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Department of History, National University of Singapore

Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya, 1819-1911 Author(s): Yen Ching-Hwang Source: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1, Ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia (Mar., 1981), pp. 62-92 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Department of History, National University of Singapore Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20070413 . Accessed: 15/02/2011 02:16
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Early Chinese Clan Organizations 1819-1911

in Singapore

and Malaya,

YEN

CHING-HWANG

The Chinese have always been known to have elaborate family and clan systems. In traditional Chinese society, the family was a close-knit group with four or five under the same roof. It was a biological and economic unit, and was the generations nucleus of all important social activities.1 The clan, which comprised various kin families, also formed an important part of the social fabric of the tradi ship-bound tional Chinese Formation society.2 in Singapore and Malaya

of Clan Organizations

from village communities where family and kinship ties were stronger Coming in Singapore and Malaya than those in the urban areas,3 the Chinese immigrants in with their families and maintained close ties clans South China. This naturally was to to in and clan reflected their annual remittances support family clearly loyalty the kinship pattern of migration,5 and relatives in China.4 Through family members in Sin into the Chinese communities the elaborate kinship system was transplanted were ties which in of The the and gapore strong Malaya. kinship villages Kwangtung from which most of the immigrants were drawn, appear to and Fukien provinces,6 As analysed kin groups be even stronger overseas. by a modern sociologist, a in of When is individual's second line defence. the person represent danger or in or a an of task in the economic he ceremonial when needs trouble, help performance a measure he of assistance what his own and when beyond requires obligation,

1 For a good

discussion

on the traditional

Society (New Haven, Familism (London,

1946). See also Un 1948); Francis L.K.

Chinese and family system, see Olga Lang, Chinese Family The Golden Wing: A Sociological Yueh-hua, Study of Chinese the Ancestor's Shadow: and Per Chinese Culture Hsu, Under

1948). sonality (New York, 2 one by Hsien Chin Hu entitled studies on traditional Chinese clan organizations: See two important Descent in China and Its Functions The Common 1948) and the other by Liu Wang (New York, Group Chinese Clan Rules Hui-chen entitled The Traditional (New York, 1959). 3 The Sociology See D.H. Kulp, Country (New York, Life in South China: of Familism 1925) {re in Taipei, 1966J. printed 4 and Statistical Political Account Settlements See T.J. Newbold, of the British of the Straits of Malacca Their 1, p. 11; Siah U Chin, 1839), vol. (London, in China", Journal the Indian Families of "Annual Archipelago Remittances and by Chinese Asia Eastern Immigrants (Singapore) 1923), p. to Singa pp. 1-8; to I

(1847):35-36. 5 See Song Ong Yen 96; Ching-hwang, pore

Years' History Siang, One Hundred of the Chinese The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution,

in Singapore with Special China 1966), pp.

(London, Reference 1958),

and Malaya 1976), p. 4. (Kuala Lumpur & New York, 6 in Southeastern See Maurice Freedman, Lineage Organization and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung (London, idem, Chinese Lineage

(London, 1-42.

62

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

63 larger kin group have been keenly and government them. The immi

of his immediate family can provide, he can turn to the members for aid or succour.7 The need for a second line of defence seems to felt among the early Chinese immigrants who lived under a foreign to among groups of people whose languages were unintelligible a to common establish desire clan had organizations. grants overseas was also clan organizations The formation of Chinese practical needs of the immigrants. Although many of them were forced permanently, most

'he result of the no had desire to settle immigrants to sojourn overseas for a considerable

length of time. They wished to observe traditional Chinese customs such as ancestral More important, worship and festivals.8 That called for some kind of organization. was needed to deal with death. The rich who could afford to send an organization to arrange it for them;9 their coffins back to China for burial needed an organization the poor needed help to raise money for a decent burial overseas. the desire for prestige was another factor. The colonial Among wealthy Chinese, little in officialdom. them offered lead society Therefore, opportunity community as as was as an clan source such coveted alternative of leaders, positions ership, influence. drive for status and The and some .social prestige prestige10 prompted wealthy Chinese to take the initiative to found clan organizations. It is difficult to establish which was the earliest Chinese clan organization in and Singapore Malaya. One source claims that the earliest in the region is the Ts'ao clan organization (Ts'ao Clan House ) which was founded in 1819.n The #^ft v/as founder Ts'ao Ah-chih ( f>i? ? ), also known as Chow Ah Chi ( #S.% ), who was said to be one of the few Chinese who accompanied to land at the Raffles island of Singapore in 1819.12 The Ts'ao Clan House was founded as a meeting place for the growing Ts'ao clansmen in Singapore who claimed their origins from the T'ai Shan district of the Kwaungtung province, China.13 But the evidence sup source indicates that the earliest clan porting this claim is not conclusive. Another was the Kang Har Ancestral Temple of Malacca which was founded in organization 1825.14 The temple was founded by a group of five Huang clansmen led by Huang

7 See G.P. Murdock, 8 see J.D. Vaughan, 1879)

Social

Structure

The Manners

[reprinted 1971], pp. 34-35, and Eastern Asia 8 ( 1854):8-13. Archipelago 9 For the custom of sending back bodies

(New York, 1965), p. 43. and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits on Chinese of Penang", 42-47; idem, "Notes

Settlements Journal of

(Singapore, the Indian

to China of relatives for burial by rich Chinese merchants, see Vaughan, Manners and Customs i p. 31. 10 For a study on the psychological need of wealthy Chinese merchants for community see leadership, Yen Ching-hwang, Sale of Honours and the Chinese in Singapore and Malaya, "Ch'ing Leadership Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 1877-1912", 1, no. 2 (Sept. 1970):20-32. 11 See Wu Hua, Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu hui-kuan chih [Records of Chinese Associations in Singapore!, vol. 2 (Singapore, 1975), p. 1. 12 See Chang Hsia-wei, "Ts'ao Ah-chih and the Ts'ao Clan yu Ts'ao Chia Kuan" [Ts'ao Ah-Chih

et al., Shih-le ku-chi in Lin Hsiao-sheng relics of Singapore] House], [Historical 1975), pp. (Singapore, 171-75. 13 Ibid., pp. 1-4. 14 See "Ma-liu-chia shih-lueh" of the chiang-hsia-t'ang Huang-shih tsung-ch'ih ["A Short History of Malacca"], in Pin-lang-yu Temple Kang Har Ancestral chiang-hsia-t'ang Huang-shih tsung-ch'ih chi-nien chou-nien t'e-k'an of the Huang Clan (ed.), Huang-shih tsu-p'u chih pai ssu-shih [Genealogy and the Souvenir Magazine of its 140th Anniversary] (Penang, 1970), no page number.

64 Fu-yung

Yen Ching-Hwang

the progenitor of the ),15 with the main purpose of worshipping ( $!%$: But this claim is negated by in clan ).16 China, -$;*%ih Huang hsiao-shan( Huang another claim that the founding of this clan temple was in 1841.17 Another possible is the Koong Har Tong Ancestral of Penang earliest clan organization Temple in 1828.18 Very little is known about which was founded (&fa**izXit1l(**%*$) this organization street, Penang.19 except that itwas located at the Kwangtung of the could have been the earliest clan organization abovementioned in Sin Any But owing to the lack of detailed and reliable records, we gapore and Malaya. cannot establish which was the earliest Chinese clan organization. which have preserved reliable records and One of the earliest clan organizations to exist today is the Khoo (Ch'iu ?? ) clan which was formed in 1835 have continued in Penang under the name of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi ( il J_jjt ?p '? a] ). to celebrate In that year, Khoo clansmen gathered the birthday of Tua Sai Yah ), the Protector God of the Khoo clan in China, on the May festival day ( ;M? $ and a desire was generally expressed to found a fifth day of the fifth moon), (the clan temple for the benefits of the Khoo clansmen.20 Three days later (the eighth day in Penang met to form the kongsi; a of the fifth moon), all 102 Khoo clansmen a was sum was set of raised on the spot.21 In 1850, a block committee $528 up, and was In 1851, the Leong San Tong Khoo of land of 97,035 square feet purchased. the shrines for the Protector Clan Temple was inaugurated; and their wives of the clan were installed for worship.22 Godand ten progenitors

15 Other

founders

were

Huang

Chu-ch'eng

( jfc?.)K

), Huang

Lung-ch'eng

( ^Vktii,

), Huang

Wen-ch'eng(

shih-lueh" "Ma-liu-chia Chih-li, tsung-ch'ih Huang-shih [A short chiang-hsia-t'ang chi in Nan-yang of Malacca], Huang-shih tsung-hui yin-hsi Temple history of the Kang Har Ancestral of the Huang Clan Federation of South of Silver Jubilee Celebration men t'e-k'an [Souvenir Magazine east Asia] 1976), p. D 19. (Singapore, 18 shih-lueh" See Huang Wan-hsiang, Huang-shih tsung-chi'h [A "Pin-lang-yu chiang-hsia-t'ang in Pin-lang-yu of Penang], Har Tong Ancestral of the Koong short history chia-hsia-t'ang Temple tsung-chi'h Huang-shih "Ibid. 20 See Khoo Hock record of (ed.), op. cit.

16 Ibid. 17 See Huang

-fci?jfc ), and Huang Fu-chen ( ^41 A ). Ibid.

chi-lueh" Ch'iu-shih lung-shan-t'ang [A brief Siew, "Ma-lai-hsi-ya Pin-lang-yu and Ch'iu Shang in Ch'iu Hsiu-ch'iang the Leong San Tong Khoo Clan of Penang, Malaysia], of the Ch'iu people], chi-lueh [A brief record of history and biographies yao (eds.), Ch'iu-shih jen-wen vol. 1 (Taipei, 1969), p. 33. 21 See C.L. A quarter cent could buy a good meal. At that time, $528 was a large sum of money. Hall 1968?), p. 2. (Penang, Dragon Mountain Cheah, Penang's 22 in the Khoo clan temple were the founder of the Khoo clan in the The five progenitors worshipped district of Fukien province, Hsin Chiang China; Khoo Chian Eng and his wife; village of the Hai Ch'eng ancestor Khoo the third-generation ancestor Khoo Buan Sheng and his two wives; the second-generation the fourth ancestor Khoo Guan Tiong and his wife; another and his wife, third-generation Heng ancestor Khoo Chin another and his wife, Khoo ancestor fourth-generation Sheng Chung generation ancestor Khoo Hsien Chung and his wife; the fifth-gener fourth-generation Chung and his wife, another ation his ancestor Khoo Kung Wen and fifth-generation Kung Leong and his wife, another and his wife. See Khoo Hock ancestor Khoo Kung Tiong another fifth-generation ko chih t'ang fa-chan k'ai-1'uang shih-lueh chih t'ang-wu Ch'iu-shih lung-shan-t'ang Siew, "Pin-lang-yu Clan and its in Pin-ch'eng Khoo San of the short chih shih-mo" Tong development], Leong history [A yu-teh-t'ang wu-fang wen-fu-kung p'ai-hsi p'u-tia Ch'iu-kung-ssu (ed.), Hsin-chiang hsen-teh-t'ang record of Goh Pang Khoo clansmen] 1974?), no page number. (Penang, [Genealogical ancestor Khoo and two wives,

Guan

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

65

After the Khoo, the Yeoh (Yang, $? ) clan of Penang founded the Har Yang Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi ( ) in 1842.23 It was followed by *?'a *\ SfMiiii: in 1848,24 the Sze Yap Chan (Ch'en, r* ) clan of the Ng (Wu, \h ) clan of Penang in the same year,25 and the Khaw (Hsu, i^f ) clan of Penang in 1849.26 In Singapore the 1850s, the clansmen of Lee (Li, 4- ), Tan (Ch'en, & ), and Cheah (Hsieh, M ) of their respective organizations.27 They were followed by the Penang also founded seven in Lim and 1857) Wong (Huang, ^ 1854) (Lin, # Singapore.28 Another were in in in founded five the clan organizations the 1860s, Singapore and Penang one turn in in of the 1890s, and eight after the the present the 1880s, four 1870s, century (see Appendix Table 1). can be discerned. First, a localized lineage based Two types of clan organizations recent claimed common on blood, geographical, and dialect ties;29 its members came from the same village or district, and spoke a common dialect. ancestry, ties, or Second, a non-localized lineage based on broader kinship and geographical on a special tie of traditional brotherhood alliance; its members derived from a few claimed a relatively remote ancestry, and were districts or prefectures, neighbouring 38 clan organizations able to communicate among themselves. Among cannot be identified.30 Out of 33 identifiable clans, 24 can be classified lineages.31 The localized lineages lineages, while 9 are non-localized for more than 75 per in the period under study, it accounted dominant All non-localized identifiable clan organizations. lineages were located exceot one in Kuala Lumpur.32 Among the 8 non-localized lineages on our list, 5 as localized became pre cent of those in Singapore 4

in Singapore,

23

See of

"Pin

founding Yeoh Yeoh 1974.

