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Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice Volume 22 Number 1 February 2006 26-43 2006 Sage Publications 10.1177/1043986205285055 http://ccj.sagepub.com hosted at http://online.sagepub.com
Robin Haarr
UNICEF
Dae-Hoon Kwak
Michigan State University
The prior literature has highlighted a variety of workplace problems, such as racial and gender bias and lack of influence over work activities, as influences on police stress. Additional explanations for police stress include community conditions, for example, high crime rates and size of the community, token status within the police organization, and lack of family and coworker support for work-related activities. In a large-sample, exploratory study, this research examined the workplace problems that were hypothesized to predict stress. It also determined whether community conditions, token status, and lack of social support explained additional variance in officers stress levels. Lack of influence over work activities and bias against ones racial, gender, or ethnic group stood out as important predictors of stress after controls were introduced for demographic variables. Interventions to redesign jobs to afford greater influence and to reduce withindepartment bias are approaches that could reduce police officers stress. Keywords: police; stress; bias; token status; community conditions; gender; race; ethnicity
olice occupational stress is a widespread problem because of its numerous negative effects on individuals and on police organizations. Officers who experience high levels of occupational stress report a high incidence of physical ailments and psychological problems that affect their work performance. Specifically, they commonly have poor health (for reviews, see Cooper & Davidson, 1987; Fletcher, 1988; Kirkcaldy, Cooper, & Ruffalo, 1995), are frequently absent from work (Wright & Saylor, 1991), experience burnout (Brown, Cooper, & Kirkcaldy, 1996; Burke & Deszca, 1986; Crank, Regoli, & Culbertson, 1995; Lord, 1996; Stotland & Pendleton, 1989), are dissatisfied with their jobs (Norvell, Belles, & Hills, 1998), and because of weak organizational commitment, they may not fully invest themselves in their work or they may retire prematurely (Kop, Euwema, & Schaufeli, 1999; Malloy & Mays, 1984; Stevenson, 1988). When individuals are overwhelmed by occupational stress,
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they suffer from increased chronic stress, depression, heart disease, stomach disorders, alcohol and drug use and abuse, divorce, and even suicide attempts (Anshel, 2000; Biggam, Power, & MacDonald, 1997; Dietrich, 1989; Lord, 1996; Walker, 1997). It is therefore critical to understand the sources of police occupational stress (i.e., the stressors) and to implement strategies for reducing stressors or, if they cannot be reduced, for assisting officers in coping effectively with them. The policing literature has established that officers are exposed to many sources of stress, and thus law enforcement is a particularly stressful occupation (Alkus & Padesky, 1983; Anshel, 2000; Anshel, Robertson, & Caputi, 1997; Paton & Violanti, 1997; Violanti & Aron, 1994, 1997). Since the mid-1970s, there have been numerous studies of the intensity, prevalence, sources, and effects of police officers stress (Aaron, 2000; Aldag & Brief, 1979; Bannerman, 1997; Brooks & Piquero, 1998; Geick, 1998; Hillgren, Bond, & Jones, 1976; Kroes, Margolis, & Hurrell, 1974; Laufesweiler-Dwyer & Dwyer, 2000; Lord, 1996; Morash & Haarr, 1995; Sewell, 1981; Silbert, 1982; Singleton & Teahan, 1978; Storch & Panzarella, 1996; Stotland & Pendleton, 1989; Teahan, 1975; Terry, 1985; Violanti & Aron, 1993, 1994; Washington, 1981; Wexler & Logan, 1983; White & Marino, 1983). The many studies have clearly documented that an important source of police stress is workplace problems, such as harassment and lack of opportunity to advance. Workplace problems are distinct from other stressors, for example, difficulties in balancing a job and family responsibilities or a persons personality traits and related methods of coping with workplace problems. Workplace problems are troublesome features of the work organization. They include negative interactions with other police officers in the department, feelings about status and opportunities in the department, bias and harassment, and overestimates and underestimates of physical abilities (Morash & Haarr, 1995). For police officers, there is evidence that workplace problems have considerable influence on stress. Wexler and Logan (1983) found in their qualitative research that when women police identified occupational stressors, they highlighted problems with interactions with coworkers. White and Marino (1983) found from their longitudinal, quantitative research on men and women that problems in the organization and with the workplace climate were the only types of stressors that seemed to be causally related to stress. Although some subsequent pieces of research have not found an exclusive influence of workplace problems on stress, workplace problems have repeatedly been shown to be important influences (Brown et al., 1996; Crank et al., 1995; Hurrell, 1995; Juniper, 1996; Kirkcaldy et al., 1995; Morash & Haarr, 1995). A key empirical question is whether token status in an organization and community conditions (e.g., crime rates, size of police department) and lack of support from coworkers and family add to the workplace problem explanation of stress. Specifically, a persons family and extensive support network for work activities might affect stress beyond what can be explained by workplace problems. Also, token racial, ethnic, and gender status in the demographic mix of the department could provide explanation for stress beyond what can be predicted from workplace problems alone.
