Journal of Environmental Psychology (2000) 20, 193^205 # 2000 Academic Press doi:10.1006/jevp.1999.0154, available online at http://www.idealibrary.

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CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES OF PLACE

MARC FRIED Boston College, U.S.A
Abstract Early studies and observations of working-class communities reveal the physical environment itself as a very meaningful aspect of urban social life, a nding strongly borne out by the study of the relocation of several thousand people from the West End of Boston (1958^1961). Attachment to place is a characteristic feature of life in many poor, ethnic, immigrant communities. The development of a sense of spatial identity is a critical component of attachment experiences in such local areas. As a consequence of such spatial identity, built on the convergence of physical places and social relationships, displacement from the community entails widespread grief and mourning. But life, even in these relatively stable and enclosed communities, is not simply continuous: people change, communities change, social discontinuities are inevitable. And the stable forms of attachment which are so highly adaptive to the rst or second generation ethnic community inhibit progression to new urban environments and to new conditions of social life when these become desirable or necessary. While community ties are often of importance at all social class levels and serve as stabilizing forces, the transition to new statuses, wider opportunities, and new conditions of life implies a more attenuated form of place attachment. However, many people remain addicted to encompassing forms of continuity in community attachments. Spatial identities which are highly functional at one point can thus become dysfunctional. These commitments can become the basis for contagious violence and bloodshed especially after the demise of long-term autocratic controls which leave a political hiatus and present us with pathologies of community attachment, visible in the territorial conicts of recent decades. # 2000 Academic Press

Introduction: individual and social discontinuities Forty years and more, a very biblical number, so many years wandering and studying individual and collective experiences of community environments have led me to appreciate more deeply the eective coupling of people and places. This is the issue I will address: some of the dierent patterns of people^place relationships and a few of the inuences that aect the dierentiation of those patterns. In the extreme, people^place relationships are manifest as the profound attachment people often develop to the places they live in, where they share familial, communal, and ethnic or cultural bonds with their neighbors. These bonds can form intimate links between people and places and may extend beyond the home and the street into a wider area where a sense of belonging is established, where the places as well as the people are cher-

ished. Indeed, proprietary rights are readily assumed where property ownership is ambiguous and a specic social or ethnic group inhabits a local neighborhood, a community playground, a gang's turf, or a whole territory or region (Hartman, 1963; Fried et al., 1973). Many societies maintain a true identity between place and people: a latent assumption that people belong to the land as in the feudal era, not the land to people. This social image is the primeval core of territorial identity with its many functions and dysfunctions. But this is only one node on a continuum of place orientations amidst the great variability in the conditions of territorial life. Over the years, in my own and other studies, I have come to appreciate many sources of these variations in community orientations and behavior. Some orientations to the community are profound and are integral to life experiences, others are only minimally communal, and some are so intense that they lead, under certain conditions, either to life-giving

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support or to territorial behavior that is personally and socially destructive. Since I will cover numerous observations and hypotheses, I will delineate the major issues involved succinctly. 1. The broad context of the built environment comprises inevitable conicts of interest about space and place. Dierences in power determine the outcome of these conicts and the possibility of choice, most poignant for those people who have become homeless in a literal or gurative sense throughout the history of geographic displacements. 2. Decades of studies of the signicance of community along with other ndings on the changing urban environment exemplify diverse forms of community commitment in the U.S.A and, indeed, universally. This diversity also reveals the complexities, subtleties, and temporal shifts of community commitments. 3. These geographic and residential continuities and discontinuities lead to a broader view of community attachments and the diculties such attachments pose when people confront the stresses of structural or inter-current disattachments and transitions over the lifespan in modern societies. 4. The psychosocial dynamics of adult attachment behavior are invoked in community commitments. Indeed, striking changes in the nature of community attachments develop over the adult life course as functions of individual and community processes. Socio-cultural and psychodynamic factors which are linked to role theory can help to clarify the conditions of attachment and change in residential and community behavior. 5. Finally, a challenging confrontation with the widespread violent, albeit small, genocidal wars of recent years evokes a discussion of what I will call, with some qualms, the dysfunctions and pathologies of attachment (see also Rivlin, 1994, 1995). It is dicult to consider some of the chaotic trouble-spots of recent decades without trying to understand the signicance of community feelings and attachments as a contributory source of these tragic and deadly conditions. I will try to place the observations and research I report against the tapestry of decades of environmental studies, and I will also try to introduce some depth psychological considerations that may help, in

