Religious Research Association, Inc.

Passive Voice Theories in Religious Sociology Author(s): Mary Douglas Source: Review of Religious Research, Vol. 21, No. 1, Theory and Policy (Autumn, 1979), pp. 51-61 Published by: Religious Research Association, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3510155 . Accessed: 14/08/2013 13:08
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Religious Research Association, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Review of Religious Research.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

51
Lecture The 1978H. Paul Douglass

PASSIVE VOICE THEORIES IN RELIGIOUS SOCIOLOGY

MARY DOUGLAS Russell SageFoundation Vol. 21, No. 1 (Fall, 1979): 51-61 Review of Religious Research, "Passive Voice Theories" and psychological includeall sociological whichimply a passivehumanobjectinfluenced by imperapproaches whichpursonal forces. This paperarguesthata sociology of religion and do justiceto individual portsto takeaccountof humanintentions can developan activevoice theoretical beliefs approach.This would which individuals theaccountability develop systems proceedbytracing and whichtheyreinforce whentheymake claimsagainsteach other, Accountof thepersonality. by appealsto unseen powersor attributes rest on moral assumptions but can be investigated abilitysystems anthropologically by testedmethods.They can providea basis for between cultures. of beliefs objective comparison different A wide rangeof criticisms of sociology and psychology agreein protestmechanistic and naive determinism. One formof ing against procedures is that the theoretical complaint apparatustreatsthe human agent as a forcesare alleged to contend. The passive arena in which impersonal to the agentgivesme my titleand focusesa question attributed passivity I wishto addressaboutthe relations between languageand theory.Some of these criticsmaintain that if terminology were to be changed,right wouldfollow. I do not agreethata switch into, the activevoice thinking in speaking aboutthe humanagentis enough;there stillwouldhave to be new theoretical to matchthe new formof language. approaches standsfor an attitude on the part of the "Sociologicaldeterminism" We can treatit as a kindof belief, not one necessarily sociologist. adopted but an attitude whichis implicit in theterms by the sociologist personally, in whichthe inquiry forthe sake of inquiry, is set. It assumes, thatsome social forcesexternal to the individual are actingupon him. The external is a passiverespondent. are active;theindividual The sociologist's agencies is itself or attitude belief like a passiveresponse framework to a theoretical which requiresit. By using this theoretical the sociologist framework, to He intends expectsto carryout an important enterprise. sociological and measure the extent of social pressures belief. discover upon inherent to the case, he canHowever, by one of the severalparadoxes not use the theoretical framework to investigate his own professional attitude. The machinery of analysis has theseblindspots. It cannotstudy the of religious beliefsin the way that it is designedto studythe validity of beliefsthatthe weather will change. The methods of natural validity scienceseem to have this disadvantage in religious studies: theycannot about subjective of resay anything experience.This givesthe sociology It is intended for studying beliefs, ligionfourfamousdisadvantages. yet

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

52
beliefsare whatit cannotstudy. It is intended toibe objective, yet the observer's bias belittles the statusof the belief. It triesto studymeaning, thatreducesmeaning to behavioral by a method response.And, it elimiof the humansubject nates the subjectas an active agent. The dignity and of the beliefsespousedby him are both reducedto epiphenomenal disturbances of a normalstate. The social causes of beliefsare just as crudea bludgeon as the physiological causes of statesof mind. In either of the subject's stateof the subjectand the validity case, the autonomity of causation: "You mentsis irrelevantly by a whole system impugned "It is not surmakesyou irritable;" don'treallymean it, yourindigestion to that should subscribe the church, given yourupEpiscopal you prising can certainly ward social mobility." Believers tryto shrugoffthe insult, the activehumansubjectand distort witha tu quoque, "You onlybelittle beliefs becauseyouaretalking sociology." Too many serious Butmud-slinging of religion. willnotsave thesociology sociothe thinkers worried these well-known have givenup by problems mode for thinking and turnedto a literary altogether logical enterprise on the humanestate. The resulthas been a shiftof more profoundly intoa richly evocative as a rigorous literary sociology discipline explanatory mode the new of full and completely mode, beauty. However, insight the powerof social shirks the initial and estimating projectof discovering endeavoris of sociological belief. A century upon individual pressures we are offered rolled back and, insteadof analysis, essays that are as and elegantas excerpts mightbe fromWar and Peace, The absorbing
BrothersKaramazov, even Pride and Prejudice in modern dress. The old