Finally, the level of crime and disorder in the area served by the department might explain stress beyond what can be accounted for by workplace problems. To the degree that workplace problems are highly predictive of police officer stress, alleviating those problems would seem to be an effective approach to reducing stress. If support networks, race/ethnicity/gender token status, and the conditions in the broader community served by the police department make independent contributions to stress, specific strategies for prevention and help related to these sources would make sense. If support networks have some independent effect on stress, then efforts could be made to strengthen them. If token status has an influence, then diversification of the police department would be most effective. Findings of the influence of the general characteristics (e.g., amount of crime, extent of poverty) of a police jurisdiction would suggest areas that stress should be addressed in supervision and training to equip officers to effectively manage problems emanating from relatively fixed conditions in the community that the police department serves. This article, therefore, examines the contributions of support network, token status in the organization, and community conditions to explaining stress.
Support Networks
There is evidence that some stress emanates not from an individuals workplace problems but from the lack of support from networks at work and at home. Support networks include family, superiors at work, and peers at work. Each of these groups might provide some understanding of and assistance to police officers with regard to issues related to work. In policing and in other occupations, lack of social support can fail to ameliorate or can exacerbate the effects of workplace problems on psychological and physical health (Cullen, Lemming, Link, & Wozniak, 1985; LaRocco, House, & French, 1980).
between superiors and subordinates might lead to less stress in smaller agencies (Regoli et al., 1989).
Method
Sample
The study used data from research that was conducted to compare officer responses in departments that had participated in prior research in 1990. In 1990, 24 departments were recruited for research through advertisement among the members of the Police Executive Research Forum, an organization that includes police departments that are interested in applying the results of research. Of the 24 departments that were initially surveyed, 11 agreed to participate in 2003. Police departments were requested to ask 30 individuals in each of the following groups to complete the survey: African American women, African American men, Asian women, Asian men, female Hispanics, male Hispanics, White women, and White men. In many departments, there were not 30 individuals in each category, so a smaller group was approached. In 2003, 947 police officers from the 11 police departments returned the survey, and there was a substantial mix of gender and racial groups and of both Hispanics and non-Hispanics. We worked individually with each department to develop a sampling plan that would approximate a representative sample for groups of interest. In some cases, particularly in small departments, it was possible to actually randomly sample officers from a stratified list. In other departments, after we ascertained that officers who reported for different shifts were generally representative of officers in the department, individuals who reported for a certain shift were approached. One of the researchers spoke with a contact person in each department and negotiated an approach to sampling that would result in a group that would be reasonably representative but that the department felt was feasible given its workload and resources. We encouraged departments to allow work time to complete the survey, but a few departments were only willing to distribute the survey by internal mail and ask that they be brought back. These departments had the lowest response rates. In all, 2,051 individuals were asked to take part in the survey, and 947 (46.2%) returned a survey.
The 11 departments that participated in the research included an East Coast department that served a population of more than one and a half million, a Southwestern department that served a population of about one-half million, and a Midwestern department serving a population of slightly less than 400,000. The departments that served medium-sized areas, ranging from 130,000 to 34,000 population, were in rural/ small city/suburban areas of Maryland, North Carolina (2), Iowa, and California. Departments serving populations of less than 100,000 were in Georgia, Oregon, and Florida. Although we oversampled racial minority and female officers, European American males were still a large proportion of the sample, because many departments did not have the desired number of employees in minority gender, racial, or ethnic groups. Males made up slightly more than 72% of the sample, whereas females represent 27% of the sample. In addition, two thirds of the officers were Caucasian, and racial minority officers made up one third. The sample did not represent the actual proportions of women and men, racial minority and racial majority officers in the departments, but instead was designed to allow for inclusion of a broad range of gender and race groups and Hispanics and non-Hispanics. The final sample of departments and individuals in the departments was not intended to be a probability sample. However, the large sample size gives us some confidence that the various subgroups were reasonably well represented. The sample allows exploration of predictors of stress. The research, therefore, is able to shed some light on hypotheses that might be most fruitfully tested in further research that does examine probability samples.