Kongsi Kongsi

of the shih" ch'ang-chien [A short history chih-teh-t'ang Yang kung-ssu hsia-yang of the stone tablet of the inscription the Har Yang Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi of Penang], of the President copied by the author on 5 Feb. 1971.; interview with Mr. Yeoh Seng Chan, on 17 July at no. 3, Chulia Ghaut, at the Yeoh Kongsi Clan House of Penang, Penang,

24 of the stone tablet to the res See "Pin Wu-shih inscription pei chih hsi", ?hia-miao ch'ung-hsiu toration of Ng Clan House of Penang, copied by the author on 4 Feb. 1971. 25 shih-lueh" hui-kuan ssu-i Ch'en-shih See Anon., [A short history of the Sze Yap "Hsin-chia-po et al. (eds.), Ch'en shih hui-kuan in Ch'en Wei-jui of Singapore], Chan Si Wuikun i-pai i-shih-erh chou of the Chan Si Wuikun] of 112nd Anniversary t'e-k'an nien chi-nien (Singapore, [Souvenir Magazine 1961), pp. 24-25; Wu Hua, op. cit., p. 5. 26 of stone tablet of the Koe Yang Tong Society dated 8 Jan. 1921, ?erected in the See the inscription at no. 36, Burmah Road, Penang, Koe Yang Tong Clan Temple copied by the author on 17 July 1974. 27 in were mentioned in an article published The names of these clan organizations by J.D. Vaughan on "Notes in the early 1850s. See J.D. Vaughan, these clans must have been established 1854; therefore, and Eastern Asia 8 (1854): 16. Journal of the Indian Archipelago of Penang", the Chinese 28 See Wu Hua, op. cit., pp. 7-9. 29 see Maurice on localized For a detailed discussion Freedman, Lineage Organization lineage, Southeastern 30 These

in

Eng Chuan She of Singapore. 31 Nine non-localized

pp. 1-8. China, Lee Long Say Tong of Penang, of Penang, five are the Koong Har Tong Ancestral Temple of and Kwangtung Wu Shih Shu So Tan of Singapore, Long Say Kong Penang, Kongsi Tong

Hokkien Kew Leong Tong of Singapore, lineages are Sze Yap Chan Si Wuikun of Singapore, Chew Ku Seng Wuikun Lau Kwan Cheong Chou Chia Ch'ih of Singapore, of Singapore, Tan Clan Temple Li Shih Shu She of Singapore, Teo Chew Kang Hay T'ng of Singapore, Po-chia-keng Clan Association of Singa and the Ch'iung-yai of Kuala Lumpur, Chan Kongsi of Singapore, Huang pore. 32 The one located in Kuala Lumpur is the Chan Kongsi.

66 could be

Yen Ching-Hwang

as Cantonese classified dialect Fukien dialect speaking,33 2 Southern one one reason and for Teochew.35 The main the formation Hainanese, speaking,34 was of these non-localized the lack of number. As probably lineage organizations some kin groups lacked sufficient number to form their respective localized lineages, unit but within the dialect boundary. they grouped together on a larger geographical them viable in the local Chinese This enhanced their numerical made and strength, of Singapore, The Sze Yap Chan Si Wuikun communities. the first non-localized in the region, embraced kinsmen from Toisun ?^J-i (T'ai-shan ), Sunwui ?^f ), and Hoiping flfj-f- ), (Hsin-hui ), Yenping (En-p'ing (K'ai-p'ing $h,it the four neighbouring districts in the southwest of Canton. The people of the Four ?3 ?L ) shared long historical tradition, possessed similar customs, Districts (See Ya and spoke similar dialects. More important, close ties they had in the past developed to in emigrating Southeast Asia, the United States, and Australia.36 These historical, clan ties made possible the formation of the non-localized social, and migratory lineage. The traditional brotherhood alliance of the four sworn brothers: Liu Pei ( f'HIt ), Kuan Kung ( M'a ( M^?? ), and Chao Tze-lung ), Chang Fei ( f?f? ) which in the Romance the historical basis for of the Three Kingdoms, provided originated the grouping of the clansmen of the four surnames ? the Liu, the Kuan, the Chang, the Chao.37 The founding of the Lau Kwan Cheopg Chew Ku Seng Wuikun # ] ?$$kM-&^itit ) in Sin (The Liu Kuan Chang Chao Four Surname Association the beginning of the grouping of multi-surname clans in the gapore in 1866 marked there was no restriction on the dialects spoken by the clansmen of region. Although of this organization these four surnames, it is clear that members derived entirely and group.38 of the Cantonese the non-localized in among leading position lineages com can terms in in of be the local Chinese power explained alignment Singapore at this time was predominantly of Singapore southern munity. As the population The from the Cantonese-speaking

33 clans are the Sze Yap Chan Si Wuikun, The 4 Cantonese-speaking and Li Shih Shu She. Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wuikun, 34 clans are the Hokkien The two Southern Fukien-dialect-speaking chia-keng Tan Clan Temple. 35 dialect The Hainanese clan is the Ch'iung-yai Huang Clan

Chou Kew

Chia

Ch'ih,

Lau Kwan and the Po dialect

Leong and

Tong

Association,

the Teochew

clan Is the Teo Chew Kang Hay T'ng. 36 The Chinese See Victor Purcell, Bitter 9-31, p.l. Strength: 50-76; C.F. 37 For A History Yong,

inMalaya Barth, 1967), pp. 104-5; G?nther (Kuala Lumpur, 1850-1870 in the United the Chinese Mass., 1964), pp. States, (Cambridge, of 1901-21 in Australia, The Chinese The New Gold Mountain: 1977), (Adelaide,

the history of the sworn brotherhood among Liu Pei, Kuan Kung, Chang Fei, and Chao Tze ot the in a souvenir magazine of the four clans, see the various articles contained lung, and genealogies entitled Hsin-chia-po of Singapore and Malaysia, Ma-lai-hsi-ya Liu Kuan Chang Chao Clan Association chi-nien k 'an (Penang, t'ao-t 'ang kung-so Liu Kuan Chang Chao 1968). 38 but from the lists since 1949, we cannot be obtained, of this lists organization Early membership to the Cantonese-speaking the 1949 list can be assured that the association group. For instance, belongs K'ai all of them came from Nan-frai, T'ai-shan, 770 names, Shun-te, contains Tung-kuan, P'an-yu, p'ing, kuan Cheong San-shui, ti ch'i-shih Chew Tseng-ch'eng, liu chou-nien Ku Seng Wuikun Hsin-hui chi-nien See Liu Kuan Chang Chao and Chung-shan. of 76th Anniversary t'e-k 'an [Souvenir Magazine of Singapore] 1949), pp. 47-59. (Singapore, Hui Ku-Ch'eng of the Lau Kwan

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

67

and the power of the Chinese community was largely in Fukienese and Teochews,39 felt threatened. the minority the hands of the southern Fukienese,40 Cantonese would develop, and would lead When a minority feels insecure, group consciousness to the expression of a group solidarity by forming an organization which would meet as well as to protect the interests of ti\c the psychological need of the members group. dialect The Cantonese in nineteenth-century Singapore expressed this early group

solidarity by founding theNing-yeung Association ( % f% ^f$

) in 1822^the first

in 1838,42 the Nam in Singapore,41 and then the Hsiang Kongsi association in 1843.44 in 1839,43 and the Kong Chow Association Shum Association in Singapore were looked after by their dialect associa the Cantonese Although as ancestral worship could not be catered for. There some needs such tions, specific on both kinship and dialect ties would not only a clan based fore, organization some to facilities people but would also give them additional assis provide special tance and protection in times of need. This explains why the Cantonese clansmen of the Chan, the Lau, the Kwan, the Cheong, and the Chew were prepared to extend the geographical and kinship ties to form the non-localized lineages. lineage, the localized lineage confined itsmember ship to clansmen coming from the same village or district in China; kinship relations were clearly defined, to kinsmen and traditional obligations among the members and religious rituals for the ancestors were more strictly observed.45 In some cases, were drawn between clansmen from different further distinctions localities in the same village, with different to represent clan organizations the sub-groups. In contrast to the non-localized

of Singapore in 1881 shows that there were 47,625 Fukienese Census and Teochews out of total Chinese while the Cantonese 86,766 14,853. See Census population, only numbered of the Straits in Maurice Settlements 1881 (Singapore), and Associations: Chinese in Freedman, quoted "Immigrants in L.A. Fallers, Immigrants and Associations Nineteenth-Century Singapore", (The Hague, 1967), p. 19. 40 See Lin Hsiao-sheng, shih-chi Hsing-hua te pang-ch'uan "Shih-chiu she-hui in Lin cheng-chih", et al., (eds.), Shih-le ku-chi, pp. 5, 37. Hsiao-sheng 41 See Huang Wen-yu, hui-kuan shih-lueh" "Ling-yang [A short history of the Ning Yeung Associa et al., Hsin-chia-po hui-kuan chou-nien chi-nien t*e tion], in Huang Tsai-ning Ning-yang i-pai san-shih of 130th Anniversary [Souvenir Magazine 1952), p. 1. 42 The Hsiang Kongsi which was founded is the predecessor of the Chung-Shan Province, k'an which whose kuan Dr. Sun Yat-sen name was other of the Ning Yeung Association of Singapore! (Singapore,

39 The

came, had its name Sun Chung-shan. See Liu Ch'u-ch'ai

for the people from the Hsiang-shan district, Kwangtung Association of Singapore. The Hsiang-shan from district, to Chung-shan in memory district of Dr. Sun Yat-sen changed et al. hui (eds.), Hsin-chia-po Chung-shan of 113th Anniversary of the Chung from the Nan-h'ai and Shun-te dis

ti i-pai i-shih san chou-nien t'e-k'an chi-nien [Souvenir Magazine of Singapore] Shan Association 1950). (Singapore, 43 was founded The Nam Shum Association by the Cantonese tricts. This association celebrated its 123th anniversary shih-lueh" [A short in 1962;

that meant

See Liang Yuan-h'ao, "Pen-kuan hui-kuan chia-po Nan-shun i-pai nien san chou-nien

of 123rd Anni Magazine of Singapore] versary of the Nam Shun Association (Singapore, 1964), p. 52. 44 See Wu Hua, Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu hui-kuan chih, vol. 1, p. 60. 45 A study of the rules and regulations of the Khoo Kongsi of Penang localized (representing lineages) and the Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wuikun of Singapore non localized led (representing lineages) to the above of lations

history of the Nan chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir

its founding year was 1839. Shun Association], in Hsin

See Pin-lang-yu conclusions. Ch'iu kung-su chang-ch'eng Lung-shan-t'ang [Rules and regu the Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi of Penang] Liu Kuan Chang (Penang, 1921?); Hsin-chia-po Chao Ku Ch'eng hui-kuan of the Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng ch'ang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations Wuikun of Singapore] 1963). (Singapore,