on the shelf. lie rustily aboutbelief questions sociological PROPOSAL

social If we are to staywiththe original important problems-assessing stanceand our lanfactors in belief-we need to changeour theoretical of religion. is not confined to the sociology guage as well. The problem social factors bothstudy of knowledge and thesociology Social psychology theoretical a strong in beliefand bothare without approach.An agnostic their workso drastically. or deterministic view does not undermine They is muchmore But the trouble can honorably chip away at part-problems. thanfor any otherbranchof inquiry of religion acute for the sociology unlessit can surmount becauseit loses all its claimsto seriousscholarship be greatly studies Nor can religious the severaldifficulties simultaneously. to an active voice helped by those who believe that carefulattention towards of thought will be enoughto turnthedirection taking terminology humanagentin the analysis. intoaccounttheautonomous This belief,thatlanguageis strongly of thought, addresses determinant our problems in what can be called the passive voice. It is almosta thatto correct the language implicitly, parablefor thisessay. It assumes, to is reducedto a passiveelement the thinker will correct the thinking: of the error whomlinguistic exemplification things happen.It is another is that the speakerdoes not The hiddenassumption we are examining.

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

53 exertan independent it is channelled and directed overhis thought; control the from of his removed cultural structure one by step language. Only with is an uncomfortable determinism, assumption speech determinism in the social sciences. whichto attackmechanistic, deterministic thinking I wouldlike to take Roy Schafer's book The New Language challenging is fully of Psychoanalysis (1976) as a modelfor thisdiscussion.Schafer of Howthem and has these apprised problems veryforcefully. expressed is to changethe vocabulary.He maintains thatif ever,his own solution theform of wordsgiveslive agents thecredit own actions, clearer fortheir of theuse and better will result.Most of his examples thinking theorizing of the passivevoice come fromthe psychoanalyst in the clinicalcontext, with whenthe patient model of the self struggling is givena mechanistic the forces. The analyst will say mildly: "You brokethrough extraneous of love." Since Schaferdoes not barriers internal againstyour feelings the new action languagethat he advocates believe in internal barriers, thus fromacting did not refrain wouldsay instead: "You finally lovingly," for his own emotions.Using the fullresponsibility on the patient pinning will say: "Your chronic deep sense of passivevoice languagethe analyst comes fromthe condemning voice of your mother." But worthlessness is really there. Action does not believethatthevoice of themother Schafer mother's voice "You would translate: your imagine regularly language as beingessenwithit, regard yourself condemning you, and you,agreeing Passiveanalytic worthless." says: "You are afraidof your language tially to throwcautionto the winds." Schaferdoes not believein imimpulse in barriers, so to be afraidof any morethanhe believes pulsesas entities hisaction retranslates. language to actionlanguagewill pin responsiShaferexpectscarefuladherence It the humanagencyof will and purwhere it belongs. recognizes bility insteadof conconveypsychoanalytic thinking pose. It would accurately For wishto denyhis own intentions. withthepatient's or colluding doning example: If one looksat theidea of 'slipof thetongue' from of disthestandpoint one notices severalfactsimmediately: claimedaction, First,it is being circumlocution thatit is the tongue, maintained not the person, through itsownactivity. who (that)has slipped-asif thetongue regulates Second, thatwhathas happened is an accident-aslip-and maintained it is being . . . In psychoanalytic extended action. we do not nota meaningful practice that has beenan accident." these disclaimers. We do notbelieve there accept 1976:130) (Schafer, The slip is not a disrupted action,but a special kind of actionin which in the two coursesare takensimultaneously, to ambivalence corresponding speaker. a range of picturesque is fully Onceaction metaphors language adopted, to spliteleallowthe speaker willbe dropped, becausethey misleadingly with and energy, to endow them and thus from initiative ments off himself, be treated as a subcan no longer hisownresponsibility. to disclaim Anger the or penetrates whenit spillsover,solidwhenit crushes stance-liquid is to keep the lid on it or gaseouswhenthe challenge consciousness, 1976:281). (Schafer,

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

54
theideaof love focus forrendering To loveandactlovingly aretheproper in thislanas an entity lostits status in action language. thereby Having it can no longer lovecan no longer maketheworld glow, go round; guage, or wither; and it can no longer be lostor found, cherished, poisoned grow, (Schafer, 1976:279) stop loving."
or destroyed . . . it is we who glow,love more or love less, love at all or