conjunction with socio-cultural analyses, to clarify underlying reasons for the continuities and discontinuities in the meaning of places and communities. The signicance of place attachment in local communities The social history of involuntary and deleterious discontinuities of place is a framework for considering the lengthy duration, even to the present, of forced geographical displacements. Social deconstruction, a repetitive pattern, ravaged the lives of serfs thrown o their ancient proprietary lands; and landless peasants were repulsed and savaged wherever the new homeless went (Tawney, 1912; Polanyi, 1944; Graus, 1964). Massive displacements persisted through the vast and largely forced urban migrations of the 19th and 20th centuries: in a search for jobs and a living wage; with urbanization itself in the competition for space; through an explosion of homelessness in the industrial, auent West; and, most tragically, reached an apogee in the endemic expulsion of vast populations by warfare, terror, brutality, and death in ethnic, tribal, and territorial strife! Those who experienced forced residential displacement are all too aware of the disorientation evoked by such alienating transitions.1 They may continue to live for some time in transitional spaces (Winnicott, 1971) when home base is fragmented before they are ready to establish alternative reference points for security and solidarity. Forced displacements are among the most serious forms of externally-imposed psychosocial disruptions and discontinuities.1 My focus is on community attachment distinguished from other related forms of community commitment. But, despite the widespread usage of terms like community or place attachment, there has been little explicit attention to the psychosocial dynamics of attachment behavior. Community attachment appears rooted in the individual's involvement in local social relations (Fried & Gleicher, 1961; Hummon, 1992). However, if we take literally the conceptual aliation to the extensive work on attachment behavior, it is more than that. And it implies far more than residential or community satisfaction. Attachment is a primordial sentiment; it can serve invaluable individual and social functions or can, at various extremes, become dysfunctional, even disastrous. The signicance of attachment derives from its self-evident meaning with respect to aective ties to local environments. But they carry, as well, a deeper

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psychological implication as delineated in attachment theory (Bowlby, 1982; Ainsworth, 1985; Weiss, 1991). Attachment theory was initially developed to capture the powerful signicance of the montherchild bond which was not suciently appreciated in psychoanalytic theory. It was gradually formulated in a set of propositions which specied the level of such attachment and, thus, could be studied with some empirical precision. In recent years, it has been integrated, to some degree, in psychoanalytic theory. The operational formulation of attachment theory, as it applies to place behavior, points to its origin and meaning in response to the availability of close, local relationships to people and, by extension, to the places of relational interaction. If we expand the analysis of the dynamics of attachment behavior from Ainsworth and Bowlby's work on infant attachment behavior to adulthood (Weiss, 1982, 1991), we can recognize its potential signicance for place attachment. The criteria, e.g. those specied by Weiss (1991) for adult attachment behavior, are strikingly apt for community functioning. Attachment to the community often entails eorts to remain within the protective range of familiar places. Since security is fostered within the local area, a major indicator of community attachment is that it encourages greater freedom of behavior, exploration, condence, and aective responsiveness within (but not outside) the local community.2 This range is reduced in scope and induces clinging behavior in threatening situations. Most strikingly, threat to the continued integrity of the community of attachment may give rise to protest and to active, even frantic attempts to ward o separation. In these respects, at its deepest levels, community attachment conjures up the desire for unconditional and inviolable `familial' enclosure. It is these aspects of attachment behavior that are distinctive of close community bonds, particularly among people with few independent resources like poor, lower status groups, and immigrants contrasted with residential and community satisfactions of people from higher status positions with more extensive resources. Several additional dimensions of attachment to places help to expand our conceptions of the processes involved (Fischer et al., 1977). Attachment to places is certainly social and most profound when human relationships are embedded in current or past group aliations and identity based on ethnic, racial, class, or cultural parameters (Giuliani, 1991). Often such embeddedness has an historical component, a tradition resting on long-term group identity. Such attachment becomes more intense when the identied groups are in clear juxtaposition to

an out-group which functions as a threat, a condition which Allport (1945) referred to `ego involvement ' . The physical quality of places may themselves contribute to community attachment (Fried, 1965), and the appropriation of spaces that are bureaucratically withheld despite their utility for the community can further stimulate attachment (Feldman & Stall, 1994). But places come to symbolize those community socio-cultural patterns implicit in group identity only in relatively limited conditions. Such symbolization, for example, is facilitated by the organization of roles within the community social structure and the establishment of role places for local interaction. It is these role places, the regularized settings for activities and interactions, that dominate a sense of community identity rather than the purely physical quality of the places themselves. The concept of role places points to the association between patterns of role behavior and the social spaces and physical places of community life. Like any small social system, local communities are organized around some degree of functional specialization, incorporated within roles and these, in turn, have their own actual or symbolic role places, be they a segment of a street, an apartment or even a window ledge, a bar or coee shop, a school yard, or a club in a local institution. Place attachment in the working class: under threat In one of the earliest analyses of residential experience in the United States, the study of the impact of forced geographical relocation in Boston's West End, the focus on residential satisfaction was a proxy for attachment (Fried et al., 1973). A probability sample of nearly 500 predominantly white working class women and men, of diverse ethnic origins, were interviewed intensively before and several years after relocation. The eld of environmental psychology had not yet emerged although it was close at hand. Knowledge about the community environment was meager and residential experience was seen as quite peripheral to serious work in the social sciences. Important ideas and observations, however, gradually began to appear. Firey (1945) pointed to the sentiment and symbolism of places as the basis for their signicance for people; several British working class studies (e.g. Kerr, 1958; Hoggart, 1957; Mogey, 1956; Jennings, 1962) along with the collaboration of Micheal Young and Peter Willmott (1957; Willmott & Young, 1960) emphasized the fundamental, albeit parochial, form of