peer-level coworkers and superiors were highly correlated, so they were included in one scale, support from coworkers. The reliability was .73. The reliability for the fam4 ily support scale was also acceptable at .74. Token status. Separate indicators were used to reflect token status based on race, gender, and ethnicity (Hispanic, non-Hispanic). For each, the first step was to calculate the percentage of people in the same demographic category as the respondent. For example, for an individual who was White, the number would reflect the proportion of individuals in the department who were White. Prior research has suggested that an individual holds token status when she or he is from a demographic group that includes 15% or less of the people in the organization (Krimmel & Gormley, 2003, pp. 75-76).5 Additional data to determine token status were taken from the Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) for 2000. (Two departments were not included in the LEMAS database.) Token status was coded so that 1 indicated that the person was in a department where 15% or fewer of the officers shared the particular demographic characteristic, and 0 indicated that the person was not in a 15% token group within the department. Community conditions. The community data were obtained from LEMAS (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000), the 2000 Census, and the Uniform Crime Reports for 2000. Due to multicollinearity, it was problematic to untangle urban setting, department size, high crime rates, percentage of the population that is below the poverty line, ratio of police to the population, and other indicators of stressed urban environments. Other researchers have confronted the same difficulty. For example, Brooks and Piquero (1998) concluded from their research that although large department size was predictive of high stress, it might not be the department size, per se, that accounted for the finding. Larger departments are typically serving at least some high crime neighborhoods (Crank & Caldero, 1991), and thus high crime rates might account for the association with stress. Initially, we selected the following variables as indicators of the type of community served by the department: percentage poor, percentage minority, municipal versus county department, violent crime rate, property crime rate, unemployment rate, population density, and ratio of the number of officers to the population.6 We used the following strategy to identify variables that did not create an unacceptably high level of multicollinearity. We began with the assumption that high violent crime rate would be related to stress. From there, we added each variable that did not increase the Variance Inflation Factor (VIF) beyond an acceptable level. In addition to violent crime rate, the variables included in the analysis were property crime rate and type of agency (coded as 1 = municipal, 0 = county). Based on the intercorrelations, we can conclude that for our sample, areas with a high violent crime rate and a municipal police department also had a high percentage of property crime, a high percentage of households below the poverty line, a high percentage of minority residents, high density, and a high ratio of police to population.
Stress. Responses to four agree-disagree items were combined to indicate selfreported occupational stress for the past year:
The amount of unwanted stress on my job has had a negative effect on my physical well-being. I really felt a lot of unwanted emotional stress from this job. My feeling is that I needed to get some special help in managing the stress of my job. It seems that I can deal with the tensions of my job to the point that they do not interfere with family and social life (reverse coded).
These four items are measured using a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). The stress scale was computed by adding up the values of each item and then dividing by number of items (M = 2.66, SD = .86). The Cronbachs alpha coefficient ( = .78) indicated an acceptable reliability. The distribution of the measure of stress was somewhat positively skewed. Thus, although the mean accurately reflects that many officers did not report much stress, it should be noted that more than one quarter of officers reported some stress, and a substantial number (12%) indicated high agreement with all of the statements indicating stress. Control variables. The analysis did include five control variables that might account for interconnections of stress with the workplace problems, social support, token status, and nature of the community served by the police department. Gender was coded as 1 for female and 0 for male. Education was coded as 1 for bachelors degree or higher and 0 for less than a bachelors degree. Age was collected on an ordi7 nal scale ranging from younger than 20 years to older than 60 years. For the measure of minority status, White non-Hispanics were coded as 0, and all other individuals were coded as 1. The measure of social class when growing up was a self-report ordinal scale.
Analysis
Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression analysis was used to determine the additional variance explained by organization and community condition variables beyond what could be explained by workplace problems. Thus, at Step 1, all of the workplace problem indicators were entered. At Step 2, all of the indicators of organizational and community conditions were entered. In the final step, demographic characteristics of the individual were added as control variables. Analysis included a test of the significance of the overall R2 at each step, a test for the significance of the increase in R2 at Steps 2 and 3, and tests of the significance for coefficients for independent variables.