68

Yen Ching-Hwang

the same aims, they the same ancestors and cherished Although they worshipped to people who claimed ancestry from the particular localities restricted membership in Penang is in a small village in China. The existence of two Lim clan organizations a case in point. The two Lim sub-localized in 1863.46 The lineages were established who claimed admitted clansmen Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong ( ^Afai?ib ) only in Mandarin, two from ancestry (Kong-ch'ien localities, Keong Cheng particular in Kuan ( % in of the Goe Eh Ho and T^ Mandarin, ) (Hsia-h'o village ) %^ district, Fukien; while the Lim Toon Pun Tong ( ?iA$kJh ), H'ai-ch'eng from the Goe Kuan village irrespective of their locali all clansmen it ) accepted the two lineages were founded by the same gentleman named Lim ties.47 Ironically, the Lim ) who came from Keong Cheng and Eh Ho. When Cheng Kah ( f?i^f Keo the Lim ancestral ) was Leong Tong ( $.1?*l?lit1L Kongsi temple, also the had there.48 Both in offices 1866, both lineages worshipped inaugurated same Chor and Jee the same deities named Tua Chor ( Ai? and ( -=.^H ),49 ) ancestor Lim Jiong Kong ( #1^^ ), the founder of the Lim clan in Goe Kuan the two lineages failed to merge, and have these common grounds, village. Despite %L& and management.50 separate organizations One major reason for the formation of the sub-localized lineages in Singapore and Malaya was the influence of the parental clan structure in China. There existed two to Penang. immigration separate Lim clans in Goe Kuan village long before Chinese to follow the same line. At the practical It was natural for the immigrants level, maintained because there had been close ties between clans in China and overseas, any amalga inter-clan relation of the sub-localized mation groups overseas would complicate in finance.51 ship in China, particularly in Singapore and of localized The dominant lineage organizations position reflected not only the strength of kinship ties based on blood relationship Malaya com of the local Chinese and territorial origins but also the state of divisiveness an form of Chinese schemes were important early Kinship-sponsored munity. lived closely together and depended to Southeast Asia52 and kinsmen immigration The kinship ties thus and for economic advancement. on each other for protection In China, the village became stronger overseas than in the home villages in China.

chih Lin-shih mien-shu-t'ang chien Lin kung-ssu Tun-pen-t'ang Teong Aik, "Pin-ch'eng in Lim of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, Penang], [A shortNhistory chih mien-shu-t'ang Lin-shih i-pai chou-nien Pin-ch'eng tun-pen-t'ang (ed.), Ma-lai-hsi-ya Teong Aik Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, Toon of Lim Kongsi Souvenir k'an chi-nien [Centenary shih" 1963), pp. 12, 16. 1863-1963] (Penang, 47 See Rules and Regulations 1952), p. 2; Rules and (Penang, of Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, Penang Toon Pun Tong, Penang 1952), p. 2. (Penang, Regulations of Lim Kongsi 48 of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, See Lim Teong Aik, "A Short History Toon Pun Tong and Souvenir in Lim Teong Aik, Centenary of Lim Kongsi (English version), Penang" Soot Tong (English version) Lim SzBian 1963), p. 13. (Penang, 49 Souvenir The two deities were the gods of Goe Kuan village. See the inside cover of the Centenary Soot Lim and Pun Sz Toon Lim Bian Tong. Tong Kongsi of 50 See Lim Teong Aik, op. cit., p. 14. 51 on 18 in Penang in his residence of the Lim Kongsi, Interview with Mr. Lim Teong Aik, Secretary Jury 1974. 52 The Chinese See E. Wickberg, Years' History Siang, One Hundred in Philippine of the Chinese 1850-1898 (New Haven, Life, in Singapore, p. 96. 1965), p. 172; Song Ong

46 See Liin

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

69

was surrounded by other villages sharing common dialects and customs.53 In the new land, the immigrants were confronted with language problems, strange people and environment them to customs, and sometimes hostility. This unfriendly compelled on their kinsmen for support.54 In the nineteenth and early rely more exclusively twentieth centuries, Chinese and Malaya was so rigidly segre society in Singapore that the Chinese tended to socialize exclusively within gated by dialect differences55 to which of the same surnames but the dialect groups they belonged. People speaking different dialects did not trust one another, and excluded one another from the lineage organizations. On another level, to admit somebody who did not speak the same dialect would not only create a communications problem but also create such as selecting a common dialect for conducting meetings as well as problems rituals. This divisive nature of the Chinese society provided the right climate for the localized lineage organizations, and partly explains why growth of the dialect-based the localized lineages were predominant in the Chinese society in the period under
study.

These lineages retained many of the characteristics of the clans in China such as the group cohesion, the age and generation the pro hierarchy, common property, motion of group prestige, and the perpetuation of generation line. They also retained some of the special features of the parental clans in their internal structure, selection of leaders, and their functions in the society.

Structure and Leadership The formal structure of of the Clan Organizations. was a three-tier model: a standing committee, the clan organizations a managing and the rank-and-file membership. The standing committee consisted of committee, the clan head, as chia-chang addressed ( $^ ) who was sometimes tsu-chang a an honorary ( ^I-i: ),56 ( &lf?-jk deputy tsu-chang ) or deputy chia-chang, treasurer, and an honorary auditor.57 These few top office secretary, an honorary bearers were elected among the members of the management committee who were themselves elected by the rank-and-file members. The number of both committees' to the size and the need of different clan organizations; members varied according a elected on the committees which larger and more active clan had more members were more elaborate in their functions. The actual size of the rank-and-file member ship is difficult to ascertain. Because of their localized nature, the clans varied from a hundred to few hundred members. The Khoo Kongsi in Penang had 'more than a

53 See Maurice in Southeastern Freedman, Lineage Organization Chinese China-, Maurice Freedman, and Kwangtung. Lineage and Society: Fukien 54 See W.H. Treacherous River: A Study of Rural Chinese inNorth Malaya Newell, (Kuala Lumpur, 1962), p. 20. 55 See Yen Ching-hwang, The Overseas and the 1911 Revolution, Chinese With Special Reference to and Malaya, pp. 7-9. Singapore 56 of Penang which had its clan head addressed as chia See, e.g., the Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi term is still used nowadays. See Pin-lang-yu tsu-miao chang. This t'ai-yuan-t'ang wang-shih chang of Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi, ch'eng [Rules and regulations (the copy obtained Penang] by the author in July 1974). 57 See Rules and By-laws See, e.g., the structure of the Lim clan in Penang. of Kew Leong Tong Lim an undated pamphlet in both Chinese and English. Kongsi,

70

Yen Ching-Hwang

hundred members when it first came into being in 1835.58 The Chan Kongsi in Kuala more than 300 people in a pro Lumpur was reported in 1897 to have mobilized to the Chan clan cemetery during the Ch'ing Ming festival.59 cession of pilgrimage in Singapore the Chinese population and Malaya was made up of bits and in there was no direct transplant of a of localized various China,60 lineages pieces overseas had But the localized lineage. lineage organizations incomplete complete retained many features of the structure of the parental bodies in China. One of these was the fang each localized lineage was usually subdivided into system. In China, or room took at The subdivision any particular point of house). place fang (meaning As The number o? fang was deter time when the lineage matured at itsmultiplification. It could be three mined by the number of sons of the person at the time of division. or more, and each/?mg had a particular name referred to in general and in genealo either by number or place names in gical records, and the fangs were designated of the whole clan were thus subgrouped accord which they settled. The descendants and gradually developed,their loyalty and identity.61 Feuds and fang ing to fang, a were of clan found in some parts of subgroups occasionally fightings between of this inter-/aA?g distinction.62 South China as a result of the development In the overseas communities, the fang it did not system was retained, although a to extent of creating feuds and fighting. Members of the localized lineage develop to fang origins; they were grouped together as were divided into groups according of responsibility and power within the structure of the lineage; units for distribution tended to mingle members of the same/?wg socially, cared about each other more, in times of need. This of course streng and tended to offer more generous assistance ties and fostered fang thened fang identity, and the result of this trend was the of separate sub-clans within these localized lineages. The structure of the this trend. The Khoo clan generally retained nine clan in Penang exemplifies from the San Tu village ( ^.^p ) of H'ai Ch'eng structure which originated fang district, Fukien province. The nine fangs were H'ai fang (Hai pang in Southern formation Khoo

Fukien dialect, %% ), Wu fang (Goh pang #? ), Ching fang (Chneh pang ## ), Ch'in fang (Gim pang %?% ),Tien fang ), Chai fang (Thay pang ?# (Ch'an pang &)% ), Shung fang (Cheng pang fa% ), Men fang (Mooi pang

5'

See Khoo'Hock

Hsiu-ch'iang Siew,

and Ch'iu

"Pin-lang-yu shih-mo",

t'ang-chih

Ch'iu-shih in Ch'iu chi-lueh", "Ma-lai-hsi-ya lung-shan-t'ang Pin-lang-yu vol. 1, p. 33; see also Khoo Hock chhlueh, jen-wen Shang-yao (eds.), Ch'iu-shih fa-chan shih-lueh chih t'ang-wu ko-chih Ch'iu-shih k'ai-k'uang lung-shan-t'ang in Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu kuing-ssu (ed.), Hsin-chiang yu-teh Hsen-teh-t'ang wu-fang Siew,

n.p. t'ang wen-fu-kungp'ai-hsip'u-tia, 59 See The Kong See Boo Poe 22/3/1897, pp. 3-4. [Chinese Daily News], 60 A Study and Migration: Local Grouping See Maurice Freedman, "Kinship, of London, among Chinese Overseas" 1956), p. 10. (Ph.D. diss., University 61 See Francis L.K. Hsu, Clan, Caste and Club (New York, 1963), pp. 63-65. 62 of Huang clan in a village of P'an Yu district, In 1910, two subgroups than 1,000 people. involved more See Lat Pau, in serious fighting which engaged in the region of East Kwangtung two branches of a clan in an emigrant village over children. for large-scale of disputes because warlike fighting preparation and Its Influence in South China: A Study of Overseas Migration Communities and Social Change (New York, 1940), p. 129.

in Social

Realignment

Kwangtung province, Oct. 1910, p. 9. In 1934, and South Fukien made See Ta Chen, on Standards Emigrant of Living

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

71

into four sec ), and Yu fang n% (Soo pang #*,?- ),63 and they were organized tional groups: Hai Kee Kak, Goh-Thay-Chneh, and Mooi Gim-Ch'an-Cheng, Soo.64 Each of these sectional groups was made up of one or mort fangs. The Hai Kee Kak, the first sectional group, ismade up of only one fang, theWalfang. The second consists of Wu fang, Ching fang, and Chai fang. The third group is com posed of Ch'ln fang, Tien fang, and Shung fang. The fourth is made up of Men themselves into two fang and Yu fang. Six out of the nine fangs further organized sub-clans: Wen Shan T'ang XiUlt (Boon San Tong ) and Tun Ching T'ang tk%*1? ), the former consisting only Wax fang, while the latter (Toon Keng Tong Chai fang, and Shung fang.65 It is note comprised Men fang, Yu fang, Wufang, not only one sectional group but also a sub constituted worthy that the Walfang clan in the structure of the Khoo clan. This obviously reflects the numerical strength of the Walfang which was also the largest fang in the San Tu village in China.66 of one fang gave rise to the alignment of other small fangs Numerical dominance into sectional groups and a sub-clan in order to achieve some kind of balance in the still retained power structure of the Khoo clan. At the same time, these small fangs and developed their individual identities.67 Once their numerical they achieved own would their a in sub-clans to order more strength, they organize play important role both within the Khoo clan and in the community at large. One of these over grown sub-clans is Shen Teh T'ang (Sin Tong HQiit ) which was organized by members of the Wufang in 1931 as a result of the increase of fang clansmen as well as the need for special worship for the fang's in China.68 founder, Wen-fu, Apart from Inter-fang ties, the relationship between members within a localized lineage was clearly defined by generation and age in hierarchical order. As pointed out by a leading Chinese the kinship organization in China operated sociologist, levels ... mainly by "a system of status ascribed on the basis of age and generational and the system offered a practical device for clearly establishing the status of every member in a kinship group whether it consisted of a small family or of a clan with Under this system, all members were divided 10,000 members".69 into different

