Islamic Studies (Islamabad) 6:1 (1967)

ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS DURING THE UMAYYAD PERIOD*
ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

INTRODUCTION

What is understood by the word "Franks" varies considerably in the usage of the Muslim historians between a particular and specific meaning, and a broad and cmnprehensive one. The comprehensive meaning is, on the whole, used in the later period, when it refers to different peoples of Europe other than those of Andalusia (Muslim Spain). I t is sometimes used for the inhabitants of Christian Spain,' and sometimes even for Byzantium and C~nstantinople.~ I t was also used for the Germans3 and for the Franks4 who were under the rule of the Merovingian and Carolingian states which ruled over present-day France together with large parts of northern Spain, such as Catalonia, northern Italy, part of Germany, and other parts of Europe. I t appears that when it was used as a general designation by the later historians, it covered many of the peoples of Europe, including everything within the meaning last given; its use was sometimes extended and sometimes restricted. Possibly one of the reasons for this was the fluctuation of the borders of Frankish rule. The early chroniclers, contrary t o what one might expect, are more precise in their usage than the later historians. According to them, the word means those peoples who were under the rule of the two dynasties. Merovingian and Carolingian, which is also the restricted meaning of the later historians.5 It is used in this meaning by Ibn ' I & ~ r i ,who ~ died about 69511295, and by al-Bakri,? (d. 48711094) who was influenced to a considerable extent by al-Mas'ildi. who had defined this' precisely8 and spoke of many of the peoples of Europe, distinguishing between them. Among those who defined its meaning even more precisely were Ahmad al-Rgzi (d. 324/936)9 and Ibn Haypiin (d. 469/1076)1, who considered that the country of the Franks began a t the natural border of the Iberian peninsula. beyond the Pyrenees.

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ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

In either case, those parts which came under the rule of the two families, Merovingian and Carolingian, were included in the expression "Brliid al-Firani", and modern France-the heart of the Frankish Empire-represented a large part of it.ll I shall use the Empire of the "Franks" t o mean those regions which were under the rule of the two families, the southern boundary of which was usually the Pyrenees, and which (or the greater part of which) is sometimes called by the Muslims, "the Vast Land", AlArd al-Kabl~ah.l2
A Short Survey of the Frankish Rulers

The Empire of the Franks was ruled by the Merovingian dynasty, who established the post of maire du palais (Mayor of the Palace) t o organize the affairs of the court. With the passage of time the importance of the holder of this post grew, until he assumed many of the duties of the king and wielded effective power. especially after the authority of the crown was weakened.13 The Carolingian family appropriated this position until theg rivalled the Merovingian royal family, which fell after a civil war between Austrasia and Neustria. This ended in Aquitaine. and certain German provinces becoming independent.14 Pepin of Heristal was of this family and held the post of maire du palais. H e died in %/71415 and was succeeded by his son, Charles Martel, who led the fighting against the Muslims in the battle of Tours, in Sha'bgn 11410ctober 732.l6 When Charles Martel died in 1241741, he was sxceeded by his son. Pepin the Short, who during his lifetime strengthened the power and unity of the Franks until they began t o take the initiative in attacking Muslim Spain, reversing the former posjtion.17 With the help of the Papal authority he was able t o depose the last of the Merovingian kings. Cbildbert, and t o proclaim himself king in 1351752. In his reign al-D~kbil came to Andalusia in 1381755. After this the kingship passed definitely t o the Carolingians.18 When Pepin died in 1511768 the kingdom was divided according t o the prevalent custom between his two sons ; Charlemagne took Austrasia and part of Aquitaine. while Carloman got Neustria and the rest of Aquitaine.lg Fighting broke out between the brothers, which ended with the death of Carloman in 1551771. The kingdom was thus united under the rule of Charlemagne, who was one of the strongest characters and most astute minds among the Frankish kings. His activities were noticeable

ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS

in both friendly and hostile relations with Muslim Spain, and he also exchanged embassies and gifts with the 'Abb~sids. H e displayed much activity in attaching other territories t o his state, such as that of the Lombards in northern Italy and some parts of northern Spain. In 1841800 he was crowned Emperor by Pope Leo IIL20 and took as his capital Aix-la-Chapelle. After his death in 1991814, he was succeeded by his son Louis I, the Pious, whom he crowned King of the Romans in his own lifetime, and who was again crowned by Pope Stephen IVin 201/816.21Louis did not possess his father's administrative ability. political shrewdness or military and when he died in 2261840, the kingdom was divided between his three sons. Charles 11, the Bald, reigned in Neustria, Aquitaine and the North Spanish Province. the regions in which Romance language, derived from Latin, prevailed. Louis 11, the German, reigned over the territories east of the Rhine comprising Austrasia, Bavaria, Swabia and Saxony, where the German language was used. Lothar ruled over the intervening territories, which comprised Friesland in the Low Countries, the rest of Austrasia t o the west of the Rhine, Burgundy, Provence and In all these regions both the Romance and German languages were used. Lothar died in 2411855 and his kingdom was divided into three parts among his sons. W a r broke out between the various members of the Carolingian family, and by 2711884 the eligible claimants were Charles the Simple in France and Charles the Fat in Germany. The latter was able t o unite Germany. Italy, and France, a t least nominally, for three years. H e was deposed in 2741887 and died the following year.24 A t this juncture Charles the Simple was eight years of age and efTective power was in the hands of Odo (Eudes), Count of Paris. There was a dispute after which Charles the Simple was elected. H e ruled from 280,'893 to 3111923. The last years of his reign were full of troubles, caused by Robert, Count of Paris. the brother and heir of Odo. Eventually Robert was crowned king in 3101922, but was killed the following year. leaving his young son Hugh to succeed him. Charles the Simple was succeeded by his son Louis IV (325-3431936-959). He was a great general and an astute p~litician.'~H e married the sister of O t t o the Great. Emperor of Germany, to link the two families. Nevertheless, he found it wise t o maintain peaceful relations with Hugh, on account of his power. Hugh the Great, and his son after him, succeeded in gaining control of the

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greater part of France before the death of Lothar. son of Louis IV. in 3761986. The latter was succeeded by his brother, Louis V. who died the following year, leaving no son t o follow him. With him the Carolingian dynasty came t o an end. Hugh Capet was crowned king of France the same year as that in which Louis V died. At this point begins the history of the Capetians as rulers of France.a

DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITY BETWEEN THE T W O SIDES

Relations between the Franks and Andalusia were mostly hostile, particularly in the early part of the Umayyad rule, when Spain was repeatedly attacked by the Umayyads. Later they changed this policy when they realized the power of Spain and the impossibility of conquering it as easily as they had imagined. However, the Andalusian policy, in general, was to hasten to respond to any calls for friendship. Al-D~khil,for example, never took the initiative in any attack on the Franks. H e followed a policy of defence. not only in relation to Frankish attacks. but also towards the governors of the north, since he was engaged in strengthening the foundations of his rule and in suppressing rebellions.Z7 When Charlemagne besieged Zaragoza. a l - D ~ b i l went to repel him, but Charlemagne had already retreated with his aim unattained.28 Al-Dahil did not pursue him but attacked him while he was crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles. In this skirmish the rearguard of Charlernagne's army was routed. and a number of his best commanders, including Roland, were lost. As a result of this military defeat the policy of the Franks towards Andalusia began to change. Even though they continued to attack Andalusia whenever they found an opportunity t o do so, yet periods ensued when peaceful relations prevailed. and embassies were exchanged.29 Among the first periods of peace between the Franks and Andalusia, is the one which prevailed in the last days of the reign Referring to this period alof 'Abd al-Rahmgn I, al-D&il. Maqqari writes : 'Abd al-Rahmiin corresponded with Qiirloh (Charlemagne), king of the Franks, who was one of the tyrants (tug@) of the Franks. After testing his ['Abd al-Rahm8n's ?] strength for a period, he had found him steadfast and full of courage. Thus he [Charlemagne ?I was inclined t o placate him, and invited