The reason for radical criticism of the current languagein psychois thatphysical sciencedeals withforces, and analysis causes,determinants effects. It cannotdeal withmeaning meanand withsubjects entertaining of thehumanpsyche meanneedsto focuson situations, ings. The analysis each other. No ings, actions and reasons. These four termsco-define situation can be envisaged unlessit is interpreted as suchor givenmeaning; nor can it ariseunlesshumanactionshave createdit; nor can the human actionsbe explained whichgenof situations exceptby the interpretation eratereasons foracting. This same foursome whichSchaferproposes to put in place of mechanistic causesand forces in psychology willdo wellfortheequivalent switch in terminology of religion.But Schafer in the sociology to allowshimself restthere, whereas mustgo on. Schafer has onlythelimited aim sociology of reconciling withhighpsychoanalytic clinicalpractice theory, proposing thesame language foreach. Benefits wouldflowautomatically from surely exercise. But there must be real concepany such reconceptualizing not merevocabulary thatif we change tualizing, change. Schaferthinks to theactivevoice,a newtheoretical from thepassive scheme thesentences a mistake.First, he onlyproposes willemerge.Butthisis surely to change as if to a passivepatient.This will do the clinicalpracticeof speaking of whichhe is mainly to changethe hightheory critical.It also nothing in the clinicalsitustrain and counter-productive will createawkwardness to a particular social intention. ation. For the passivevoice corresponds theories and passivevoice languagein who use mechanistic Sociologists beliefsalso have an explicitintention set by their respectof individual The psychoanalyst in his clinichas a socialsituation to deal with, theories. whichwould get out of hand if he were to use activevoice languagefor to the hypersensitive the fullextent of his own responsipatient explaining of the relation of wordsto thought would bility.An activevoice theory accountof the intentions of speakers who have chosento take systematic own thinking. their subuse the passivevoice to describe To,hear Schafer of languageconvinces to a passivevoice theory one thatthinking scribing morequestioning moretheoretical and theproblem energy, requires through thanhe is prepared to giveat thisstage. of thebasisof thestudy rethinking

ANALYSIS further betweenpassive and activevoice the contrast I will illustrate contrast betweenMuller's (1873) an impressionistic theories by drawing of the disease of languageand Whorf's(1956) theory of the retheory on thought. strictions placedbylanguage

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

55 thegreat has becomean antiquecuriosity in thehistory Muller, philogist, of religion. His theory beliefs abouthow some peculiar originated religious is relevant here.Mullerneverdoubted thehumanpowerto reachspiritual to of imagination or to conceiveabstract ideas. He was prepared heights credit humans withsuch powers.Insofaras the gods of classicalantiquity he feltno needto explain wereallegedto behavewithjusticeand decorum, But to explainstories about beliefs religious tendency. by any pathological histheory ofmythology their more he developed andlusty feats, idiosyncratic from This diseasehe attributed to a universal a diseaseof language. deriving as first to retain abstract idea humanweakness, an conceived:a inability workonce devised to carry a complex would soon fall meaning awayfrom abstraction and spirituality and be used onlyto conveya crass,particular, material sense.Thisdiseaseoflanguage wouldalways be leaving dailyspeech cluttered a withgreat wordsdemeaned. of their connotation, original Empty host of hybridanthropomorphic for lexiagenciesposes puzzles worthy whose tradedrivesthemto invent stories about them.In this cographers wouldbe seenas later way,theodderpartsof Greekand Romanmythology to purely additions intellectual andmoral philosophy. The diseaseof language was dismissed formanyreasons.Surpristheory in the wider modern it held Yet other was context, ingly, utterly implausible. whohaveproposed theories abouttherelation linguists equallyunconvincing of thought to language that havebeentaken Whorf very seriously. speculated wouldtendto limit of thought. He prethepossibilities structures syntactic of sented flowof traffic thestructures as a kindof moving thought through channeled and restricted The implication is thatfor language, by thelatter. each kind of language,only certainways of thinking are possible.In is Whorf's is limited view,thought by language.In Muller'sview,thought limited can that humans to want say anything by itself; language say but, their wantschange.Theydo not alwaysneed themorediffiunfortunately, cult conceptsfor whichtheyhave developedwords.This seems to,have somelong-run Contrasted withWhorf, we can place Mulleron plausibility. the side of thosewho take meanings as priorand speech constraints as itself He didnotsee language or constraint as a barrier to thought secondary. and held failures in thinking for a processby whichabstract responsible intomechanistic, material models.Psychebecomesa degenerate theogonies seductive girl;Zeus a lecherin comicopera disguises. Goingbeyondmore his Muller actually generalizations, proposed ruleas a tendency speculative of downward in language. witha theory He can be credited drift. semantic In like fashion, who meantto investigate and the intellectual sociologists emotional life of humanbeingshave drifted away fromtheirintentions. and actions. Theytalkabouthumanagencies, meanings, Theyhave not let theirgrammar lead theirthought, but theirthought has lefttheirwider intentions natural scienceassumptions stranded, doingjusticeonlyto their The use of naturalsciencemethodology and methodology. and its terms richinsights intoreligious But our failure have produced to hold sociology. to theoriginal of theenterprise have leftus withextraordinary complexities of the believers entities in our dictionary, and the beliefs which belittling
Muller vs. Whorf

