RESEARCH PROPOSAL

FACTORS THAT STAND IN THE WAY OF GREEN COMMUNICATION IN ZIMBABWE: A RE-VISITATION.

BY

HENRI-COUNT EVANS

Introduction
My interest in green communication started in 2010 when I underwent a course on Climate Change Awareness in Development Planning and Implementation by the Development Reality Institute. At this time I was also an undergraduate student and I came to discover that climate change had not really attracted much scholarly attention especially from the field of communication.

I then undertook to explore climate change in the communications field and arrived at my undergraduate dissertation title: Factors that stand in the way of green communication in Zimbabwe. Beside the fact that the research was fairly conducted, I felt there was need to expand on the objectives and scope of the study in order to gain more insight into the problems hindering effective green communication in Zimbabwe, hence this re-visitation. The Masters of Philosophy thesis seeks to develop the previous dissertation in all facets and explore the problems both widely and deeper.

Problem Statement and rationale of the study

The fact that climate change is already threatening and impacting on the lives of people is way beyond any scientific doubt. It is critical that governments, civil society and the ordinary citizens at large combine their efforts and fight to prevent and avert the problems brought about by the changes on climate. There is need for more awareness to educate the populations on the impacts of climate on their livelihood.

Zimbabwe being part of Africa is likely to suffer the worst impacts of climate change, with recurrent droughts, flooding, and depletion of the tourism industry. Furthermore, the countrys dependency on climate based activities such as agriculture and tourism complicates its capacity to adapt and be ready for any mitigation project. This is also compounded by the fact that the country is poverty stricken, has weak budgetary funds, and also has weak policies and institutions to effectively deal with climate change.

This study seeks to examine factors that make climate change awareness a cause for concern in Zimbabwe. Green communication as an information discourse is faced with multiple challenges in its efforts to disseminate media messages that can bring forth social change and make people appreciate and acknowledge the imminent problems posed by climate change in their societies. This research agenda focuses its attention on carefully examining factors that stand in the way of green communication in Zimbabwe.

Development policies, expert and scholarly work focusing on development in general, and climate change in particular, emphasise the need for increased awareness in respect to climate change problems. This emphasis on awareness make relevant, and justify the need for effective green communication and hence the enhanced role of the media in mainstreaming the climate change discourse. Green communication is the vehicle through which information on the presence, impacts, adaptation and mitigation of climate change can be disseminated efficiently (Evans 2011).

Green communication is a new media genre that is directed towards climate change awareness, with the main agenda being to conscientise communities on the presence of climate change and educate them on how they can adapt and mitigate the negative impacts of climate change. This in a broader sense helps to sustain the present and future generations against the traumatising dangers exerted by the change in climate. Green communication gives people more power to control nature and lead in the transition from controlled change to changed control. The studys point of departure is that the media are central to climate change awareness as primary sources of public information and also as agents of representation and social change. The news media function specifically as an authoritative version of reality that specialises in orchestrating everyday consciousness for the public (Giltin, 1980).

Green communication as discourse practice requires an informed citizenry that is capable of interpreting climatic and weather patterns that will enable them to take informed decisions with regards to their environmental actions as individuals, groups and greater

communities. The media is regarded as the most effective leeway to regularising the green revolution in society.

The accessibility, immediacy and intrusiveness associated with the media are critical to the effective mainstreaming of the climate change story. A careful appreciation of the medias role, in mainstreaming climate change in Zimbabwe, need to take place within a thick understanding of the contemporary Zimbabwean communicative contexts.

This study seeks to investigate how the political economy of the media, media infrastructure, language, commercialisation, training of journalists, newsroom practices and the general politics affect the smooth discussions and debates on climate change. The research wishes to explore how these factors can reinforce or subvert the medias role as a public sphere where critical civic engagement is facilitated and informed decisions are arrived at through debate and discussion as conceptualised by Jurgen Habermas.

This study refers to Zimbabwe, not in the sense that the entire communities share the same internal structural dynamics, the term Zimbabwe is used for a merely geographical convenience to starting a point of analysis, in the same logic that Annabelle Sreberny (2008) used the term Middle East for a linguistic convenience to demarcate a point of analysis.