63 Interview with Mr. Khoo Eu Chai, the President of the Khoo Kongsi of Penang at the Khoo Kongsi house on 3 Feb. 1971. administrative 64 See Khoo Phaik Suat, "The Clan Kongsis of Penang, with Particular to the Leong San Reference Universiti Sains Malaysia, Tong Khoo Kongsi" (B.A. Hons. Academic Feb. Exercise, Penang, 1974), p. 10. 65 66 Ibid. Interview with Mr. Khoo Eu Chai on 3 Feb. 1971. halls called T'ang (Tong jt )? they were the small fangs had retained names

67 These

of their ancestral

Shao Teh T'ang (Seow Teik Tong iQf?it ) of Shungfang, Yao Teh T'ang (Yeow Teik Tong #it '? ) of Ching fang, Shen Teh T'ang (SinTeik Tong &j*'? ) of Wufang, Shui Teh T'ang (SweeTeik Tong ^?t? ) of Men fang, Shui T'ung T'ang (Swee Thong Tong 4k$Llt ) ?f Yu/iwg, Shu Teh T'ang (Soo Teik Tong vUfti: ) of Chai fang, P'ei Chen T'ang (Pi Chin Tong i^'f ) of T'ien
fang, and Chin 11; interview with Mr. 6* See Khoo Hock of the Wu Shan T'ang Khoo (Kim Shan Tong &iUj? Eu Chai on 3 Feb. 1971. ) of Ch'in fang. See Khoo Phaik Suat, op. cit. p.

Ch'iu kung-ssu chien-shih" Siew, "Hsin-chiang Wu-fang Shen-teh-t'ang [A short Khoo Kongsi], in Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu kung-ssu Fang Shen-teh-t'ang (ed.) Shen-teh-t'ang Record of G oh Pang Khoo Clansmen, Genealogical n.p. ** See C.K. Yang, A Chinese in Early Communist Transition Village Mas^., 1965), p (Cambridge, history 86.

72

Yen Ching-Hwang

and status and authority were according to layers and age groups, generation a in Members senior seniority. generation layer thus enjoyed higher status and and among members of the authority over those in a junior generation, possessed same generation, older members took precedence over younger ones.70 The authority to members senior in generation and age reinforced the values of genera delegated tion hierarchy arid the respect for the old, and also helped to perpetuate certain norms of behaviour and life styles in the clan. For the purpose of differentiation, code words were selected by the clan committee, and each generation genealogical was given a written character which was required to be incorporated into the names to the same generation.71 of members belonging A similar situation existed in the overseas Chinese communities, except overseas code words but lineages did not coin their own genealogical obtained them from that the

directly in China and distributed them among their parental bodies to suggest that the overseas members^72 This act should not be taken as evidence clans were controlled by their parental bodies; it should be seen as an indication of the clan's lines started in China, and as an effort to bring their desire to continue to the parental bodies. The desire for continuing the closer members spiritually act in the of the in name reflected Khoo is system Kongsi Penang clearly generation code words in both Chinese and English to which has widely distributed genealogical list obtained by the author in 1971 contains forty characters repre It starts with the eighth generation and ends with the senting forty generations. not with But this should be confused the generation forty-seventh generation.73 a In has the clan of of clan. the Khoo genera fact, only depth twenty-three depth tions in the 1960s.74 The Yeoh Kongsi, another localized lineage in Penang, has also to its and in English code words both in Chinese genealogical widely distributed some words which include for code future list also contains and the members, forty itsmembers. The generations.75 The degree of seriousness with which the generation name system was seems to have varied. Some not only distributed code words observed genealogical

70

Ibid., p. 87. 71 name A Chinese name, the middle one

name personal "Tnterview 73 for the eighth generation code word of the Khoo clansmen is Kay ( Jt ), and is The genealogical Hoon , eleventh followed ( JL , tenth generation), ($ genera ( 4? , ninth generation), by Phaik Theng , thirteenth Boon (X , fourteenth Jin (A generation), tion), Swee ( l& , twelve generation), generation),

nearly always consists of three characters, is generation the last is the personal name, are combined to make a meaning. with Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb. 1971.

of which name.

the first Usually,

is surname generation

or family name and

and then followed by Huan (& ), Kok (H ), Hua ( % ), Soo (& ), Kay ( ?? ), 4 ), Thai (& ), Heng ( It (? ), Kuan ("f ), Soo ( ), Sin Boo (?. ), Teng ( $ ), Kah (f ), Lay (? ), Sin (#. ), Kar (?), # ), Saik (ty ),Hock ( ?| ),Har ( ig ), Ee ( S? ), Boh (t$), Choo * ),Chian ( -f ), Chiew ( ( .?+),Aing ( ty ), Cheng (ft ), and Kah ( ($ ), Ean (& ), Ek ( Say (? ), Giap ( f ), Giang ( ? ) All these % ),"
names Members are romanized of Leong Ch'iu-shih to southern Fukien dialect. See "A List of Genealogical Code Words for according the same list is incorporated into a leaflet entitled Hsin San Tong Khoo Kongsi", tsu chien-p'u of "Sin Kang" hsi chao-chi Seah Khoo's ko-p'ai [Brief genealogy Shen-teh-t'ang regulations Ch'iu of Har kung Sit

chiang ancestors of various branches] 1967). (Penang, 74 in Pin-ch'eng Khoo Kongsi, chart of the V/ufang See the genealogical ssu (ed.), Genealogical Record p. 74. ofGoh Pang Khoo Clansmen, 75 See Hsia-yang chang-ch'eng chih-teh-t'ang Yang Kung-ssu [Rules and Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi] n.d.), appendix. (Penang,

Yang

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

73

to incorporate those words in their names.76 But a but also openly required members of Wu fang Khoo clansmen reveals that study of the names of sixteen generations code words,77 many of them did not comply with the request of using genealogical in the name system.78 This irregularity can be taken as and there was even confusion a sign of decline of the generation name system which was probably the result of the lack of a rigid control over clansmen by a clan in an overseas community. Unlike in China, the overseas clans possessed no judicial power over their members to coerce members to comply with their rules.79 Moreover, and found it difficult the of number Chinese education undermined the growing receiving English generation name system, for they used their names in romanized forms, and the original code words were completely lost. meanings of the genealogical clans In China, three main criteria determined the choice of a clan head: Leadership. in and social and in age, seniority generation standing, integrity.80 Seniority was and out it because of the age grew generation important kinship principle. Social standing was important because it was connected with the clan's standing, Personal influence, and power in the community. integrity was taken into serious account it assured because the clan that its leader will not abuse his power.81 time had eroded the clan's power in China generally, there does not seem Although to have been much change in the principle for selecting heads of clans. Writing in the 1930s about a northern Fukien village, Lin Yueh-hua, a Chinese anthropologist, indicated that there was was true in the overseas to the principle of seniority. The same still firm adherence in nineteenth-; and early twentieth Chinese communities century Singapore and Malaya. At the beginning of 1971 when the head of the Khoo in Penang, Mr. Khoo Eu Chai ( ??^:t" he told the Kongsi ) was interviewed, author that seniority in generation and age was important in selecting clan heads in the past, and would continue to be important in the future.82 The principle of social standing seems to have played a greater role in deciding the leadership of the over seas clans. The most of social standing was wealth. Among important component overseas Chinese in Singapore and Malaya during this period, wealth determined
76 the list of genealogical E.g., demand. See "List of Generations tenary Souvenir pp.25-26. 77 See Ch'eng of Lim Kongsi

code words of Goe Toon Pun

such a specific printed by the Lim Kongsi of Penang made Kuan Seah Lim Clan"; see also Lim Teong Aik (ed.), Cen 1863-1963 Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, (Penang, 1963),

the genealogical from the 8th to 23rd generation, charts of the vVufang Khoo clansmen in Pin Ch'iu Record (ed.), Genealogical Shen-teh-t'ang kung-ssu of G oh Pang Khoo Clansmen, pp. of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi". Code Words for Members 1-84; "A List of Genealogical 78 for the 18th generation the genealogical code word of the Khoo Kongsi is Thai (T'ai in man E.g., who belonged to this generation Khoo clansmen used words like Boon ), but some Wufang darin, u (Wen, X code word by the Khoo Kongsi, for the 46th generation. Record of G oh Pang Khoo Clansmen, of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi. clans in Late Ch'ing China, of the Chinese is the code word to the list distributed "Boon" is the See Pin-ch'eng pp. 69-72; "A see S. van der

) and Cheng (Ch'ing, ft ). According for the 14th generation, and "Cheng" Ch'iu kung-ssu (ed.), Genealogical Shen-teh-t'ang

List of Genealogical for Members Code Words 79 on the judicial power For a discussion inManchu China (London, Sprinkel, Legal Institutions 1962). 80 Descent in China and Its Functions See Hsien Chin Hu, The Common Group 29. ?' ibid. 82 interview with Mr. Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb. 1971.

(New York,

1948), p.

74

Yen Ching-Hwang

and enabled people to acquire titles and political influence.8' There social mobility the acquisition of clan leadership. A close study of the Lim fore, wealth facilitated clan leadership in Penang shows that social standing was of overriding importance. in 1863, Lim Cheng Kah (Lin Ch'ing-chia the clan organization After founding became its first clan head.84 He was succeeded by ^tw^l7 ), a wealthy merchant, also Lim Hua Chiam ##,D| ) in 1878.85 Lim Hua Chiam, (Lin Hua-tsuan as Lin Ju-chou leader in known ( #*/&-$community ),86 was a recognized Penang; he was a leader of the Chinese Town Hall (P'ing Chang Kung Kuan -f-$ the Chinese 'a!? community,87 ) which was the highest public body representing and in 1905 and 1907 was elected as the Deputy Superintendent (fu chien-tu) of the Chung Hua school which was run by the local Chinese community.88 His wealth and influence in the community brought him the coveted title of J.P. (Justice of Peace) and also brought him the prestigious title of from the British colonial government,89 son in his Lim Hua death Lim Chiam's After in 1908.90 it 1912, ( g #f ) Tao-yuan as of him the head the succeeded Hooi clan, acting Jfo?%%%) Seng (Lin Ch'eng-hui in 1914.91 Lim Seng Hooi was another recognized and his position was confirmed of the Chinese Chamber of Com leader; he was an Executive Member community was it when merce of Penang in 1903 founded,92 and was a leader of the Chinese a Lim was J.P. also awarded Town Hall;93 he government.94 by the British Colonial another # 3MS ), Seng Hooi was then succeeded by Lim Keong Lay (Lin Kung-li J.P. in 1943. The first post-war clan head of the Lim Kongsi was Lim Hong Khim ) who died in 1949. He was succeeded by Lim Sin Hock Jfo^ik (Lin Hung-ch'in -fa ) who appears to have retained the position up to the time ##. (Lin Ch'eng-fu in 1963.95 Three features stand out from this the centenary souvenir was published brief survey of the Lim clan leadership over a hundred years. First, all six leaders

81

See Yen

1877-1912", Malaya, 84 See Lim Teong

the Ministry 16Dec. of 32nd year of Kuang-hsu, 1906), p. 47. 87 vol. 2. of the Chinese Town Hall, Penang", See "Minutes 88 Hua School, of the Chung Directors Directors and of "A List Deputy Ibid.; Superintendents, vol. 9 (Dec. 1906), p. 47. in Gazette of Education, of theMinistry Penang", 89 See Lim Teong Aik, op. cit., p. 16. 90 of Agriculture, Lim for the award of the title, the Ministry In recommending Industry and Com his leadership, and his service to the local Chinese merce community, praised him for his distinguished moon efforts Commerce o? Agriculture, of the Ministry education. See "Memorial Chinese in promoting Industry and on 18th day of 3rd moon of and approved to the Court, by the Empress Dowager accepted in Lat Pau, 30 May 1908, p. 9. 34th year of Kuang-hsu 1908)", reproduced (18 Apr. 91 See Lim Teong Aik, op. cit., p. 13. 92 See A. Wright, (London, 1908), p. 744. Impressions of British Malaya Twentieth-Century 93 1913. vol. 2, 23 Jan. 1905 to Oct. of the Chinese Town Hall", See "Minutes 94 See Lim Teong Aik, op cit., p. 16. 95 Ibid.