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

56
we would like to understand. We now have to cope withcauses (such as relative orupward socialmobility) andeffects deprivation, (suchas routinization and secularization). At the same time,thereis no reasonto suppose thatwe cannot throw out thedistracting elements of ourlanguage and start witha neweffort fullmajesty. of willto reinstate Zeus and Psychein their To justify Muller'sidea further, we can easilyfindwordswhichreify mechanical forces credited with intentions. When strange anthropomorphic we view thesecarefully, we recognize thatthe wordsare not doingsomeour intentions have weakenedand narrowed, our thingto our thoughts; has lost its sharpedge.We have fallenintoinertia and exemplify thinking thediseaseoflanguage. to other entities the agency whichbelongs to Ordinary speechattributes ourselves. In everyday we attribute to themind: locutions, spatialproperties "It wentclean out of mymind";"Murder entered mymind";"Suicidewas at theback of mymind."These are examples Recall also givenby Schafer. the legal formula whichspeaksof the mindas a machine witha definite "Whilethe balance of his mindwas disturbed." Then someequilibrium: to themindas an autonomous times we refer agent:"My mindplaystricks on me"; "I wishI knewmyownmind";"I am in twoi minds." Thesephrases do notmislead of thelistener. as disclaimers Theyare coucheddeliberately in whichthespeaker's is guaranteed, and guaranteed responsibility goodwill all themorebecause,by implication, whatthemindwill do is leftin doubt and outsidethe speaker'scontrol(Schafer,1976:132). There is nothing seizedme"; "The words irrational aboutsuchdisclaimers: "A mad impulse forinterposing Everyday speechhas goodreasons pouredoutof mymouth." It is morecourteous another between thespeaker and hisownactions. agent the "it" and to say: "It musthave escapedyourmemory" thanto suppress me."Somecareforthefeelings of others accuse: "You forgot justifies simply these disclaimers. polite to our owneveryday This sensitivity use of thepassive voice givesa clue to theapproach in thesociology of religion whichI wishto propose. Many of thereligions of theworld havedoctrines of multiple personality according to whichtheindividual is divided between several moreor less coordinated of These constituent the tend to have different intenpersons. persons person to them.A personwho has incurred tionsand capacities attributed blame is allowedto feel its force,softened thatthe actionof which by knowing he was guilty to one butnot to all of his own constituent can be attributed This time, comesfrom thepolitedisclaimer others in an ordipersonalities. insteadof fromthe psychoanalyst to the patient. nary context, speaking from The humansubjectalmostdisappears of other amonga throng sight, activespirits or rejecting who are judging, on his behalf; willing, accepting, thesubject, in manyreligious doctrines becomes an object, a passive indeed, arenawhere forces contend. Butwe should bizarre notinterpret thismultiplicationof personalities as a mistake, a formof inertia, or another case of If we takeit as our principal thediseaseof language. thatnothassumption thatthesubjects of their are in control ownthoughts ingis donebymistake, and theirown languageand have adaptedthe languageto theirthoughts, we can reacha better oftheir stated beliefs. understanding

