Folk Music : Vocal

Inok Paek

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Folk Music : Vocal

This chapter addresses the world of Korean folk song and miscellaneous songs, in particular, commonly known as minyo 1 and japga respectively. The first section looks briefly at the definition and the development of folk song as a musical genre in modern Korea. The second section introduces the characteristics of folk song in the Korean peninsula, borrowing the categorization that Korean musicologists commonly employ. A number of musical illustrations and samples acquaint the reader with the sound structure of Korean folk song and illustrate musical aesthetics prevalent in Korean folk song. The next section briefly describes the history, performance styles, and repertoire of japga miscellaneous song. The final section concludes the chapter by investigating transmission processes in which grassroots groups actively participate in a disappearing soundscape and attempting to answer the question of why Koreans enjoy singing.

Definition and Development of Folk Song in Modern Korea During the twentieth century, the term minyo has commonly been used to signify folk song.2 There are a number of contrasting terms in current usage that refer to minyo and need clarification. Hyangto minyo songs of the people refers to the local repertoire that is sung in association with work, play, and death. In contrast, tongsok minyo songs for the people; are the widespread popular songs sung by professional and semi-professional singers. These two terms are based on the use or function of the songs and the extent of their popularity in a geographical sense as much as the identity of the singers. Another categorization based on the period in which the songs originate is jeontong minyo traditional folk songs versus sin minyo new folk songs. Regardless of these scholarly definitions, Koreans tend to use yennal norae or yennal sori meaning song from the old days, referring indiscriminately to either the popular folk song or the local folk song that traditionally accompanied communal work in the rice and barley fields and helped to coordinate movements and make tedious jobs more bearable. Celebratory occasions such as weddings, spring and harvest festivals, and funeral rites where dancing and alcohol often played an integral part were also rich settings for folk song (Provine 1999). Sin minyo new folk songs appear to have been conceived in a style thought suitable for the new Korea. They began as a fusion of contemporary popular songs and minyo.

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During the early twentieth century, a notable change came about in the way folk song came into existence and was disseminated; unlike the traditional folk song of past generations, sin minyo included not only a specific genre of composed folk songs with known creators, but also embraced songs thought to have evolved over the last hundred years. Sin minyo was widely disseminated through new media, such as radio and commercial recordings that had became available at that time in Korea, and more recently through television broadcasts. The fate of traditional folk song, however, was not so positive due to several factors including political upheaval. The nation used all of its available resources in the rebuilding of the country after liberation from the Japanese occupation (1910-1945), and the Korean War (1950-53) soon followed. Furthermore, the context for singing work songs has diminished due to the extensive mechanization of farming in Korea. The influence of modernization and industrialization deeply affected the traditional musical repertoire in modern Korea while the population developed an appetite for Western culture, especially music. These various influences proved critical for the preservation of folk song, but it was not until the early 1960s that folk music began to gain stability through governmental support for promoting and preserving traditional performing arts in general. This support initially worked in favor of the popular and professional. Of the first five folk song genres designated by the Korean government, three were from the popular category: Seonsori san taryeong, songs which were once sung by itinerant troupes (Intangible Cultural Asset no.19; appointed in 1968), Seodo sori, songs from the northwestern region preserved by migrants in Seoul (No. 29; 1969) and Gyeonggi minyo from the central region (no.57; 1975). The other two, both from the environs of Jindo, were local genres: Ganggangsullae (the womens folk song and dance repertory widely spread throughout the south-western coastal regions; Asset no.8; appointed in 1965) and Namdo deullorae3 (no.51: 1973). The next two decades, the 1970s and 1980s, marked a clear revival of folk performing arts, folk song in particular. A notable trend was the minjung (the populace or masses) movement, primarily the student movement calling for democracy, with which folk performing arts, such as folk song, were closely associated. Folk songs, often appropriated with new song texts to match protest sentiments, served as a vehicle for joining everybody together. In the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (North Korea), socialist realism coupled to the self-reliance philosophy of juche suppressed allegedly backward-looking local tradition. Instead, popular songs for the people, revised and rewritten for national consumption, were promoted there (Howard 1999b:19). The Cheollima undong Flying Horse Movement encouraged scholars to collect folk songs, resulting in a number of volumes of folk song texts and music publications, but these were later removed from library shelves. From the 1970s onwards, artists were required to separate the old from the new; hence, words and music were revised, adding revolutionary sentiments and diatonic harmony (Howard 1999b: 19-20). Some Korean folk song spread, voluntarily or forcefully, through the migration of people to nearby nations in East Asia and elsewhere: for example, the Yanbian Korean minority in northeastern China.

In the 1990s, local folk songs began to be adapted in new ways. Seulgidoong, a popular ensemble utilizing traditional music, unlike local folk singers, commands a large and loyal fan base. Although it began with versions of student protest songs, the ensemble nowadays packs theatres with a new type of minyo that is nationalist and contemplative, and which mixes guitars, synthesizers with gayageum, and a Western drum kit with Korean percussion.

<Figure 1> Folk Singers, dancing with a light-hearted ballim chum and accompanied by the Orchestra Asia, perform at a concert at an Open-air Theatre of Sori Munhwa Jeondang during the Jeonju Sori Festival in 2003. Inok Paek

Folk songs continue to serve in the present as a symbol of identity. The nationalistic trends of the literary and folklore movements in the 1970s and 1980s and the fusion of folk music in the 1990s all emphasized the popularization of folk song through modified presentation styles, but without diluting the musical aesthetics so as to deliver to audiences something uniquely Korean in an overwhelmingly globalized society.4 In this regard, the debates over what the term minyo constitutes, do not diminish audience appreciation of the beauty and the essence of folk song, which, according to Choe Yonghan (quoted in Howard 1999a: 2), pulls at the heartstrings of all Koreans regardless of its transformations.