Background
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) defines climate change as a change in climate that is attributable directly or indirectly to human activity that alters atmospheric composition, (2000). However it can be noted that climate has always varied naturally, but the changes that have been noted in the last century have outpaced the natural variations, which occur over larger time scales (ibid).

Scholars and scientists within the climate change spectrum concur that the recent manifestations of global warming indicate something exterior and unnatural, something

driving the climate change gear beyond the normal speed limit. The amount of green house gasses in the atmosphere is beyond the capacity of the available sinks. This has and is worsening the ozone depletion thereby exposing the earth to ultra-violet heat waves that are anti plant, animal and human existence.

Climate change will have disastrous outcomes especially for Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular. The change will result in the transformation of the current patterns of agriculture relegating some districts to semi-arid regions and semi-deserts. This is likely to force population pressures into the productive areas causing socioeconomic strife and even civil and trans-border conflicts.

This will also increase human poverty and starvation. It is anticipated that climate change will cause water stress. Crop and animal production are also projected to suffer from the changing climate impacts as areas suitable for agriculture will diminish. The length of the growing season and yield potential especially along the margins along the semi-arid and arid areas are expected to decrease .This exposes the lives of people and animals to disaster due to recurrent droughts. Droughts will adversely affect the countrys food security and exacerbate malnutrition.

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

Questions that prompted the study How is the media in Zimbabwe covering the climate change story? Is the media adequately and accurately covering climate change issues? Are the audiences aware of climate change and its impacts on their lives? Does the communication infrastructure in Zimbabwe allow for effective green communication? How do political interests interfere with the proper coverage of the climate change discourse(s)? What is the impact of media commercialisation on the coverage of climate change? Does the political economy of the media have a bearing on green communication?

Is language a critical component of effective green communication? Are journalists adequately trained to cover climate change? After all is there green communication in Zimbabwe?

The research will then seek to: Examine and investigate the teaching curricula used by journalism training institutions and determine whether it offers specialisation courses on green communication and climate change. Study and examine if the communication infrastructure in Zimbabwe enable efficient dissemination of climate change issues to audiences. Investigate and explore how politics affect green communication. Assess and evaluate the level of climate change awareness among the audiences. Examine and explore how media commercialisation affects green

communication. Investigate the implications of political economy on the media production of green texts. Examine if the newsroom practices in Zimbabwe are favourable to green communication. Investigate how language determines consumption patterns and meaning production of green texts.

Justification/Significance of the study

Most of the academic work on the relationship between the media and the climate change discourse is limited to media approaches to climate change, analysing constructive mechanisms and reducing the controversy between climatologists and the media to the inadequacy and usage of the scientific message. Scholars on environmental communication largely rely on theories and models of communication for development. They have systematically uploaded environmental discourse to the more established paradigms of media for development. This seeks to situate green communication within

the communication for sustainable social innovation and move away from the rhetoric of media for development that has been adopted by news organisations.

There is greater anxiety within the climate change discourse scholarly community for a more relevant approach to studying the role of the media in mainstreaming the climate change problem and make it more relevant. This research appreciates work covered to date in line with the climate change discourse, but its main thrust is to demystify the more complex role of the media by alluding to factors that are more outside the control of the media but that control its effectiveness in articulating the climate change paradigm.

While most media and environmental scholars have directed much of their attention to the normative roles of the media informing the climate change discourse, little has been done critically focus on the reasons behind the low climate change profile in the media. While people agree that the media has not and is not fairly covering the climate change discourse, to date there has not been any published work to provide explanation to the underlying forces impeding climate change reporting.

Hence this thesis proposes to fill this gap and give a body of explanation that is anticipated to help all concerned stakeholders to re-direct their efforts and approach the problems with a view of finding solutions. This study seeks to uncover the unexplored causes of the poor climate change coverage with special emphasis on Zimbabwe. This research seeks to explore and explain the reasons behind climate changes low media profile. This study seeks to investigate factors that stand in the way of green communication and hence enlighten media policy makers, journalism training institutions and practising journalists on the need to introduce and upgrade their environmental and climate change -communication approaches. This should lead to improvements on the media climate change profile which in the long-term will bring a sustainable society. Scholars on environmental communication largely rely on the work theories and models of communication for development. They have systematically uploaded environmental discourse to the more established paradigms of media for development.

