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CORPORATE LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA

CORPORATE LIFE
IN

ANCIENT INDIA

BY

RAMESH CHANDRA MAJUMDAR,

DACCA UNIVERSITY
;

M.A., Ph.D.

PROFKSSOR OF INDIAN HISTORY AND DEAN OF THE FACULTY OF ARTS,

HISTORY, CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY

FORMERLY LECTURER ON ANCIENT INDIAN PREMCHAND ROYCHAND

;

SCHOLAR, MOUAT GOLD MEDALIST, GRIFFITH

PRIZEMAN, ETC.

SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED

POONA
THE ORIENTAL BOOK AGENCY
1922

/
Oi

'

PRINTED BY ATULCHANDRA BHATTACHARYYA

CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PRESS, SENATE HOUSE, CALCUTTA.

i'^^tXi/i

To
SIR

ASUTOSH MOOKERJEE,
Sambuddhagama-

Sarasvati, Sastra-Vachaspati,

Chakravarti,

the following pages are dedicated

as a token of profound gratitude and humble

appreciation of

all

that he has

done

for the cause of

Ancient Indian History and Culture.

PREFACE.
At
a the beginning of the year 1919 1 submitted
thesis

printed

entitled

''Corporate

Life in

Ancient India " for the Degree of Doctor of

Philosophy of the
the thesis

Calcutta University.

When

was approved, about three hundred with me were still remained copies which
offered
for
sale.

This

is

the short history of

the

first

edition of this work.

The favourable reception by the public and the encouraging reviews and letters of learned
scholars have induced
edition of the book.
ssarily

me

to bring out a revised

so,

In doing

had nece-

to

make some

additions and alterations,

but these have not modified the general scope and plan of the work. I need only specifically

mention the additional data from South Indian inscriptions which have been utilised in Chapters

and the re-arrangement of the last part of the Second Chapter dealing with village I have, besides, institutions of Southern India.
I

and

II,

added English translation of the more important

German and
I
shall

Sanskrit passages in the text.

in to

fail

my

duty

if

I omit to express

my

obligations

the

late

lamented scholar

Dr. V. A. Smith,
Keith, Dr. E.

W.

Mr. F. E. Pargiter, Dr. A. B. Hopkins and Dr. L. D. Barnett,

Vm
for
their

PREFACE
favourable views about the book, and
its

improvement, expressed in private communications as well as through the

suggestions for

medium

of public press.
all,

Above
tions to Sir

I wish to record

my

deep obliga-

Asutosh Mookerjee, the Guardian

Angel of the Calcutta University. To him owe the leisure and opportunity that enabled I

me

to carry

on researches in the

field of

ancient

Indian History, and I

am

fortunate in securing
first

his permission to associate the

product of

my

labour with his hallowed name.

In conclusion I take
thanking Professors D. E.

this

opportunity of

Bhandarkar, M.A.,
M.A.,

Kadhagovinda

Basak,

Bamaprasad
Taraporewalla,

Chanda, B.A., and Dr.

rendered

I. J. S.

B.A., Ph.D., for the occasional help they have

Mr. Surendranath Kumar, Superintendent, Beading

as noted in the text, and also
of the Imperial Library, for his kind help

me

Boom

in supplying

me

with books and magazines which

I required for this work.

Calcutta,
B. C.

MAJUMDAB.

The 28ih August, 1920.

CONTENTS.
Page
Introduction
... ...

Chapier
Life

I.

Corporate Activities in Economic

...

...

...

11

Chapter
Life (I)

II.

Corporate Activities in Political

...

...

97

Chapter
Life (II)

III.

Corporate Activities in Political

... ...

215

Chapter IV.
Corporate Activities in Religious
Life
...

...

...

286

Chapter V.
Corporate
Life
Activities
...

in
...

Social
...

329

^^^i'i'iaO.)

hdaI

iQ

r^-

ABBREVIATIONS.
A. L.

= = = =
*""

Altindisches

Leben

by H.

Ap.
A. V.
Brih
C. A.
I.

Zimmer, Berlin, 1879. Apastamba Dharma-Sutra.

Atharva-Veda.
Brihaspati-Sutra.

Coins of Ancient

India by

C.V.
Ep. Ind.
Fick

Cunningham. ChuUavagga (of

Pitaka).