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community belonging along with its social class implication; similar conclusions were reached by Chombard de Lauwe (1956) about the Parisian working class; Rosow's (1961) analyses of the social effects of the physical environment and Edward Hall's (1966) formulations about cultural dierences in physical contact and spatial behavior providing a basis for a greater appreciation of the social and psychological signicance of the physical environment (see also Sommer, 1969). Kevin Lynch's imaginative contribution to understanding spatiallyoriented behavior in the Image of the City (1960) was an intellectual oasis. The intensive and clarifying work on community of the 1960s and 1970s had hardly been envisioned.3 Because so little was known, each empirical observation and analysis in the West End study was a revelation. The earliest results revealed a most compelling pattern: the large number of people living in the area who were not merely highly satised residentially (despite meager housing conditions) but whose attachment was so profound that the idea of relocation was intolerable. They diered dramatically from other residents who were equally satised by all the variables we employed but who were not so deeply attached to the community. And a small number of people were residentally dissatised but maintained a strong attachment and felt a profound sense of loss in post-relocation recollection. Moreover, people sometimes moved voluntarily, often to nd a better life despite residential satisfaction. The bulk of voluntary moves, in fact, reect life cycle patterns, changing realities that frequently embolden people, ultimately, to transcend previous emotional commitments and place attachments (Rossi, 1956; Speare, 1970). Since there was no prior research to provide a context for these empirical results, it was often difcult to bound these ndings or specify their conditions. Although the sample for this study was the `old' white, ethnic working class of yesteryear, studies of the populations that now inhabit the lowest rungs of social class lead to similar conclusions. The more recent in-migrants are very dierent in origin and have been studied less fully, but the few more recent researches reveal a similar class-based and ethnically-dierentiated pattern of local spatial behavior (Hays, 1998; Mesch & Manor, 1998; Ng, 1998). Thus, a few early formulations with long-term reverbations from the West End research confronted major issues which were largely borne out by the very few subsequent studies. Although we now know that the threat of urban renewal creates enormous stress, at that time we

were startled to learn that it was far greater than we anticipated. The overarching socio-cultural framework, with its distinctive ethnic overtones, was fundamental in welding an array of physical streets into a loose sense of community, intensied by the threat of urban renewal. Thus, there was a widespread feeling of being at home, intensive use of the shops and services in the local area in order to maintain ongoing neighborly feeling and to participate in the local gossip mill. Moreover, many people sensed hostility and threat outside the area, a vague alienation from the larger social and physical environment, even among those who had to travel outside the neighborhood quite frequently to work or shop. The experience of residential relocation was a powerful source of distress even among those whose attachments to the West End area were marginal. Translating all the clinical criteria for grief into household interviews, we confronted clear evidence of powerful and quite widespread grief and mourning among the displaced residents of the West End. These were often very severe and, as we know from environmental disasters, such community disruptions can be devastating, leading to depressive and dissociative phenomena.4 ` The manifest expression of grief and mourning inspired a basic theoretical formulation: the startling realization that concepts of grief and mourning could be extended beyond the death of an individual to the tragic loss of a community or even of a building that symbolized the community ' (Fried, 1963). Subsequent work supported the diversity of types of losses that can entail grief and mourning (Parkes, 1972; Marris, 1986). The concept of spatial identity, inuenced by Erikson's (1947) work we found to be requisite to account for such profound local attachments (Fried, 1963). From a psychosocial viewpoint, we can trace the dominant developmental sequence of such attachments. (1) The personal intra-familial attachment to mother, father, and to the mother^father dyad is the primitive core and prototype of subsequent attachments. With maturation or acclimatization, this is expanded to wider kin and neighbor attachments, creating a broader base for a sense of community. By denition, neighbors live in contiguous areas which, thus, become the spatial boundaries of community for an inmigrant or a growing child. (2) Through these sociospatial aliations, a subjective contrast between inside and outside, of locals vs aliens, gradually develops to implement the sense of home base inside and the dangers of the outside world. The aective structure of these social and physical interactions leads to a solidied group identity embedded in a

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socio-cultural framework. The in-group, the neighboring area of people and places, comes to symbolize an expanded sense of home and family, a condensation of the deep-lying aective ties of the `ascribed' kinship relationship. (3) Given the dynamic social structure of a local community, propinquity leads to regularized role relationships expanding the commitment to local spaces. In time, places are dierentiated within the local area and are established as role places where role relational transactions occur and gain a special aective cathexis. The dominant, abstract representation of this set of experiences emerges as a focused but exible sense of spatial identity, the psychological base for community attachment.5 The loss of social relationships which resulted from forced residential relocation was empirically the single most potent factor in explaining the widespread sense of loss as well as the variations in post-relocation adaptation (Fried, 1965). But considering the many losses entailed, a prolonged mourning period was inevitableand, in fact, occurred. Those who were able to relocate near neighbors or kin adjusted more easily than those who were geographically isolated from former close-knit network members. But that only modied the grief and mourning. The central importance of family life for men and women in the working class was a contrast with the stigmatized conceptions of working class people (Gans, 1962; Fried et al., 1973; Richards, 1980). The family and kin served as a bulwark in the face of other losses. Neighbors were like kin and often compensated for inadequacies in the marital relationship; frequently they helped to preserve marital stability. Indeed, the web of local social afliations was a major source of commitment for most people. But we also need to recognize that obligatory forms of kin interaction or ethnic commitments were often more binding than satisfying. The adequacy of post-relocation conditions of housing, neighborhood and accessibility were also signicant factors contributing to successful relocation transitions. However, as Chester Hartman (1963, 1964) revealed, despite the advantages of low rents, there were many sources of resistance to bureaucratized public housing among low-income people, posing a major relocation planning problem. A new paradigm for understanding the community behavior of people whose lives were restricted by social boundaries and minimal resources began to emerge from these observations (see also Duhl, 1963). The core concept of spatial identity serves to recognize the enormous emotional impact of a local geosocial area for a signicant proportion of work-