Penang", Soot Tong, p. 13. 85 Ibid. 86 as Lim Hua Chiam, To identify Lin Ju:chou ch'en la-yueh chih i-shih pu" [Minutes of the Chinese 1913 (unpublished); kuan-pao [Gazette of Hsueh-pu

in Singapore and the Chinese and Sale of Honours Leadership "Ch'ing Asian Studies I. no. 2 (Sept. 1970):20-32. of Southeast of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, Aik, "A Short History Toon Pun Tong and Lun Sz Bian Souvenir in Lim Teong Aik (ed.), Centenary of Lim Kongsi Ching-hwang, Journal

see "Pin Town

P'ing-chang

Hall,

chia kung-kuan kuang-hsu vol. 2, 23 Jan. 1905 to Oct. Penang], vol. 9 (1st day of 11th of Education],

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

75

were wealthy businessmen; leaders who were awarded

second, three out of the six were recognized community the J.P. title, and one of them was honoured by the third, both father (Lim Hua Chiam) and son (Lim Seng Hooi) Ch'ing government; became clan leaders. The fact that Lim Seng Hooi succeeded his father to lead the clan points to the overriding importance of social standing over seniority in genera ? Lim two tion and age when the principles were in direct conflict Seng Hooi could not possibly have been the person senior in generation and age at the time of his
father's death.

A study on the leadership of Khoo Kongsi from 1850 to 1966 confirms our impres sion that wealth, the major component of social standing, was a determining factor. the thirty-nine trustees of the Kongsi during this period, there were twenty Among six wealthy or well-to-do businessmen, eight clerks, and one teacher; the remaining three could not be identified.96 Apart from the principles discussed above, the numerical strength of fangs within a clan seems to be another factor to be reckoned with. As noted earlier, the overseas clans were patched increase together from fragments of clans in China. Natural combined with patterns of immigration provided fangs with very different numeri cal strength within a clan. Among the mne fangs of the Khoo Kongsi, Hai fang and had which numbers97 the Wufang bigger provided them with strength to dominate of to the leaders listed from two 1891 the leadership Kongsi. Among sixty-four 1965, dominant fangs produced for nearly half of the total, twenty-eight which accounted whereas the remaining seven fangs jointly shared thirty-six, slightly more than half of the total.98 Functions Like their parental bodies in China, the overseas clans of the Clans. were basically social and cultural organizations, and their aims were primarily to to to descent clan and foster traditional values perpetuate lines, promote solidarity, which in turn uphold the idea of kinship. The traditional values such as filial piety, reverence for the old, and exaltation of educational achieve loyalty, virtue, harmony, ment derived mostly from Confucianism, and were in some ways reflected in the names code the of sub-clans or fangs. Genealogical words and code genealogical words such as "Teh" (Virtue), "Shih" "Hsiao" (Generation), (Filial), and "Wen"

Trustees

and "List of Surviviing of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi 1850-1910" of Early Trustees to the of Penang, with Particular Reference 1970", in Khoo Phaik Suat, "The Clan Kongsis 14-15. Khoo San pp. (unpublished), Tong Kongsi" Leong 97 in still (fan be seen from the statistics compiled of the Hai fang and Wufang The dominant position See "List at

96

1969. Ha\ fang had 2,486, Wu fang 1969-for the period from Jan. 1959 to Sept. 844, Shung fang 624, Yu 74. The com 372, Tknfang 272, Ch'm fang 244, Chai fang 107, and Ching fang fang 448, Men fang 1 fangs is 3,330, while the remaining number only 2,141. See and Wu fang bined number of Hai fang of tsu-ch'in ko p'ai-hsi Ch'iu-shih [Statistics of the various fangs teng-chi t-ung'chi piao" "Hsin-chiang in Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu Record the Khoo of G oh kung-ssu (ed.), Genealogical Shen-teh-t'ang clansmen], Pang Khoo Clansmen, appendix. 98 See "Pin Ch'iu-shih chia-chang Penang. ming-lu" [A list of Khoo clan leaders] deposited at the Khoo Clan

House,

76

Yen Ching-Hwang

adopted by the overseas clans;99 and names for sub-clans (Culture) were commonly or fangs such as "Chung Hsiao T'ang" (Hall of Loyalty and Filial Piety),100 "Yao of Teh T'ang" "Shen Teh T'ang" Virtues), (Hall of Continuing (Hall Glorifying were indica of and "Shui (Hall Continuing T'ung T'ang" Generations) Virtues), these values.101 But the desire was most concretely tions of the desire to uphold expressed in the functions of the clans. Five major functions can be listed: ancestral worship and worship of protector gods, observance of traditional festivities, helping of marriage of disputes, and legalization and pro arbitration destitute members, motion of education. and Worship Gods. The worship of ancestors of Protector overseas was clans which gave of all the the function and protector prime gods The to and it in rules their worship of Khoo Chian strong emphasis regulations.102 Yeoh Teck ), *pi*# Keng (Yang Teh-ch'ing^it#| ), Eng (Ch'iu Ch'ien-yung Ancestral Worship Lim Joing Kong (Lin Jang-kung f?UUlA ), Ong Sim Chi (Wang Shen-chih -3L#?* ), Tan Guan Kong (Ch'en Yuan-kuang f$7C;?t )> and Ng Shiao San (Huang Hsiao and Malaya shan -%*Hih ) by various localized clans in Singapore points to the were the founders clans in South of the parental fact that those worshipped of all Ong (Wang), Tan China,103 and the last three were also the progenitors (Ch'en), and Ng (Huang) clans in the whole Fukien province.104 The fact that the
the wQrd "Teh" is founfl both on the lists of genealogical code E.g., of Penang; the word "Shih" is found on the hsts (Generation) Kongsi of Lim Kongsi, Yeoh Kongsi, and Khoo Kongsi. See "A List of Genealogical "A List of Genealogical of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi", Code Words for " words of Lim Kongsi and code words for Members

Yeoh

of genealogical Code Words the Yeoh

and Regulations and "A List of Generations of Yeoh Kongsi, Penang, appendix; Pun Tong and Bian Soot Tong", in Lim Teong Aik (ed.), Centenary Souvenir Toon Pun of Lim Kongsi Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, pp. 25-6. 100 See Pin-Ch'eng Lin-shih of the Hall of Chung-hsiao-t'ang [Rules and regulations chang-ch'eng and Filial Piety of Lim Clan, Penang] Loyalty (1965). 101 was the name for Ching fang "Yao Teh T'ang" was the name (Chneh pang), "Shen Teh T'ang" was the name for is also the name of a sub-clan, for Wu/flfng and "Shui T'ung T'ang" (Goh pang) which to the Khoo these three fangs and sub-clan Yu fang of Penang. (Soo pang). All belonged Kongsi Interview with Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb. 1971 ; see also Khoo Phaik Suat, op. cit., p. 11. 102 of Penang, the Lim Kongsi of Penang, the Khoo Kongsi and the Po-chia-keng Tan clan of E.g., in their rules and regulations. have stated this very clearly See Rules and By-Laws Singapore of Kew in both Chinese and English), booklet p. 13; Pin-lang-yu (an undated Leong Tong Lim Kongsi lung Ch'iu kung-ssu chang'ch'eng (n.d.), chap, five, sections 6 and 7. shan-t'ang 103 Yeoh Teck Keng was worshipped Khoo Chian Eng was worshipped by the Khoo Kongsi of Penang, Lim Jiong Kong by Lim Kongsi of Penang, Ong Sim Chi was worshipped by the Yeoh Kongsi of Penang, and Hokkien of Singapore, Tan Guan Ong Clan Temple by the Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi of Penang by Eng Chuan Tong Tan Kongsi of Penang and Tan Eng Chuan Tong of Malacca, was worshipped of Malacca, by Kang Har Ancestral Temple Koong Har Tong and Teo Chew Kang Hay Tng of Singapore. of Penang See Brief Genealogy Ancestral of "Sin Temple Rules and Regulations Seah Khoo''s Ancestors of Various Branches; of Yeoh Kongsi Kang" of Penang, Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong; Souvenir item 4; Lim Teong Aik, Centenary of Lim Kongsi Wang Hsiu-nan (ed.), Wang-shih k'ai-tsung pai-shih Ch'en-shih yu (ed.), Yun-ch'uan-t'ang ta-hsa tsung-ch'ih t'ang Ch'en-shih 1974); Pin-lang-yu (Malacca, t'e-k'an. nien chi-nien 104 Ibid. Huang-shih tsu-p'u, lo-ch'eng lu (Singapore, C2; Ch'en Ch'i 1971), pp. B30-32, p. 5; Ch'en Yung-ch'ing (ed.), Ma-liu-chia yun-ch'uan tien-li chih pai-chou-nien k'ai-mo t'e-k'an chi-nien (ed.), Huang-shih tsu-p'u chih pai ssu-shih chou Kong was worshipped and Huang Hsiao-shan

in Rules Kongsi", of Lim Kongsi Toon

tsung-ch'ih

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

11

to the progenitors of post-Fukien settlements indicates that worship was confined these clans in China had made a clear break with the history of their pre-Fukien to be too remote or less relevant to ancestry appeared period. Their pre-Fukien records. Whatever them, or perhaps it was due to the lack of reliable genealogical the reason, the genealogical settlements provided the clans history of post-Fukien with new identity and new descent lines branched out from the main bodies in North and Central China. in the family shrine which was used as a device for Unlike ancestral worship emotional clansmen genitor. members' awareness in the clan represented efforts to bring all relief,105 ancestral worship to to closer their and their express origins, spiritually gratitude to the pro At the same time, the worship a produced psychological impact on the

attitudes towards the descent line, and helped them to increase their of their duty to the clan. Like their parental bodies in China, the overseas clans worshipped their progenitors in clan temples. Usually the back hall of the clan or statues housed of and ancestral tablets. The hall is temples portraits progenitors subdivided

into three parts: central, left, and right. The central hall contained three each The terraced. central is shrine or the statues shrines, occupied by pictures of the progenitor and of other prominent ancestors and their wives.106 On the left and right to recent clansmen tablets belonging are deposited. Tradition shrines, ancestral attached greatest importance and prestige to the central shrine, and then to the left and right shrines. Which tablets should go to which shrine was decided by the clan in committee the light of certain criteria. In China, the main criterion management seems to be a person's in official position.107 Because achievement few overseas could achieve official prominence either locally or in China, wealth thus became the most important criterion. The wealth of the deceased was important, but more because it was chiefly their important was the wealth of his descendants, that decided his position donation in the shrines.108 Within the shrines, ancestral tablets were arranged hierarchically to seniority of generation. The posi according Chinese