Findings
Descriptive statistics are included in Table 1. Regression diagnostics were carried out to examine potential problems with multicollinearity. Based on the findings, mea-
921 910 947 947 819 817 813 202 653 23.6 76.4
3.13 2.48
.93 .75
sures of support from peers at work and support from superiors at work were combined into an indicator of work group support. After that change was made, there were no further problems with multicollinearity. Appendix B includes the correlation matrix for independent and control variables. In the regression analysis, the workplace problems explained 34% of the variance in stress, and the finding was statistically significant (see Table 2). The additional variance explained by the social support, token status, and community indicators was just 2.8%. Although the increase in explained variance is small, it is statistically significant at the .05 level (F = 3.4, df = 9,706). The additional variance (.9%) explained by the
Table 2 Results of the Regression of Stress on Workplace Problems, Social Support, Community Conditions, Token Status, and Control Variables
Model 1 r Workplace problems Physical overestimated Physical underestimated Lack advance. opportunity Ridicule and setups Lacks influence Invisible Bias Language harassment Sexual harassment Stigma and appearance Support network, community conditions, and token status Family support Work group support Violent crime rate Property crime rate Token sex Token race Token ethnicity Type of agency Control variables Sex Minority Education Age Class when growing up R2 adjusted df F *p .01. **p .05. b r Model 2 b r Model 3 b
.24* .33* .33* .41* .35* .40* .49* .26* .12* .24*
.14 .09 .01 .14 .17 .08 .31 .10 .26 .19
.10* .08** .01 .09** .18* .06 .29* .08** .08** .09**
.13 .05 .04 .17 .17 .08 .30 .13 .27 .17
.10* .05 .04 .11* .16* .06 .27* .10* .09** .09**
.12 .05 .03 .18 .18 .08 .31 .13 .25 .15
.09* .05 .03 .12* .18* .06 .29* .10* .08** .08
.23* .10 .32* .02 .05 .00 .12* .00 .11* .22 .07** .22 .03 .07 .06 .06
.08* .04 .02 .11** .09* .07** .03 .03 .14* .05 .03 .03 .05 .38
.10 .03 .00 .00 .27 .04 .05 .03 .04 .29 .08 .05 .01 23, 687 19.9*
.08* .04 .06 .12** .11** .01 .02 .02 .02 .13* .04 .06 .01
addition of the control variables was not statistically significant (F = 2.0, df = 5,701, p > .05). The findings about which workplace problems were the most predictive of stress remained very stable with the addition of token status, community variables, social support, and control variables. In the final step of the regression analysis, dealing with bias among coworkers was most predictive of stress when other variables were controlled. Officers reporting high stress said they felt stress from racial or ethnic bias and they spent considerable time and energy dealing with and helping other officers deal with prejudice and bias. The second strongest predictor of stress was feeling a lack of
influence on how police work is accomplished. Officers who felt stressed said they could not influence the way policing was done and could not influence department policies and procedures.
statuses on stress. Other research with the same data set has shown that the individuals who have the most severe workplace problems are African American women (Morash, Haarr, & Gonyea, forthcoming). The intersection between token statuses based on race, gender, and ethnicity can have an influence on individuals above and beyond the effects of any one of these markers of a token status within an organization. It was unexpected that a high property crime rate would be related to low levels of stress. It may be that communities with a high property crime rate have more to steal because they have a relatively high level of resources. Thus, the generally higher resources in a community might offset any stress related to property crime rates. Also unexpected, the violent crime rate was unrelated to stress levels. It may be that even in a high crime jurisdiction, many police officers are not directly dealing with violence much of the time. Crime tends to be concentrated in hot spots within most cities. Or, it also is possible that crime rate is not a primary stressor for police. Indeed, they may self-select into police work because they have the capacity to cope with violence and disorder. An important limitation of this research should be noted. The departments are not representative, and the samples within those departments were not random. Research to replicate the research in a wide variety of police organizations would be very useful. However, the samples are relatively large and a diversity of officers is included. Also, the departments were quite diverse from each other, including some in large urban centers, some in smaller cities, and some in counties that included substantial rural areas. To the extent that police organizational culture and the structure and practices of police departments create stressors, efforts aimed at how officers treat each other and at their control over work activities would be most effective. Efforts to reduce the predictors of stress must be coupled with facilitation of officers use of effective coping strategies. However, even if officers use the most effective strategies for coping with workplace problems, police departments bare the burden of reducing or eliminating the workplace conditions that contribute to stress.