ing class inhabitants (Fried, 1963). Cultural orientations and social organization dene the character and importance of spatial dimensions. With continued residence, however, the area of belonging expands (Bardo, 1984). Spatial memories, spatial imagery, the spatial framework of current activity, and the implicit spatial component of ideals are its psychological content (Fried, 1963). Only such an idea, extending the notion of intense sentiment invested in a peopled place and stemming from primitive forms of body awareness and imagery, can encompass the varied ways in which a coherent sense of one's identity in space can be established. Community satisfaction is a necessary but not a sufcient condition for such spatial identity. Spatial identity designates the physical/geographic dimension within which houses, streets, even whole communities can bound, intensify, and provide a spatial locus for identication and community attachment linked to social group identity. Proshansky and colleagues (1978, 1983) later translated the concept of spatial identity into place identity, which concretized and popularized the idea. The place dimensions of identity mainly provide localized imagery for the most meaningful social experiences. But place components are usually subordinated to more central aspects of identity formation: family history, gender roles, ethnic commitments, and social relationships all within a bounded space although, as we will see, it can be transferred or displaced into other similar places. Places may be temporarily prominent but become independently meaningful only in extremes, for people who have few physical, economic, or social opportunities other than place around which to focus a sense of social belonging. In this respect, the idea of spatial identity allows for a broader and more dynamic sense of locale than a place identity based on more limited and concrete place experiences. In this respect, a comprehensive view moves us toward the work of Roberta Feldman (1990) and David Hummon (1990, 1992) which provides a further base for delineating human spatial patterns. Their analyses recapture the abstract and dynamic formulation of the personal signicance of the many spaces and types of spaces implicit in the concept of spatial identity. The emphasis, however, shifts to the types of community spaces in which people feel most comfortable, most at home, and most fully socio-culturally identied with rather than the concrete environments experienced in the past or present. The wider geosocial atmosphere rather than the composite of houses and streets is of central importance. The sense of preferred styles, of the types of

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environment that are complaisant, leads to a more dierentiated concept of territorial identity (Fried, 1992). Complexities in understanding community behavior and experience Dierences in the localization of security, pleasure, and use of the community and the sense of alienation from strange and unfamiliar territories immediately outside the neighborhood point to social class variations in geographic orientations. But this also emphasizes the functions and dysfunctions of community attachment when the geography of security is so narrowly bounded among those with very limited choices and limited sources of gratication. Community attachment is certainly most profound when social relations are embedded in the socio-cultural organization of current and past group aliations and identities based on ethnic- or class-cultural parameters in a structure of encompassing and intertwining roles and role relationships. As Lindemann (1960) pointed out with respect to grief, commitments are not so much a function of the intensity of love as of the number of roles and ties binding individuals. This is among the most crucial aspects of place attachments which embed their gratications (and deprivations) in a structure of social roles, role relationships, role sets, and role places. The superordinate quality of neighboring and neighborhood emerges in other community studies (Unger & Wandersman, 1985; Rivlin, 1987). But this complex of multifaceted features of place attachment also poses problems of discontinuity since this interweaving structure strengthens the resistance of place attachments to the inevitability of change and discontinuity. It is this constellation which varies so markedly by social class, by ethnicity, by age, by gender, and by personal experience. A major theoretical defect in residential and community studies as well as in social science models generally is the penchant for static conceptualizations and frozen images of dynamic, complex processes, a limitation which has changed little over the decades. However, residential and community experiences and behavior reect an important dimension of both continuities and discontinuities in adult development and community change. Adult development is a continuous process but it is often interrupted, even disrupted by discontinuities over the life course: changes in jobs, career, marriage, aging, or residence. These become manifest in dis-