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25

him to intermarriage and peace. He ['Abd al-Rahmin ?I accepted the peace, but no marriage took place.30 There are differing views on this statement : Aschbach doubted its authenticity and considered it a legend,3l and Murphy was doubtful as t o who initiated the proposal. H e thinks it more likely that it was al-D&&il who did so.32 Some say that on the contrary it was Charlemagne who started it, but al-Dg&il turned down the proposal.33 So the problems to be solved are :Who it was that tested the other and tried him in battle ? Who started suing for peace ? Who was the first t o offer peace and a marriage alliance ? In fact the expression is not entirely clear, nor do the preceding and the following statements offer any help. Both interpretations are possible : either that al-D~khil requested peace and a marriage alliance from Charlemagne, or the opposite. I t may be that we can solve this problem in the light of the historical events connected with this matter and of contemporary internal happenings in each of the two countries. It appears that al-Maqqari reproduced this text from the reliable historian, Ibn H a y y ~ nespecially ,~~ since he also copied the preceding and the following sections from the same auth0r.~5Thus its authenticity is beyond doubt and the preceding and following historical events tend to confirm it. Charlemagne undertock no further attack on Andalusia after his raid on it in 1611778 until the end of the reign of al-D~khil--not, in fact, until the occupation of Barcelona by the Franks in 1851801. according t o LCvi-Pro~en~al.36 The Franks' attack on Andalusia took place between the death of al-D~&il in 1721787 and the latter date.3' However, it was not as serious as that of 1611778. On the other hand. events were taking place in the Frankish Empire which deterred them from following an aggressive forward policy. For instance. the Saxons whom Charlemagne had only recently suppressed,38 had again revolted.3a Charlemagne's failure in attacking Andalusia caused him to think of changing his policy towards that country and t o prefer friendship with it, so that he might turn t o regulating the affairs of his own country and to putting an end to his local troubles. At the same time, the disaster suffered by his army while crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles, showed him the fruitlessness of such adventurous attempts, especially as the strength of Andalusia and the firmness of its ruler had become apparent t o him. Thus a town like

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EL-HAJJI

Zaragoza stood against a powerful army collected from all parts of the Frankish Empire, and put up a stubborn defence.40 Al-Dahil left for Zaragoza at the head of an army to encounter Charlemagne, who was retreating with his aim ~nachieved.~IThough at first he supposed the occupation of Andalusia and the destruction of its government to be easy, ultimately he came to realize its absolute impossibility. In this light we may understand better the statement of al-Maqqari : "after testing his strength for a period, he had found him steadfast and full of courage". That is to say, Charlemagne tested al-Dakhil and found in him those qualities ; it is not that al-Diihil tested Charlemagne, since the strength and victories of Charlemagne were well-known t o al-D~l&il and others. No testing was necessary t o discover them. Moreover, al-Maqqari on the following page again describes the manhood of al-Dakhil on a similar occasion.42 Al-Dabil, after Charlemagne's attack on Andalusia, suppressed firmly those rebels who had sought help from Charlemagne43-another proof of his strength and power. Nevertheless, al-Dghil preferred to establish amicable relations with Charlemagne. especially as he knew of the good relations prevailing between Charlemagne and the 'Abb~sidsand wanted to frustrate the realization of any aims they might have had in this friendship. He also needed to devote his e5orts to the solution of his own internal problems. In the circumstances. we presume that al-DShil initiated the move for peace which was most eagerly welcomed by Charlemagne for the reasons described above and he proposed a treaty of peace and friendship t o al-Dahil. The two desires coincided, and the treaty was concluded.* In order to strengthen the links between the two monarchs, Charlemagne seems to have offered his daughter in marriage to al-D~kJ~i1.~~ However, al-Dahil presumably refused, giving as a reason. possibly out of politeness, his ill-health or age.46 After the death of al-Dakhil on 24th Rabi' I, 17212nd October, 787. the Franks returned t o their previous aggressive policy towards Andalusia, even though in not such a serious manner as previously. They constantly incited the inhabitants of the north against Andalusia. Hi&m I sent an army against the Franks which sustained a number of severe blows in 1771793. In 1851801 the Franks occupied Barcelona and in 1921808 under the command of Louis, the son of Charlemagne. they attacked the Upper Maiches and besieged Tortosa, but were repelled to their own territories by

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27

b t

the army of al-Hakam I, commanded by his son 'Abd al-Rahm2n.4' However. Louis returned the following year, and the Muslims again fought him. A number of battles ensued, ending in the defeat of the FranksPB Engagements also took place a t sea49. When both sides were tired of fighting each other they preferred to conclude peace. First, a truce was concluded in 195/810,5" but shortly afterwards was broken when al-Hakam sent an army t o attack Barcelona and other Frankish regions5'. I t was renewed in 1971812, and an Andalusian embassy arrived a t Aix-la-Chapelle to negotiate with Charlemagne.s2 The ambassador was successful in his task and a treaty was concluded for three years. However, it was broken as a result of the Muslim attack in 198/813 on Corsica and other Frankish regions near the Pyrenees, under the leadership of 'Abd al-Rahmh. son of the Amir al-yakam L53 The desire of the Muslims for peace. despite the victories they had attained. was increased by al-Hakam's fear of the growing power of Idris b. Idris in the Maghrib.64 In 2011816 'Abd alRahmsin I1 sent his ambassadors to conclude a truce with the Emperor Louis I, the Pious. They arrived a t Compiegne, then proceeded t o Aix-la-Chapelle, where the truce. which was not t o last long, was c0ncluded.5~ In 2091824 the Franks were routed at the Pass of Roncesvalles before the united army of the Basques and the Muslims. In about 2111826 Louis called a meeting in Aix-la-Chapelle attended by his son, Pepin, king of Aquitaine, and the counts of the provinces bordering on Spain. The Emperor announced a t this meeting his intention of attacking Andalusia and avenging himself. But Aizon. the fugitive leader of the Goths, fled secretly t o Catalonia and Aragon, inciting those provinces against the Frankish Emperor. He was able t o gain possession of the town of Ausona. H e asked 'Abd al-Rahmm for help, and then went in person to Cordoba in order t o secure it more quickly and be able to resist the advancing Frankish army.56 Certain other clashes followed. Ibn HayyBn mentions5' that in 2321846 a i l y a m b. B u r b ~ t b. C&ilyiim (William, Count of Toulouse, grandson of William), with a group of his companions, came t o the court of 'Abd al-Rahmzn 11, seeking the assistance of the Amir against Charles the Bald. The Amir granted his request, and William gained his victory. He was also able to besiege Barcelona and to attack Gerona (Gerunda). H e sent a letter of gratitude t o the Amir, who in his turn wrote to 'Abd Allzh b. Yahyl, Governor of