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The Characteristics of Korean Folk Song: Content, Form and Melody 1) Content Folk song resonates with the most deeply felt emotions of the people. Several major underlying themes recur frequently in Korean folk song; they can be summed up as resignation, optimism, and simplicity of lifestyle. Han, the state of longing or regret or being beset by fate, is frequently present in song texts. Resignation is manifested as a fatalistic detachment from all worldly things, such as the poverty of daily life, cruel treatment by officials, or separation from a lover. In situations such as these, one does not seek to retaliate; instead, one concedes in grief and reproach. Expressions of love avoid flowery rhetoric and instead use simple, compressed, and yet richly suggestive language. Obedience, by making mutual concessions without quarrelling, is encouraged. Despite the afflictions of poverty, the singing voice displays an optimistic attitude instead of becoming dispirited, impatient, or bearing a grudge against others. A sense of indolence is also reflected in Korean folk song, men, being attached to life, sing of the joys of youth, dream-like and buoyant with hope. Humor and social protest are running themes in songs where the people of the lower classes expressed, with gaiety, their discontentment and indirect criticism of their rulers, the government officials, or the general social or political situation. With the assimilation of Confucianism into the social system and customs, Confucian obedience and the preservation of order also appear as one of the major themes in Korean folk song, expressing the three bonds and moral rules in human relations based on loyalty and filial piety. Religious songs depict Korean belief colored by the concept of predestination; people tend to think of their success or failure in terms of individual fate. The verses speak of the nothingness of death and the futility of human birth and death. Songs in the rites often act as incantations that seek to invite good luck or drive away bad (Korean Overseas Information Service 1990: 92-108). In Korea, the songs sung by women are considered superior to all others in terms of both quality and quantity. To Korean women, folk song was often one of the best outlets for expressing, if not diverting, their feelings of oppression. The repertoire particularly associated with women is full of song texts that lament and express their bitter feelings and continuing dissatisfaction with their lot, as well as describing their virtues and voicing their strong affections (Korean Overseas Information Service 1990: 78-79). Farmers songs are various in their content, ranging from the depiction of the workers at rest, of their hunger after long hours of work to a longing for a leisured, abundant life and so forth. The greatest numbers of songs, however, are full of a lustrous sense of voluptuous love. This is thought to be because the farmers, unlike the upper classes, were free from the strict educational and ethical morality codes. Cultivation of the fields was carried out primarily by men working together, an environment in which they could express their thoughts and desires freely. Farmers often lived unmarried for a relatively long period of their lives, a state which led them to express various love themes in their songs.
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2) Form Korean folk song predominantly uses verse-refrain form; typically, one person sings the verse and all others present responds with the refrain. Repetition patterns are found more frequently in childrens or in womens songs, while the use of refrains is more common in the chorus for men or for farm workers, probably to unify and strengthen their motion. The local folk song closely related to manual labour, such as the Rice-planting Song, The Mill Song and Weeding Song, are usually sung while the people are engaged in their work. Each of these songs consists of a series of short songs. Their order and wording are flexible and improvised according to the ability, the mood, and the taste of the singer. A refrain, repeated at the end of each stanza, plays an important part in the structuring of Korean folk song, not least in giving the singer time to prepare for the next stanza. On Jeju Island, a unique phenomenon is found in folk song such as Bang-ae sori: each phrase is alternately sung between a lead singer and a chorus, each sharing a similar melodic pattern but utilizing different words. The basic melodic structure descends to the lowest note in each verse, with the chorus starting fairly low and staying low, ending with a cadence common with the verse. Commonly, verse and chorus overlap, often with the chorus being ignored while the verse continues. The result is heterophony, similar in structure to that found in fisherwomen songs of Jeju. When this heterophony occurs, it is based on improvization and has no regular pattern (Paek Inok 1984: 62-63). 3) Melody Korean scholars tend to categorize traditional folk songs into five types that correspond roughly to dialect areas, a system that is further reinforced by the different modes each of the region employs in their respective singing styles. Gyeonggi (central), Namdo (southwestern) and Seodo (northwestern)6 are three core areas that are traditionally known. In addition, Dongbu (eastern) and Jeju (Jeju Island) are further differentiated based upon their unique musical idioms. The categories also apply to both local and popular folk songs. Gyeonggi Minyo (Central Folk Song) Gyeonggi minyo includes the songs from the Gyeonggi Province surrounding Seoul, the capital city Seoul itself, and the northern part of Chungcheong Province. Gyeonggi minyo generally uses anhemitonic pentatonic scales and is sung with a clear, lyrical vocal quality. Typically, the songs are set to a regular and repeating rhythmic cycle, such as moderately paced jungmori (12/4) or gutgeori, a swaying, dance-like pattern in 12/8. The texts are more cheerful and buoyant than those found in other areas. Due to its proximity to Seoul, Gyeonggi minyo flourished as a staged entertainment and is widely disseminated throughout the country through media broadcasts. For this reason, Koreans generally consider Gyeonggi minyo easy to sing compared with other regional folk song.

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Namdo Minyo (Southern Folk Song) Namdo minyo comes mainly from the two Jeolla Provinces in the southwestern part of the peninsula and the southern part of Chungcheong Province. Namdo minyo is set essentially to tritonic or tetratonic scales, with occasional appearances of ornamentations. The dominant mode in Namdo minyo is gyemyonjo, consisting of a tonic (cadence note) with little vibrato (pyeong-euro naeneun mok), a heavily vibrated dominant (tteoneun mok), and a falling appoggiatura, the so-called breaking tone (kkeongneun mok) just above the tonic. Characteristics of folk song in the southern area are said to include a dramatic, rough vocal style. Aewon cheong (sad voice), a vocal style capable of triggering an intensive emotional state, is often set to slow rhythmic cycles such as jinyangjo (18/8). Other rhythmic patterns commonly used are jungmori (moderate 12/4), semachi (9/8) and gutjeori (swaying 12/8). Representative songs from Namdo regions include Sae taryeong7 Song of the Birds, Yukjabaegi, Heung taryeong, and Nongbuga Farmers Song. Sae taryeong <Example 1> is commonly regarded as Namdo minyo, but, in fact, it belongs to the japga song family (Chon Inpyong 1985:215). Many versions of Song of the Bird, start with a moderate jungjung mori (12/4) pace and then accelerate to a joyful conclusion. Some versions, like the one presented here, start with the text the third of the third lunar month where as others may begin with a bird flies in... The first stanza in the DVD recording runs as follows: The third day of March, swallows fly in and butterflies freely move about, Flowers blossom everywhere in the branches of the trees, Spring dreams are drifting away; mountains in the distance are very dark, and mountains near are not so high, Jagged mountains are high and the top boulders are echoing. Streams meandering through the Blue Mountains, Water from this valley is splashing out, water from that valley is gushing out, Water merged from ten or twelve valleys flows out in to every direction, Its drippings strike against the stones that are spread like a folding screen, Quivering mountains are floating away; whereabouts are you leading us to? Perhaps, its you! There is no landscape beautiful such as this. Perhaps, its you! There is no landscape beautiful such as this. Here, the rhythmic pattern changes to a moderate fast Jungjung mori: A bird flies in, all kinds of birds fly in, Among them, a phoenix and a bird that foretells a good harvest, sitting in front of a porch praying for longevity;