cordances in the dynamism of daily life and work, in the processes of relating to other people socially and sexually, in cultural and communal engagements, and in economic and political transactions. Such discontinuities can be gratifying experiences of maturation and fulllment or more tenuous working through of grave diculties. At the other extreme, they may betoken a submission to decline and decompensation (see also Rivlin, 1987; Giuliani, 1991). Communities themselves, as well as other socio-cultural systems, can also be described along a trajectory of change. These can be progressive and enriching or retrogressive, declining, or frozen in the past while the world changes (Giuliani & Feldman, 1993). However, if we grow and age in place, the environments in which we are born and reach adolescence are no longer the same as the places in which we become adults. There is a deep and pervasive meaning to Thomas Wol's title: ` You Can't Go Home Again' . Home is, indeed, never again! One aspect of these developmental processes involves incorporation of newcomers into the community, the formation of new social relationships in the neighborhood and the emergence of a localized spatial orientation in community behavior. Traditional working-class ethnic, largely immigrant, communities were virtually `designed' to incorporate and harbor newcomers to industrialized countries (Handlin, 1941/1959; Warner & Lunt, 1941; Fried, 1965). The transitional functions of low-status, ethnic communities can be seen as a vast processing mechanism, a port of entry as well as a port of exit. Working-class communities are remarkably parochial and self-contained, limiting the intrusion of socio-cultural pressures from the larger society (Fried & Levin, 1968). They provide a holding environment (see also Winnicott, 1965) until people have garnered the inner and outer resources to adapt more fully to the cultural and residential patterns of the host society. Such stable transitional communities have been and remain essential because the processes of migration and assimilation are so traumatic and persistent: for White Europeans nding their uncertain way into the United States (Fried et al., 1973); for Black Americans moving from segregated rural areas in the South into the Northern, racist industrial states (Fried et al., 1971); and, in more recent years, for Asian and Latin Americans from diverse backgrounds, languages, and cultures. Because of the bonding entailed in such stabilizing conditions, the second transition, to upper working-class or middle-class residential areas and ways of life, is understandably equally traumatic even in voluntary situations (Fried, 1969). Often one

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nds that, despite occupational mobility and the development of more demanding as well as rewarding orientations to work experience, the transitional community retains its vitality in the lives of lowstatus, ethnic, or ` racial' groups (Fried, 1966). My colleagues and I sought empirical evidence of the individual dynamics denoting dierences in readiness to adapt to several transitions. The sources of success for white Europeans from rural, pre-industrial areas could be traced to education, urban contact, and modest technical skills. Similarly, for AfroAmericans whom we interviewed in subsequent research, the consequences of prior urban residence and industrial work experience were empirically evident (Fried et al., 1971). But despite such facilitating conditions, the invidious fact is that ultimately it is the opportunity structure which allows for or deters such socio-cultural incorporation, that creates the spread between modest success and abject failure in host society terms. Diversities of community attachment among population strata In another subsequent study of the meaning of community in modern life, a large sample of 2622 interviews facilitated extensive, disaggregated multivariate analyses (Fried, 1982). This study was based on a class-stratied probability sample of men and women, white, black, and Hispanic, in 42 urban, suburban, and semi-rural districts in 10 metropolitan areas in dierent regions of the United States. Earlier studies of community residencefrom Whyte's Street Corner Society (1943) to Young and Willmott's Family and Kinship in East London (1957) and to my own study of the West End of Boston (Fried et al., 1973)were devoted to the working class. And only a handful of case studies (Seeley, 1956; Dobriner, 1963; Clark, 1966; Gans, 1967) had begun to consider the expanding environment of middle-class suburbs. Within the compass of this larger and more diversied sample from across the United States, several important and often neglected results become evident. In studying community behavior a signicant methodological point is often ignored. The interpretation of high levels of residential satisfaction and community attachment usually reported must be bounded by the fact that we are always sampling a residual population. People who continue to live in a place are indicating, thereby, their willingness to accept their current residential environment even if they are not wholly enthusiastic. Otherwise they

move. These considerations must be understood in context: as in other studies (e.g. Campbell, 1981) these data reveal very high levels of residential satisfaction by the usual criteria. But when the issues are explored more deeply, latent dissatisfactions emerge which suggest that highly positive responses often reect or even conceal a tolerance, an `adjustment ' to inevitable inadequacies (Fried, 1986). In sharp contrast to the perfection of choice view that dominates modern economic theory, the analysis of adaptation processes shows that few people optimize their choices in decision-making but rather, to use Simon's (1957) term, they only hope to `satisce' . Indeed, human adaptability is such that when options are limited, most people manage to acclimate themselves and even appear satised with conditions they may have considered intolerable only shortly before. Moreover, except at the highest income levels, freedom of choice is not very free in residential decisions. At best, once a choice is made, the remaining residential ` packages' are predetermined. One large gap between desires for community experience and the availability of communal opportunities was revealed in this large-scale community study. Many people want greater local communality than they nd in their residential environments. This is especially important for a large minority especially at lower social class levels who generally nd the fewest opportunities for other residential gratications. At higher social class levels, only a modest proportion regard community and local friends as an important or essential residential attribute. However, the subjective sense of community generally means something quite moderate, at least at middle and higher status levels, in contrast to the profound community attachment revealed in many low-income, ethnic communities. Conversely, a community desire of much more widespread signicance, access to the outdoors, being able to get away from even the most satisfying home, is important or essential for approximately half the people in each social class. At lower status levels, however, these refer to local resources, generally available in the immediate neighborhood like parks and playgrounds. For those of higher status, outdoor spaces and ease of access to nature means accessibility (e.g. transportation, vistas) to the great outdoors, to seashores, mountains, forests and lakes. In corresponding fashion, Zimmer (1975) has shown a linear increase in extended travel behavior with increasing social position. The desire for such outdoor environmental facilities appears to have expanded over time (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989; Bonnes et al., 1994; Moudon & Ryan, 1994).