Vinaya

Epigraphia Indica.

Die Sociale Gliederung

Nordostlichen

Im
zu

Indien

Buddha's Zeit by Richard

Tick, Kiel, 1897.

Ga. G. Ep. R.

=
"~"

Gautama Dharma-Sutia. Government Epigraphist's

Report.

Hopkins-Caste

The mutual
four castes
the

relations of the

according to
Sas-

Manavadharma

tram by E. W. Hopkins.

LA.
Ind. Stud.
Ins.
Jat.

= = = =
,

Indian Antiquary.
Indische Studien.
Inscription.

Jataka.

Kath.

Kathaka Samhita.

X
f

ABBREVIATIONS

Kern-Manual
Lud.

= '
= = = ^
*""

Manual
Liider'3

of Indian

Buddhism
Brahmi In-

by H. Kern.
List of
scriptions in Ep. Ind., Vol.

X., Appendix.

M.
Maitr.

Manu-Sariihita.

Maitrayaniya Samhita.

Mbh. Mc. Crindle

Mahabharata.
Invasion
of

India by Alex-

ander
Crindle.

the

Great by Mc.
Sanskrit

M.

St.

Muir's

Original

Texts, 2nd Edition.

M. V.
Nar.

= = = =
1^22

Mabavagga (of Vinaya Pitaka).

Narada-Saiiihita Edited by J.
Jolly (Bib. Ind. Series).

R.

Ic.

Indian Coins by E.
Rigveda.
Sacred Books of
Series.

J.

Rapson
East

Rv.
S. B. E.

the

Senart- Castes

;^^

Les Castes Dans L'inde by

E. Senart Paris, 1896.

S.

P. Br.

T. S.

V.

= = =
""~~

Satapatha Brahmana.
Taittiriya Samhita.

Vishnu Samhita.
Catalogue of Coins
Indian
Smith.
in

V. Cat.

the

Museum by

V. A.

V.I.

r=

Vedic Index by Macdonell

and Keith.

A.1

3BREVIATI0NS
Viramitrodaya,
Edited

XI

Viram.
V. Rtn.

=
"^

by

Jivananda Yidyasagar.

Vivada

Ratnakara

(Biblo-

theca Indica Series).

Vs. Vt.

=
z^z

Vajasaneya-Saiiihita

Yasishtha

Dharma

Sutra.

W.
T.

A. V.

zzz

Atharva-Yeda translated by

Whitney (H. 0.

Series).

Yajnavalkya- Saihhita.

Corporate Life in Ancient India

INTRODUCTION
The spirit of co-operation has contributed more than anything else to the present highly developed stage of civilisation. The gigantic experiments in popular government and the huge
economic organisations spreading over the whole
world, such as

we

see to-day all

around

us,

have

made the modern age what it is. The corporate activity to Avliich they owe their origin and the
present high level of success,
justly looked

may
is

therefore

be
in

upon as the

distinctive element
It in

the culture of the day.

that no nation that lacks

rightly believed
essential
ele-

this

ment

of culture can

hope to keep pace

this

Avith the

progress of the world.

In consideration of
corj)orate
life

high importance of

to

a nation, I need scarcely offer

any apology

for the subject matter I

is

have chosen.

India at present

very backward in this parti-

cular aspect of culture, but the following pasjes

are

intended to show that things were quite

different in the past.

The

spirit of co-operation

g:

\: .-: :\^

.^'

tJO^V&RATE LIFE
in

was a marked feature

activity in ancient India
social

almost
Avas
in

all fields of

and
as

manifest in
political
'

and religious as
life.

Avell

and

economic

The well-known 'Jati (caste) and the Saiiigha (the community of the Buddhist monks) are the most notable products of this The same spirit in the first two spheres of life.
spirit,

however,

played

an

equally important
its

part in the remaining ones, and

effect

may

be seen

typified in
(guild).

Gana

(political corporation)

and Sreni
activities

Besides throwing light upon

in public
is

the

corporate
India, the

life

in

ancient

following study

also calculated to broaden our

views in another respect.

