urgoiti, 2002), L. ma 4 a y nacionalismo espan rez, Historiograf P. Cirujano, T. Elorriaga and J. S. Pe ol, 18341868 (Madrid: Centro de ricos, C.S.I.C., 1985). Estudios Histo 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., 73. 7 Ibid., 1256. 8 rez, Lafuente, LXIV-LXV. R. Lo pez, De Numancia a Zaragoza. La construccio n del pasado nacional en las Pe n de las historias de Espan a, R. (ed.), La construccio historias de Espan a del ochocientos, in Garc a (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2004), 195297, here 1989. More on the reception of Romey in M. Esteban, La Historia de Espan a de n en la historiograf a espan Romey y su recepcio ola, in M. Esteban Mariano and J.-R. Aymes (eds.), Francia en n cultural hispano-francesa (siglos XIX y XX) (Salamanca: Universidad Espan a, Espan a en Francia. La historia en la relacio de Salamanca, 2003), 93125. 9 rez, Lafuente, LXLXX. On the change from Mariana to Lafuente see Pe 10 lvarez, Mater dolorosa. La idea de Espan J. A a en el siglo XIX, 10th edn. (Madrid: Taurus, 2007), 53345, 6017. bil nacionalizacio n espan Regarding the weak nationalisation thesis see also B. de Riquer, La de ola del siglo XIX, n a reciente y cuestio n Historia Social, 20 (1994): 97114, and X. M. Nu ez, De impuras naciones: historiograf nea, 4 (2007): 211239. nacional en Espan a, Alcores. Revista de historia contempora 11 a acade mica de la Restauracio n, 2nd edn. (Zaragoza: Prensas , Los guardianes de la historia. La historiograf I. Peiro Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2006). 253. 12 Alvarez, Mater dolorosa. 13 a y nacionalismo espan Quoted from Cirujano, Historiograf ol, 96. 14 C. P. Boyd, Historia Patria. Politics, History and National Identity in Spain, 18751975 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 1997). 15 n en los libros de texto de Historia This categorisation is summarized in C. P. Boyd, El debate sobre la nacio blicos de la historia (Ponencias del VI Congreso de Espan a, 18751936, in J. J. Carreras and C. Forcadell (eds.), Usos pu n de Historia Contempora nea, Universidad de Zaragoza 2002) (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2003), 14571. de la Asociacio 16 `ria, 6 (2002): 121138. ` ric de la dinastia Bofarull, Quaderns dHisto R. Grau, El pensament histo 17 ctor Balaguer, LAvenc J. M. Fradera, Visibilitat i invisibilitat de V . Historia, cultura, pensament, 262 (2001): 1926. 18 tica. Los archiveros en la historiograf a , Guardianes. G. Pasamar and I. Peiro , La Escuela Superior de Diploma Peiro nea (Madrid: ANABAD, 1996). espan ola contempora
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Ibid., 27. , Escuela, 112. Pasamar and Peiro 21 , Guardianes, 812. Peiro 22 es sur lhistoriographie en Espagne de 1900 a 1930 du point de vue de la synthese, J. Deleito, Quelques donne Revue de Synthese Historique, 50 (1930): 2949, quoted from 49. 23 a y pra ctica social en Espan , Historiograf G. Pasamar and I. Peiro a (Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2003), 115. 24 On the work and the intellectual context of Altamira see for example E. Rubio and E. Valero (eds.), Rafael Altamira. Historia, literatura y derecho. Actas del Congreso Internacional celebrado en Alicante del 10 al 13 de diciembre de 2003 (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2004). 25 ricos (19101936) (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2006). pez, Heterodoxos espan J. M. Lo oles. El Centro de Estudios Histo 26 Ibid., 160. 27 Ibid., 41423. An extensive analysis of Castilian-based historiography is offered by M. Esteban and A. Morales (eds.), Alma de Espan a? Castilla en las interpretaciones del pasado espan ol (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2005). 28 A comprehensive encyclopedia of Catalan historiography, including persons and institutions, is provided by ` dia Catalana, 2003). For the Institut dEstudis A. Simon (ed.), Diccionari dhistoriograa catalana (Barcelona: Enciclope `ria de lInstitut dEstudis Catalans, 2 vols. (Barcelona: Afers, 20022007). Catalans see A. Balcells and E. Pujol, Histo `ria de historiograa catalana. Jornades Cientiques de lInstitut dEstudis Catalans, Seccio Also A. Balcells (ed.), Histo ` rico-Arqueolo `gica, Barcelona, 2325 doctubre de 2003 (Barcelona: Institut dEstudis Catalans, 2004). Histo 29 `ria i reconstruccio nacional. La historiograa catalana a le `poca de Ferran Soldevila (18941971) E. Pujol, Histo (Barcelona: Afers, 2003). 30 n, La historia de la historiograf a, 410. Criticism in this sense is also formulated by Mar 31 On Catholic integrism and the Civil War see Boyd, Historia Patria, chapters 4 and 7. 32 J. Vicens, Entwicklung der spanischen Geschichtsschreibung 19391949, Saeculum, 3 (1952): 477508, quoted from 477. 33 barri, La recepcio n en Espan n historiogra ca del siglo XX, in I. Ola barri, V. Va zquez I. Ola a de la revolucio a en Occidente desde 1945. Actitudes, tendencias y problemas metodolo gicos. Actas de n (eds.), La historiograf and A. Florista las III Conversaciones Internacionales de Historia (Pamplona: Eunsa, 1984), 87109. 