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

57
Phenomenology The activevoice languageis appropriate for a phenomenological theory. As sociologists, we have engagedon an investigation. We are determined thatit be an investigation in of religious behavior which, sociological fully its intentions, stillinsists of the activeindependent upon recognizing agency thepeoplewe are studying. theseassumptions as necOnce,whenI described a student or whether askedwhether achieved essary, anybetter they analysis, is made me feel good. The claimis precisely thatthe analysis theymerely improved. At thispoint, As a I introduce of the accountability the concept system. As a method, it was concept,it owes much to the ethnomethodologists. of moralprinciples. for the comparison The developed by anthropologists consists method in setting back the social context of into beliefs people's their Withthismethod, no alleged intensive field research. lives,by careful, belief in strange invisible untilthere is allowedto qualify entities as a belief is evidence thatit is acteduponin somesocially intelligible way.The moral are supposed as noblesentiments; theinterest notto existmerely judgments lies in theway theyare dailyinvoked as meansof holding otherpeopleto their lenient remissions and so on. contracts, promises, enforcing extracting research into everykind of confrontation, the generalprinBy systematic can be laid bare. Acciplesby whichpeoplehold each otheraccountable and the systems countability vary.The moralprinciples theyinvokediffer institutions which differ to thatextent. theyare incorporated By fasteninto, and their of accountability, use in building ing on moralprinciples systems the sociologist has a way of giving value to individuals' freenegotiating At thesametime, activities. from thelimited of a combutfirm standpoint moncognitive we can reckon whatare thekindsof socialinstituenterprise, tions arebuilt ofmoral that outcomes upondifferent judgment. Each accountability to be coherent to function, has to system, sufficiently createexplanations, and attribute such as qualities vengefulness, caprice,or to invisible kindness is likelyto call powers.Each accountability system or on a High God's justice, or use otherdevices upon themaliceof ghosts to make its sterner In modern industrial we judgments culture, acceptable. have developeda complextypology of personalities and talents to justify our procedures of exclusionor promotion. "High IQ" is a conceptthat to ourneedto measure and scale criteria of admission. If we could responds it would enterthe repertoire of peragree a measureof mental stability, Sometimes attributes. thefullresponsibility is nailedto theculprit; sonality of causationwill mitigate sometimes the theory so thatthe responsibility offense whichis beingjudgedis softened intosomething thateither might For happento anyoneor the personcould have committed unknowingly-" in peace, each society the sake of livingtogether will combinethe active voice and thepassivevoice in different tolmakeharshjudgments measures, to unfortunate who ask whydisasters havebefallen them. acceptable persons and systems Accountability vary,of course,in theirinternal consistency and in manyotherways that reflect theiruse within social completeness institutions.

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

58

The firstelaborateexamples of this methodwere Evans-Pritchard's of Azande and Nuer moraland political (1937) analyses systems. H-aimendorf'scomparison valuable of Hindus and Buddhists in Nepal is another is to tracebeliefs in divineattributes exercise.The essenceof the method to the moralvalues whichare institutionalized and actionable.These beliefs are part and parcel of the social life,fullycrediblewithin it, subto exercise wisheseither scribedto whenever a personin such a society wheninsisting or to chargeanother withdefault.At thatpoint, his rights withinsocietyand on moral claims,individuals declare theirautonomy or changethe local world to maintain efforts revealtheir own constructive view. Their active agencyis a necessary pointfor the analysis. starting is stillin view. the old sociological Moreover, perspective
AfricanBeliefs

of two beliefsystems which could be Let me describea comparison The culto the old styleanalysisof sociological determinism. submitted in multiple forms tures of theWestCoast of Africa of a belief havevariant are split The thinking, willing, actingpartsof an individual personalities. in each case. offfromeach otherin variousways,culturally standardized One such set of beliefshas been described (1959) brilliantly by Fo~rtes of Ghana. Theircult of the abouttheTallensiin theVolta region writing ancestors and theirbeliefin Destinycombineto,give themexplanations of misfortune which are much more than pure intellectual speculations. and set themto They channelthe Tallensiideas of moral responsibility and beliefs workin thesocial context so efficiently thataction, institutions, are partsof one process. Fortestakes the Tallensibeliefsin theircomas theydo. He showshow their positepersonality conceptof as.seriously and how it integrates the good personis inculcated through earlytraining, of theirsociety, at the intothe patrilineal the individual lineagestructure the patternof rewardsand punishments same time as finely adjusting to theirmoral ideas and to,the administer) (which the dead ancestors of thelive individual social structure. Over and above,the relation to,the of his ancestors, the Tallensihave to reckonwitha justiceand vigilance whichexistedbeforetheywere born-theirindipart of the personality vidual Destiny-whichis thought have acceptedor rejected the moral to, If the is bad then will a one, (not Destiny they consciously) requirements. for theirkinsmen, tendto behavein deviant and ways,lackingin respect whichpunishthe unfilial. downthe misfortunes so bringing student of religious In a paperwhichshouldbe read by every sociology, Horton (1961) makes a parallel analysisof similarbeliefs. Among the Kalabari Ijo of the NigerDelta, wordsof Destinyspokenby the prenatal of an individual.But in thiscase, the choices selfexplainthe misfortunes of theprenatal selfare judgedgood or bad fordifferent kindsof deviance. In the Tallensicase, the bad Destinywas chosenby the man who pitted himself and refused the prescriptions of Tallensi against paternal authority In the Kalabari case, the bad Destinyis chosenpresocial institutions. natallyby the personwho has no tastefor the rat race of an entrepre-