The account

of

the

remarkable achievements in various spheres of

life will

enable us to take a true perspective

the activities
It will establish

view
India.
.

of

of the people in ancient

beyond doubt that

\reli-

gion did not engross the Avhole or even an undue

proportion of the public attention and that the

corporate activity manifested in this connection

was by no means an
one aspect of that

isolated factor,
spirit

but merely which pervaded all

other spheres of actioiij

So far as I

am

aware, the subject as a whole

has not been hitherto treated bv anv writer.

Separate topics like
'

Samgha

'

and

'

Gana have
'

no doubt been dealt with

their

by

scholars, of

but

mutual

relation^

from the point

view I

INTRODUCTION
have indicated above,
lias

i
theii),

wholly escaped
subjects.

Very

little

has,

hoAvever,
isolated

been done even with

respect to

these

brief,

though valuable, account of the ancient 'Srenis'

has been given by Hopkins in his latest book
^Indict,

Old and

A'^z^;,'

but a detailed historical

the following

account of the institution has been attempted;

probably for the
pages.
first

time,

in

So far as I know, the other forms of

activity
I

corporate

in

economic
Chapter

life

described in
I)y

Chapter
scholar.

have not been dealt with

to
II, I

any

In regard

have availed

myself of incidental notices of different items

of

information to which full reference has been

the footnotes.

^iven in

The svstematic
is,

treat-

ment of
entirely

the subject, and specially the study of the

village institutions in southern India,

however,

new and

original.

general view of

the non-monarchical
subject matter of the

states,

which
chapter,

forms the
has been

third

furnished by

Mr. Ehys Davids and Mr. K. P. Jayaswal and I have freely acknowledged my
indebtedness to them in the footnotes.
J3ut I

have attempted
of the rise

to furnish

an
of

historical

account

and development

these institutions

from the

earliest to the latest period.

The
scholars,

characteristics of the

Buddhist church

organisation

have

been

noticed

by

several
detailed

specially

Oldenberg.

But a

account of this institution with special reference

4
to its corporate

CORPORATE LIFE
character,

and a geoeral view

of ancient India,

of

the religious

corporations

such as has been attempted in Chapter IV, is not to be found in any other work. Much has

been written about the origin of the caste system,

and various theories, too numerous to mention, have been propounded on the subject but the caste as a social corporation, and study of the account of the rise, growth and an historical
;

'

'

development of the institution, from this point of view, is attempted for the first time in Chapter

of this work.

I have derived considerable

of original texts

help from

the

collections
in

on

the subject contained

Vol.

of

Weber's

Indische Shidien {Collectanea

verhdltnisse in den

ilher

die Kasten-

Brahmana und
'

Sutra), Senart's

illuminating article

Les

Castes

Dans IJinde^

and the two German reviews on the latter work by Jolly and Oldenberg in Z. D. M. G., A'ols. 50 and 51. My indebtedness is, hoAvever, confined merely to the data they supplied on the subject, for my conclusions are different, and the treat-

ment
is

of the subject, as already indicated

above,

have similarly used Eick's work " Die Soclale Gliedentng bn Norddstlichen
entirely

new.

Indien

Zxi

Buddha's Zeit " as a source of

fresh
data,

infor-

mation for the Buddhist period, but I have also

gathered

and

the
'

collection
caste,'

of

Buddhist texts on the subject of

in the last chapter,

included

may

claim to be the most

mTEODUCTiaN
compreheiiisive
origin
of

of

its

kind.

My

theory of the
to

Brahman
it

caste

may

appear

be

singular in some respects and although I do not

claim that
it

can he said to be a conclusive one,

appears to

me

to be the best,

with regard to

the evidence at

present at

our disposal.

The

acceptance or rejection

of the theory does not,

however, affect the general development of the

subject,
issue.

which
I

is

the more important point at

all

have refrained from

defects

discussions on

the merits or

of

the

catste

system, as

that would have involved

controversial

me

in one of the

most
There

questions of the day which I have,

as a rule, tried to avoid as far as possible.

can be hardly any doubt that the caste organisation assured the advantages of corporate life to its

members, although
the

it

may

be

difficult to

support

system as

it

exists at present.
for
its

I have not

offered

any suggestions

modification as
philosophical
It has been

I have avoided, on

principle,

all

disquisitions throughout this work.

my

aim rather to simply present the connected manner, with a view to

as far as possible,

facts in a
illustrate,

the

gradual development of
to

the various institutions from the earliest

latest period.

the

In doing
of

so,

I have always indi-

cated the sources

that
to

my

information in order
tested with reference

my

conclusions
oriojinal

may be

the

authorities

on which thev are

based.