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Earlier results from many studies, albeit with narrowly based samples, indicate that social class position is the single most powerful correlate of residential satisfaction. Data from more broadly based samples strongly document that observation (Fried, 1982). Numerous analyses including many full-scale multiple regressions and analyses of variance drawn form this large, national study of community lead one to clarify this further. The latent structure of this relationship can be traced to the dynamics of social class position. The higher the social class position, the higher the cost of housing; and the higher the cost of housing, the better the objective quality of the neighborhood and dwelling unit. This is even more striking for those of minority status since, independent of social class position, AfroAmerican, Hispanic-Americans, and members of other minority groups obtain relatively poorer residential environments and are, thereby, less satised. Thus, in an immediate sense, the overall quality of the residential environment is the strongest variable inuencing residential satisfaction, but this is ultimately a function of social position.6 Despite the strength of these class and ethnic ndings, other variables are involved in accounting for residential satisfaction and, more broadly, community attachment. There are also intricate interrelationships between a number of community attributes and indirect but signicant indicators of social class position and ethnicity. Community size is among the most important of these primarily because smaller communities, like suburbs, ex-urbs, and even small cities, are generally of higher average status and usually have better objective residential conditions. Large cities, those with large populations of nonwhites and of poor, and those with predominantly rental housing suer, by and large, from inadequate conditions and meager community facilities to provide a satisfactory level of municipal life (Fried, 1980). Neighborhood and community variables are, thus, more potent inuences on residential satisfaction and certainly on community attachment than is housing even at higher status levels. Studying the psychosocial signicance of the neighborhood in metropolitan life reveals a differentiated view of local orientations (Galster & Hesser, 1981; Fried, 1986). These data, among others, lead us to modify earlier views, based largely on traditional working-class residential areas, that a vivid community life was central to all viable social experience. They also lead us to reject, at the opposite extreme, the `eclipse of community ' thesis that community is dead. Communities remain important forms of social organization for human needs and

desires. Daily life is contained within local communities despite increased cosmopolitanism (Rossi, 1972). But we need a subtler sense, even a more varied language, for thinking about the range of relationships between individuals and their local areas. Several studies have formulated dierent types of investment in local areas: bonding, attachment, dependence, satisfaction, sentiment (Riger & Lavrakis, 1981; Shumaker & Taylor, 1983). These begin to provide the specicity to capture the variegated tapestry of community ties. In developing a facet approach to place analysis, Canter (1997) provides a related theoretical analysis which gives similar emphasis to the multidimensionality of place experiences. Many of these dierent dimensions, moreover, converge in the concept of home as the primary locale of identication and commitment. But this too easily takes on a quasi-mystical sense, neglecting its varied social, cultural, and psychological meanings. Indeed, home may be a motor van, a bicycle, a workplace or, most unhappily, a doorway of a store at night or a public shelter. The signicance of any ` home', however, in its positive and (latent) negative components is that well into adulthood, role behavior and role relationships are linked to specic places, often with sociospatial imagery from the past. Communal forms, however, that capture the quality of home are most signicant for those people for whom alternative options are not readily available. Not only is this the case of the low-income ethnic groups but for many other subgroups, e.g. the elderly, women, ` racial' minorities, who are either frozen in place or experience discrimination and restricted benets. There are many forms of social organization in modern societies and communities which can provide some of the social network needs for those who have a wider range of choices. Selective social interaction is quite fundamental for most people. But for many people, that kind of community is best which is least communal, where impersonal friendliness among neighbors substitutes for friendship and mutual help. The eects of local social interactions are, thus, complex. Invariably important, they reveal striking contrasts in the signicance of local social relations. Some people love their neighbors because they are so close; others love their neighbors because they are distant.7 In an eort to understand more fully the structure and signicance of community satisfaction, the same large community data set was subjected to many intricate analyses (Fried, 1984). The examination of structure was based on factor analyses using an iterative process to reduce the number of

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derived indices and scales. Community satisfaction is revealed as a complex, nonunitary construct. It emerges, rather, as a coherent but dierentiated set of community orientations with four distinctive community satisfaction factors. These consist of: (1) local residential satisfaction, primarily satisfaction with the neighborhood and the dwelling unit; (2) local convenience satisfaction, comprehensive satisfaction with the availability of local resources and facilities; (3) local inter-personal satisfaction based on neighbor relations; and (4) local political satisfaction which includes both the delivery of services and the responsiveness of government. The same factor structure emerges in analyses disaggregated by social class position, indicating the stability of this structure. However, the analysis of structure is only a rst step towards appreciating the potential value of community satisfaction and, thus, of community life. The analysis of the signicance of community satisfaction, however, raises the question of ultimate import, the contribution it makes to life experiences more generally. Given this fairly stable and coherent structure, how profoundly does community satisfaction actually aect the lives of people? To estimate this, we used a composite life satisfaction indicator as the dependent variable in multiple regression analyses to point up the eect of community satisfaction on people's lives. We wanted to examine the contribution of community satisfaction, both as discrete components and as a composite, compared with several of the major widely documented determinants of life satisfaction, like marital role and work role satisfactions. The focus was on the relative signicance of community satisfaction rather than the precise explanatory value among a full array of potential contributors. As one might anticipate, marital satisfaction is the single most potent variable accounting for life satisfaction. However, the overall contribution of community satisfaction to life satisfaction is quite substantial, albeit greater at lower than at higher status levels. There is a linear decline in the importance of the composite form of community satisfaction for life satisfaction from the lowest social class subgroup (where it accounts for almost 10% of the variance) to the highest social class subgroup (with only 27% of the adjusted variance accounted for by the composite of community satisfactions). Indeed, at all social class levels except the highest the composite form of community satisfaction is stronger in explaining life satisfaction than is work role satisfaction. But, on the other hand, as we might suspect, work role satisfaction itself is increasingly