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Tortosa and 'Abd Allah b. KuIayb, Governor of Zaragoza, telling them to assist and support William. After two years William came t o the court of the Amir 'Abd aI-Rahman.S8 W e have another source corroborating this story, to the effect that a war between the young Pepin and his uncle, Charles the Bald, took place, and that Pepin requested the help of the Muslims against his uncle. It was for this reason that he sent William to Cordoba.S9 'Abd al-RahmHn's support for Pepin against his uncle may have been caused by the attacks that the latter mounted against the Muslims. The two sides were thus in a state of war, which did not, however, last long, being terminated by the conclusion of a peace treaty between Charles the Bald and 'Abd alRahman.60 Possibly this is the treaty mentioned by LCviProven~al.61 Ibn al-Qiitiyah has a short, obscure passage on "a man known as al-Qusbi, whom 'Abd al-Rahmsn I1 used t o send on embassies t o Qtirloh-Charlernagne or Charles-king of Al-Ifraniah -the Franks, and to the king of al-Riim".62 I have not been able to discover the full name of the envoy, nor has any specific embassy, connected with a date or event. been recorded.83 Ibn Ijayyan tells us that Charles the Bald enjoyed good relations with the Amir Muhammad, exchanging presents with him and persisting in his efforts for peace.64 Possibly weariness on both sides led t o a strengthening of this peace and the exchange of embassies ; thus in 2521866 the Amir Muhammad sought an understanding with Charles the Bald so as t o settle the mutual differences. Charles agreed t o it as he was eager t o be rid of the danger of a renewed attack by the Muslims on Septimania, in order to turn his attention t o the internal condition of his c0untry.~5 He sent his envoys to Cordoba. Agreement was reached, and the ambassadors returned to their country laden with gifts.66 In the reign of al-N~sir, whose court was filled with ambassadors from every quarter,e7 there arrived in Cordoba the messengers of Louis I V for the conclusion of a treaty of peace and friendship. I t was concluded and their requests granted.@ I t appears that it was this embassy t o which Ibn Baldtin referred. It might be placed in about 3421953, by a comparison with the dates of events previous to this ernbassy.69 The expression used by Ibn Khaldiin is not clear. He says : There arrived at the court of al-NIsir a messenger from the king of the Franks in the farthermost part of the East,

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who was a t that time Kildoh?O The word 'Kildoh' may be a distortion of Qiirloh (Charles). If this were the name given by Ibn a a l d i t n , and the previous reasoning connected with this embassy and its dates is correct, then Q~irloh, according to Ibn a a l d a n , is Charles the Simple who died in 3171929 before the date of this embassy. I t follows from this that Ibn Qaldiin thought that he was still the ruler up to the date of the embassy. But in fact, the king of the Franks in the eastern part of the empire, at the time of this embassy, was Louis IV, son of Charles thz Simple.71 This is the name mentioned by al-Mas'iidi. who called him L&riq b. Qar20h.~~ No doubt he means Louis IV, son of Charles the Simple. It is clear too from the French translation of the text a t the lower half of the page previously mentioned. Ibn Khaldiin also mentions that in c. 3421953: An ambassador from the king of the Franks named Afwah. from the west beyond the Pyrenees [i.e., on the other side of the Pyrenees and to the west of northern Spain]. came t o Cordoba.73 I t appears that he meant by the name Afwah, Hugh the Great, who was ruling the western part of the Frankish dominions (939-956).74 Thus it is possible that the western and eastern parts were competing in obtaining the friendship of Cordoba. In the reign of al-N@ir and his son, al-yakam 11, relations between the Muslims and the Franks were generally good. One of the signs of this is that nineteen of the columns used in building al-Zahr~'were brought from the land of the Franks?= Al-Mas'adi also76 relates that in 3361947, in al-Fustgt, Egypt, he came across a copy of a b0ok.7~presented in 3281939 by 'Urmiir, Bishop of Jarbadah, to al-Hakam, al-NSsir's son (who at that time was the heir of the Caliph) which contained a summary of the history of the kings of the Franks. It is necessary to examine the person of this Bishop and the manner of presentation of the book. The name of the Bishop and the town where he resided have occurred in different forms in different editions of al-Mas'iidi's bo0k.78 Reinaud calls him Godmar. Bishop of Cironne (Gerona) in C a t a l ~ n i awhich , ~ ~ at that time was subject to the Franks. But we see in,the old Egyptian edition of al-Mas'6dis0 that this name is referred t o as Ghudmar, Bishop of Zahrah, a Frankish town, distinct from Gerona. One can be inclined

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t o accept this version, for the Bishop's name corresponds with the Latin sources and al-Mas'odi describes the town as 'one of the Frankish towns'. Al-Mas'iidi, when he mentions the word lfranjah usually means the land ruled by the Merovingian and Carolingian dynasties, particularly the land beyond the P ~ r e n e e s . ~ For ~ example, we find that when he speaks about this book and mentions 'Frankish Kings', he gives us a list of the kings of these two dynasties. Perhaps, also, it is more reasonable that the Frankish King (Louis IV) should have sent one of his own people rather than an embassy from other territories which he ruled by force. Accordingly the town of which Godmar was Bishop must be situated beyond the Pyrenees. This conclusion is supported by Arsl~n.8 who ~ was certain that the name of the Bishop was Ghudmar, and that he was originally from Gironne and was Bishop of Ceret, in the province of Roussill0n.8~ I t appears that Zahrah is a distortion of Ceret. Reinaud asserts8* that this bishop was sent to a l - N ~ s i ron an ambassadorial mission. While in Cordoba, alHakam requested from him a book on the history of Frankish kings. This appears acceptable and corresponds with other facts. I t does not contradict al-Mas'iidi who says that the book was given t o al-Hakam by the Bishop, without specifying the manner in which the gift was made. I t is probable that the Bishop offered the book t o al-Hakam, following a request made t o him while he was on his diplomatic mission to Cordoba in 3281939. W e know no further details about this mission, which, as al-Mas'fidi informs us, finished in the year of the presentation of the book, 3281939. Abo Bakr Muhyi al-Din b. 'Arabi (560-63811164-1240) gives us an imaginative account of a Frankish embassy that came to the court of a l - N i i ~ i r . ~ ~ Impressive preparations had been made : the three-mile road from Cordoba t o al-Zahrii', was spread with mats, and lined with soldiers whose scimitars formed an arch over the envoys' heads. At the palace gate they were met by dignitaries dressed in silk brocades, whom they saluted respectfully, thinking the Caliph was among them, but were waved on. From the gate to the court appointed for their audience, their path was covered with brocades, and at various points richlyattired ofKcers were posted. Every time the envoys saw one of them, they prostrated themselves, imagining he was the Caliph. but they said, 'Get up ; this is only a slave among his slaves.'

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At last they found him in the middle of a sanded courtyard, dressed in simple clothing befitting his ascetic mode of life. He was in short and cheap clothes, and all that he wore was worth four dirhems. H e was seated on the ground with bowed head : before him were placed a Qur'gn, a sabre and a brazier. 'There is the King', the ambassadors were told, and they prostrated themselves before him. He raised his head towards them, and before they had time to speak, he said, "Allah has commanded us to bid you to conform t o this (pointing to the Qur'an) ; if you will not, we will constrain you by this (the sabre), and if we kill you, this is the fire that awaits you." He then dismissed them and they signed peace, accepting all his conditions.86 It is not entirely clear from the text what is meant by the word aLIfranj. Does it mean the inhabitants of Catalonia, as LCvi-Proven~al~' and following him, Hole say ?88 When did the embassy arrive, and by whom was it sent ? I have been unable to find any embassy8Scorresponding or approximating t o this description. Nevertheless, I see no reason to reject this account totally. The only doubtful matters are the presentation of the embassy, the manner of their meeting with the Caliph. his position when receiving them, and the conditions he imposed on the delegation. A!-NBsir's speaking in such a harsh manner and the imposition of conditions never imposed upon ambassadors is improbable. W e have never heard of the Caliphs compelling anyone to accept Islam, let alone an ambassador representing a government. Such behaviour contradicts the traditions followed by the rulers of Andalusia in receiving and honouring ambassadors. I t is still more unlikely in the reign of al-Nasir when the rules of diplomatic ceremony reached a new level and 'the protocol of reception became increasingly elaborate."w Thus we conclude that Ibn 'Arabi's account is inaccurate in its details. but, perhaps, deals with an unspecified mission which in fact took place. Good relations with the Franks sometimes transcended the diplomatic sphere, in particular during the period when Andalusia attained the peak of its power and became the destination, not only of ambassadors but also of seekers after knowledge and science.a1 Reinaud informs us that In about 3491x0 Gerbert, the monk of Auvergne. who later became Pope with the title of Sylvester I1 (390-3941999-1003).