COUPORATE LIFE

few words must be said regarding the dales

literary

of the various

authorities
for
this
it

which have
I have

supplied the materials

work.
the

avoided
the

all discussions

about

in

body of
the.

book,

as of

that

would
I

have disturbed

harmony

the subject matter dealt therein.^

As

will

be noticed,
classes

have principally relied

Erahmanical and
texts,

upon two
Buddhist.
besides the

of

works,

The

principal

Brahmanical
the

Samhitas and

Brahmanas^ are

the Dharma-sutras and the Dharma-sastras.

specific

No

dates

can be

proposed for the former

which command general acceptance, but they may be roughly placed in the second millenium
before the Christian era.

As regards
I

the relative

chronology of the
entirely

latter

have been guided

by the latest pronouncements of J. Jolly His llecht unci Sitte.^ in his famous w^ork ideas on the subject may be summed up in the following tabular form
^
:

Texts arranged
w
in order of antiquity

Probable date

Kefere nee to "Recht und Sitte,"

Pages 5-6 Page 4

S
5

1.

Gautama
Baudliayana Apastaniba
Vasishtlia

uth or 6th century, B, C.

.

2^2.
1

3.

1th

or 5th century, B. C.

2^4.
K
f 5.

3 7

Manu

Smriti

" 1

6.

Vishnu Smriti
Yajnavalkya

7
8.
1

J Q

Narada
Brihaspati

9.

later than 2nd or 3rd century A. D. Not earlier than 3rd century A. D. 4th century A. D. C. 500 A. D. 6th or 7th century, A. D.

Not

16
'7

23

V
.28

HO. Katyayana

INTRODUCTION

This chronological scheme has gained general

acceptance

and has been adopted

little

in the present

work with only a

date of
I

modification about the

of

Manu

Smriti, the composition

which

have

placed,

lietween

2nd century B. 0.
B. E., Vol.

on the authority of Biihler, and 2nd century

A. D.

(S.

XXV,

p. cxvii).

Of the other Brahman ical

B. C.,^ and

texts, the

Brihad-

Aranyak'Opanisliad has been placed before 600

Arthasastra has been referred by

critics to the

competent

time of Chandragupta

Maurya^

(c.

320 B. C).

The kernel

of

the

Ramayana was composed before 500 B. C. although the more recent portions were not probably added
later,^

second century B. C. and while Mahablidrafa, very much in its

till

the

present form, existed at

about 350 A. D.^

I

As

regards the date of Panini

of Dr.

accept

the views
in

Bhandarkar who places him

the 7th

Mr.

K.

P.

Jayaswal has

propounded an altogether
LaAv Lectures.

different

scheme, in course of his Tagi*re

texts
of

Tlius he places the

present, respectively at 350 B.

Gautama, Baudhayana and Vasishtha, as we have them at C, 200 B. C, and 100 B. C, referring

their first forms to about 500 B. C.

The

lectures are

not yet published

and

have not as yet had any opportunity of examining the grounds

of his theory in detail.

-

Macdonell History of Sanskrit

Literature, p. 226.
A^ol. 67,

See Jolly's article in Z. D. M. G.,

pp. 49-96

specially

cf.

pp. 95-96.
*
5

Macdonell

(op. cit.), p. 309.

Ihid, p. 287.

Bahler places

it

between 300-500 A. D. (BUhler and

Kriste, contrib. to the Hist, of the

Mahb.)

CORPORATE LIFE
Of the Buddhist
laid
texts, the

century B. C/
stories

Jataka

have been
conditions

most under contribution.

to political

The aUusions which they contain

social

and
to

have been referred by Pick

period.^

the time of
to

Buddha and by Rhys Davids, even

an

anterior

On
the

the

authority

of

these

two scholars, I have assumed 7th and

period

6th century B. C. to be

represented

by Jatakas, the Vinaya and the Sntta Fifakas, have been referred by Oldenberg and Rhys Davids to about 4th centurv B. C.'^ I have not thoudit it necessary to reproduce the arguments by which
these
different

The canonical Buddhist Texts like

opinions

are sustained but have

merely adopted the conclusions, which, I believo,

command
'

general acceptance/
(1896), Vol.
I,

Bombay Gazeteer
Fick, pp. vi-vii
S, B. E., Vol.,
;

Part
p.