There is greater anxiety within the climate change discourse scholarly community for a more relevant approach to studying the role of the media in mainstreaming the climate change problem and make it more relevant. The research appreciates work covered to date in line with the climate change discourse, but its main thrust is to demystify the more complex role of the media by alluding to factors that are more outside the control of the media but that control the effectiveness.

This research seeks to explore and explain the reasons behind media cooling off with regards to effective green communication. This study seeks to investigate factors that stand in the way of green communication and hence enlighten media policy makers, journalism training institutions on the need to introduce and upgrade their environment communication approaches and this is believed will lead to improvements on the media climate change profile which in the long will bring a green society.

LITERATURE REVIEW
The area of Green Communication research is still at its infancy. Some scholars loosely refer to it as Environmental Communication, but using this term is problematic as it is too broad to be used as a specific direction in mainstreaming climate change (Weaver 2003). There is a growing need among scholars to find a specific direction of study that will specifically focus on climate change communication. The green communication field falls within the Communication for Sustainable Social Innovation paradigm. The field has problems that range from practical and academic confusions on the definition and its normative roles in communication.

The term green communication has never been formally used in research to understand the role of communication in mainstreaming climate change. Scholars in the domain of green communication often mix global warming and climate change into one research agenda, but again this is not a viable route as global warming and climate change are distinct entities.

The coverage of environmental issues can be traced back to the United States of America in the 1960s with reporters focusing on environmental damage by sea oil leakages that killed a lot of sea birds. However after the disasters stopped, the coverage of environmental issues became dead. The trend in environmental communication has been fluctuating. Media institutions paid attention to major events and disasters and not other critical issues. The environment only got attention from the media in times of major visible impacts.

Sashsman (2000: 3) argues that the mass media have played a major role in shaping perceptions and awareness of environmental issues since the 1960s. Together with government officials, environmental activists, scientists, and industrialists, journalists and broadcasters have set the agenda for environmental discourse and decision-making for more than thirty years. The publication of Rachel Carsons Silent Spring in 1962

changed the frame of environmental discourse among scientists, activists, and government officials, and the rise of television as a national and international medium greatly increased the visibility of environmental issues.

Neuzil and Kovarik (1996: xii) list William Penn and Benjamin Franklin as early environmentalists and note that Americas green crusades were well underway in the 19th century. One key difference was that many green crusades of the past were likely to be local instead of national in scope, they argue, noting that in the past, some clashes were ignored by the mainstream media or covered only by alternative media.

However despite the evolving coverage of environmental issues by the media, the coverage started on a wrong footing. Through the years, the mass media, in general, and television, in particular, have provided extensive front-page coverage of acute environmental issues such as accidents and spills while often relegating chronic environmental problems such as shrinking rain forests and leaking underground storage tanks (and harder-to-cover accidents) to the inside pages or the end of the news programs.

Journalists and broadcasters look for timely news pegs on which to hang their stories. Accidents and spills not only provide perfect news pegs but also dramatic visual images. Nevertheless, issues of budget and geography sometimes affect television networks, causing them to shy away from stories that are inconvenient for camera crews to get to and cover (Greenberg 1989). Since the Greenhouse summer of 1988 briefly put climate change at the top of the public agenda (Ungar 1992), the issue has mostly lingered on the sidelines. A recent study undertaken by Environmental Defence reveals that concern for global warming falls well below that of various other environmental issues (Environmental News Network Staff 2000).

Media coverage of the environment developed and started to incorporate climate change issues but again with a lot of inaccuracy and confusion over the distinctions between the two. Firstly global warming and ozone depletion received particular attention. McComas and Shanahan (1999), note that in 1988 the press began to pay attention to the phenomenon then known as the greenhouse effect. From 1988 to approximately 1992, the science and consequences of global warming were a topic of frequent media discussion. But the discourse in the press petered out as attention turned to other issues. The public was left with the feeling that there were no firm conclusions in the scientific community, and that indeed global warming may have been an overhyped phenomenon.