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

59
neurial, individualistsociety; their good Destiny is that of the ruthless fisherman and merchant. competitive So here would seem totbe a case for sociological determinism. Given the social institutions, the beliefs are differentiated adaptive responses. But Horton's essay is a vehementcriticismof such argumentation.One of the staunchest upholders of the independentstatus of beliefs, Horton makes a program for the comparative study of religion,which I seek to expand and to emulate. The simple question to follow is this: if the Tallensi and the Kalabari are given their beliefs as part of one packet with their insticome from? The usual ways in which tutions,where do the institutions sociological determinismanswers this question are either by maintaining a thorough-going economic determinism which assumes only one possible adaptive strategyto physical conditions,or by allowing for blind chance in the particularset of adaptations made in any one case. The firstsolution carries all the limitations to any sociology of religion that denies agency to humans and validity to belief. The second, of course, is an abdication from explanation. I shall proceed on another basis. I shall assume there is a full programfor a sociology of religion: the interaction of human agents must be its subject; and insofar as they choose beliefs, forms and try to make sense of them,justithey choose their institutional theirchoices at the same time. fying Fortes' Oedipus and Job in West African Religion and Horton's elaboration of its theme demonstratewhat the sociological exercise could still do in its old comparativeprogram. Writingof Fortes' approach to Tallensi beliefs,Horton says: A greatvirtue of thisessayis thatit is one of the fewrecent socio-anthropologicalworksto take religious relationships seriously. By thisI mean that it treatstalk about gods and theirinvolvements withmen at its face value, ratherthan assuming thatsuch talk is 'merely a way of referring to social structure.'Because Fortesacceptsthe psychological of such relationreality in themare concerned, he is led to explore shipsso faras thepeopleinvolved theirquality in Talle religion witha fullness and depthrarely seenelsewhere. he followsa well-worn cult structure Again,though with path in correlating social structure, his relation of religious notionsspecifically to features of the individual's is a new and exciting passagethrough society approach.(Horton, 1961:111). When he makes a summarycomparisonof the two similarbelief systems, Horton draws attentionto the local ideas of personality. It is interesting to compareKalabari ideas about the locus of these perwithTallensiideas and thenwiththe classicalFreudconflicts sonality firstly ian ideas themselves. In Kalabari thought, the conflict centersabout the desireto engagein statuscompetition: whilst the consciousself pursuesand the unconscious approvescompetition, no may abhor it. There is, however, of attitudes focus on conflict to particular people. In Tallensi thought, by the conflict centerson a specificperson,the father:whilstthe contrast, conscious self submitsto parental authority, the unconscioushates and to Europe,classical Freudiandoctrines rejectsit. Switching play down conflict overstatus and lay heavyemphasis on conflict rivalry oversexualdrives; it should be noted that the American school of 'Neo-Freudians' though has sexual emphasisof classical doctrine rejectedthe overwhelming in favorof conflicts on status centering competition.' for theyreflect These differences are revealing, widerdifferences of cultural and structural emphasis.In Kalabari communities, structural arrange-