105 in Chinese See C.K. Yang, Religion Society (Berkeley, Calif., 1967), pp. 29-30. 106 in Penang placed the statue of Khoo Chian Eng, the progenitor the Khoo Kongsi of the Khoo E.g., clan in China, in the central shrine. Apart from this, tablets of the second, and fifth third, fourth, of the Khoo clan and their wives were also deposited ancestors there. See Khoo Hock Siew, "ma-lai-hsi Ch'iu-shih Ch'iu Hsiu-chMang ya Pin-lang-yu and Ch'iu lung-shan-t'ang chi-lueh", (ed.), Shang-yao Ch 'iu -sh ih jen -wen chi-lueh, p. 33. 107 See Francis L.K. Hsu, Under the Ancestor's Shadow: Kinship, and Social Mobility in Personality China (Stanford, Calif., 1971), p. 53. 108 This practice has been continued listed the prices of among clans today; some of them have openly shrine positions for ancestral tablets. The Lim Kongsi of Penang stated in its by-laws the conditions and sums of money for various positions in the shrines. Those who could pay M$l ,000 or more could deposit who in the central shrine; those who could pay $240 or more in the left shrine; and those their ancestral tablets in the right shrine. See Rules and By-laws pay $120 had to deposit from 1 Jan. 1948), English of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi (enforced section, p. 14. This practice was also adopted Tan clan of Singapore. In its rules and regulations, it states that "mem by the Po-chia-keng bers who donate M$300 each time could deposit their ancestral tablets in the central shrine and they them tablets could only selves would their ancestral would nien become tablets members permanent in the left shrine and of the clan; those who donate $200 each time could deposit those who donate $100 in the right shrine, and they themselves of the clan. See Hsin-chia-poyun-ch'uan shih-liu chou kung-so of shih-chuan, 16th anniversary p. 6. of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore] their ancestral

be given permanent membership chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir magazine 1954), chap. 6, Tsung-hsien

(Singapore,

78

Yen Ching-Hwang

of ancestral tablets thus reflected the values of the clans, the tion and arrangement influence and power of the deceased, and the wealth of their descendants. two sacrifices As concrete expressions of respect and gratitude towards ancestors, were held annually. Dates for sacrifice varied among the overseas clans, but it seems that most commonly they fell in spring and autumn, and were known as "Spring Sacrifice" Sacrifice" (Ch'iu-chi ?k?? ).109 #^ ) and "Autumn (Ch'un-chi the sacrifices were therefore Because there are no seasons in Singapore and Malaya, Septem ranging from March, April, and May to August, taking place in the months Sacrifices and October.110 ber, comprised offerings and a solemn ceremony conduct ed by the clan head.111 Because of their importance, members were required to par The ceremony was held in the clan temple, and was ticipate in these ceremonies. A feast of this kind not only pro followed by a feast attended by all members."2 for clansmen to meet but also served to foster a sense of solidarity. vided opportunity Together with ancestral worship was the worship of the protector god or goddess. Religious worship within the clans was as important as ancestral worship. The statue of the protector god or goddess was given a prominent place in the clan temple, and it was given sacrificial offerings once or twice every year. The clan members were to pay their homage.113 required to attend these ceremonies was probably connected with the nature of early Religious worship within the clan to Singapore As a number of the early immi and Malaya. Chinese immigration sea led them to believe that there were their experience at grants were fishermen, over the supernatural them. They either appeased powers presiding supernatural to custom or sought help from a pro certain rites according powers by performing In the southern part of Fukien province where many tector god or goddess."4 for sea voyages immigrants came from, a common protector early Chinese or "T'ien Hou" "T'ien Fei" Concubine named ) (Heavenly f^-kt goddess
venly Queen ^l? )."5 Apart from a common protector goddess, many

of the was a (Hea


clans .in

Southern

Fukien

had their own Gods.

The origins

of clan gods were

closely

related

109 See Pin-ch'eng Tan

Penang], Kongsi, [Rules and regulations

tsung-ch'ih view with Mr. interview 1974. 1.0

Ch'en kung-ssu [The rules of the Eng Chuan Tong chang-ch'eng Yun-ch'uan-t'ang tsu-miao Wang-shih chang-ch'eng T'ai-yuan-t'ang p. 2, item 8; Pin-lang-yu Yeh-shih of Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi, p. 9, item 35; Hsueh-lan-ngo Penang], of the Yap Clan Temple, p. 6, item 31; inter Selangor], chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations Yeh Tan-po Chan Siew Hup on 15 Jan. 1974; Jalan Bandar, Kuala Lumpur, (aged 70) at Yap Clan Temple, on 15 Jan. 49 Jalan Cecil, Kuala Lumpur, at the Chan Clan Temple,

with Mr.

Ibid. 1.1 con an ancestral worship a Malaysian historian who witnessed to C.S. Wong, ceremony According of new of two parts: installation consisted in 1964, the ceremony in Penang ducted by the Khoo Kongsi A Cycle of Chinese Festivities to the ancestors. See C.S. Wong, (Singapore, spiritual tablets, and homage 1967), pp. 16-18. 1.2 Ibid. 113 Thean Seong that the clan's* protector in its by-laws indicated The Lim Kongsi of Penang goddess, should be installed at the , also known as T'ien Hui), ^X^L^ Seng Boe (T'ien Shang Sheng Mu falls on ceremonies Solstice Day which front hall of the clan temple, and two sacrificial (on the Winter falls on the 23rd of 3rd moon) must be held every and the Goddess's 23rd of 12th moon, birthday which p. 13. See Rules and By-Laws ofKew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, 1,4 in South China Communities See Ta Chen, Emigrant 1940), pp. 40-41. (New York, 115 to the legend, the 6th daughter in the Sung Dynasty. The legend of T'ien Hui originated According in a storm in an attempt disappeared of Lin Yuan, a resident of the P'u T'ien district of Fukien province, year.

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

79

to the history of the particular clan, and they were worshipped in the clan temples in China."6 Whatever the origins of the protector god or goddess, the psychological can need of a protector, among these early Chinese be immigrants, fully understood. Their first voyages to the Malay Peninsula, and the voyages back to China which in prospect, and many of them made or hoped to make, were .frightening experiences in reality. The people firmly believed that if they did not sometimes very frightening would not be rendered when it was worship protectors, protection appropriate needed. As the protector god and goddess occupied such important places in the to be properly housed. life of the immigrants, needed spiritual they obviously were Common in and protector gods placed goddesses special temples for public but particular gods and goddesses posed problems. The erection of clan was answer. the obvious The temples founding of some early clan temples such as Khoo Kongsi and Yeoh Kongsi in Penang was partly due to such considerations."7 a common god or goddess While some clans had particular gods, others worshipped in their clan temples. Both the Tan clan in Singapore and the Lim clan in Penang the popular sea protector goddess, T'ien Hui, in their temples."8 They worshipped worship, may lacked their own clan gods, relationship with the sea goddess. have or they may have wanted to develop a special

Observance Unlike Christian festivals of Seasonal Festivals. (Christmas and Easter) which have a strong religious flavour, most Chinese festivals were connected with tradition or with peasant economic activities. As China was a predominantly seasonal changes dominated the thinking of the peasants. This agrarian economy, was clearly reflected in the celebration of spring festival, Winter Solstice Day, and the Chinese New Year."9 The Ch'ing-ming festival (visiting ancestral graves), the May

the Protector brother. She thus became for the sea-fearing Goddess in coastal groups of her alleged power, she was conferred the title of "Tien Hui" by Emperor of Yung-lo Later she was further conferred the title of "T'ien Hou". the Ming Dynasty. She was also known among as "Ma Tsu P'o" of "T'ien Hui" was popular in South sea-fearing people aM,&?&- ). The worship Asia. For the origins and cult of "T'ien Hui", see several China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Southeast Fukien. Because articles chun Malacca contained chi-nien k'an inMa-liu-chia (Souvenir lo-ch 'eng T'ien-hou hsin-hsa hui-kuan Hsing-an kung hsin-tien yu kao of the Founding of the New Building of Hin Aun Association of Magazine of the New T'ien Hou Temple) (Malacca, 1973?), pp. 130-56; see also Hsu of Pattani) (A History 1946), p. 119. (Singapore,

to save her elder

clan God was "Tua Sai Yeah" , the collo % Kongsi's (Ta Shih Yeh X? Hsien of the Chin Dynasty connected ) which was probably %fy\%'? the early migration of the Khoo to South China, from North clansmen and was worshipped in China. The clan gods of Yeoh Kongsi were Sye Thow Kong (Shih T'ou Kung ???H'a ) and Poe Seng quial with name of General Hsieh Tai Tay Ch'eng ?| i ? f ) which were also worshipped (Pao Sheng Ta Ti by the Yeoh clan in the H'ai See Khoo Hock Siew, "Ma-lai-hsi-ya Fukien. Ch'iu-shih district.of Pin-lang-yu lung-shan-t'ang in Ch'iu Hsiu-ch'iang and Ch'iu Shang-yao chi-lueh", (eds.), Ch'iu-shih jen-wen chi-lueh, p. 33; Oon Ee the Yeoh Kongsi", The Star (Penang) 25 June 1973, p. 19. Seng, "Legends Surrounding 117 See Khoo Hock Siew, op. cit.; "Pin hsia-yang shih" [A chih-teh-t'ang Yang kung-ssu ch'ang-chien short history of the founding of the Har Yang Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi of Penang], the inscription of

and the Completion Pei-ta-nien shih Yun-tsiao, 1,6 For instance, the Khoo

the stone tablet of Yeoh Kongsi copied by the author on 5 Feb. 1971. 118 See Souvenir Magazine Section on of 16th Anniversary of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore, Clan Leaders, p. 8; Rules and By-laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, p. 13. 1,9 To the Chinese the new year festival was not just to start afresh a new hopeful peasants, year, but also to celebrate the passing of the severe winter and to welcome a lively spring in which their economic activities started again.

80

Yen Ching-Hwang

of the patriotic poet Ch'u Yuan), the Chung-yuan festival (in memory festival in the seventh moon (feeding the hungry ghosts), and the Moon festival in the eighth moon were closely connected with Chinese tradition and history. The early Chinese immi in environment and grants tended to observe all these festivals despite changes climate. This strict observance was partly due to their unquestioning loyalty to tradi In a society where regular holidays were tion, and partly due to social factors. a break from lacking,120 festivals became substitutes which would give employees to regulate and helped the normal between and work, relationship employers From the clan's point of view, the observance of festivals not only pre employees. served Chinese tradition, but also provided social gatherings for members to mix so as to promote a sense of clan solidarity. The most commonly observed festivals in in nineteenththe Chinese communities and early twentieth-century Singapore and festival (the fifteenth day of the Malaya were the Chinese New Year, the Shang-yuan the Ch'ing-ming the May festival, first moon), the Chung-yuan festival, festival, was the most con festival.121 Among these festivals, the Ch'ing-ming and the Moon crete expression of ancestral worship in the Chinese communities, and it was there fore most strictly observed by the clans. The festival normally falls on the fifth day to make pilgrimages of April of the solar year. Tradition required family members to pay homage and lay sacrifices at the ancestral to cemeteries tombs. Since most kinsmen had a common cemetery,122 and since all Chinese families were obliged to visit their ancestral graves, the clans took the initiative to organize a common func a tion and make it a real clan occasion. Ancestral to involved ceremony worship a collective visit to the clan cemetery,123 sacrifices to the founding progenitors, for kins and a feast. An occasion of this nature provided not only an opportunity men to meet, to develop a sense of belonging, to reinforce some but also an occasion to show off the It was also an opportunity traditional values that the clan upheld. clan's wealth and strength. Wealthy and powerful clans spent thousands of dollars, offer

120

In the traditional In fact,

Chinese

unknown.

the system

Shop employees population. festivals such as Chinese New Chinese

the Christian week system in which Sunday is the rest day was society, was to the predominantly non-Christian and agrarian largely irrelevant to observe common towns were given holidays in country those most festival. Following this tradition, early Year, the May festival, and the Moon most of the days throughout the year except pp. for a

worked in Singapore and Malaya immigrants few festival days. 121 The Manners and Customs See Vaughan, of June 1890, p. 1,30 May 1892, p. 1,5 Oct. SingPo,2\ Sept.

the Chinese 1892, p.

of the Straits Settlements, 1893, p. 1, 17 June 1,6 Mar.