Many scholars analysed the phenomenon of this initial wave of global warming coverage. Principally they dealt with the issue of why the coverage was not sustained; that is, the major question was why the issue was covered in an almost hysterical manner that seemed destined to fizzle out. The steep drop in amount of coverage could be explained in a number of ways; a variety of theories were offered. So much was done that the global climate change issue seemed to be the archetypical laboratory for studying coverage of a scientific issue.

A lot of this literature starts with a hypothesis offered by Downs: that issues are naturally covered cyclically, especially environmental issues. Thus, issues first attract alarmed attention because theyre new; as people get used to them, and also realise that there may be costs to solving the issue, attention fades. Hilgartner and Bosk (1988) argue that Downs hypothesis is problematic and they move on to see his model as a natural history approach. They argue that rather than moving linearly from one stage to the next, social problems can exist simultaneously in many stages of development.

The authors contend that Downs ignores the interactions between coexisting problems that help to define problems as meaningful and argue that a problems life cycle relates less to public attention than to the problems construction in public forums, such as in the media (Hilgartner & Bosk 1988: 54-55). Rather than a natural decline in attention, institutional factors, such as carrying capacities, competition for space, and need for sustained drama, influence attention decline. In line with this argument this study seeks to examine if the institutional factors outlined also have a bearing on the Zimbabwean medias articulation of climate change issues. A critical analysis of the medias newsroom practices and editorial policies will be applied to confirm or prove otherwise this argument. Other explanations looked at the reinforcing effect of media coverage. Trumbo (1994) dealt with inter-media agenda-setting relationships in news media coverage of global climate change from 1985 to 1992. He found that among the various media, the decision to cover global climate change occurred almost simultaneously. Clearly, a kind of critical mass can develop among media institutions for major issues; once that mass is surpassed, the issue will get attention across the media spectrum. Trumbos study shows that inter-media cooperation is necessary to frame a story as having narrative importance (also see Mazur and Lee 1993). Gandy (1982) points out that the media will always rely on information providers (sometimes scientists, in this case) to provide grist for their mill. This argument is largely relevant to this study as it leads one to examine if the coverage of climate change in Zimbabwe is covered collectively by the

local media and also investigate if there are synergies among media institutions when covering climate change and the environment. The study also needs to find out if the media generates their information from scientists and information officers, nongovernmental organisations and other climate change focus groups. Ungar (1992) offered another account, focused on the social scare that the hot summer of 1988 precipitated. Simply, Ungar (1992: 483) argued that real-world events attracted social attention, pointing out that scientific evidence of global warming existed for quite some time before the enormous increase in attention in 1988. In other words, the fortuitous coincidence of hot weather with scientific findings was enough to draw the attention. He also argues that the cycle dies because one cannot maintain the level of dramatic crisis over the environmental issue. Ungar also argued (1995: 450) that global warming would not regain attention and concern without new novelty and drama.

Trumbo (1996) offers another recent perspective on cycles of news media attention to climate change relative to Downs hypothesis. He argues that media attention to global warming can be seen in terms of the claims of sources quoted in the coverage. His content analysis showed that scientists were quoted as sources most often about the causes and problems of global warming; in comparison, politicians and special interest groups were quoted most often about judgements or remedies. He also observed a change in story emphasis: the percentage of scientists quoted in the media decreased while that of politicians and interest groups increased across the decade sampled. Trumbos arguments directs this researcher to carry out a critical content analysis of climate change stories within the Zimbabwean media contexts and examine the sourcing patterns applied by reporters especially between scientists and politicians.

All these studies, and others, despite their disagreements, seemed to be in accord on one point: that the coverage did behave according to cyclical patterns identified by Downs (1972), where after a spate of alarmed coverage the issue would recede more or less into obscurity, as society had marshalled its resources to deal with the problem. Through interviews with journalists and historical analysis the researcher will examine the

applicability of the above arguments to the local media context specifically focussing on climate change coverage. The researcher will study climate change coverage patterns and scrutinise how they affect green communication locally.