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went t o Spain in order to study physical and mathematical sciences, and he was so successful in obtaining information and digesting it that he was regarded as a sorcerer by his own co~ntr~men.92 Another piece of information which I have been unable t o find in any other source is that In the romances of chivalry it is stated that when Charlemagne was still in his infancy, he was sent t o Muslim Spain for his education and general culture.93 In the reign of al-Hakam 11, peace appears t o have prevailed between the Franks and Andalusia. Evidence of fully documented embassies is not forthcoming. But Ibn Hayysn mentions that an embassy or two came to Cordoba, t o al-I-jakam's court from Hiitii, king of al-Ifranj, in 360-63/971-74.94This requires detailed discussion, which follows. I11
THE RELATIONS O F ANDALUSIAN REBELS W I T H THE FRANKS

The policy of the Franks towards Muslim Spain, especially in the first part of the period under discussion, was one of fear and hostility. There was fear lest the sphere of Islamic rule should be widened, which appeared imminent due t o the repeated attempts by the Muslims to extend their dominion beyond the Pyrenees which culminated in the battle of Tours in 1141732. With the arrival of 'Abd al-Rahm~n al-Dsbil. who was able t o unite all Andalusia, their fears were confirmed. I t led them t o seize every opportunity of striking at or destroying the Andalusian power. This also made them consider it importlnt t o occupy some districts of Northern Spain. The hostility took other forms as well, such as support for every rebellion of the local Muslim potentate against the Andalusian authorityg5 and a policy of expansion a t the expense of Muslim territory. So Charlemagne sought an occasion t o raid Andalusia, and saw in the invitation of some of the Muslim rebels t o come t o their help against Cordoba the golden opportunity he desired. b. Y aq@n al-Kalbi al-A'rsbi, Governor of In 1571774 Sulaym~n Barcelona and Ger0na.~6 and al-Husayn b. Yahyg al-Anassri, Governor of Zaragoza (a descendant of the Companion, Sa'd b. 'Ub~dah)allied themselves in a coalition against al-Dsbil and possibly they were joined by others. This rebellion against

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Cordoba lasted for some years and took a critical course. Among the factors encouraging the rebels to persist were the preoccupation of al-D%&il with certain revolts in the south of Andalusia, the forbidding nature of the mountainsg7 where the rebel headquarters were situated, the distance between them and Cordoba and their proximity to the frontier, from across which they could seek help. In 1581775 al-Dal&d sent an army against these rebels, under the command of n a ' l a b a h b. 'Ubayd al-Judh~mi,but al-A'rIbi was able to defeat him and take him prisoner. In spite of this victory which strengthened the rebels, they feared 'Abd alR a h m ~ n as , they knew his d e t e r m i n a t i ~ n . ~ They ~ decided to ask help from Charlemagne and invite him t o Andalusia to oppose the power of C o r d ~ b a . In ~ ~ 1601777 al-A'r~bi, a t the head of a delegation of his confederates. went to meet CharlemagnelOO and to negotiate this matter with him. A t that time Charlemagne was holding his court a t Paderborn, in Saxony (a province of Westphalia in the north-west of present-day Germany) where the great Diet was held, after completing the suppression of Saxony.1of They proposed to him an alliance against al-Diikhil. The plan was for Charlemagne to lead a campaign in the north of Andalusia, with the help of the rebels, then to move south, attack Cordoba and break its power. The rebels agreed t o owe allegiance to Charlemagne and to recognize his sovereignty.lo2 As proof of good faith they surrendered to him their prisoner na'labah, who was al-D~khil'scommander. Here we will pause to discuss the composition of the delegation which accompanied al-A'rgbi, about which opinions differ. I t is ~ ~ of Yiisuf said that they included Muhammad Abii ' I - A ~ w a d , 'son al-Fihri (the last governor of Andalusia) and 'Abd al-Rahm~nb. Habib, known as al-Saqlabi (a relation of Yiisuf al-Fihri by marriage according to our secondary sources).l04 He was known as alSaqlabi, "The Slav", although he was not in fact a Slav, on account of his height, fair complexion and blue eyes.lO5 He is not t o be confused with his namesake 'Abd al-RahmHn b. Habib, governor of Ifriqiyyah-modern Tunisia1-who was assassinated in 1381755. Later historians merely say that these people rebelled, allied themselves with al-A'rsbi and together with him invited Charlemagne to Andalusia?o7 However, when these events took place, Abii'l-Aswad was a prisoner in Cordoba. H e had been imprisoned for the second time

ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

in 142/759108 and his captivity was not ended until 160/784,19 when he escaped from the prison. How, then, could he have taken part in the alliance or accompanied al-A'rfbi t o meet Charlemagne ? Concerning al-Saqlabi, we have not come across any original source which says that he was related by marriage to Yasuf al-Fihri. Even if we presume that he was a relative of hisllO, it does not necessarily link him up with al-A'rHbi in political alliance, which is another presumption unsupported by our sources. I n 1611778 al-Saqlabi crossed from the Mag4rib t o Andalusia, disembarking a t Tudmir (Murcia)lll as an agent for the 'Abb~sid Caliph al-Mahdi b. Abi Ja'far al-Mansar.l12 H e communicated with al-A'r~bi, suggesting that they should join forces against a l - D ~ a i l . Perhaps Dozy based his belief in their alliance on this. Al-A'riibi refused al-Saqlabi's request ; the latter marched against him, but was defeated. The matter ended in al-Saqlabi's assassination in 1621779. If the date o f al-A'r~bi's departure t o meet Charlemagne and the date of al-Saqlabi's arrival in Andalusia are accepted as we have established above, al-Saqlabi did not arrive until a t least some months after al-A'riibi had left for Paderborn. Moreover. al-Saqlabi may not have corresponded with him until after al-A'rsbi had returned from the Franks, that is, after the battle of Roncesvalles and after al-A'rfbi was released by Charlemagne.l13 These facts indicate that al-Saqlabi could not have been one of those who went with al-A'riibi t o Charlemagne, nor could he be one of the members of the alliance against the Cordoban government. The same applies to Abil 'I-Aswad. Briefly, it may be agreed that al-A'riibi was allied with a number of' Andalusian rebels, the most dangerous of whom was al-Husayn b. Y a h y ~al-An~zri, governor of Zaragoza.l14 It is generally accepted that al-A'r~bi, a t the time of his mission to Charlemagne, was accompanied by one or more of these rebels. precisely whom we do not know. Levi-Proven~al,relying on Latin sources and State records, says that among al-A'riibi's company was Abo n a w r . ruler of Huesca:115 Others say that the latter met Charlemagne on his arrival a t Pamplona and handed over t o him certain hostages.116 It is likely that Abn n a w r was concerned in both matters ;but I would go back t o the first probability, because i t is known that al-A'rabi did not go alone, and Aba n a w r may have been his companion.

ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS W I T H THE FRANKS

35

The pact between the rebels and Charlemagne was concluded and hostages given as a pledge of good faith, Ga'labah, a l - D ~ h i l ' s leader, being among them."' The delegation returned t o Andalusia to make the necessary preparations. Then Charlemagne prepared a very large army, chosen from all the inhabitants of the regions of the Frankish Empire at that time. This large army marched under his command as far as Aquitaine in the beginning of the spring of 1611778. He directed this army towards Spain, crossing the Pyrenees, after dividing his forces into two parts. One crossed the eastern Pyrenees, while the second, under the leadership of Charlemagne himself, crossed the western side by the Roman Road through St. Jean-Pied-de-Port and the Pass of R o n ~ e r n a l l e s lin ~ ~order t o meet the other part of his army over the river Duero, in front of Zaragoza. After crossing the Pyrenees, Charlemagne went t o the Basque Country and besieged Pamplona, their capital, and captured it. Al-A'rBbi met him after leaving Pamplona, perhaps with some other rebels. Together they marched towards Zaragoza, where they met the other part of the Frankish force, which had arrived through Gerona and Barcelona. Charlemagne thought that he was going t o capture Zaragoza easily, with the assistance of his Muslim allies. but events took another and unexpected course. He found that al-Husayn b. Yahyg al-Ansiri had hastened t o Zaragoza and fortified the city t o be ready t o defend it against these combined forces.ll@ One might explain al-Ansiri's behaviour by supposing that he changed his mind before Charlemagne's arrival, with enough time t o prepare against this huge army. He feared the effects of his involvement in an alliance with the Franks and its results. Al-A'r~bifailed to convince him to join forces with Charlemagne and the rebels. Charlemagne failed to capture Zaragoza, which repelled all the attacks in spite of their severity.120 Al-A'r~bi was unable to help Charlemagne capturing any other place, which left Charlemagne in doubt about his intentions and he was taken prisoner.ln The Saxons revolted while Charlemagne was in Spain.lZ2 Charlemagne had to return home as soon as possible. He had not achieved a single objective of his campaign, because he had faced such unexpected difficulties. H e retraced his steps in a a w w d 161/July 778. The Basques were well prepared to take revenge on him, since they expected that he would pass through their country on his way