Deep in the mountains where nobody lives, All kinds of birds living in the forest are coupled and they fly with their mates.

<Example 1> Sae tryeong

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Seodo Minyo (Western Folk Song) Seodo minyo comprise the repertoire from the northwest part of the peninsula, that is, the Hwanghae and Pyeongan Provinces. Seodo minyo is easily recognizable due to an abundant use of nasal resonance seasoned with a very delicate vibrato and considerable portamento. Typically, melodic contours ascend from a low initial point to a high climax. A somewhat flexible rhythmic frame allows much rubato. Gin ari below is an outstanding sample exemplifying the style. Gin ari Ya! - Lets pickle the sea shells we have caught Lets fall in love with the one who is parting

The charity of Sakyumuni means we are born into this world in a state from which we cannot escape. When we die, we are sent to paradise if we have done good, or to a place of punishment if we have done wrong. Dongbu Minyo (Eastern Folk Song) Dongbu minyo9 comes from the Taeback mountain range that runs down the eastern side of the peninsula, covering Gangwon, Gyeongsang, and Hamgyeong Provinces. Dongbu minyo use a mode known in Korea as menari jo, after a well-known song. The mode is basically tritonic, based on intervals of fourths and thirds but with additional passing and ornamental tones. Songs from these regions are often set in fast rhythmic patterns. The texts can often be fun and light-hearted although there also exist many other songs with a lamenting or pleading character. The songs representing the regions are Jeongseon Arirang, Han Obaengnyeon One 500 years or The repression over 500 years, Gangwon-do arirang Arirang of Gangwon Province, Miryang arirang and Jindo arirang.10 Arirang may be sung either with the rhythmic pattern, semachi, in a moderated 9/8 time or in a simple 3/4. Undoubtedly, Arirang is the best-known Korean folk song in Korea and beyond. A place name from which the version originates is suffixed to regional variations of Arirang songs: for example, Jeongseon Arirang. It has been said that Arirang, in both its basic form and regional versions, is one of very few folk songs that has been retained without change in North Korea (Howard 1999b: 9). Commonly, Arirang is considered to have originated in the central region. However, some scholars suggest that it is also probable to consider the song may have come from the mountainous regions around Jeongseon, several hundred kilometres upriver to the east of Seoul. This would be consistent with its musical structure and the text that commonly tells of a woman waiting forlornly for her lover on the banks of a river. Common stanzas seem to hail from the late nineteenth centuries.11 Some tell of migrant workers brought to Seoul and some refer to a hill north of Seoul. The first transcription of Arirang was published in 1896.12 Early in the twentieth century, many regional versions started to appear.
<Example 2> Seodo Minyo, Gin ari

Arirang became very popular after it was sung solo at the screening of a silent nationalistic film produced by Na Ungyu in 1926. The loss of land and despair at the hardship endured by Koreans during the colonial period were common themes reflected in the stanzas. Today, versions of Arirang can be found throughout the peninsular, including Jeongseon arirang, Gangwon-do arirang, Miryang arirang and Jindo aririang.

Seodo minyo uses a variety of melodic modes, one of which is a mode based upon the intervals of a perfect fifth plus a minor third (outlining a minor seventh), with some vibrato on the note in the middle and additional notes used in passing (Howard 1999b: 113). Seodo minyo often has, with some exception as in the accompanying DVD, little or no instrumental accompaniment, thus resulting in a more rhythmically free style. Hoesimgok Song of Repentance refers to the latter section of Pyeongjo yeombul, known as Bu-moeunjunggyeong and whose roots are found in Buddhism (Hahn Manyoung 1985: 447). The singing style recalls traditional Buddhist chanting,8 and the text provides a simple doctrinal statement. The song is set to a pentatonic mode, but the small gong (kkwaenggwari) marks the phrases to the melody with an irregular meter. The text narrates:

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Chorus: Arirang, arirang, arariyo, Verses: You, my lover who is leaving and will soon abandon me: Your feet will be sore before you have gone ten miles! A bumper crop has come this year! A bumper crop has come Throughout this land of Korea a bumper crop has this year come! I wonder whether the sinking sun wanted to set behind the Western mountain? I wonder whether my lover who abandoned me really wanted to leave? Numberless are the stars in the clear sky, Bottomless is the despair in my heart. 1) Jeongson arirang Recently, it has been proposed that Jeongson, a town in the hills of Gangwon Province situated close to the upper limits of navigation on the Han River, is the place where Arirang originated. At a ferry crossing above the town there is a memorial to a girl who is said to have died waiting for her boyfriend. The boyfriend left on a raft, taking timber downriver to Seoul. He never returned. Jeongson arirang is now protected as a Regional Cultural Asset (Korean Overseas Information Service 1990: 58). Chorus: Arirang, arirang, arariyo, let me cross over the hills of Arirang. Verse: The Diamond Mountain in Gangwon Province has 12,000 peaks, And on the peaks are 80,000 old temples, I raise my voice at the Chilsong Taoist shrine in Yujeom temple Praying for a son or daughter that I have not got yet, Regardless of my old parents devotional prayers that have lasted for three months and ten days, Dont treat him badly who is away from home.
<Example 3> Jeongson arirang

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2) Gangwondo arirang This is a regional version of Arirang found in the eastern Province of Gangwondo. The mode is set to gyemyeonjo, more common in folk songs from the southwest of the Korean peninsula. While the standard song is sung to a constant metric frame, a more expansive recitative known as Yeokgeum arirang usually follows.