IT, p. 141.

Buddhist India,
xxiii. ibid,

207.

XIII, p.

Vol. XI, p. x.
to

Dr. A. B. Keith has kindly

communicated

me

that he finds no

reason for accepting the dates of Arthasastra and the Jataka s as pro-

posed by me.

Dr. Hopkins also writes to the

same

effect

with regard

to the Jatakas, but he

seems

to

have an open mind as to the date of

Arthasastra.
I

have reconsidered the whole question very carefully and have

to

come

the conclusion that there

is

room

for honest difference of

opinion in this matter.

One
it

n)ight legitimately

refuse to accept the

view that either the Jatakas or Arthasastra were actually composed

in the periods

named, but

may,

think, be conceded that the general

in

picture

of

society

and administration which we meet with

them

is

true of periods not far distant from the proposed dates.

The argu-

ments

of Buhler,

discussions of the

Bhys Davids and Fick about the Jatakas, and the German scholars with regard to Arthasastra, from
I

the point of view

have just indicatedj cannot be

lightl^'^

set

aside.


INTRODUCTION
I beg to
topics
ill

remind

my

leaders that the

various

book have been treated from a single point of view alone, viz., the light which they throw on corporate life in ancient India.
this

Institutions like Jati

and

Sariigha,

for

example,
besides

have many important

entirely

characteristics

those referred to in the text, but these have been

omitted as they do not throw any light

issue.

on the point at
omissions in

Many

other apparent
I

other instances

will,

hope, be

found,

on closer examination,

to

be

due

to

similar causes.

In conclusion, I beg
indicated
in footnotes

to point out that I

have

mv
if

indebtedness to all
there
to
is

previous writers,
in
this

and
it

any omission

respect

is

due

oversight.

As a

general rule, I have not referred to the standard

translations
I

of the

following

Avorks,

although

have reproduced verbatim or nearly verbatim

I wish
it

quotations from them.

to be distinctly

understood that English renderings of passages

from these works, unless otherwise

to

stated, are

be attributed to their learned

translators.

These works are

1.

The Translation

of the Jatakas

by

vari-

ous scholars published

versity Press.

by the Cambridge Uni-

It is

probably too early yet to

I

pronounce the

final

judgment on the
it

whole question and

would have gladly avoided

altogether

if

that

were not incompatible with the plan of the work.

10
2.

CORPORATE LIFE
The Translation
of

Apastamba, Gautama,

Vasishtha,

Baudliayana,

Mann,

Nilrada
II,

and

Brihaspati Samhitas in

S. B. E., Vols.

XIV,
Texts

XXV,
3.

and

XXXIII.
Translation
of

The

the Yinaya

and the Buddhist Suttas in S. B. E., Vols. XIIT, XVII, XX, and XI. The Translation of Kautilya's Artha4. by B. Shamasastry, B.A. sastra The method of transliteration followed in Indian Antiquary has been adopted in this work.

CHAPTER

Corporate A.ctivities in Economic Life

1

The
human

spirit of co-operation

is

a social instinct the most primii

in
Coiporate
spirit, a

man.

Erom
i

whlch WO pOSSCSS any record, it has been manifest in human society in some form or other. Nevertheless, it is brought into prominent activity, and lends itself to some conscious organisation, according to the temper of man and the circumstances in which he finds himself. The nature of these circumstances dictates the form of such
instinct

j.

tlVG periOCl of

organisation,

but the

character of

its

develop-

ment depends
Thus
it is

to a great degree

genius of the
that

society

in

we

find

in

upon the peculiar which it is fostered. almost all ages and

howsoever
activity,

countries

co-operative

organisation,
fields of

rudimentary, in different
social,

human

political,

religious

and economic.

The

development of
V|,ried

this organisation

has, however,

in different parts of the world,

12

CORPORATE LIFE
In
tincient India corporate activity

seems to

have been manifest

tioll^T^^i:.""''""'-

in a

marked

degree
field.

first

in

the

economic

This appears from a pas-

sage in

the

Brihad-Aranyak-opanisad,'

when

read along with Sankaracharya's comments thereon.