McComas and Shanahan (1999) identified a narrative explanation for the ups and downs of the first cycle. They argued that the early phase of the first cycle was predicated on danger. Stories were built primarily on predictions of impending danger: higher temperatures, flooding, droughts, desertification and other threats comprised the gist of most stories.

The media focused on scenarios of doom and destruction. Rightly or not, journalists bought into the worst case scenarios, sometimes offered by known doomsayers. As the first cycle progressed, however, attention eventually turned to scientific controversy. Disputes over the accuracy of forecasts, between scientists and other stakeholders, took the coverage toward the issue of uncertainty. By the end of the cycle, in the environmental backlash year of 1995, it seemed that the public reaction to global warming was now clearly one of disbelief, or at least a postponed sense of urgency. The narrative explanation will be used in this study to critically analyse if this trend is also synonymous with the local coverage of climate change by the media. The researcher will carry a qualitative content analysis of climate change texts and see how they are angled and framed along the lines of disasters and doom.

This study will also use the literature already available on climate change in general, that is, the science of climate change to develop green communication as specific area of study. The study will extensively make reference to the research carried out by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, (UNFCCC), Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO).

Research Methodology
Qualitative Research Design and Methods Introduction This section discusses the planning and execution of the study and the overall research design. The study adopts a qualitative research design. The qualitative design is a holistic process of inquiry that seeks to understand a social or human problem rather than being based on testing a theory composed of variables, measured with numbers and analysed with statistical procedures, as occurs in the quantitative research design (Creswell 1994: 1-2 ). This study uses the multiple-case studies approach (Babbie 2007: 298) that seeks to investigate, analyse, and interpret contingency relationships among variables such as journalism training institutions, media practices, audiences perceptions on climate change and how they relate that information to the local media, instead of setting out to prove a cause-effect relationship between variables as quantitative research designs generally do. Various assertions are made in congruence with this interpretive method of analysis, which propose that internal and external factors are standing in the way of green communication and examine how they are influencing the production and distribution of climate change communication. This study therefore seeks not to prove the existence of external and internal factors, but to identify factors as intrinsic in the current low media climate change profile in Zimbabwe and as influencing the production and communication of climate change.

Qualitative Research There has been an ongoing debate on the appropriateness of different approaches and methods in social research. As a matter of fact, many authors point to the heated discussions, sometimes even "wars" (the so-called "paradigm war"), between the adherents of quantitative and qualitative research designs (Brannen 1992: 3-5; Bryman 2004: 452-454). One main characteristic of this dispute seems to be the dichotomous way

in which qualitative and quantitative research methods were presented as well as the resulting strict contraposition of the two (Bryman 1992: 57-59). Cassell and Symon (1994: 7) give the following list of defining characteristics for qualitative research: "a focus on interpretation rather than quantification; an emphasis on subjectivity rather than objectivity; flexibility in the process of conducting research; an orientation towards process rather than outcome; a concern with context; regarding behaviour and situation as inextricably linked in forming experience; and finally, an explicit recognition of the impact of the research process on the research situation." The "word qualitative implies an emphasis on the qualities of entities and on processes and meanings that are not experimentally examined or measured (if measured at all)in terms of quantity, amount, intensity, or frequency" (Denzin and Lincoln 2000). Cassell and Symon (1994: 1) judge qualitative methods to be very appropriate to research questions focusing on organisational processes, outcomes, and trying to understand both individual and group experiences of work. According to them, organisational dynamics and change are major areas of interest in organisational research, and only qualitative methods are sensitive enough to allow the detailed analysis of change, while quantitative methods are only able to "assess that a change has occurred over time but cannot say how (what processes were involved) or why (in terms of circumstances and stakeholders)" (Cassell and Symon 1994: 5). Generally, it can be said that qualitative techniques emerge from phenomenological and interpretive paradigms, with the emphasis being on constructivist approaches where there is no clear-cut objectivity or reality (Cassell and Symon 1994: 2). This has important implications on what is perceived to be the nature of knowledge, with the qualitative paradigm negating the existence of objectively true knowledge and proposing an interpretive approach to social knowledge, which recognises that "meaning emerges through interaction and is not standardised from place to place or person to person" (Rubin 1995: 31).