3) Han obaengnyeon This popular song from Gyeonggi area is set to a steady jungmori rhythmic cycle (12/4) (or 3/4 as in <Example5 >below). Its title is variously translated as one 500 years or 500 years sorrow. Chorus:

Chorus: Ari ari, Sseuri sseuri, arario, ari ari, let me cross over the hills of Arirang. Verse 1: Castor oil plant and camellia seed do not blossom; Why oiling your hair to tempt someone. Verse 2: The bean field that ought to produce fruit lies barren; Why do the castor oil plant and camellia seed unexpectedly bear fruits? Verse 3: Wild grapes and Actimidia arguta fruits are treasures of mountains; Human treasure is only myself alone.

Of course things are the way they are; I asked you merely to live 500 years, so why are you so upset? Verse 1: This is a sorrowful world, inconsiderate lover; Your body has gone away yet you left your love, So my tears are overflowing. Verse 2: Like the falling snow covering mountains and streams; Oh, my lover with your love, please wrap my body.

<Example 5> Han obaengnyeon

<Example 4> Gangwondo arirang

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4) Miryang arirang The popular version came from Miryang, a town in South Gyeongsang Province. Chorus: Ari arirang, sseuri sseurirang, arariga nanne! Verses: Please look at me! Please look at me! Please look at me! Please look at me as though looking at the flowers which blossom in November and December. Please send me across the hills of Arirang.

Push a yoke at the back

(female) (male) Diyo de-ya its a mountain.

The enemy in blue yoke

(female) - - - its a mountain. (male) Diyo de-ya its a mountain.

Jeju Minyo (Jeju Island Folk Song) Jeju is a volcanic island about fifty miles off the southern coast of the Korean peninsula. Due to its unique landscape, Jeju became a tourist attraction, known especially to newly married couples as a honeymoon island. Administratively, Jeju was part of Jeolla Province until 1950. The people living in Jeju Island speak a special dialect of Korean. Jeju has few water resources, so rice paddies are rare; instead, dry-fields (bat) form the basis of agriculture, producing millet, barley and sweet potatoes in abundance. When cultivating millet, many people would stand in line and move slowly forward across the field, weeding as they went while singing songs such as Geomjilmaeneun sori or norae Weeding Song. During the end of the 1960s, however, oranges have become the main crop (Choe Chongmin, ed. 1984: 14), and this, with the widespread use of fertilizers, has virtually wiped out the song. Regardless, it was still possible in the early 1980s to see some people, usually those over-sixty, working together and singing Geomjilmaeneun-norae. The younger workers tended to sing popular songs such as Changbu Taryeong and Cheongchunga, both considered to have originated from Gyeonggi Province (Paek Inok 1984: 58-59). Geomjilmaeneun sori Verses: Ae-e ya deyaroda, After weeding, far stretched borrow in the dry field, (female) After weeding, far stretched borrow in the dry field. (male) Dwigiyo its a mountain. Cast off a yoke in front (female) Cast off a yoke in front. (male) Diyo de-ya its a mountain.
<Example 6> Geomjilmaeneun sori from Seongsan, Eastern Jeju

Chorus: (male) dwigiyo deya its a mountain.

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Due to its distance and volcanic landscape, Jeju Island is a storehouse for folk song peculiar to the region. Songs reminiscent of the Gyeonggi style can be found, particularly in the old administrative centre of Songup in the Southeast. In contrast, the local farming songs favor free-style rhythms with expansive ornamentation. Other songs, such as threshing songs and lullabies, probably due to their correlations with regular body movements, offer contrasting short and simple repeated phrases. Songs are commonly set on an anhemitonic pentatonic scale structure. Melodies are built around a central pair of intervals, a second and a minor third, and passing tones of higher and lower in scale, appearing mainly for ornamentation. Among farming songs, Geomjilmaeneun-norae and Bat bapneun sori Song of Stamping Dry Field,13 are most common. The melodic contour of Jeju folk song is a descending line starting with a high point, similar to that of Gyeonggi Province. It is assumed that the reason for this is the long established exodus of people from Seoul and Gyeonggi Province to Jeju, starting from the Mongol invasion (thirteenth to fourteenth century), running to the Korean War, and including retiring politicians and expelled prisoners. The rhythmic flexibility that characterizes Jeju folk songs above anything else is explained by the lack of instruments on the island, until recently limited to the heobeok and danggon-kkol (the former a pottery jar and the latter used for making hats). Thus vocal melisma was developed without the restrictions that instruments pose (Paek Inok 1984: 63-64).

by similar songs performed standing up, called seonsori (or ipchang standing songs). The singing concludes with a rapid form of japga.