We

are

told

that

on the analogy of the

Yaisyas and Sudras in

Brahmans,

Kshatriyas,

human society, Brahma created similar classes among the gods. But he was not content by
bringing into existence
alone,

the

first

two

classes

because they could

not acquire wealth.

Hence were crc ated the Vaisyas who w^ere called ganasah owing to the circumstance that it was by co-operation and not by individual effort that
they could acquire wealth.

The passage thus

life

clearly refers

to

fairly

developed form oi corporate activity in economic

as

early as the later

Vedic period.

It

is

to

be observed further that the author speaks of

the gana or corporate organisation only in the
case of the

Vaisyas,

and

in

a manner which

The comment
jmssage.

of

Sankaraehfirya elucidates

the

moaning

of

this

CHAPTER
distinctly denies
is

18
classes.

it

to the

upper two

It

not

unreasonable to infer from this circumthe

stance that the

corporate

organisation
i.e.,

among
as

Brahmans and Kshatriyas,

political

of

religious

and

character,

great an importance as
It is

had not yet assumed that in economic life.

easy to understand
l

how
^

in ancient India

co-operation of a certain
Corporate orL'anisation of traders.

kind
'i

security

of

was a necessity forced upon them by the inthe times. Often having long distradcrs

amoug

tances and insecure roads to traverse, while they

could

individually

be no match for robbers or

hostile tribes, they could,

when
is

united in a body,

oppose a successful

resist ince to the latter.

The

existence of such dangers

to
in

specifically

referred

Thus a Jataka story refers to a village of 500 robbers with an elder Such organisation of robbers at their head.^ was met by the counter- organisation of traders
later
literature.

to which, again, reference

is

made

in

a number

of Jataka

stories.^

It

is

quite in the nature of

of

things that organisation

mercantile classes

was brought into existence by a similar process even in earlier periods of Indian history, and
evidences are not altogether wanting in support
of this.

Satiigumba Jataka;

Jat. Vol. IV, p. 430.

;

"

Jarndapana Jatjxka

Jat, Vol. II, p. 294,

14

CORPORATE LIFE
The term paui which occurs
several times in

the Eigveda has been differently interpreted by

different scholars.^

ary derives
explains
it
^

it

The St. Petersburgh Dictionfrom the root pan " to barter " and
merchant, trader.
the

as

Zimmer ^ and
sense
of

Ludwig

also take

word

in the

merchant.

Now,

in a certain

hymn, the gods are asked

are referred to as being

to attack the panis

who

defeated with
these
''

slaughter.*

Ludwig thinks

that

references to fights with p)ains are to be

explained by their having been aboriginal traders

who went

in

caravans

as

in

Arabia
need

and
be,

Northern Africa
Arj'ans

prepared to

fight, if

to protect their goods against attacks

which the

would naturally deem quite justified." If we accept this meaning we shall have necessarily to presume a corporation of merchants, strong enough to defy their opponents, and
carry on fight against them.
tion

Thus the

institu-

referred

to

in

the

Jatakas

may

be traced
of

back

to the period represented

by the hymns

E/igveda.^

See V.

T., p.

47 1.
Nir, 2, 16 wird das

" Schon

Von Yaska
3,

Wort (Vanij) mit

Pani, das

ebenfalls Handler bezeichnet, in verbindung gebracht" A,

*
5

L,, p. 257.

Der Rigveda,
V.
I.,

213-215.

p But as already noticed, the meaning of the term which

is

471.

is

here

given

not unanimously accepted.

CHAPTER
To
the

same

class

belongs
of

the corporate
artisans,
al-

organisation
.ic^J'l'rl^a.^"''""

It

is difficult

to

somewhat nature and origin. clitt'erent in determine, with any amount of

thoui,'h

probably

detiniteness,

whether these

institutions, corres-

ponding
the
sole

to

guilds of mediaeval

Europe,

had

developed in the early Yedic period.

At present
^

evidence on this point consists of the

use of the
literature.
It
later
suild.'

words sreshthi

and gana

in

Vedic

word sreshthiu in literature denoted the 'headman of a Dr. Macdonell'' remarks that the word
is

well

known

that the

may

already

have

that

sense in

the Yedic

literature.*

A.gain,

the

word gmia means any corporate

in

organisation, although

later

literature

it

is

almost exclusively used with reference to

cal

politi-

and

religious bodies.