According to Cassell and Symon (1994: 4), qualitative research is "less likely to impose restrictive a priori classifications on the collection of data," and thus research is "less driven by very specific hypotheses and categorical frameworks and more concerned with emergent themes and idiographic descriptions." This is also why, according to the qualitative research paradigm, it is only in the course of doing field research that one can find out which research questions can reasonably be asked and it is only at the end that the researcher will know which questions can be answered by a study (Lueger 2000: 51). Therefore, qualitative methods are often used when the field of research is yet not well understood or unknown and aim at generating new hypotheses and theories, while quantitative methods are frequently used for testing hypotheses and evaluating theories (Atteslander 2003: 83-85; Mayring 2003: 20-23). Qualitative research presents a complex set of issues (and key variables or themes, or both) and seeks to draw conclusions based on inferences from manipulating the data. The approach and method is inductive and, as stated in Creswell (1994: 107), qualitative studies, because of the inductive, evolving methodological design, may include few terms defined at the beginning of the plan; terms may be defined as they emerge from the data collection. Punch (1998: 3) furthermore states, Qualitative questions require qualitative methods and data to answer them. In this study, the qualitative research paradigm proves more appropriate than the quantitative paradigm to investigate the kinds of research questions provided in the introduction to the study.

Case Study Research Hartley (2004: 323), states that case study research "consists of a detailed investigation, often with data collected over a period of time, of phenomena, within their context," with the aim being "to provide an analysis of the context and processes which illuminate the theoretical issues being studied." Yin (2003: 13-14) offers a more detailed and technical definition of case studies:

"A case study is an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident. The case study inquiry copes with the technically distinctive situation in which there will be many more variables of interest than data points, and as one result relies on multiple sources of evidence, with data needing to converge in a triangulating fashion, and as another result benefits from the prior development of theoretical propositions to guide data collection and analysis".

To close the case study defining stage it is useful to cite Hartley (2004:332): "Case study research is a heterogeneous activity covering a range of research methods and techniques, a range of coverage (from single case study through carefully matched pairs up to multiple cases), varied levels of analysis (individuals, groups, organisations, organisational fields or social policies), and differing lengths and levels of involvement in organisational functioning." This study will use the multiple-case strategy in examining the factors that impede the smooth dissemination of climate change information in Zimbabwe. The research uses multiple case studies in order to get a more detailed examination of the problems that climate change faces. According to Yin (2003: 2), "the distinctive need for case studies arises out of the desire to understand complex social phenomena" because "the case study method allows investigators to retain the holistic and meaningful characteristics of real-life events," such as organisational and managerial processes, for example. Multiple case studies approach is utilised as the strategy because it helps to answer the "how or "why" questions, when the investigator has little control over events, and when the focus is on a contemporary phenomenon within some real-life context (Yin 1981: 59; 2003a: 2, 5-10). Baxter and Babbie (2004: 304) explain how the collective-case studies approach typically unfolds. In observing collective-cases, the researcher presents a detailed description of each case separately, which is known as a within-case analysis. The next step is doing a thematic analysis across [the] cases, which is referred to as a cross-case analysis.

The collective-case studies approach adapts the principle applied by Burawoy et al. (1991) that suggests a relationship between the case study method and theory. It is used to address flaws in previous studies (Babbie 2007: 298). Burawoy and his colleagues (1991) refer to this as an extended case method, which seeks to extend or discover flaws in, and then modify, existing social theories.

A case study examines a phenomenon in its natural setting, employing multiple methods of data collection to gather information from one or a few entities (people, groups or organisations). This study is both descriptive and exploratory, it seeks to describe what is happening with regards to green communication in Zimbabwe and exploratory as it seeks to answer the why what is happening is happening. The research is going to deploy multiple data collection methods, whose results hopefully converge, in order to establish construct validity.

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