34 tica, 1991), For example J. Casanova, La historia social y los historiadores. Cenicienta o princesa? (Barcelona: Cr 15966. 35 a e ideolog a en la postguerra espan n liberal (Zaragoza: Prensas G. Pasamar, Historiograf ola. La ruptura de la tradicio Universitarias de Zaragoza, 1991). 36 Still a fundamental reading concerning the history of Spanish universities under the Franco regime is gimen de Franco. Actas del congreso celebrado en Zaragoza entre el 8 y el 11 J. J. Carreras, La universidad espan ola bajo el re de noviembre de 1989 (Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 1991). 37 a e ideolog a, 34547. Pasamar, Historiograf 38 a espan nea (19391972), in J. M. Jover (ed.), El siglo J. M. Jover, El siglo XIX en la historiograf ola contempora XIX en Espan a. Doce estudios (Barcelona: Planeta, 1974), 9153. 39 n, Los historiadores espan M. A. Mar oles en el franquismo 19481975. La historia local al servicio de la patria (Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2005). 40 ns concept of normalisation see Mar n, Los historiadores espan On Mar oles, 4458. 41 pulos. Algunas An also very usefull reection on this development is offered by G. Pasamar, Maestros y disc n de la historiograf a Espan ltimos cincuenta an jula and I. Peiro (ed.), claves de la renovacio ola en los u os, in P. Ru nea. Estudios y reexiones desde Arago n (Barcelona: LAvenc Historia local en la Espan , 1999), 6279. a contempora 42 n, El aleteo del lepido ptero. La reincorporacio n de la historiograf a espan M. A. Mar ola al entorno de la nimo de Uztariz, 19 (2003): 119160. G. Pasamar, La inuencia de n en Europa de los an profesio os cincuenta, Jero a espan n, Historia Social, 48 (2004): Annales en la historiograf ola durante el franquismo. Un esbozo de explicacio , La normalizacio n historiogra ca de la historia contempora nea en Espan nsito de Jose Mar a 14972. I. Peiro a. El tra co en los u ltimos tiempos (Zaragoza: Jover Zamora, in T. M. Ortega (ed.), Por una historia global: El debate historiogra Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2007), 321390. 43 a An insight into the reception of French Hispanism can be obtained through B. Pellistrandi (ed.), La historiograf zquez, francesa del siglo XX y su acogida en Espan a. Coloquio internacional (noviembre de 1999) (Madrid: Casa de Vela 2002). 44 n, Los historiadores espan Mar oles, 91155. 45 Boyd, Historia Patria, XVIIIXIX. 46 n de la historiograf a espan mites, in M. C. Romero and P. Ruiz, La renovacio ola. Antecedentes, desarrollos y l a e historia (Valencia: Universidad de Valencia, 2002), 4776. I. Saz (eds.), El siglo XX. Historiograf 47 Although there is a huge amount of literature about Spanish intellectual exile, studies on historiography in this regard are still very dispersed and mostly hagiographic. A strongly descriptive, but still very useful introduction is n: J. Malago n, Los historiadores y la historia en el exilio, in given by the classic work edited by J. L. Abella n (ed.), El exilio espan J. L. Abella ol de 1939, 6 vols. (Madrid: Taurus, 197678), vol. 5, 247353. See also
20 19

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rica. Un trasvase cultural (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal Quinto Cen nchez Albornoz (ed.), El destierro espan N. Sa ol en Ame nchez Albornoz, Los historiadores en el exilio republicano, in X. L. Axeitos and Ch. tenario, 1991), and N. Sa Portela (eds.), Sesenta anos despois. Os escritores do exilio republicano (Actas do Congreso Internacional celebrado na Universid s do Castro, 1999), 213218. ade de Santiago de Compostela, 16, 17 e 18 de marzo de 1999) (A Corun a: Edicio 48 a (Valladolid: Univers mica Castro-Sa nchez Albornoz, in H. Lepeyre, Ensayos de historiograf H. Lapeyre, La pole a. Un binomio simbo lico, Cuadernos hispanoamericanos, 47374 idad, 1978); J. M. Cuenca, Exilio e historiograf (1989): 93100. 49 Still a reference for the study of Tun on de Lara is A. Reig, J. L. de la Granja and R. Miralles (eds.), Tun on de a espan Lara y la historiograf ola (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno, 1999). 50 , La historia de la historiograf a en Espan Peiro a, 12937. 51 blicos de la historia (Ponencias del VI Congreso de la Asociacio n de Historia J. J. Carreras and C. Forcadell (eds.), Usos pu nea, Universidad de Zaragoza 2002) (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2003) and I. Peiro , Ausente no quiere decir Contempora a espan inexistente. La responsabilidad en el pasado y en el presente de la historiograf ola, Alcores, 1 (2006): 926. 52 C. Barros and L. J. McCrank (eds.), History under debate. International reection on the discipline (New York: The Haworth Press, 2004). 53 n al estudio de la historia de For example M. J. Solanas, Transferencias culturales. Origen, desarrollo y aplicacio a espan jula and I. Peiro (eds.), La historia en el presente (Teruel: Instituto de Estudios la historiograf ola, in P. Ru Turolenses, 2007), 37992.

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