36

ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

home. His failure t o capture Zaragoza had given them more encouragement t o attack him. Some Muslims who were neighbours of the Basques, together with some rebel officers. joined forces with the Basques t o repel the Franks, their common eneu1~.12~ It is likely that Charlemagne had learned of this gathering, for he severely attacked the Basque capital, took possession of it and destroyed it. He continued marching home the same way he had come. While his forces were crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles, on the Spanish western side of the Pyrenees, 30 km. north-east of Pamplona, the disaster took place. The combined forces of the Basques and the Muslims attacked the Frankish rearguard by surprise. Since the combined forces had prepared an ambush for them in the Pass. they werk able t o separate the rearguard from the main body. The narrow sloped trails of the Pass were of great help. All the possessions, booty and hostages were in the rearguard, which the attackers could take possession. Al-A'r~bi, with others, was among the h0stages.12~ Because of the geographical circumstances of the battle and the surprise, the Frankish army could not reorganize to protect its rearguard, which was completely destroyed. Many high officers and the best knights were among the rearguard-such as Eggihard. the Seneschal, Anselm, the Mayor of the Palace, Roland (Hruotland). the Warden of the Breton Marches,lw and others. The last named was considered, after his death, a great hero. and his epic, La Chanson de RoIand,126 which has a legendary character, became a source for much of the poetry of chivalry in the Middle Ages. This disaster had very great effect through the whole of Europe. The graves of Eggihard and Roland are standing on the battle-field to this day, and written on them is the date of the 7 8 ) . 1 2 7 The defeat also changed Charlemagne's battle (15 August, 7 policy towards Andalusia. One might say that it was the most direct and important motive which led to the concluding of the peace treaty between Charlemagne and al-Dakhil, as well as t o the marriage invitation of the former to the latter, as has been discussed above. I t appear's that releasing of Da'labah, aIDI&ills leader, was one of the practical results of this treaty.128 Yet there is still a point which needs more discussion : how was the co-operation between the Basques and the M~slims effected ? Ibn al-A&ir says129 that 'Ay&am and Metriib. sons of alA ' r ~ b i attacked , the Franks with a group of their followers, in order

ANDALUSIAN D1,PLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS

37

t o rescue their father. They might have been reconciled with al-Ansiiri in order t o help them in this task; it is quite possible that he supplied them with a military force.130 Some European accounts say that the Basques attacked Charlemagnel31 by ambushing him while he was crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles and sweeping down upon the rearguard of his forces, in revenge for the inflictions t o which he had twice subjected them and their country. Among the Muslims, the sons of al-A'rsbi with their followers, pursued Charlernagne t o rescue their father and other h 0 ~ t a g e s . l ~ They ~ were helped by the Muslims who were neighbours of the Basques.133 In short. all these parties agreed t o make a common front against the Franks.la4 In fact, the plan was carried out and the Frankish rearguard was wiped out. This success, in such a manner, considerably strengthens the theory of their co-operation, which helps us t o reconcile the Muslim and the European accounts. The Muslims were superior in military planning, but lacked the knowledge of that difficult terrain, which the Basques knew very well. On the other hand, the Basques needed the military skill and experience of the Muslims. By joining the two abilities, they could successfully attack the rearguard of the Frankish army.135 According to this explanation, there is no contradiction between the two accounts, for each one of them concentrates on certain points, the authors being interested in the events that happened in their own countries.136 Although the Muslim account is less detailed, it appears more important and accurate.13' As for the most prominent rebels. most of them were killed.138 Yet the story of Muslim rebel officers entering into alliance with the Christian rulers against Cordoba did not come t o an end with them. However, henceforth it was on a smaller scale. In 1741790 Abii n n w r , Governor of Huesca, sent envoys t o Toulouse, capital of Aquitaine, t o conclude an alliance with its king, Louis, son of Charlemagne.139 W e d o not have enough details t o say if it was concluded, nor what was the result of this embassy. It may be that the Franks did not grant his request because they had already concluded a peace treaty with Cordoba after the battle of Roncesvalles. It appears that the Franks did not grant the request of Aba n a w r and afterwards he returned to Cordoba offering his allegiance. or a t least preferring peaceful relations with Cordoba. But in 1811797 he turned in revolt against Cordoba, immediately after t h e death of Hibarn and the coming t o power of al-Hakam I.

38

ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HA JJI

A t the same time Bahlal b. Marwsn, who was known as Abh '1-Hajj~j,revolted against Cordoba in the Upper Marches, and took possession of Zaragoza in the same year. About this time Sulayman and 'Abd Allah al-Balansi, sons of al-Dd&l and paternal uncles of al-Hakam I, crossed over t o Andalusia from al-Ma&rib, in order t o group their supporters against al-Hakam. They directed themselves towards the Upper Marches, joining forces with Abij '1-Hajjaj. They agreed, together with Aba a a w r , t o conclude an ' ~ ~ decided to seek help from the alliance against C o r d ~ b a , and Franks. Arabic chronicles tell us that al-Balansi went t o the Frankish country to ask their s u p p 0 r t . 1 ~ and ~ requested the help of Charlemagne against al-Hakam. H e might have been accompanied 4 ~ we have by some of his allied friends, perhaps Aba a a ~ r , I but no contemporary evidence for such a surmise. Al-Balansi met Charlemagne a t Aix-la-Chapelle, where he was holding his court. H e received al-Balansi hospitably and accepted his offer of help. Charlemagne sent an army under the leadership of his son, Louis, king of Aquitaine, who captured Gerona on his way, and arrived a t the Upper Marches with some rebels.143 Because some rebels had accompanied Louis, i t may indicate that they had agreed t o invite the Franks to Andalusia against Cordoba. These actions might be similar t o those of al-A'r~bi's and of his friends, although on a smaller scale. In any case al-Hakam repelled this attack, and the Frankish army had t o turn back, fearing that the rebels would not fulfil their agreement and there would be a repetition of the disaster of Roncesvalles. The rebels then returned their allegiance t o Cordoba, and Zaragoza submitted to the Andalusian central power. Some annals say that the two brothers, 'Abd al-Malik and 'Abd al-Karim, sons of 'Abd al-Wghid b. Mughi&, supported al-Balansi in his revolt, but later turned in obedience t o Cordoba, and alHakam welcomed them?* In 394/809 'Amras, Governor of Zaragoza, renounced his allegiance to Cordoba and took possession of all the areas which were under the rule of Aurelo, the Frankish leader in Aragon. When the Franks demanded these areas back from him, he replied that he was going to submit them t o Charlemagne, who sent envoys and troops t o negotiate with him, but he refused t o fulfil his promise. Nothing resulted because the circumstances were changed, 'Amras

'