Japga
<Figure 2> Seonsori Singers in concert, Seoul, 2003. Inok Paek

Japga (miscellaneous songs) emerged in the eighteen century and gradually became popular in the nineteenth century. Korean scholars consider that it derived from other vocal genres such as gasa (narrative songs sung for the literati), sijo (three-line poetry singing), pansori, and minyo. Japga became very popular in the early twentieth century. Originally, japga was sung by the professional singers of the lowest classes in Korean society, that is, singers known as sorikkun, entertaining girls cheon-gi, or itinerant performing troupes called sadangpae or namsadang, degenerate female and male Buddhist monks respectively (Chang Sahun 1986: 476; Yi Nohyong 1987). Initially, japga was popular among audiences from the lower or lowest classes, but later spread to high-class performers, like professional female entertainers (gisaeng) and professional sijo singers (sijo gagaek). Thus it came to attract literati upper-class yangban audiences. While minyo had been orally transmitted, the japga repertoire was passed down to the next generation through learning from a particular teacher. In contrast with singing a different verse to a same melody in minyo, japga contains relatively lengthy song texts on through-composed melodies, which are performed in a comparatively artistic, well-trained manner. Japga songs are grouped, based upon their locality, into Gyeonggi japga, Seodo japga, and Namdo japga; also included in the category is ip chang standing song. Japga singing styles differ when singing sitting down or standing. Normally, japga are sung sitting down (hence an alternative name, jwachang sitting songs), usually with instrumental accompaniments, in a long medley with a well-established order. Long, slow gin japga are followed The seonsori are thought to have originally been sung by sadangpae or namsadang, mainly in and around Gyeonggi, the capital region of central Korea, and northwestern Seodo regions. The lead singer has a janggu suspended from his shoulders; the other singers, often a group of four or more, hold small hand drums (sogo) while standing in a single line. The latter provide a chorus and dance, described as ballim chum, gently rocking backwards and forwards. This style of group singing is described as seonsori or ipchang standing songs. In its narrow sense, seonsori describes only San taryeong, but more broadly, it refers to a number of other japga pieces such as Boryeom, Hwacho sageori, Yangsando, Bang-a taryong, Jajin bang-a taryeong, Dohwa taryeong and Gyeongbokgung taryeong Song of Gyeongbok Palace. Ballim chum, a light-hearted and rhythmic movement, is applied to fast songs such as Ap santaryeong and Dwit santaryeong rather than to the slow and fairly fluid first San taryeong known as Nollyang, consisting of Buddhist incantations, prolonged sections with nonsense syllables, and fragments of stories (Hahn Manyoung 1990: 137-45). In the 1920s and 1930s, japga were taught at the gwonbeon association for female entertainers and were performed publicly at theatres or concert halls. Commercial recordings and radio broadcast spread japga throughout the country. In the later twentieth century, professional singers designated as the holders of Intangible Cultural Assets preserve the seonsori songs.

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governmental institutions, such as Hansori hoe One Sound Group and Pungnyu hoe Music Group (see Paek 1) Gyeonggi Japga (Central Japga) San taryeong Mountain Songs are a particularly well-known set of songs in the central area Gyeonggi. Sung standing up (seonsori), this call-and-response series begins with Nollyang and continues with Apsan taryeong Front Mountain Song, Dwitsan taryeong Rear Mountain Song and Jajin san taryeong Fast Mountain Song.
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Inok 1999, section 5.4). Private lessons offer less formal teacher-student structures, but still heavily rely upon music scores. For this reason the written tradition, adopting notation as an integral media in learning and teaching, has assumed greater importance in music transmission. Changes have also occurred in the notational systems: the traditional system has been gradually superseded by staff notation (Howard 1988: 189; Kaufmann 1967: v). This assists individuals whose modern social life no longer enables them to acquire their musical knowledge at the slower pace typical a hundred years ago; it also enables them to boraden their experience of the music of their culture (Nketia 1975: 59-60). The presence of an oral tradition, however, has not entirely disappeared from the teaching process, especially in folk musical genres. This section describes the role of agents, the context and methods of learning and teaching music folk music in recent years, focusing upon the relationships between teachers and students. It will provide vital clues as to how music is produced and how students learn to shape musical form, melody, rhythm, and ornamentation to satisfy the aesthetic expectations of their audience (Merriam 1964: 145-63). For this, an ethnographic case study is presented in order to develop discussion on several issues relating to transmission processes. The case study examines in detail a minyo (folk song) class held at The National Centre for Korean Traditional Performing Arts (NCKTPA) for the public. At this class the majority of the participants consisted of housewives, who in recent years typically represent the emerging middle-class audiences and participants of gugak in urban areas. The preference for particular genres by different age groups reflects the musical and social interests of different life stages. For example, minyo is the most popular genre among the older generation who likes to sing songs at social gatherings; danso or percussion music, such as seol janggu and Samul nori, attracts the younger generation whose participation is more influenced by the desire to rediscover national cultural heritage. An individual participants preference for a particular genre is further determined by the the ease of attaining a sufficient level of proficiency within a short period of time and the suitability of the genre for social gatherings. Being able to sing a song is of great importance in Korean society, because one is often persuaded to contribute a song at social gatherings such as gye (a mutual assistance society). Generally, the participants at the various courses offered at NCKTPA considered minyo more interesting than dan-ga short songs, pansori or sijo. The older participants consider minyo and janggu accompaniment to be more manageable to learn than pansori or seol janggu, which are regarded as far too complicated.

The most important of the japga are 12 songs sibi japga associated with the central area of Korea, sung sitting down and with an instrumental ensemble playing in the rhythmic pattern dodeuri (slow 6/4) or semachi (9/8). The texts of these japga are often taken from well-known stories such as the pansori tales. The songs may have a considerable number of verses, with the texts fixed and memorized. Famous examples include Jeokbyeokga Song of the Red Cliff (from the pansori of the same name), Jebiga Song of the Swallow (also from pansori Song of Heungbo), and Jipchangga Song of Flogging (also from pansori Song of Chunhyang). A set of japga with rapid rhythmic patterns and sung in a fast parlando style is called hwimori japga.15 These are seonsori, sung standing up. Generally the texts are in three long lines, as in sijo, giving each song a tripartite structure. Popular examples include Yukchirwol Cloudy Days in June and July. 2) Seodo Japga (Western Japga) In Hwanghae and Pyeongan Provinces, a set of mountain songs (San taryeong) are sung in a style influenced by the folk song of the region. The main body of Seodo japga is sung in a free rhythm with nasal vocal style characteristic to the western area. Well-known songs such as Gongmyeongga Song of Kong Ming and Cho Han ga Song of Han and Chu have texts concerning ancient Chinese rather than native Korean stories. 3) Namdo Japga (Southern Japga) Japga from the Jeolla Provinces share the regional stylistic characteristics with Namdo minyo including the tritonic mode gyemyeonjo and the dramatic vocal style. There are three main songs in the seonsori of this area: Boryeom (concerning Buddhism), Hwacho sageori Crossroads in Hwacho, and Yukjabaegi (a song of longing and abandonment). Each of these has a number of sections with progressively faster, standard rhythmic patterns.