prominent in accounting for life satisfaction with each increase in social class position. And at all social class levels, local residential satisfaction as a proxy for community attachment was by far the strongest of the four community satisfaction factors as an inuence on life satisfaction. It is important to note a nding that looms across these variations. Emphasizing the gross inequity involved, despite the fact that community satisfaction is more important for life satisfaction among these lower social positions, the lowest levels of community satisfaction are revealed by the lowest social class. Functions and dysfunctions of community attachment These ndings across four decades with diverse samples and approaches lead toward a dierentiated and multifaceted conclusion. Residential and community environments vary considerably from one another and have very dierent meanings and consequences for people dierently placed in the social system. While communal attributes of the residential environment are of relatively modest importance for many people in middle and higher social positions, they remain extremely signicant for people at lower social class levels. More generally, discrimination, derogation, diminished opportunity, whether for ethnic minorities, women, the elderly, or for those of lower social class levels, accentuate the need for shared conditions like those of community. But, while communal conditions have a dierent meaning and entail dierent structural conditions for people of higher status, the desire for community is far from irrelevant for many people at higher social class levels. Indeed even in the most advanced, contemporary societies there is a certain yearning for a fantasied paradise lost which eventuates in eorts to romanticize the past. Rarely do we nd instances where community life conforms to the romantic image of a semi-rural, blissful pattern of stable, conict-free cooperation. It requires little speculation to recognize that this is an externalization and expansion of a personal past, known or unknown, a retrospective dream impelled by the conicted and stressful lives people lead, conicted internally and in conict with other people and conditions. Concepts like community attachment and spatial identity are sometimes meant to epitomize the realization of such a communal ideal. Indeed, less romantically, stable community attachments within a fairly homogeneous community appeal to many for reasons of security when the world seems too precarious and discontinuities make it more so.

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But place attachments which become intense and exclusive can preclude all alternatives or even information about alternative future potentials. Thus, they negate the dialectic interplay between changing needs, desires, conditions, and overt transitions. These become dysfunctional when adaptation to new growth opportunities or possibilities of greater gratication in personal or community life are renounced. The most familiar form of such failures to adapt to discontinuities occurs when new conditions arise with expanded options: increased incomes, new job opportunities, a wider range of residential and inter-personal choices, and personal maturation. Despite these discontinuities that allow for independent grappling with choices, many people remain addicted to encompassing forms of continuity which readily become deleterious. They cling to community attachments that remain meaningful albeit limiting, since they no longer require them for stability in the transition from more limited resources to a wider world.8 The dysfunctional aspect of place attachments becomes even more patent when the desire to cling to the fragments of a home which has been physically or socially destroyed persists against all possibility of living there again. Numerous reports reveal how place attachments can become thoroughly dysfunctional: e.g. people have returned to stay in buildings that have been bombed out by German missiles in England during World War II; or the evidence that many German Jews who had migrated to the United States were willing to return to Germany if only they could do so and nd jobs; or even the continued visits to watch the destruction of the buildings in the West End redevelopment despite the excruciating pain entailed (see References). Modern societies, with a plethora of means of communication, transaction, and transportation, allow for a wide range of potential sources of support, interaction, networking, and commitment in informal or formal collectivities, conditions that facilitate transitions even across discontinuities. This too varies considerably and is less easily available for those with the least adequate economic and social resources. Potentials for conict loom in every environment in the face of competition and drastic inequalities. Attachments which link people to places and, thereby, to one another are extremely valuable. But such intense aliations also readily produce inter-ethnic, regional, and national conicts, an observation that Leanne Rivlin (1994, 1995) has noted. At the community level, conict for shared spaces arises readily as in the recent re-