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39

had turned his allegiance t o Cordoba and was later called there. The Frankish troops retreated.145 In 2121828 Mahmad b. 'Abd al-Jabbsr b. Rahilah revolted in Merida, against Cordoba. Louis of Aquitaine encouraged and helped him.148 In 2351850, at the end of the rule of 'Abd al-Rahmiin 11, M a a b. Masa b. Qasi, Governor of the Upper Marches who was strong and was often in revolt against Cordoba, crossed the Pyrenees, through Urge1 and Rivagorsa. t o raid Septimania. Charles the Bald preferred t o maintain good relations and concluded a peace treaty with him, sending him many gifts.14' These good relations between the Franks and Masa may indicate that the latter himself attacked the Frankish country without consulting Cordoba. Perhaps Cordoba would not agree t o do so, for this year Mas2 was in revolt against Cordoba.14* This might be the reason why the Frankish authorities desired t o establish good relations with Miisz. Some Frankish troops. who were in the Frankish area bordering Christian Spain, supported G h ~ l i b ,b. Hafyin, who had allied himself with Sancho Garcia of Navarre and Ordono I1 in his revolt against al-Nzsir, who had demolished the federation quickly.149 W e have noticed earlier that this kind of relationship between the Franks and the Andalusian rebels was on a wide scale during the rule of al-Dsuil. Then it started to become more and more circumscribed for many reasons and finally i t ceased. I n t h e early days of the Umayyad period, the Frankish Empire under Charlemagne was very strong and well-united. A t the same time we find the northern Spanish states beginning t o establish themselves and, therefore, they did not have the power t o encourage the Muslim rebels t o ask them f o r help. The Andalusian situation was still unsettled, but in time all that was reversed, for i t began t o get settled day by day. On the other hand, the Frankish position, after the death of Charlemagne, was disturbed for many reasons, such as the struggle for power among the members of the ruling family and the dividing of the Frankish Empire among its heirs. Moreover, the states of Christian Spain became strong enough to incite the Muslim rebels t o seek help, particularly because Christian Spain was nearer t o them than the Frankish Empire. This made it easier and speedier for the Muslim rebels t o get help. So the Muslim rebels ceased t o request the help of the Franks, preferring the help of Christian Spain.

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ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

This kind of relationship finally came to an end when the Andalusian authority reached the stage of strength and stability.

NOTES The author acknowledges his deep gratitude to Dr. J. F. P. Hopkins, of the University of Cambridge and Miss J. Thompson for their kind assistance. 1. Ibn a a l d i i n . al-'lbar. Beirut. 1958. IVjii : 252. 337. 356.395 ; Ibn a l - a a e i b . A'miil al-d'liim. ed. LCvi-Proven~al. Beirut. 1956. 114-15 & al-lbii!ah ft AbbOr Barniitah. ed. M. A. ' I n k Cairo. 1955. 1: 142 : al-Qalqashandi. Sub!, al-d'shii. Cairo. 1915. V : 272 ; Ibn Fad1 Allah al-'Umari. Masiilik ala[-db#r. MS No. 559. DZr a1 Kutub. Cairo. llliii : 566 ; Ibn al-A&ir. AI&-mil fi al-Ta9ri&, ed. C. J. Tornberg. Leiden, 1865-71, VI : 91, VII : 58 ; YBqiit. Mu'jam al-Buldiin. Cairo. 1906, VIII :42. 2. Ibn U a l d a n , op. cit., 275 ; H . Mu'nis. 'Moslems and the Mediterranean', Bulletin of the Egyptian Society for Historical Studies. Cairo, 1951, 1V : 138. 3. Ibn a l - a a t i b . A'miil. op. cit.. 219. 4. Ibn Qaldtin, op. cit.. 256,276, 396 ; Ibn al--;ib, A'miil, op, tit.. 12. 23 ; Ibn al-Athir. op. cit.. VI : 92. 102-3. 129 & V I I : 58 (he calls France "Fransiyyah") ; al-Qazwini. A&ir al-BiRd, Beirut. 1960, 576. 5 . Al-Raaid Ibn al-Zubayr. K. a/-)ha&d'ir wa '1-Tubaf. ed. M. Hamid Allah. Kuwayt. 1957, 173. 6. Ibn ' I a s r i . al-Bayiin al-Mughrib. ed. Livi-Provencal. Leiden. 1951. 11: 72, 97.108. 7. Abii 'Ubayd al-Bakri. al-Masdlik wa 'I-Mamiilik. MS No. 390180 L.. JBmi' al-Qarawiyin Library. FCs, fol. 123a. 8. Al-Mas'iidi. MurPj al-mahub. ed. C. Barbier de Meynard. Paris, 1864-77. 111: 66-75. 9. H. Mu'nis. 'AI-Ju&rBfiyyah wa '1-Jughrafiyyun fi 1'-Andalus', Revista delInstituto de Estudios lslamicos en Madrid (RIEIM), 1959-60. Vol. VII-VIII. p. 260 ; Pascual d e Gayangos, memori ria sobre la autenticidad de la cronica denominada del Moro Rosis'. Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia. Madrid. 1852, tom0 VIII. No. 44. p. 61 : Ahmad al-'U&ri. Nizam al-Marjiin. . I should like to thank Dr. co 1ed. A. al-Ahwani. Madrid. 119: (in the ~ r e s s ) ( Ahwani and Dr. Mu'nis, the Director of Instituto de Estudios Isl&micos. Madrid. for their help and kind offer of the fasicules of Niziim al-Marjrin) ; J. Reinaud. Muslim Colonies in France. Northern Italy and Switzerland (Eng. trans, with commentary by H. K. Sherwani). Lahore. 1964, 85. (I am grateful fo Professor Sherwani for supplying me with a copy of this book). 10. Ibn HayyBn. quoted by al-Maqqari. Nafh al-Tib ed. M. M. 'Abd al-Hamid. Cairo. 1949. I : 310. 343. W e find some other Muslim chroniclers use al-lfranj. e.g, al-Mas'iidi, op. cit., IX : 149 (also the index under "Francs") ; Ahmad al-'UdJri, op. cit.. 25 and 28 ;Abii 'Ubagd al-Bakri, al-Masiilik.. MS No. 3034. NFr 'Uchmaniyah Library. Istanbol, fol. 199b. The latter gives even the name of their capital Paris as BEwayrah or Barlzah. See T. Kowals~i.

.-

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41

1 1 .

12.

13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

'Relacja Ibrahima Ibn Ja'kiiba'. Pomniki Dziejowe Polski. Cracow, seria 11,tom I, Nr. 184,1946, p. 127. Muslim chroniclers know the word "France" ;possibly they use i t for a large part of Frankish territory, not all of it. Ibn al-A&ir, op. cit,. V I :103 ; Ibn al-l(hacib, A'miil, op. cit.. 74. Pascual de Gayangos. 'Moro Rasis', op. cit.. 19. quoted by al-Maqqari, op. t i t . . I : 126. 128 : J. Reinaud. op. cit.. 24. This term was sometimes extended to cover all the area between the Pyrenees and Constantinople. 'Abd al-WPhid al-Marr8ku&i, al-Mu'jib. ed. M. S. al-'AryHn. Cairo. 1963. 129. M. A. 'Inan, The Moorish Empire in Spain, Cairo, 1960.1 :78. Ibid.. 78-9. The Cambridge Medieval History. 1 1 : 126.536. Ibid.. 128-29. J. Reinaud. op. cit.. 83. S. A. 'Ahiir, AwruppZ :al-'u!zr al-Wustii, Cairo, 1961. I : 190. Ibid.. 191. The Cambridge Medieval History. I1 : 128-29. S. A. 'Afitir, o p c i t . , 205. Ibid.. 206. Ibid.. 206-8. Ibid.. 208. Ibid.. 245. Ibid.. 246. M. A. 'Inan, op. cit., I 1 :423. S. A. Salim. Talri& PI-Muslimin wa a&iruhum f i 'I-Andalus, Beirut, 1962.