Transmission Processes In old Korea, oral or aural traditions ensured the transmission of both folk and court music from one generation to the next whereas written traditions played a complementary role only as a memory aid. Currently, however, the process of learning and teaching gugak traditional music, takes place primarily through schooling in a formal educational system. Other means of transmission also include a newly restored and highly structured apprenticeship system, the Intangible Cultural Asset System (muhyeong munhwaje) established in 1962. Non-

As mentioned above, minyo, which was once regarded by the literati and court musicians as the lowest form of song and which was sung only at the drinking house, has become one of the most popular traditional music genres among the participants at NCKTPA, precisely because of its suitability for an entertaining evening. One of the informants, aged 73, whose decision to learn minyo was heavily influenced by the popular demand for it among partygoers, said:

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I sang sijo for many years. Once when I was travelling with some friends I sang sijo, but they told me to stop singing because it took too long to listen to an entire song and it didnt create any heung (enthusiasm or excitement)! Instead, I was asked to sing minyo. ... A song should be able to bring peoples hearts together. Sijo would be appropriate for a formal occasion, so it is not suitable for a social gathering (NCKTPA, Seoul, 10 July 1987). Minyo was also considered to be more appropriate for housewives to learn. An informant said: Learning traditional classical subjects (gojeon) is considered to be a proper activity for housewives to be involved in, without any shameful overtones. This is the reason I had the courage to learn. I wouldnt dream of learning silly popular songs (yuhaengga). [The great thing is] I will no longer be ashamed of not being able to sing a song at gatherings like hwan-gap (sixtieth birthday party), or a wedding marriage reception (NCKTPA, Seoul, 14 July 1987). As a persons proficiency in the performance of a particular genre of traditional music develops, the learning experience not only expands their musical interest to encompass other related genres but also changes their perception of gugak in general. For example, learners of minyo would typically move on to learning a janggu accompaniment as it is considered an integral part of folk songs from regions such as Gyeonggi. Case Study: Minyo Lesson This observation is based on the participant-observation made at a short-term (two week) folk song class (minyo pan) for the public held at NCKTPA. The class took place three times a week at three oclock in the afternoon for about an hour on the first floor of the Small Theatre (Sogeukjang). Participants were over 90% female and the rest male, sixty in total. Cho Kyeonghui (b.1958), a member of NCKTPA, led the class. The following description is based upon the session held on July 9th, 1987. The teacher sat on the floor towards the centre against a wall with the janggu. The participants spread around the hall with a sheet containing a song text. They had already spent more than a week learning minyo. In that time they had learned three folk songs in the Gyeonggi style, central region of Korea. The session started by reviewing the songs learned previously, that is Miryang arirang Arirang of Miryang, southeastern region of Korea, Heung taryeong Humming Song and Bang-a taryeong Song of a Grinding Mill. They sang them one after the other. There were hardly any comments from the teacher, except a few remarks such as Please, open your mouth wide. or Please, sing it louder. The reviewing part went swiftly. Then, Cho introduced a new song Han obaengnyeon (One Five Hundred Years). The song text reads as follows:

Chorus: Amuryeom geureohci geureoku malgu han obaengnyeon sajaneunde wenseonghwayo Verses: 1. Hanmaneun isesang yasokhan nima jeong-euldugo momman gani nunmuri nane 2. Baeksajang semore batae chilseongdang-eul mokko nimsaenggyeo dallago binaida 3. Hanmaneun isesang naengjeonghan sesang dongjeongsim eopseoseo naneun motsalgenne 4. Narineun nuni sancheoneul dwideopdeut jeongdeunnim sarang-euro imomeul deopeuso Concept of Teacher Cho Kyeonghui at NCKTPA, was born in Cheongju in southern Chungcheong Province and started to enjoy listening to minyo through a record received from a friend of hers after she graduated from high school in Cheongju. From that point on, she became interested in learning folk song. Without any prior training, she won the first prize at the preliminary selection of the folk song competition (Minyo baegiljang) organized by the Korean Broadcast System (KBS) in 1979. Her training in minyo only started after failing to win the first prize at the final stage of the competition. She then took lessons from Yi Heunggu, a pupil of Yi Changbae, the master folk singer and a member of the traditional dance section (muyongdan) of NCKTPA, a private institute (hagwon) in Seoul. Soon after, she entered NCKTPA in 1980 through examination. After that she continued to learn minyo, mainly Oh, life full of resentment oh my inconsiderate lover your body left me, but your love still resides in me, so I cry On the sandy beach I build my Taoist shrine for my wish of having a lover so I send my prayer Oh, life full of resentment oh, life so cold-headed There is no such thing as sympathy so I can no longer live Like the falling snow covering mountains and streams oh, my lover with your love wrap my body Of course, so it is Indeed, you are right lets live for one five hundred years why are you so impatient