Eoth, how^ever, points

Aitareva Br., Ill

10.

30, 3. Kausitaki,

XXVIII,
XVII,

6,

Taittiriva Br., Ill

1, 4,
-

See.

V.

I.,

p. 403.
9.

PamchavitntiHi
1. 8.

Bralimana, VI,

25

1. 5.

12; Vs. XVI, 25

T, S.
3
*

10. 2.
p. 403.
ludij*, p.

V. L,

Dr. R. K. Mookerjee (Local Governuient in Ancient

the

41

ff.)

seems to contend that

accept this view and

word

ISruhtJiya

in

the

Vedic
I

literatnre

always refers to the position of the head of a

guild,

am

unable to

may

point out in particular that the

this

word could
from

scarcely have been used in

sense in

the

passages

quoted

Atharva-Veda and Satapatha-Brahmana on

p. 42.

16

CORPORATE LIFE
that
it
is

out

used in the sense of a

'

i^uild

'

in

Vedic

literature.'

In

view

ot

the

passaije

from the Brihad-

Aranyak-opanishad quoted above, the views of Eoth and Maedonell seem ver^^ probable, if not
altogether certain.
It

mav

thus be laid down,

with some amount of confidence, that corporate

activity in
society,

economic

life

was a factor
later

in

Indian

probably from the early Vedic, and in

any case certainly from the

Vedic period.
if

We
the
I

shall not probably be far wrong

first

we

refer

stages of

its

development before 800

B.C.

2
This
a
corporate activity
feature
India.
in

seems to be
study
of

quite

common

the

economic svstem of
the
that
clearly
indicates
of

post-Vedic

A
period

close

literature of this

men

following

similar

means

livelihood

usually

formed
stated
in

themselves into

a corporation

with definite rules to guide themselves. Thus

find
it

we

Gautama

that

the additional

(occupations) of a

'^'^is'ya are,

agriculture, trade,
at
interest.

tending cattle, and lending

money

St.

Petersburgh Dictionary,
S. B. E., II, p. 232.

s. v.

gamt.

X. 49;

CHAPTER
lis

17

list

must be taken
people
_i

to include at least all the

iraportant
The nature, organisation and importance
"^s"^^^^',

occupations
i

of the
i.

at

large,

i.i

that

wd'e

writer,

says in
traders,

purview of the becomes significant when he the very next chapter^ thattjl cultivators,
within
the

and so

it

herdsmen, money-lenders and artisans

authority
to

(have

lay

down

rules) for their

(state of)

respective classes.
affairs

Having learned the

rity

from those who in each case have autho(to speak, he shall give) the legal decision."^

-1

This

means

that

practically

all

the different

branches of occupation

mentioned

above

had

some
sation

sort of de finite organisation.

This organi-

must be looked upon as an important one, inasmuch as its rules were recognised as valid in the eyes of law and its representatives had a right to be consulted by the king in any affair that
concernedji/

The
This
is

particular

term

used

to

denote the
is

corporation of tradesmen or mechanics

Srenl.

defined as a corporation of people, belong-

same or different caste, but following the same tnide and industry. This organisation
ing to the

corresponds to that of the " Guilds" in mediaeval

Europe and may be

Ancient
cal,

freely rendered

by that term.
contain

literature,

both Buddhist and Brahmaniinscriptions,

as

well as ancient
'

XI, 21.
XI, 20.21
;

S. B. E. II, p. 237,

16

CORPORATE LIFE

frequent references to guilds, and this corroborates the

inference

we

have

deduced
guilds.

from

Gautama
number
in

that nearly all the important branches

of industry

formed themselves into

guilds

The

of these

must have
In
the

differed con-

siderably not only in different

different
localities.

periods

but also

Muga-pakkha
out
in
full

Jataka,^

the

king, while
is

going

splendour of state,
four castes,

said to

the eiglitee^i

have assembled the guilds^ and his whole

conventional

army.

This

indicates

that the

number
was
set

of different

kinds of guilds in a state

It
is

down

as eighteen.^

not possible to
guilds

determine what these conventional 18

were,

but we get a considerably greater number by collecting together all scattered references in literature and inscriptions. The following list
compiled in this way show^s at once the widespread nature of the organisation.
1.