204. 29. J. Reinaud op. cit., 4. 30. Al-Maqqari, ov. cit.. I : 310. See also : E. Lkvi-Provencal. Espaiia Muslumana, (temo I V of Histmia de Espaiia, ed. R. M. Pidal). Madrid. 1957. 79 ; Pascual d e Gayangos. The History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, London. 1843.11 : 85-86 : E. Rosentbal. 'Der Plan zwischen Karl dem Grossen und 'Abdurrahman in derarabischen Uberlieferung', Neues Archiv, Berlin. 193U. Band XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 441-45 .Ishould like to thank Professor Rosenthal for his kind help and for sending me a copy of his valuable article. J. Reinaud. (op. cit.. 91) says that an Arab chronicler [Al-Maqqari] meant 'Abd al-RahmHn I1 and Charles the Bald. However, no one has mentioned this, and al-Maqqari in fact uses this phrase when dealing with 'Abd al-Rabman I. 'Inan (op. cit.. I :185, n. 2) mentions that Charlemagne's oldest daughter was ready for marriage. 31. J. Aschbach. Geschichte der Omajaden in Spanien. Frankfue, a.M., 1829. I :131. 32. J. C. Murphy, History of the Mahometan Empire in Spain. London. 1816.84. 33. S. P. Scott. History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, Philadelphia, 1904. I : 409 ;E. Uvi-Provencal, op. cit.. 79. 34. E. LBvi-Provencal (ibid.), affirms that al-Maqqari quoted this passage from Ibn H a y y h . Possibly he altered it indoing so. 35. Al-Maqqari, op. cit.. I : 309-10.

cines-Biindnisses

ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI E. Lkvi-Provenqal. op. c i t . . 79. op. cit.. I1 : 69: M. A. 'Inan. Ibn al-A&ir. op. c i t . . VI :108 ; Ibn 'Id&ri, op. c i t . . I :228. M. A. 'Inen. Dccisive M o m e n t s i n the History o f Islam. Cairo. 1962.73. R. Menkndez Pidal. La Chansou d e Roland. Madrid. 1959. 189. A&b~ir Majmii'ah, unknown author. ed. E. Lafuente y Alcantara, Madrid, 1867.113. S. A. Salim, op. cit.. 204. Al-Maqqari. op. cit.. I :311. A u b i i r . op. cit.. 114. Although i t is notknown when this treaty took place, c. 780 is a possible date. Cf. Rosenthal, op. cit.. 444-45. S. P.Scott,op. c i t . . I : 409. Ibn -Qaldiin, op. cit.. IVIii : 276: Ibn Sa'id, al-Mu&rib, ed, Sh. Dayf, Cairo. 1953. I : 4 0 : Cbn 'I&iii. op. cit.. 1 1 : 72 places it in 1931809. All these historians name Louis, son of Charlemagne. Ludhriq or Rudhriq. son of Qarloh. 'Inan. Moorish Empire, op. cit.. I :237. I b n Q a l d i i n . op. cit., IV/ii: 276. J . Reinaud. op. cit., 107-8. F. J . PBrez de Urbel, Esparia Cristiana, (tomo V I of Historia d e Espaiza, ed. R. M. Pidal). Madrid, 1956, 439.
Ibid.

J. Reinaud. op. c i t . . 110. H e calls tho ambassador "Admiral Yahy2 b.

Hakam", and says that the Arab historians describe him "as a spirited person". But 1 have not been able t o find a name for him in the available Arabic sources. Possibly the breach of this treaty by the Muslims followed the Frankish attack on the Upper March. Ibn a a l d i i n (op. cit.. IV/ii : 276) says the Frankish ravages in the marches increased, and al-Yakammoved against them in 196/811. M. A. 'InHn. Moorish Empire, op. c i t . , I :238. J. Reinaud, op. cit.. I11 :2. J. Reinaud ( i b i d . . 114) says perhaps Aizon allied himself with the Muslims and was sent by them t o Aix-la-Chapelle in order t o report to them t h e correct state of affairs there. M. A. 'Inln. Moorish Empire, op. cit.. 262. Ibn Hayyan, al-Muqtabw, MS. Unnumbered, Jami' al-Qarawiyin. Fes, fol. 189a. J. Reinaud, op. cit., 119-20. M. A. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, op. cit., 262. E . LBvi-Provencal, Esparia Musulmana, op. c i t . , 141 and 178, n. 24. H e places i t in 2331847. See also :Annales Bertiniani, ed. G . Waitz. Hounorer. 1883. Year 847. p. 34. Ibnal-Q'iifiyyah. Ta'rikh Iftitiih al-Andalus, ed. A. A. al-Tabba', Beirut. 1957.92. E. LCvi-Provencal. E s p a l h Musulmana, op. cit., 178, n. 21. Ibn H a ~ s B n ,al-Muqtabis. op. cit,, fol. 221b. H e calls Charles the Bald

ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS W I T H T H E FRANKS 4 3

Firdhiland b. Rudin, b u t the qualities by which he describes him fit Charles the Bald. H e c a l l s him king of the Franks. describes him as pious. and informs us approximately as t o the length of his reign. This information he supplies. while dealing generally with the Amir Muhammad, does not specify any particular embassy. Ibn 'I&sri ( o p . cit.. I1 : 108) gives roughly the same information. while calling him Qarulush. a closer version of the name, as did Ibn al-IQatib (A6miil,op. cit., 23). See also E. Levi-Provencal, Espniia Musulmana. op. cit.. 184 and 252, n. 10 : Al-Mas'iidi. op. cit.. I11 : 71 : 'Inln. Moorish Empire, op. cit.. I: 286-309. This was what impelled him t o establish good relations with BanE Qasi. t h e governors of the Upper March who were threatening his country. In 2361 850. Miisa b. Miisii b. Qasi had attacked Septimania. See 'InHn. Moorish Empire, op. cit.. I1 : 424. J. Reinaud, op. cit., 126. It appears t h a t the envoys of Charles the Bald themselves took gifts t o the Amir ; t h i s corresponds with the information already given by Ibn Hayyzn. Ibn Ijayyln, quoted by al-Maqqari. op. cit.. I :343 : S. Lane-Poole, Thr Moors i n Spain, London. 1897 (The Story of the Nations. No. 6). 127. J. C. Murphy, op. cit., 101 ; ' I n ~ n Moorish , Empire, op. cit., I1 : 415. Ibn a a l d n n , op. cit.. IV/ii : 309-10. Ibn a a l d i i n , ibid.. 310. Cf. Gayangos, Mohammedan Dynasties, op. cit., 11: 139-464. 3. M. Imamuddin. A Political History o f Muslim Spain. Dacca (Pakistan), 1961. 100. considers Kildoh Charles the Simple sent t h e embassy. H e says t h a t it took place after 3361947. But Charles the Simple died in 929. Al-Mas'Odi, op. cit.. 1 1 1:72. Ibn a a l d i i n . op. cit.. IV/ii : 310. It appears from t h i s expression t h a t the embassy came a t the same time as the previous one, or a t some time close t o it. See Imamuddin, op. c i t . : Murphy, op. cit.. 101. 'A&ar, op. cit.. 244 ; Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1952, X I : 864. Cf. LBvi Provencal. Historia de Espafia. I V : 352, 368. Ibn B a l i b . Farhat al-Anfus, ed. 'Abd al-Badi', Majallat Ma'had alMak&i&it (Arab League). Cairo. 1955. I :fasc 2. 300-01. A1-Mas'Bdi. op. cit. I11 :69-72 ; B. Lewis. 'The Muslim discovery of Europes. Bulletin o f the School of Oriental and African Studies. London. 1957, XX :410; idem. 'Mas'iidi on t h e Kings of t h e Franks'. Al-Mas'3di Millenary Commemoration Volume, ed. S. M. Ahmad and A. Rahman. Calcutta, 1960. 7-10. It appears t h a t the book found by al-Mas'iidi was a short work dealing with the history of the Frankish kings. for he does n o t mention the rest of its contents. It is probable t h a t if the contents had been more than what he summarized, he would have mentioned i t parenthetically. Lewie. 'Mas'lidi on t h e Kings of the Franks', op. cit.. 8. Reinaud. Muslim Colonies, op. cit., 4. Al-Mas'iidi. Muriij. Cairo edition, I : 197. Zbid.. Paris edition, I X : 149 ; index under "Francs". Shakib Arslan. T a ' r i u a a z a w i i t al-'Amb. Cairo. 1352 A.H.. 20. It is not clear whether this i s ArslHn's own conclusion, or he is relying on some