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from her senior colleagues at the institute. At the same time, she was affiliated as a trainee under the Intangible Cultural Asset System (muhyeong munhwajae) for the genre sibi japga (12 japga songs) and became the master student (isuja) of her teacher, Muk Kyewol. Her learning consists of sibi japga, sijo, and minyo, but her lessons with the master were primarily based on sibi japga. Chos path as a professional folk singer does not resemble that of traditional musicians playing in the court tradition. For example, Cho did not have the kind of training offered at the National Classical Music High School or other special schools. This also contrasts with most of her colleagues in the same section (minsokdan); they already had a career as folk singers in regional areas, such as Gwangju, southwestern Jeolla Province, or were graduates from the Gugak yesul hakgyo (Traditional Music Arts School). In spite of this, her path to becoming a member of NCKTPA was reasonably smooth. She attributes this partly to An Pichwi, the master singer of Gyeonggi folk song, who recommended her for her good voice (moksori) when she was going through the examination. As previously mentioned, Cho expands her folk song repertoire mainly through informal learning from her seniors. The reason is that her teacher, Muk Kyewol, only works within the genre to which she was designated; thus, there is no incentive to transmit any further folk song repertoire. According to Cho, her teacher tends to say, Gasa has everything in it. So, if you sing them well, you would automatically be able to sing minyo well, too. This was the third time Cho had been involved in a public course at NCKTPA. The administrative staff at NCKTPA organizes the teaching, which is carried out after official office hours. Public courses such as this, although lasting only a short time, tend to open up a new teacher-student relationship, which develops into that of performer-enthusiastic fans, or audiences, who tend to follow their teachers public appearances. In addition, the learners social perception of folk singers transforms significantly during the learning process. This is usually triggered by the fact that the learner realizes the difficulty and artistry of singing well, which goes beyond their initial expectations. Teaching Techniques Cho introduces new material only at the point when the learners as a group start to sing with a reasonably shaped contour, which elaborates the necessary ornaments on a well-balanced pitch. This is an important process for shaping a folk song with a regional flavor. In order to achieve this, she intervenes and asks them to listen and sing repeatedly. Much of the teachers energy is spent on correcting the existing singing style that the participants are already familiar with. The learners appear to find it difficult to get used to a new melody, as they are very familiar with a popular version of the song. Cho continually stimulates the learners by refreshing each small segment with a heartfelt demonstration. The aesthetic appreciation that the learners develop through aural listening appears to be the most direct incentive for them to sing better. Cho also asks the learners not to look at the song text on the sheet, promoting levels of concentration during the course of learning. She says, Please dont look at the text. If so, even good singers tend to sing strangely. So, please do memorize it.

Chos teaching technique comprises repeating, demonstrating contrasting examples, breaking down the phrase into smaller parts, and verbally indicating the tonal or textual movements. For example, when singing the Amuryeom from the refrain, she prompts the learner by saying, Close it quickly. (ppalli mamuri haseyo), and for the pina, Put it together. (buchiseyo). Other verbal instructions offered were Dont make it hang densely, (dalji maseyo) or Make it even, flat, and relaxed (no-euseyo). Apart from textual and tonal correction, Cho shows alternative ways of singing to reduce the pressure the learner is going through. She does this by demonstrating: as for narineun nuni, if you would do this (demo) it becomes very tasteful (guseongjida), but its not managed well. So just lets do it this way. (demo without vibrato). Her instruction for other folk songs, such as Miryang Arirang which is lively, is mainly directed at tempo and volume: Singing it louder/faster. However, slower tempo and highly ornamented songs tend to be broken down into smaller segments and more frequent verbal instruction and frequent demonstration are given. Media used in Learning Rote learning continues to be the prime method for the teacher to pass the repertoire on to students and is still more readily found in folk music genres such as minyo and pansori, where the score either does not exist or is not emphasized in the lesson. Thus the full and frequent participation of both the teacher and the student in playing together is necessary. In the initial stage of learning folk songs, the participants learn song texts section by section coupled with appropriate rhythmic cycles (jangdan). In Chos lesson, she always accompanies the learners with slow 12/4 jangdan (jungmori) throughout the session. This process continues until the students master an entire song. The lesson, therefore, typically consists of the teacher demonstrating a section and the learners repeating it three or four times over. During each lesson, at least one song is learned. On successive days, in addition to reviewing the previously learned passages, further sections are taught.

<Figure 3> A Participants Exercise Sheet illustrating a Folk Song under Study, Seoul. Inok Paek

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latter group relies on commercial recordings because they offer varieties of inspiring renditions of the same repertoire, which potentially challenge and nurture their musicianship. Elliott argues that each interlocking practice of music-making and music-listening provides listeners with the two necessary conditions for attaining self-growth and optimal experience: a repertoire of musical challenges to engage peoples listening know-how, and increasing levels of musicianship to meet these challenges(1995: 123) . Therefore, the trend in music listening, among others, influences the development of musicianship (ibid: 124). In both cases, the use of recorded tape tends to compensate for the lack of contact that the students have with their teacher. To conclude, in amateur folk song classes, the use of a traditional method of imparting musical knowledge is still noticeable, although other modes comprising the literate (written song text and learners marking), the aural (verbal instruction, demonstration and modern usage of tape recorder), and the non-verbal (hand gestures) modes, which is neither literate nor oral/aural, constantly aid the transmission processes. Closing Remarks Koreans enjoy singing. Even Koreans living outside Korea, such as Yanbian, are known for their music and
<Figure 4> Use of Modern Recording Devices to assist in memorizing Folk Songs, NCKTPA, Seoul. Inok Paek

dance. It used to be the case that one could commonly witness Koreans singing in unison or in turn wherever a small group of people gathered together. Rather than janggu (known as gojang in places such as Jindo), a pair of chopsticks beating on a dinner table, clapping, or tapping would normally accompany a song. Nowadays, singing still remains one of the most expressive forms of musical activity among Koreans whether they are urbanites or people from rural areas. Noraebang, better known as karaoke, serves many closet singers with an opportunity to display their mastery of song.

Imitation is still one of the most important ways of transmitting folk traditions (Merriam 1964:150), especially in highly sophisticated folk genres such as pansori. In learning pansori, a genre that has been transmitted orally from generation to generation, imitation continues to be used as the means by which an individual expands his or her musical repertoire. Learning by watching others play or by listening to others sing is one of the most common ways of widening a persons musical repertoire. Although no written notation is employed in folk singing genres, the learners tend to mark the individual symbols on the song text to denote the contour or ornaments of the melodic lines (see <Figure 3> above). The participants in folk song classes tend to use a cassette tape recorder to record the teaching version and help them remember and assimilate the piece. In other institutions such as Jeonsu hoegwan (Intangible Cultural Assets Instruction Centre) and Heungsadan (Society for the Fostering of Activists), where music teaching is intended for the general public, repeated playing based on a simple score, usage of a tape recorder and sharing of musical knowledge between the quicker or more experienced participants and their less competent friends are also common among participants during a lesson. Practice Amateur musicians commonly use tape recordings made during the lessons for rehearsal purposes, whereas students who have already specialized in traditional music rely much more upon commercial recordings (see <Figure 4> above). The choice of listening material seems to relate to the aims of attentive listening. In the case of amateur musicians, there is more need for listening to a teaching version in order to copy the teachers rendition. The