42-44; 1,23

1893, p.

1893, p. 1. 122 in Singapore and Malaysia of the clan organizations today still have their own clan ceme Many inMalacca of Malaysia has its own cemetery. See "Ma-lai-hsi teries, e.g., the Jen Kuei Gan Clan Temple the Jen Kuei Gan Clan Temple of ya Jen-kuei Yen-shih [A short history yen-ke shih chi-lueh" tsung-ch'ih Records of Gan clansmen], shih-lu ed. Yen Swee-chang in Yen-shih tsung-chin [Historical Malaysia], (Johore Bahru, Guan Mount". has its own cemetery Yeoh clan in Singapore named "Hiap 1973 ?), n.p. The Hokkien Yuan Shan shih-lueh" "Fu-chien See Yang Feng-shan, ts'ung-shan-Hsieh Yang-shih [A Guan Mount], in Yang Ta-chin, of Hokkien Yeoh Clan-Hiap short history of the cemetery (ed.) Yang shih Tsung-pu, P.G. 16. 123 which was founded in 1867, still continues its the Teo Chew Kang Hay T'ing of Singapore E.g., to visit ancestral graves. See Huang Kuo-chih, all dlansmen "Wu-chin tradition of mobilizing ssu-hsi.kan wu chou-nien and others chiu-shih chi in Huang Shih-t'ung (ed.) Ch'ao-chou chiang-hsia-t'ang yen", of the Teo Chew Kang Hay t'ng, Singapore] of 95th Anniversary nien t'e-k'an (Sin [Souvenir Magazine gapore, 1962), E-10.

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

81

in elaborate ceremonies and rich feasts, and mobilized of hundreds indulged In 1897, the wealthy Chan clan in Kuala Lumpur mobi kinsmen for the function. for a collective lized more than 300 clansmen visit to the cemetery. Roads were crowded with many well-decorated and and it left a deep onlookers, carriages as a in the Chinese whole.124 impression community was based on blood Destitute Members. clan organization Helping Although it and in certain In the conditions. relations, grew given socio-economic developed traditional society where most people lived on a subsistent level and social welfare the Chinese had to rely on family members and clans programmes were unknown, men for support in times of need. Without modern pension systems, they had to in their old age. Without worry about their livelihood benefits, unemployment they It was in these circumstances had to fear disability and unemployment. that the clans each clan aiming for self-sufficiency. In China, most developed welfare functions, clans had common property and a clan granary from which subsidies or relief were In the overseas communities, the need for given to aged and needy clansmen.125 welfare relief was even more pressing. Many early immigrants were singles who left their families in China. Their need for material support from the clan organization was imperative in times of sickness, unemployment, and death. Because of this in Singapore and Malaya had clearly expressed need, most early clan organizations to clansmen in rules and by-laws. The Lim Kongsi, for instance, welfare obligations made clear in its by-laws that "the Kongsi may, wherever possible, render pecuniary to any clansmen who is unable to earn his living in consequence of decrep or sickness. Such clansman may, if he desires, be repatriated to titude, destitution, China at the expense of the Kongsi".126 Indeed; the Khoo Kongsi provided regular to the poor, the destitute, financial assistance the aged, and widows within the clan. a close kin, the Kongsi also provided a In the event of a clansman dying without assistance was simple funeral and a proper burial in the clan cemetery.127 Material also given to new clansmen just arriving in Singapore and Malaya. The clans usually provided lodging, food, and clothes and helped them to find employment.121 The material assistance was the most concrete expression of the spirit of clan solidarity. from the fear of being unemployed, By so doing, the clan rescued members incapaci assistance tated, old, and helpless, and gave members a strong sense of security. In return, the members closely identified with the clan, supported itwhenever they could, and gave it their unreserved In this the existence of the clan was way, loyalty. continuing
assured.

to the poor and distressed was extended not only assistance to but also grants needy clansmen in China. In the rules and regulations of of Kongsi Penang, a clause specified that "if any member of the Khoo clan China or in Penang be both poor and destitute, if they be in distress and Material
124 See Kong See Boo Poe (Kuala Lumpur), 22 Mar. 1897, pp. 3-4. 125 See Hsien Chin Hu, The Common in China and Its Functions, Descent Group 58. 126 See Rules 127 See Khoo Tong and By-Laws Phaik p. 9. ofKew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, of Penang, "The Clan Kongsis with Particular p. 18. (unpublished), Suat, Khoo Eu Chai In Penang on 3 Feb. 1971.

to immi the Khoo either helpless in

pp.

184-85,

App.

Reference

to the Leong

San

Khoo Kongsi" 128 Interview with Mr.

82 ness,

Yen Ching-Hwang

and relief as a token of goodwill".12" render assistance the Kongsi would in China. In had Khoo the Indeed, helped the needy clansmen consistently Kongsi to Khoo of send the board of the decided December 1910, management Kongsi to the parental body in H'ai Ch'eng district. Fukien province, remittances monthly and orphans.130 An act of this kind not only for the relief of widows, widowers, reflected genuine concern for the kinsmen as a whole but also indicated the desite of the overseas clans to forge close ties with parental bodies in China. of disputes was an important function of Arbitration Arbitration of Disputes. most of the early clans in Singapore and Malaya. The Eng Chuan Tong Tan clan, an claims that arbitration of internal early clan which was founded in 1854 in Penang, disputes, and of disputes between Tan clansmen and members of other clans, was its its impor most important work in its early decades.131 This function has maintained tance, even among those clans founded after the Second World War.132 There were the clan, and the dispute between clans. the dispute within two types of dispute: Internal disputes, usually over money or personal matters, would disrupt clan soli them. Parties to internal disputes were darity if there were no ways of resolving of the clan. The clan head and sub-committee required to report to the investigation and try to mediate his deputy would then have the dispute thoroughly investigated, and reward to the would be given to the mischievous, and settle it. Punishment such internal arbitration was designed to preserve clan solida virtuous.133 Whether for conjecture. is a matter or to claim authority over clan members judicial rity, Given in nineteenthand early twentieth-cen communities at aimed both. The communities the clans and Malaya, probably tury Singapore The kapitan system adopted by the British were, to a certain extent, self-governed. in dealing with the Chinese communities before the end of the colonial authority a that the clans It is such reinforced nineteenth century tendency.134 unlikely like some powerful intended to acquire immense judicial power over their members, like chih-chih (self-governing clans in China had enjoyed.135 But the use of headings or autonomy) in some clan rules about the arbitration of disputes suggests that some the nature of the Chinese
degree of self-government was aimed at.136

129 Ch 'iu kung-ssu 'eng, pp. 2-3. chang-ch See Pin-lang-yu lung-shan-t'ang 130 13 Dec. 1910, p. 4. States Daily Press] (Kuala Lumpur), See Ssu-choujih-pao [Federated Malay 131 the of short chien-shih" Eng Chuan Tong Ch'en-shih history [A See "Pin-ch'eng yun-ch'uan-t'ang of the Ch'en-shih in genealogy Ch'en tsu-p'u [The Yun-ch'uan-t'ang Tan Kongsi, (ed.), Ch'i-yu Penangl, 1967) (n.p.). Eng Chuan Tong Tan Clan] (Penang, 132 Toh Teo Gan Ancestral the Eng Choon E.g., in 1949, has included this function which was founded ) of Malacca .44M&J?rJffift.-?Tf? ( Temple See Ma-liu-chia in its rules and regulations. yung of the Eng Choon Toh Teo [Rules and regulations

Yen-shih ch'un t'ao-ch'ang chang-ch'eng ts'ung-ch'ih 12. p. 2, rule no Section, 1949), Chinese Gan Ancestral (Malacca, Temple, Malacca] 133 Tan Clan of Singapore", of the Po-chia-keng chap. 9, in Souvenir and Regulations See "Rules 6. the Chuan 6, p. chap. So, 16th Singapore, Kong Eng Anniversary of of Magazine 134 were given judicial and administrative power over their dialect Chinese The appointed kapitans Chinese A as C.S. a whole. See Kapitans or (Singapore, of Gallery Chinese Wong, community groups 1963). 135 inManchu China, pp. 80-87. See S. van der Sprinkel, Legal Institutions 136 Tan clan of Singapore of the Po-chia-keng See, e.g., the rules and regulations chap. 6, p. 6. of the Eng Chuan Kong Jo of Singapore, zine of 16th Anniversary

in Souvenir

Maga

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

83

if un external disputes, If internal disputes clan solidarity, could undermine as a so was of could threaten the whole. This the survival clan checked, particularly most in nineteenthand early twentieth-century and Because Malaya. Singapore overseas clans were offshoots of the clans in China, they were invariably affected by the inter-clan relationship of their parental bodies. Frequent clan wars in South overseas of the clans.137 Trivial disputes between the China strained the relationships strained clans could flare up into large-scale clan fights.138 Such fights could threa ten clans directly, and they could also provoke hostile interventions by the local of the clan leaders government authority. This could also result in the banishment and bans on the clans involved. Because of these serious implications, most overseas clans were very cautious. If disputes between clans arose, members were required by clan rules to leave them to the manship of the clan head would After a thorough investigation, action should be taken to settle tion could be reached among clans. A clan managing committee under the chair convene a meeting wheii itwas deemed necessary.139 the committee would then decide what course of the dispute. Sometimes, and coopera understanding

clans which dominated the local Chinese powerful In nineteenth-century for instance, the five powerful clans ? community. Penang, the Khoo, the Lim, the Chieh, the Yeoh, and the Tan ? in agreed to cooperate settling inter-clan disputes so as to bring peace and order to the community.140 The ? the three clans which came from the same village Khoo, the Chieh, and the Yeoh Sam Tu (Shan Tu ?-i? of FTai ) Ch'eng district, Fukien, and whose members had in China and overseas ? intermarried further strengthened their relationship by an named Sam forming organization Quaye Tong Kongsi (San K'uei T'ang kung ssu, il?'Aa] ) in 1881.141 The
comprising twelve

three clans were


trustees who

equally
dealt

represented
with inter-clan

on a board of
matters.142

management

this kind helped to stabilize the immigrant community. It could Organizations not only prevent serious disputes which tended to disrupt social order and threaten the survival of the clans but also positively promote cordial relationships pointing to the development of social units larger than clans in the overseas Chinese com munities. At the same time, the organization to improve inter-clan also helped of

137 For a discussion zation in Southeastern

on clan wars China, pp. about

fights Nov. Apr.

tung; e.g., there were reports in T'ung An district, Fukien

in Fukien and Kwangtung, see Maurice Freedman, Lineage Organi 105-13; Lat Pau reported frequent clan fights in Fukien and Kwang clan fights in Shun Teh district, Kwangtung 1889, p. 6), clan (28 Oct.