44

ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI unspecified sources. One cannot be certain that Ceret is the same place which is called by some chroniclers : 'Haykal al-Zahrah'. Port-Vendres. See Ibn 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Himyari, al-Raw& al-Mi'!&, ed. Lbvi-Proven~al, Cairo. 1939. 2 . 42 ;al-Marrlkuhi, al-Mu'jib. op. cit.. 29. Al-Maqqari, op. cit.. I : 324. mentions a town called 'Jarandah' and places it beyond the Pyrenees. Reinaud. Muslim Colonies. op. cit.. 4 . T o an extent he relies on al-Mas'Edi. Ibn al-'Arabi. Mu@&ar?it a l - A h & wa Musiimariit al-A&yhr. Cairo. 1282 A.H., I1 :342. E . Hole. Andalus :Spain under the Muslims, London. 1958, 90-91. Gvi-Provenpal. L'Espagne Musulmane au Xeme Sidcle. Paris. 1932. 48. n. 2 . Hole, op. cit.. 93,places i t "a year or two before al-Nasir's death." Lkvi-Proven~al(see Note 87,above) doubts its authenticity and says that the word Ifranj generally means, in the works of Arab historians of Spain. the inhabitants of Catalonia. In fact i t did mean Catalonia, but usualb i t meant other regions as well, as has already been discussed above (PP. 21-22). Thus. the embassy may have been from Catalonia but more probably from the lands of the Franks beyond the Pyrenees. Hole, op. cit.. 90 ; Reinaud, Muslim Colonies, op. cit.. 152. This was not restricted t o the Franks, but applied to other countries as well Academic relations are not under discussion here, but the facts mentioned above have a political import. Reinaud. Muslim Colonies. op. cit,. 224. ArslHn ( T a ' r i a s a z a w h t , op. cit.. 236, n. 1 ) says that some monks who later reached Papal dignity, studied a t the University of Montellier, south France. under Arab teachers, see : 1. M. M. Vallicrosa. 'El quehacer astron6mico de la Espaiia Arabe'. RIEIM. 1957. V : 5 7 . Reinaud, op. cit.. 238. Ibn Hayyln. m.cit.. fols. 23b. 101a. Reinaud. op. cit.. 83. 85. Zbid.. 85. 'InHn, Moorish Empire, op. cit.. I ; 166. Zbid.. 167. Some say that Alfonso 11. King of Le6n. invited Charlemagne t o raid Andalusia, see 'Inln. Moorish Empire, op. cit.. 167 : Lane-Poole. op. cit.. 29 ; C. Oman. The Dark Ages, London, 1903. 352 ; M. Deanesly. A History of Early Medieval Eurcpe. London, 1960. 351 ; Ibn al-Athir, op, cit.. V I : 43. 'Inan, Moorish Empire. op. cit.. 166-67; Pidal, op. cit.. 179. I t appears that this was not the first time that al-A'rabi had sought help from Charlemagne. H e had done this before, although on a smaller scale ; 'Inan, np. cit.. 168 ; Reinaud, op. cit.. 85.

83.
84.

85. 86. 87. 88. 89-

90. 9 1 .

92.

93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99.

100.

101. Pidal, op. cit.. 179. 102. 'Inln. Mwrish Empire, 170. 103. R. Dozy. Spanish Islam. Eng. tr. F . G. Stores. London. 1913. 204 ; Imamuddin, op. cit., 41 ; H. W. Carless Davis, Charlemagne :Charles the Great, London, 1900. 110.

ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS W I T H THE FRAXKS

104.

45

C. Brockelmann. History o f the Islamic Peoples. Eng. tr. J . Carmichael M. Perlmann. London. 1959. 181 ; P. K. Hitti. History o f the Arabs. London. 1961. 507 ; Dozy, op. cit.. 204 ; Imamuddin, op. cit.. 41. 105. Ibn 'I&~ri, op. cit.. I1 : 55 ; Lkvi-Provencal. Historia de Espafia. op. cit.. I V :

79. 106. Ldvi-Provencal, ibid.; 'Inan. Moorish Empire. 128. 107. Dozy. ibid.. (n. 103, above): E. Saavedra. 'Abderrahrnan 1'. Revista de Madrid. 1910, XIV : 83 : A. Gonzales Palencia 'El Califato Archivos Occidental'. Revista de Archivos. 1922. XXVI : 180 ; Idem, Historia de l a Espaaa Musulmana. Barcelona. 1932, 23. 108. 'Inan. Mcorish Empire. 157 ; Ibn 'I&lri, op. cit.. 50. 109. Ibn a a l d i i n . al-'Zbar. op. cit.. IV/ii :269 : Ibn 'I&arT, op. cit.. 57 ; Ibn alA&ir, op. cit.. VI : 52. 110. 'Inan, Moorish Empire. 183. 111. Ibn 'Ic&+iri. op. cit., 55; Ibn a a l d i i n . op. cit.. 268 ;AMbiir MajmiS'ah, op. cit.. 110 : Pidal. op. cit.. 180: Ibn al-A&ir, op. cit.. VI : 36 ; Saavedra, op. c i t . , (n. 107. above). 112. Gvi-Provenqal. Historia de Espaiia. I V :79. 113. 'Inan. Moorish Empire, 183 : al-'U&ri (op. cit., 11) says that al-Saqlabi arrived in Andalusia in 1631780. 114. Ibn al-A@r. op. cit.. V1 : 43 ; A ~ b i i MajmZ'ah. r op. c i t . . 112-113. 115. LCvi-Provencal, Historia, op. cit 81 ; Reinaud. op. cit.. 88 : F. Codera. 'La Dominaci6n arbbiga en la Frontera Superior'. Estudios criticos de Historia arabe espniiola. segunda serie. Coleccidn de Estudios arabes. tom0 VIII. Madrid. 1917. 140. 116. Pidal. op. cit.. 187 : 'Inan. Moorish Empire, 172. 117. Lkvi-Provenqal. Historia. op. cit., 83-84 ; A r s l ~ n . Ta't.i& @azawiit. op. cit. 120. Perhaps B a a l a b a h . was handed over to Charlemagne in Paderborn o r

....

on his arrival a t Pamplona or during his campaign in Andalusia. The first appears more likely. because when Charlemagne was attacked on his return home, al-A'rabi was rescued from him. But we do not find any hint of Baalabah's participation in these events. If he was surrendered t o Charlemagne on his arrival. he would have been with the hostages in the rearguard and rescued. It is, however. well-known that he was released after neptiations had been held between Charlemagne and the Andolusian authorities after Charlemagne's return home. It could be said that n a ' l a b a h was with the hostages. but al-A'rabi's sons did not try t o rescue him. This would confirm the idea that if he had been with Charlemagne, al-A'riiEi's sons would have been anxious to take him in order t o use him as a weapon against Cordoba which was very eager to rescue him. 118. 'Inan. Moorish Empire. I :171. See also Carless Davis, op. cit.. 112. The Roncesvalles Pass is known in Arabic as Bab al-hazr2. Al-Idrisi gives us a valuable description of the Pyrenees. which he calls 'al-Bartilt'. H e mentions its passes including the Roncesvalles. which he calls .'Bart a i z r u . I t was one of the Pyrenean Passes used by the Muslims in crossing over t o France. See al-Idrisi, Nuzhat a l - M u d t d q , Rome, 1592, 252-53.