<Figure 4> A Folk Song Performance presented by Housewives attending the Pansori Course at Heungsadan, Seoul. Inok Paek

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Perhaps it is immaterial to any one who loves folk songs whether the song is hyangto or tongsok and whether it is sung by a professional or an amateur as long as the song expresses something heartfelt. The beauty of folk song, whether be it popular or local, probably lies in its faithfulness in the production of sound, that is, humanly organized sound or soundly organized humanity, borrowing John Blackings terms (1973). While popular rendition offers the familiar repertoire in a newly refined style, the local rendition appeals differently with its somewhat clumsy, rough, tried version of the songs that might be more pleasurable to the singers themselves than to the listeners. As the popularity of folk song increases, amateur and professional Korean singers search more and more for
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According to Howard (1999a:1), the first use of the term minyo in Korea was when the Japanese Governor-General in Korea in 1913 ordered that research on minyo should be undertaken as a way of collecting information on the Korean people.

See Howard (1999a) for his investigation of the term and various approaches being made in the study of folk song by Korean scholars, journalists and students during the colonial period (1910-1945) and post-1945 in the Republic of Korea (South Korea); Hughes (1985) offers insight into an introduction of the term minyo in the Japanese context. Namdo deullorae, rice planting songs, ceased to be used in paddy fields after the land reform in the 1950s. They were restructured by Jindo islanders and presented at the 1971 National Folk Arts Contest (Jeon-guk minsok yesul gyeong-yeon daehoe), linking eight planting, transplanting, weeding, and processional songs with percussion interludes (Howard 1999a:15). See Howard (2001:149-72) for an exploration of how traditional music can be made relevant for a contemporary Korea. He chooses, among others, singer Kim Yongwoo (Kim Yongu) to illustrate the way in which a musician utilizes the voice quality and singing style to meet the demands of the listening public.

rare songs, such as local hyangto minyo. Thus, it is no surprise to see the productions of the hyangto minyo repertoire on a number of both academic and commercial ventures in print as well as via electronic audio and visual media. This would seem to fill the gap between the consumption of widely disseminated popular tongsok minyo and the local hyangto minyo that have existed for some time.16 The Korean audiences growing appetite for and understanding of the songs with which they are less familiar has lead to discovery of the uncompromising, stunning beauty of local hyangto minyo.
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The three bonds of human relationship are epitomized as follows: the people are to obey their ruler, children are to obey their parents, and the wife is to obey her husband (Korean Overseas Information Service 1990:83). Due to the political division of the Korean peninsula and North Koreas cultural orientation, Seodo minyo only survive among migrants living in Seoul. The taryeong suffix appears to be commonly applied to songs of fairly recent origin from Gyeonggi, and also to songs sung by professional troupes of musician. Hoesimgok takes its words from a text composed by the monk Seosan (1520-1604). Hoesimgok seems to represent a more developed form of a practice known throughout Korea as yeombul, where Buddhist scripture is chanted in a simple manner (Korean Overseas Information Service 1990:26).

In the mountainous region of Hongcheon in the eastern Gangwon Province, at the break of dawn when the air is fresh and crisp, a farmer is singing Batganeun sori while toiling in the field with his cattle ploughing. It sounds as though two friends are sharing an intimate conversation. Who would dare to say that the farmers voice is raw and unrefined? It would be hard to imagine or experience the same lasting flavor from a studio recording. The simple sound of a farmers song such as this will always conjure up nostalgic feelings. Once that happens, the listener be in a place from which you would not wish to return!
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See Hahn Manyoung (1990:161-89) for a comprehensive description and analysis of the mode in Dongbu minyo. Jindo arirang from the island of Jindo in the southwestern Jeolla Province is reputed to have been developed by Pak Chonggi (1897-1939), the shaman and daegum player.

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Howard (1999b:9), quoting McCann (1979: 43-56) and Kim Yon-gap (1986:frontispiece), suggests that the structure of some of Arirang lyrics and the inclusion of the song in a 1756 manuscript indicate considerable antiquity.

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The transcription appeared in the third volume of the Korea Repository, a journal largely sponsored by the missionary fraternity. In it, Homer B. Hulberts (1896:45-53) article accompanies translations of lyrics (see Howard 1999b:9).

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Jeju is typographically 70% lava, with pebbles and stones in abundance. The topsoil, with some exception, in very light and, if weeded, will blow away in the frequent winds. So, a horse or an ox is used to stamp the soil down after seeds have been planted, both to keep wind effect to a

Further Readings Korean Overseas Information Service. 1990. The Sounds of Korea, Korean Traditional Music. Seoul: Korean Overseas Information Service. Paek Inok, 1999. Transmission Processes in Korean Traditional Music: Contemporary Practice and National Identity. PhD Dissertation Queens University of Belfast. Provine, Robert C. 1999. Folk Song in Korea. Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, Volume 7 East Asia: China, Japan, and Korea, edited by Robert C. Provine, Yosihiro Tokumaru and J. Lawrence Witzleben. Oxford: Routledge, 879-88.

minimum and to stop birds getting the seeds. At this time Bat-bapneun norae is sung, to keep the animals obedient (Paek Inok 1984:59).
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Hahn Manyoung (1990:137-60) investigates the musical characteristics of the repertoire in detail and also offers a number of musical illustrations. Hwimori refers to a particular fast rhythmic pattern, though various quick patterns may be improvised. These include, for example, Im Tonggwon (comp. 1961-1992), Choe Sangil (2002) and Hanguk minyo daejeon (Complete Collection of Korean Folk Songs) produced by MBC, a semi-commercial broadcasting company, during 1992-1996. The collection presents one of the most comprehensive guides on Korean local folk songs and consists of 103 compact disks and 9 accompanying books.

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