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

60 mentsare such thatthe people involved mostintensively in statusrivalry at to one another; thisbecause any one timeare neverin any set relationship in questions of accessionto leadership of a group,greatlatitude is allowed for achievement of ascribedcharacteristics or of age, pedigree, irrespective to other competitors. is Again, whilstaggressive relationship competition it is at the same timediscouraged in fact, formally enjoinedin thisculture, because current beliefslay such heavystress on the use of lethalsorcery by Kalabari personality way of reprisal.Correspondingly, theoryfeaturesan on Consciousand a timidUnconscious. In Tallensi communities, aggressive can onlytake place at the expenseof a the otherhand,statusadvancement attitudes despecifically figure-thefather.Hence the ambivalent related, featurehim in person;as wherethe scribedin Tallensi personality theory Unconscious opposiyin ('Destiny,' Wishes) of a son is said to,be in chronic withKalabari is that Another tionto the yinof his father. pointof contrast are formally here amityand non-competitiveness enjoinedin all the most for the whilstthe culturemakes no real provision important relationships, frustrations of a son who remainsa jural minortill the day of his father's death. In consonancewith this, Tallensi personality theorypostulatesthe Unreverseof Kalabari theory-an amicable Consciousand an aggressive conscious(Horton,1961:113-114). The Tallensi use a passive voice theoryof responsibility to help a victim of misfortune not take the full weight of guilt upon himself. At least he can believe that some limitedpart of himselfentertained the initial ill-will from which his destinysprang. The Kalabari use the passive voice theory of personalityto focus a victim'swill to conquer his fate: he is helped to identifythat part of himselfwhich is not fully committedto social competition. Horton goes on to call for a systematicstudy in West Africa, which would note the number of divisions of the personality,the desire attributed to each, and the power relationsbetween them. The variations which emerge could be correlatedwith structuraland cultural variables as in Horton's comparison of Kalabari and Tallensi. demonstrated CONCLUSIONS for Whereas Horton suggestshis program modestly,as an improvement ethnographicpractice, it is also suggestivefor the developmentof psychoanalysis at the point we left it afterconsideringSchafer's linguisticreforms. theoryseems too much like a ship at anchor, once fittedout Psychoanlytic for a great voyage, but sails now furled,ropes flapping,motion stilled. It is not as if theoreticalwinds were lacking to drive it. But the motiveto go somewhere is missing. As Muller said, sometimesthe will to hold to a great notion can fail. A mere linguisticswitch from the passive to the active voice is not going to give psychoanalysisa purpose or plan. The grand conception must be recalled. The original enterpriseof psychology was to, chart the human psyche. But that can never be done without laid by charting,at the same time, the range of possible social constraints one person upon another or by hundreds acting in concert. For good success, the psychological approach to meaning surely will have to keep in stepwiththe sociological approach. We can agree easily enough upon a common language; the terms that deal with meaning, action, situation and reasons are good for both disciplines. But we still need to agree upon methods for using the language.

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

61
We also need to agree upon whatever it is we want to say. We will not lie down passively under the constraintsof a natural science language of causes and determinants.We believe we are free agents and so free to pick up and work at our original idea. In the sociology of religion that idea was to examine the social factorsin belief. This program requires the investigatorto trace the controls that the human subjects of his research are laying upon each other. If the sociologist investigator always checks the constraints upon action which appear itselfis protectedfrom as penalties and moral judgments,the investigation his own imported subjective interpretations.The Kalabari and Tallensi resources for make different judgments of failure; they deploy different or washing their hands of less forexplaining,reconcilingand reinstating tunate fellowmen. This is the essence of the powerful method in which action terminology can be used. Never denyingactive human agency, we as well as create the condican trace how people work their institutions tions in which theirbeliefs get plausibility.The task of careful comparison is a heavy one. It can achieve the same ends as those for which the conceptual apparatus of sociological determinantsof belief was devised. It that has been tried in the is a much more exacting programthan anything sociology of religion. But it is a program for our times, both methodologically sophisticatedand phenomenologicalin its assumptions.

REFERENCES E. Evans-Pritchard, Oracles and Magic Amongthe Azande, Oxford:Clarendon 1937 Witchcraft Press. Fortes,Meyer 1959 Oedipus and Job in West AfricanReligion, Cambridge: Cambridge Press. University von Furer Haimendorf, Christoph 1967 Morals and Merit: A Study of Values and Social Controlsin South Asian Societies, of ChicagoPress. Chicago: University Horton,Robin 1961 "Destinyand the Unconscious in West Africa,"Africa,31(2): 110-116. Max F. Milller, 1873 Introduction to the Science of Religion,London: LongmensGreen. Schafer, Roy New Haven: Yale University 1976 A New Language for Psychoanalysis, Press. Lee Whorf, Benjamin of BenjaminLee 1956 Language, Thoughtand Reality: Selected Writings Whorf Wiley. (ed., J.B. Carroll),New York: John

This content downloaded from 144.92.120.137 on Wed, 14 Aug 2013 13:08:21 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions