Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
C 2004 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
Abstract. UNESCO has given its Director General a mandate to draft a convention on protecting the
diversity of cultural contents and artistic expressions by the fall of 2005. Proponents of the convention
view commitments made by countries in trade agreements as weakening their ability to preserve and
promote cultural diversity. We review the existing draft wording for a convention, developed before
the official involvement of UNESCO, by the INCP, an association representing cultural ministries
in favour of insulating their cultural policies from liberalization, and conclude that it fails to meet
the necessary conditions for an enforceable rules-based international agreement. In the INCP text,
countries are given rights to introduce policies that promote a self-defined cultural diversity. The
only obligation is to balance their interests with those of others. No standard of adjudication for
balance is offered nor any effective dispute resolution mechanism developed. The ultimate purpose
of the initiative may be to form a negotiating bloc within the WTO, but the disparate interests of its
members and the lack of tangible benefits from the Convention reduce the credibility of bargaining
solidarity. In contrast, the WTO provides a flexible and effective forum for negotiating maintenance
of current policy options at a cost of making concessions in other sectors.
Key words: cultural activities, cultural diversity, cultural industries, INCP, trade
1. Introduction
By consensus, the 32nd UNESCO General Conference in October 2003 gave the Di-
rector General a mandate to draft a convention on protecting the diversity of cultural
contents and artistic expressions for presentation to the 33rd General Conference in
the fall of 2005.1 In contrast to a large number of non-binding UNESCO declaratory
instruments addressing culture, the proposed convention is to be a standards-setting
instrument, i.e., a legally enforceable set of rules rather than an awareness-raising
document.2
For the countries sponsoring the UNESCO initiative, the October 2003 resolu-
tion was not a beginning but a stage in a process responding to the creation of the
WTO in 1994. In the first stage of their strategy to minimize the WTO’s impact
on their policy options, the cultural ministries of these countries created two asso-
ciations with international representation—the International Network of Cultural
Policy (INCP) and the International Network for Cultural Diversity (INCD)—
neither of which is directly related to UNESCO. Conferences of cultural profes-
sionals from French-speaking countries were also organized to discuss and promote
a New International Instrument on Cultural Diversity, hereafter NICD, and at least
in Canada’s case, the advisory trade committee representing the cultural industries
participated in the NICD process.
244 KEITH ACHESON AND CHRISTOPHER MAULE
The debates, analyses, and draft texts produced by these organizations are our
data set—words rather than numbers. Our hypothesis is that a rules-based enforce-
able instrument on cultural diversity is not possible. We “test” it by examining the
most recently published draft (as of February 2004) of a cultural diversity instru-
ment. We find no enforceable rules.
This conclusion raises the question of why considerable resources and time have
been and are continuing to be spent on this initiative. One possibility explored is that
the purpose was not to create an NICD but rather to influence the ongoing GATS
negotiations in the WTO. We also examine the extent to which the WTO provides
an integrated and flexible governance framework for the cultural industries. The
structure of GATS and the nature of negotiations on services allow a country not to
commit cultural services to national treatment or market access.
International agreements among sovereign powers, like contracts among indi-
viduals and organizations, are voluntarily entered agreements where each partici-
pant anticipates a gain. They differ from contracts in being self-enforcing. In this
dimension, they are similar to illegal coordinating agreements like business cartels
or turf-allotments among criminal gangs that have been explored in game theory. In
another dimension, that of setting up elaborate internal mechanisms of adjudication
and sanctions, international agreements differ from illegal pacts. A cartel, for ex-
ample, is unlikely to keep elaborate records and establish fact-finding and assessing
tribunals to deal with “cheating” because these processes raise the chances of being
successfully prosecuted.
Enforcement of an international agreement ultimately depends on the ability
to exclude members from the gains that it generates because of the absence of
effective third-party adjudication. A member that is assessed a penalty will accept
an assessed sanction rather than invite expulsion if the discounted value of future
benefits is sufficiently high. The creative challenge in a rules-based international
agreement is to craft rules that generate significant gains for each member and to
establish a fair dispute settlement mechanism (DSM) and related “punishments”
that deter non-compliance.
Canadians in Canada and Catalans in Spain, are concerned with linguistic survival
within their communities. Some core countries of large linguistic communities are
concerned with the impact of the success of English-language media on their aspi-
rations to become languages of international discourse. Another non-opportunistic
objective is to redress “diversity gaps”. Typical examples cut across the content
spectrum from popular culture (too few Bollywood films), through high arts (too
little Islamic art), to general cultural knowledge (ignorance of Berber culture).3
A coalescing force among the more committed supporters of an NICD has been
hostility to the success in export markets of large American based companies, es-
pecially in the film and television industries. Terms such as “American cultural
imperialism” are used to describe a far more complex phenomenon.4 Although
advocates of making more cultural options available emphasise that their “shelf
space” appeal does not mean blocking American, or more broadly Western, cul-
tural content, this claim seems dubious. National film producers, for example, are
unlikely to share their film or conventional television quotas with Bollywood films,
and existing film and conventional television content quotas discriminate against
foreign content regardless of its origin.
Within the government, the interest in an NICD of ministries of culture and
their constituents often conflicts with the mandate of economic ministries of trade,
investment and finance to vet government spending and encourage trade and invest-
ment. A more ambivalent opposition to the NICD also occurs within the cultural
constituency. Producers and distributors of cultural goods and services that export
or have subsidiaries operating in other countries welcome domestic subsidies and
preferences but are hurt by foreign quotas and restrictions on ownership. If the
former threaten to generate the latter, their lobbyists engage in deliberately unin-
telligible speech.
The variety of motivations to maintain protective policy instruments are irrel-
evant to the feasibility of exerting formal international discipline on how they are
used. Have supporters, whatever their motivations, defined enforceable obligations
on national cultural policy that generate sufficient gains from membership to sup-
port a DSM capable of enforcing compliance? The expected outcome of strategic
interactions among members depends on the answer to this question. This issue is
the focus of our paper.
Two organizations and related initiatives have developed and promoted the NICD
by sponsoring different drafts, supporting papers, meetings, and conferences.
A small core of active members shapes the INCP’s agenda while other mem-
bers sporadically participate. A contact group—Canada, Croatia, France, Greece,
Mexico, Senegal, South Africa, Sweden, and Switzerland (in alphabetic order)—
sets policy direction and provides the administrative resources necessary to maintain
continuity and build momentum. Some key members have diversified their bets.
Switzerland and Brazil, for example, have responded to a WTO call for suggestions
on how to broaden commitments in audiovisual services under GATS.7 The French
and Canadian governments, two of the most consistent supporters of the INCP, will
not make any commitments to restrain their cultural policy alternatives until an
NICD is in place.8
with the ongoing affairs and meetings of the different groups (Grant and Woods,
2004, pp. 380–390).
Cultural diversity refers to the plurality and interaction of cultural expressions that coexist in the world
and thus enrich the common heritage of humanity.
By this definition cultural diversity occurs whatever is the state of the world.
Unlike a clear obligation, such as banning land mines, where an impartial adjudi-
cator can reach agreement on whether or not parties have complied, determining
whether cultural diversity is achieved is subject to any number of interpretations.
The pervasive failure to define what is not permitted is often explicitly recognized
in the draft. For example, the notes to Article 6 explain that it creates “. . . the right
of States to maintain or adopt measures that they consider appropriate”. The aim
is to permit members to introduce and implement whatever cultural policies they
choose and to justify them in the name of cultural diversity. If these only affected
conditions within each country, there would be no objection, but this is not the
case. National content quotas for television broadcasters and restrictions on entry
of qualified foreign professionals and technicians, for example, affect the interests
of other countries. None of the countries supporting the NICD would allow all
edicts by cultures within their boundaries to establish national law.13
In subsequent articles, the INCP draft sets out general obligations (Articles 9–
12), noted as being soft obligations, and obligations that parties have to each other
(Article 13). Articles 9–12 are declaratory statements. They include: to preserve
and promote cultural diversity, take into account conditions in developing countries,
be open to content from other members, and promote the Convention in other
international fora.
Regarding more specific obligations, the notes to Article 13 claim that it pro-
vides “. . . the rules-based approach within this Convention and gives this text the
legal structure of a convention.” Only breaches of its obligations are “. . . subject
248 KEITH ACHESON AND CHRISTOPHER MAULE
(a) Does the measure fall within the scope of the Convention?
(b) Does the measure reflect the objectives of this Convention (e.g., specificity of
cultural goods and services)?
(c) Does the measure respect the principle of balance, when the actual market
situation and competitive conditions are taken into account?
(d) Has the measure been implemented in a reasonable and transparent
manner?
The scope of the Convention and the measures that reflect its objectives ((a) and
(b) criteria) are self-defined by the parties to be consistent with cultural diversity
leaving nothing to enforce. The meaning of ‘specificity’ of cultural goods and
services (noted in parentheses in criterion (b)) is anything but specific. It is defined
in a circle of references taking the reader from the notes of Article 13 to those of
Article 5, which explain that cultural goods become specific by adding “the role of
cultural content in maintaining and recreating the cultural identity of peoples and
communities”, and finally to the following definition of cultural goods and services:
“Cultural goods and services are those goods and services that convey cultural
content. They acquire their specificity because they convey values, meaning and
identity, and therefore are not mere commodities.” Sometimes circling takes one
further away from the prey.
Balance (criterion (c)) is explained in Article 7.1:
Any measure taken by a Party to preserve or promote domestic cultural expression must respect
balance between the promotion of domestic cultural expression and openness to cultural content of
other parties.
The relationship of the Convention with the WTO and other international agree-
ments is addressed in Articles 4 and 12. Article 4.1 states:
Nothing in this Convention shall derogate from existing rights and obligations that parties may have
to each other under any other international Treaty.
. . . this Convention cannot take precedence over any existing treaty or enable its Parties to derogate
from their obligations to each other under existing treaties. But following the same logic of inter-
national law, the Parties may not, as a general rule, derogate from their obligations to each other as
agreed in this Convention and in any future treaty or when developing or expanding any existing
treaty.
Any signatory of the Convention that is also a signatory of the WTO will sustain
its WTO commitments but make no further commitments in areas such as audio-
visual services in the GATS, or in any new regional or bilateral agreement unless
these commitments are deemed compatible with cultural diversity.15 Cultural goods
such as books, magazines and newspapers, or records, discs and tapes will remain
subject to current GATT commitments, and where a protectionist service measure
is introduced that is tied to a good, the policy may be disallowed under the WTO
DSM.16
The proposed convention would not give its members any degrees of freedom
that they do not currently have. For example, if Switzerland and Germany were
members of the NICD, they could not develop any preferential bilateral cultural
programs and policies with respect to each other that are not currently allowed
under existing treaties exempted from MFN in the WTO. If they did, they would
be in breach of their WTO MFN obligations. Either the treaty would have to be
scrapped or its benefits granted to all WTO members including the United States.
If a signatory to the Convention were to withdraw from the WTO, then its actions
would be subject only to the Convention for trade in cultural goods and services.
Any dispute with a country not subject to the Convention would be settled in
unstructured political interactions.
A declaratory NICD may, of course, influence members of the WTO not to initiate
dispute resolution proceedings concerning cultural activities because of their sym-
pathy with its position. At the least, according to the rhetoric of supporters, one
would expect no formal cultural trade disputes among NICD members in the WTO.
In addition, the philosophy of the proposed NICD clashes with that of the WTO as
noted by a special policy research team report to the INCP:
While it may be generally agreed that in order for the instrument to be effective, it must have an effect
on the WTO, on its internal law, few people could see the WTO promoting an instrument which, in
several respects, might contravene the basic principles the WTO defends.26
The WTO is also much more flexible than the proponents of the NICD maintain.
The notes to Article 5 of the INCP draft concerning specificity of cultural goods
and services,27 maintain that “. . . trade policy rules and principles neither take, nor
intend to take, into account specificities of any sector or service.” This statement
is at odds with the special treatment in the WTO given to agriculture and textiles,
sectoral agreements for telecommunications and financial services, instances where
safeguards are needed, and references to the special needs of developing countries
that predate the attention given to development in the Doha Round of negotiations.28
The GATS allows members not to increase their liberalising commitments in
areas that they consider sensitive, such as audiovisual services that have a strong
cultural dimension. They may also be persuaded that liberalization would reduce
their welfare rather than enhance it.29 Negotiation requires that a country weigh
the relative merits of sectoral protection, be it in culture or agriculture, in deter-
mining an offer. Members wishing to protect cultural services will have to provide
compensating concessions in other sectors in a negotiating round.30 Currently, the
expected costs of insulating a sector from liberalization within the WTO are higher
because powerful affected countries may retaliate unilaterally. The NICD would
be unable to insulate its members from unilateral retaliation from non-members,
such as the United States. A waiver for policies in specified cultural industries31
could be negotiated under Article IX, 3–4 of the WTO Agreement, but a waiver
requires support of three-quarters of the WTO membership (Carmody, 1999). Any
country that considers that a benefit from its WTO membership is impaired by the
granting of a waiver can take its case to the WTO DSM. How the WTO might be
reformed to curb unilateral retaliations (often designed to affect areas not under its
restraint) against measures that are consistent with its provisions is a challenging
problem.
5. Conclusion
In its 2003 draft of an NICD, the INCP claims to establish rights and obligations of
member countries that can be adjudicated by an impartial DSM. Our reading of this
proposal is that the rights of members are self-defined providing they correspond
CONVENTION ON CULTURAL DIVERSITY 253
Notes
1. A copy of the final resolution is at Debate 5, p. 26 of http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/
001321/132141e.pdf (accessed July 11, 2004).
254 KEITH ACHESON AND CHRISTOPHER MAULE
19. For one pre-WTO (non-cultural) case involving Article III of GATT, see Shao (1995, p. 116).
20. See no. 16 and Acheson and Maule (1999, pp. 184–204).
21. WTO WT/DS43/2, January 10, 1997.
22. Text available at http://www.wipo.org/clea/docs/en/wo/wo033en.htm (accessed February 24,
2004).
23. Listed at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop− e/dispu− e/dispu− subjects− index− e.htm#bkmk31
(accessed February 24, 2004).
24. Article 133, paragraph 6 at http://europa.eu.int/eur-lex/en/treaties/dat/nice− treaty− en.pdf (ac-
cessed July 7, 2004). Also note draft Constitutional Treaty for Europe of the EU Article III-217(7),
June 2004, pp.47–8.
25. The arguments for an open policy are contrasted to those for a nationalist policy in Acheson and
Maule (1999, pp. 14–22). The issues addressed in this paper do not depend on one’s position in
that debate.
26. The team (unnamed) was Swiss led. It included experts from Canada, Columbia, France
and Sweden. See “Options and Issues for the Implementation of an Instrument: Depositary,
Mechanism, and Strategy” July 2002, p. 19, at http://206.191.7.19/meetings/2002/options− e.pdf
(accessed February 21, 2004).
27. Article 5 states “When devising national or international policies or measures, the Parties shall
take into account the specificity of cultural goods and services.”
28. Trebilcock and Howse (2001) discuss the WTO’s attention to the special circumstances of LDCs.
29. With imperfect competition, externalities, and second-best situations such as tax distortions
in other sectors, models can be constructed in which trade restrictions are welfare enhancing.
Francois and van Ypersele (2002) provide a cultural trade example involving two countries,
named the U.S. and France, in which a French tariff on film imports can be optimal. Critical as-
sumptions are: Hollywood can produce exportable films but the French industry cannot; nationals
of one country can neither invest nor participate as professionals in the other’s film industry; and
there is no price discrimination.
30. For example, in the Australia–United States Free Trade Agreement signed February 8, 2004,
the United States maintained protection in agriculture and Australia maintained protection in the
audiovisual sector. The Australian cultural sector had anticipated that it might be sacrificed in
favour of Australian farmers gaining better access to the U.S. market (see comments of Dick
Letts, Executive Director, Music Council of Australia in the INCD Newsletter—December 2003,
Vol. 4, No. 12 (Section 4) available at http://www.incd.net/docs/Newsletter36E.htm (accessed
February 28, 2004)).
31. A waiver requires that the sector be identified. Cultural goods and services is not a WTO service
aggregation and one would have to be constructed from existing categories.
32. See document referred to in no. 2.
33. See reference in no. 26.
References
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256 KEITH ACHESON AND CHRISTOPHER MAULE
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