29 Oct. 1889, p. 6), clan fights in Ch'uan-chou Fukien, prefecture, (13 1889, p. 2, 26 Nov. 1889, p. 2), the fights between Wu and Fu clans of Nan An district, Fukien (8 1891, p. 5) and the fights between Lim and Koh (Lin and Hsu) of the Feng Au village, Teochew pre

fecture, Kwangtung 1891, p. 5). (1May 138 the fights between Li and Chua clans in Singapore ? both belonged to the E.g., (Li and Ch'ai) Teochew dialect group (Sing Po, 20 Apr. and the Lim and Tan (Lin 1891, p. 8), fights between Teochew and Ch'en) clans in Singapore 1898, p. 8). {Sing Po, 8Mar. 139 See rule no. 30 of the Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi of Penang, in Rules and By-Laws of Kew and Regulations of the Pao-ch'ih-kung Tan Clan of p. 8; see also "Rules Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, Celebration Singapore", chap. 10, in Souvenir Magazine of the 16th Anniversary of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore, chap. 6, p. 6. 140 See "Pin-ch'eng Ch'en-shih in Ch'en Ch'i-yu chien-shih", yun-ch'uan-t'ang (ed.), Yun-ch'uan t'ang Ch'en-shih tsu-p'u (n.p.). 141 See Khoo Phaik Suat, op. cit., p. 21. 142 Interview with Mr. Yeoh SengChan in Penang on 17 July 1974.

84

Yen Ching-Hwang

in China. It promoted in the home the spirit of inter-clan cooperation relationship rest for and for the whole village by providing money places building night patrol to it its also used financial force the power village.143 Sometimes, parental clans to come to terms with each other in order to avoid large-scale clan war.144 and Promotion In the second half of the Legalization of Marriage of Education. nineteenth and the beginning of twentieth centuries, the Chinese in communities and Malaya became more viable and self-sufficient, and the Chinese Singapore tended to adhere more to their traditions. There was a cultural resistance to local that were seen as foreign.145 Cultural mixing, influences from the clans' point of was undesirable and was seen as a direct threat to the values which the clans view, cultural mixing was viewed as disruptive, it was an sought to preserve. Although inevitable process that overseas Chinese communities had to undergo. Local-born Chinese tended to lose some of the values their parents cherished, and tended to mix more groups and people of other races. A trend especially between Chinese men and Malay women, took place in the community and was clearly reflected in the existence of a group called "Babas".146 Most clans realized that if the trend towards "Baba-ization" of the principles on which the clans were organ Chinese descendants.was unchecked, Chinese of other dialect towards inter-ethnic marriages, and would eventually result in the loss of Chinese be greatly undermined, was the main cause of As the of Chinese girls in the communities identity. shortage more to it in seemed desirable young Chinese girls Sino-Malay marriages,147 bring from China to arrest the trend towards "Baba-ization". to do The clans proceeded so. Through was contacts with to clan the well China, arrange a placed frequent suitable marriage between an overseas member and a China girl; and as the branch ized would it could legalize an overseas marriage which would of its parental body in China, assure the couple a "legal status" if they had to return to the home village in some distant future. Clan-arranged marriages usually took place in clan temples where ceremonies were held, and the couples were blessed by the clan head. This helped to publicize and dignify the marriage among the clansmen. The Lim Kongsi of Penang, in the clan temple.148 By for instance, annually solemnized marriages of its members so doing, the clans exercised considerable influence over the choice of spouses of its and prevented inter-dialect and inter-racial marriages from taking place. members, with

143 Ibid. 144 According There was a war

to Mr. between

Yeoh

Seng Chan,

clan war was and Yeoh

rife in South

China

in the 19th and 20th centuries.

but the trustees of the Sam Quaye Ch'eng, as a means to threaten parental and used remittances clans to Tong came to some the year of the big fight, his reference settle the fight. Ibid. Mr. Yeoh did not specify could be the one in Lat Pau, 4 Apr. inApr. 1891 between Khoo and Yeoh, occurred 1891, p. 8. reported 145 on the Chinese of Penang", and Eastern Journal See "Notes Asia 8 of Indian Archipelago Khoo, Cheah, kind of understanding, in H'ai used here is to designate and those "Straits the people of Sino-Malay parentage on this topic is found in Png had acquired culture. A useful discussion strong Sino-Malay A Case of Locai in Singapore: Poh Seng, "The Straits Chinese Accornmoda Identity and Socio-Cultural Asian History 10, no. 1 (Mar. 1969).96-99. tion"', Journal of Southeast 147 in Singapore, and Marriage Chinese Family See Maurice p. 124. Freedman, 148 See Rules and By-Laws p. 15. of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, term "Baba" who (1854):1. 146 The

Chinese"

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations bodies

in Singapore

and Malaya

85

the clans in Singapore and Malaya placed great in the traditional Chinese Education society was the most to upward Men with good education social mobility. important stepping-stone and move to the top in the society.149 Scholars might pass the imperial examinations were respected within the clan, and the clansmen who had pass'ed higher stages of imperial examinations brought honour to the clan as a whole.150 At the same time, clans with more scholars and imperial degree holders enjoyed more prestige and Like their parental value on education. in China, influence than clans without learned members.151 Education thus became the yard stick of the social status of an individual and a clan in the society. The interest in education by the overseas clans was clearly reflected in their encouragement given to those members who had successfully passed the imperial examinations; the imperial degree holders were honoured by having their names engraved on a eulogy board on the walls of the clan temples.152 As a further expression of the clans' interest in combined with the impact of the spread of modern Chinese education education, and the rise of modern Chinese nationalism,153 the clans began to found schools to educate the young. The first clan school that ever existed in Singapore and Malaya was the Sin Kang School (Hsin Chiang Hsueh Hsiao ). It was founded #t?x?|H? was of in the Khoo 1907.154 Free education Kongsi by Penang provided for children of Khoo clansmen, and classes were conducted within the compound of the clan was soon taken The the Khoo followed other clans in step by temple.155 Kongsi by a Kew The Lim founded in school followed Penang. Leong Tong Kongsi 1908,,56 by the Yeoh clan school in 1909,157 and the Eng Chuan Tong Tan clan also founded a school in 1911.158 The clan school was run by a separate board under the control of the clan committee. The school only admitted children of members irrespective of their social and economic The curricula followed those backgrounds. generally modern primary schools in China,159 and were similar to those schools founded by
149 in Imperial China See Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success (New York, 1964), pp. 168-209. 150 in Southeastern Maurice Freedman, China, p. 51. Lineage Organization 151 Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien See Maurice pp. 69-75. Freedman, andKwangtung, 152 of Penang, with Particular to the Leong San Reference See Khoo Phaik Suat, "The Clan Kongsis in Penang on 17 July 1974. p. 17; interview with Yeoh Seng Chan Tong Khoo Kongsi" (unpublished), 153 See Yen Ching-hwang, Chinese and the 1911 Revolution, with Special Reference to The Overseas and Malaya, pp. 154-57. Singapore 154 See Khoo Hock Siew, "Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu kung-ssu shih-lueh chih t'ang-wu fa-chan lung-shan-t'ang in Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu Record kung-ssu (ed.), Genealogical Shen-teh-t'ang k'ai-k'uang", of Goh Pang in the Ch'ing record the Sin Kang School was known as the "Khoo official Khoo Clansmen, Appendix; Clan School" chia-tsu of the Consul (Ch'iu-shih )..See hsueh-t'ang, "Report ??#^$i#'t: Sun Shih-ting of the Straits Settlements, the Founding General about of Chinese Schools by Chinese in Cheng-chih in Southeast Merchants 28th day of 9th Asia", kuan-pao [Ch'ing Government Gazette], moon of 33rd year of Kuang-hsu (3 Nov. 15$ See Khoo Phaik Suat, op. cit., p. 156 See the enrolment advertisement 1907). 17. of the Lim Clan School published in Penang Sin Pao, 18 Feb.

1911, p. 4. 157 16Oct. Jih Pao (Singapore), See Chung Hsing 1909, p. 1. 158 See "Pin-ch'eng Ch'en-shih in Ch'en Ch'i-yu chien-shih", Yun-ch'uan-t'ang (ed.), Yun-ch'uan t'ang Ch'en-shih tsu-p'u (n.p.). 159 This conclusion is drawn after comparing the curricula of the Ts'un Ku Hsueh T'ang, a modern with the curricula of the Lim Clan School. in Hupeh school See Chang Chih-tung, province, primary kung ch'uan-chi Chang Wen-hsiang [Complete works of Chang Chih-tung] (Taipei, 1963), vol. 3, pp. 2000-2002; Penang Sin Pao, 18 Feb. 1911, p. 4.

86 dialect

Yen Ching-Hwang

in Singapore and Malaya during this period.160 A study of the organizations a strong China orientation in most shows of the clan schools and curricula syllabus as were to Chinese and to indoctrinated themselves of the subjects. Students regard use to of for education and for China.161 Modern be loyal concepts practical were to students of introduced fitness through the subjects geography, physical music, and physical education.162 But the most important influence on mathematics, students was still the traditional notions of filial piety and loyalty to the emperor which into their minds inculcated through the subjects of "self-cultivation" of Classics" % % ) and "Reading (Tu-ching %$?. ). The Classics of (Hsiu-shen Filial Piety (Hsiao Ching #^? ) were the ) and Confucius'Analects (Lun-yii ifeig two classics taught under the former, while the words and deeds of early Chinese rules and were the main contents of the latter.163 Further, sages and philosophers regulations of these early clan schools were geared to foster the values of respect for for and the old (tsun-lao ching-hsien ) and veneration ^^^t^ Students were required to pay regular homage to the portraits of Confu and they were also required to pay respect to cius and the clan's progenitors,164 teachers and the clan's leaders under pain of punishment.165 Rules of this kind could the clan's control over the minds of its youth, and to perpetuate help to consolidate the learned ancestors. traditional Chinese values in the society. were

under

in Singapore and Malaya in the period Chinese clan organizations overseas established out in and needs of environment, strong con study grew overseas clans were localized in China. Most nections with their parental bodies and dialect origins; they retained many characteris lineages based on geographical tics of their parental bodies in structure and function. The clans played an important in communities. of the overseas Chinese role in the functioning They functioned Conclusion. for members social welfare and assistance bodies, providing part as self-governing law and order in the society at large. But most important of and helping to maintain tradition and Con Chinese descent lines, preserved Chinese all, they perpetuated and served as an the identity of the Chinese communities, fucian values, maintained as a whole. of culture Chinese transmitter they existed physi Although important one they knew in a to to the strove of similar mould type society they cally overseas,

Hakka

of the Ying Sin School the curricula (founded by the comparing Yin-hsin hsueh See Hsing-chia-po in 1907) and the Lim Clan School. of the Ying Sin rules and regulations comprehensive [Modified chang-ch'eng t'ang chueh kai chien-ming ' 18 Feb. 1911, p. 4. Sin Pao, 1907), pp. 2-7; Penang (Singapore, Singapore] School, 161 18 Feb. 1911, p. 4. Sin Pao, See Penang 162 Ibid. 163 but the similar syllabi of in the newspaper, The syllabi of the Lim Clan School were not published Rules can be used to illustrate this point. See Modified in Singapore the Ying Sin school Comprehensive p. 3. and Regulations Singapore, of the Ying Sin School, 164 stated that students were to be of the Kew Leong Tong Lim Clan School The Rules and Regulations conclusion group is drawn after dialect in Singapore

160 This

to Confucius' portrait on the 1st and 15th days of every month. guided by their teachers to pay homage of the clan after and progenitors of Confucius to bow to the portraits Moreover, they were required 18 Feb. 1911, p. 4. Sin Pao, classes were dismissed every day. See Penang 165 Ibid.

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

87

China. From this perspective, they lived in the world of China, regarded the over as a part of that world, and wanted seas Chinese communities t<Xensure that the to exist overseas. Because of their, pre traditional Chinese world would continue occupation with Chinese tradition, they resisted change and tended to slow down the in the overseas Chinese communities. process of acculturation

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