38
Scale
Dependent variable Stress 1. Stress has a negative effect on physical well-being 2. Feel a lot of unwanted emotional stress 3. Needed to get some special help (stress) 4. Can deal with tensions 1 to 5 1 to 5 1 to 5 1 to 5
.78
1 to 4.8
.73
Lack of influence
1 to 5
.75
Invisible
1. Can do more than my physical abilities permit 2. Superiors overestimate my physical capabilities 1. Superiors underestimate physical capabilities 2. Do not realize my physical abilities 1. Opportunity for promotion 2. Apply for and get assigned to the jobs 3. Less a chance to advance 1. Dangerous risks 2. Coworkers give encouragement 3. Superiors set me up to make mistakes 4. Coworkers ridiculed me when ask how to do the job 5. Superiors ridiculed me when ask how to do the job 1. Lack of influence 2. Do not have the power to change the way police work 3. Influence on department policies and procedures 4. Feel that I have a say in how things get done 1. Coworkers forget me 2. Coworkers do not look me in the eye 3. Superiors do not look me in the eye 4. Superiors forget me 5. Coworkers did not thank
1 to 5
.77
Language harassment
1 to 5
.81
Bias
1 to 5
.79
Sexual harassment
1 to 4.9
.92
1 to 5
.84
Family support
1 to 5
.74
1. Superiors use profane language 2. Coworkers use profane language 3. Superiors joke about sex 1. Do not feel any stress from racial or ethnic bias 2. No bias against people of my sex, age, race, or ethnic group 3. I spent time/energy dealing with prejudice and bias 4. I spent time/energy helping other police officers deal with bias 5. Dealing with other officers bias uses up a lot of my energy 1. Superiors try to have a romantic type of relationship with me 2. Coworkers viewed pornographic films or photos 3. Coworkers physically touch me 4. Coworkers make jokes about how good-looking I am 5. Superiors force me to have sexual intercourse 6. Superiors make jokes about how good-looking I am 7. Superiors make unwanted comments (homosexual) 8. Coworkers make unwanted comments (homosexual) 1. Superiors joke or comment about my physical size 2. Coworkers joke or comment about my physical size 3. Coworkers make unwelcome jokes about how unattractive I am 4. Superiors make unwelcome jokes about how unattractive I am 1. Get the support I need to feel better 2. No one (in family) can talk about job 3. Support spouse or steady mate 4. Had people who talk about any problems 1. Superiors give encouragement (to do best job) 2. Superiors give encouragement (did job well) 3. Superiors stressed the importance of job 4. Superiors give encouragement (think of better way) 5. Fellow officers give encouragement 6. Think of better ways of getting the work done 7. Fellow officers compliment 8. Fellow officers spent hardly any time helping me 9. Back me up when I make mistakes 1 to 5 .73
39
40
1. Phy. Ovr 2. Phy. Und. 3. Lack. Adv. 4. Rid. Setup 5. Lack. Inf. 6. Invisible 7. Bias 8. Lan. Hara. 9. Sex. Hara. 10. Stig. App. 11. Fam. Sup. 12. Work. Sup 13. Vio. Crime 14. Pro. Crime 15. Token Sex 16. Token Race 17. Token Ethn. 18. Type. Agen. 19. Sex 20. Minority 21. Education 22. Age 23. Class
1 .06 1 .02 .12* 1 .03 .08** .09** 1 .67* .11* .12* .12* 1 .03 .17* .26* .02 .07** 1 .01 .03 .05 .06 .01 .07* 1 .03 .12 .10 .01 .08** .16* .10*
Notes
1. Job control, which is the extent to which people have discretion and choice in their work, is a construct that is similar to influence over how one gets the job done, which we have measured. In the field of occupational health, job control has been extensively studied and confirmed as an influence on stress (Bond & Bunce, 2001; Terry & Jimmieson, 1999). 2. We used the LEMAS designation of departments as either municipal or county. 3. It should be noted that these correlations apply to our sample of departments and not necessarily to all departments in the United States. For example, some county departments serve quite urbanized areas. However, in our sample, county departments served rural and suburban areas with low population density. 4. Cullen et al. (1985) initially measured peer, supervisory, family, and community support. The alpha values for their scales ranged from .74 to .84. 5. Some research has used the cutoff point of 25%. We calculated alternative indicators of sex, minority, and ethnic group token status using this cutoff, but the results were not markedly different from when the 15% cutoff was used. 6. The violent crime rate is the number of reported violent offenses per 100,000 people in the population. Similarly, the property crime rate is the number of reported property offenses per 100,000 people in the population. 7. Years of employment as a police officer was initially considered, but it was highly correlated with age.
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