crudescence of immigrant^host battles throughout the West. While these may be initiated and carried out by right-wing extremistsneo-Naziis, skin heads, bully boys, regional or subethnic tribal groupsthey are the symptomatic expression of far deeper social and territorial strains. Most powerful inter-group hostilities occur when authoritarian controls, which have maintained a precarious peace between distinctive subgroups who share a common space, are overthrown. Place attachment can lead to extreme commitment to culturally-identied territories involving massive, hostile eorts at hegemonic control. We need only think of the republics of the former Soviet Union, of the former Yugoslavia, of Rwanda, and of Somalia, of the alternating genocidal struggles between Hutus and Tutis, and the raging conicts in Indonesia to become painfully cognizant of its tragic potentials. Environmental psychology has paid too little attention to these larger issues and the problems of power and authority in the social, cultural, and geographic environment. A roundtable discussion of nationalism, of particularism and universalism focuses entirely on inter-ethnic struggles and authoritarian oppression (Tikkun, 1992). One discussant commented: ` the surge of particularist politics is an explosion of aggressiveness, rage, and liberation from the superego', from the autocratic powers that fed these antagonisms while keeping their overt expression in check. Ethnic particularisms alone cannot account for the fury and the bloodshed, although earlier eorts by colonial or military powers often have created some of the ercest antagonisms between ethnic or pseudo-ethnic groups. An issue of Cultural Survival Quarterly (Summer/Fall, 1994) discusses several instances of population manipulations and their territorial implications. The additional forces of economic strain and the demise of oppressive, autocratic, and punitive controls (the release of superego strictures), the violent, savage and often deadly struggles provide a more nearly adequate explanation. The multifacted conditions of dysfunctional behavior lack only the territorial meaning, the desperate attachment to a spatial and social community that symbolizes the deepest and most primitive desires for clinging and embodiment. But the contrasting and particularist group identities, supplemented by all the oppressive conditions of past and present, embody territorial rivalries as concrete targets for such murderous ethnic hatreds. In the absence of a more universalist identity and free from some of the more extreme autocratic oppressions of the recent past, the conuence of these forces and attachments creates conditions of

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unexpected discontinuities, produces the explosive and paroxsysmal destruction of places and peoples. These are the pathologies of community attachment, the inability to resolve successfully and utilize productively the inevitable discontinuities of social and political events. These are disorders of territorial attachment. While they are engendered by externally imposed transitions and the convergence of many economic, social, and historical forces, they so often result in the displacement of these dynamic forces on to territorial identities. Such pathologies are contagious within the collectivity and entail territorial competition, warfare, tribal conict, mass murder, even genocide. For decades at least, growth, development, and universalist trends are bound to be postponed, if not wholly negated. Such vastly destructive territorially-conceived hostilities are ordinarily geographically contained, although they may be prolonged. Larger, more encompassing conagrations extend beyond territorial limitations although they may seize upon ethnic hatreds as in the Holocaust or the Armenian massacres, or on contrasting political extremes as in the Spanish Civil War and more recent Latin American conicts. But even in these instances, underlying territorial attachments help to engender powerful motivations to exterminate an enemy who is viewed as intrusive, as alien and therefore as a threat to the integrity of the territorial community. Under more stable conditions, especially in industrial societies, the normal range of the continuities of territorial attachments is more modest and more exible. There remain problems, of course, because of the precarious life situations of people who have few resources, feel alienated from the larger society, and need the security of close-knit networks in a bounded community. Because of vast economic and social inequalities, the availability of such communities is itself a highly functional if unfortunate aspect of inegalitarian societies. And the ability to locate oneself and integrate within such a community is functional for the individual, in a personal sense. It can become dysfunctional if it obviates change and transition when these become either necessary or desirable. Much of the history of poor peoples, throughout the urban world, pose this kind of double dilemma: barriers to incorporation within the transitional society and, once incorporated, barriers to movement out of such security into a less certain environment with more alternatives and, consequently, greater ambiguity. But a restless desire for some form of community, modest though it may be and despite the many strains it can entail, is quite widespread even among people in higher so-

cial positions in modern societies. Societal and community planning have yet to learn from the community attachments of low-income ethnic environments how a modicum of communality can be transposed into more exible and less obligatory social and community forms to meet the overt and latent wishes of a wider population.

Notes
This paper is a revised version of a paper presented at the 23rd International Congress of Applied Psychology in Madrid, July 1994, Tommy Garling and Juan Ignacio Aragones, Chairpersons. (1) The mental health implications of such displacements have recently been reviewed by Fuillilove (1996). (2) Stokols et al. (1983) had previously shown that, even given more modest relocations, health problems were more frequent among high-mobility persons. See also Brown and Perkins (1992). (3) David Canter's (1998) editorial gives a ne overview of subsequent transitions in environmental studies. (4) See the summary of some of these materials in Brown and Perkins (1992). (5) Cheuk Fan Ng (1998) traces the developmental incorporation of new immigrants in Canada. Hays (1998) views the integrity of place attachment as a multidimensional development among the Maori. (6) Bernard and Levy-Leboyer's paper (1993) on residential satisfaction, unfortunately, obscures the determinants of residential satisfaction by its failure to recognize the indirect inuences on social class. (7) Marans and Rodgers (1975) and Janowitz and Kasarda (1974) confound this issue in asserting the strength of positive social relationships in community attitudes. The variable Marans and Rodgers employed, the generic importance of neighbors, could imply distaste as well as pleasure. Janowitz and Kasarda distort their analysis of the importance of local groups in excluding essential residential and community variables related to local satisfaction. (8) A congruent personality attribute is seen in the resistance many people have, a defensive retreat from developmental achievements which promise gains at the cost of psychological struggle.

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