Workers

in w^ood. (Carpenters, including

cabinet-makers,

w^heel-wrights,

builders
of

of

houses, builders of ships and

cles of all sorts).
2.
"^

builders

vehi-

Workers Workers

in

metal,

including gold and

silver.*
3.

in stone.

4.
5.

Leather workers.^
Ivory workers.
1.
*
""

Jat. VI, p.

C/. also Jat.

'

VI,
Ihid.

p.

427.

Jat. VI, p. 427.

Ihid,

CHAPTER
6.

19

Workers

fabricating

hydraulic engines

(Odayaihtrika).^
7.

Eamboo workers
Jewellers.

(Vasakara).^

8.

Braziers (Kasakara).^

9.

10. 11.
12.

Weavers.*
Potters.^

Oilmillers (Tilapishaka).^
Eiisli

13.
14. 15.
16.
17.

workers and basket makers.

Dvers.
Painters.^

Corn-dealers (Dhamnika).^^
Cultivators.^

18. 19.
/O. 21. 22. 23.
24.

Pisherfolk.
Butchers.

Barbers and shampooers.

Garland makers and flower

Mariners.^^

sellers.

^^

Herdsmen. ^^
Traders, including caravan traders.^^

25.
26.

Bobbers and
Porest police

freebooters.^*

who guarded
-

the caravans.^^

27.
1

Money-lenders.^^
Liul.

Nasik Ins.

1137.

Junnar
Nasik

Ins.,

Lud. 1165.

' "

Ihid.
Ibid.

Nasik

Ins.,

Lad. 1133.
'

Ins.,

Lud. 1137.
^

'

Jat. VI, p. 427.

Junnar
1'

Ins.,

Lud. 1180.

Gat.t. XI. 21,

1" Jat. Ill, p. 405.

1' Ibid
1
;

Jat. IV, p. 137.

^=Ga. XI.

21.

also Jat.

I,
;

p.

368

Jat. II, p. 295.

.Tat.

Ill, p.

388

Jat. IV, p. 430.

^^ Jat. II, p. 31^5. ^^

is

Ga. XI, 21.

In those cases where no reference

is

given the
p.

list

based upon the authority of Rhys Davids' Buddhist India,

90

ff.

jtO

CORPORATE LIFE
The paucity
of materials

makes

it

impossible

to trace the history of the

aboye

i^uilds in detail.

We
of

can only hope to describe the general course

their

deyelopment during

the

successiye

periods of Indian history.

3
Regarding
the subject
the
earliest j^eriod

represented

hy the Jcltaka stories (7th and 6th century B.C.),

has already been dealt with by Dr.

Richard Eick\

He

obseryes

that

there

was

\a clear difference, so far as

organisation was con-

cerned, between the traders and

the

merchants

on one side and the artisans on the other.

regards the
Guilds in the Jata-

As
herej.

former, the

ka period.

ditary lamilies pursuing certam

tj

^'

branches of trade,

no

doubt

formed themseiyes into a corporation Avitli a Jetthaka (alderman) at its head, but there is
nothing
in

the Jatakas

to

show

that there

was a highly deyeloped organisation among case them. Ear different was, howcyer, the with the artisans. Here the heredity of the profession was a more marked feature than in the case of the traders and merchants the son was apprenticed to the craft of his father from
;

fcjocialc Gliodci'uug- iiu

Nordostlichon Indicu zu Buddlui's

zcit

(pp.

17M83).

CHAPTER
early youfcb,

21
skill

and the manual

and

talent

for a particular industry

of the

was thus an inheritance

generation.

family from

generation to
artisan of

The adoption by an
other

than

his

hereditary one

any occupation has never been

they contain
of

mentioned in the Jatakas while

frequent reference to the
following the occupation
localisation oP industry

son
of his

an artisan
father.

Th^

factor

in

this

quarters in

was another important Streets and particular a town and even whole villages were
respect.

inhabited by one and the same class of artisans/

These villages were sometimes quite large

the
of

Mahavaddhakigamo,
1000
huts.
*

for

instance,

consisted

families

of

dealers

Kammaragamo,
Lastly
'

the same

in wood and the number of smitbs'

Jetthaka

was the institution of (Alderman) also among the artisans.there

These three
of profession,

circumstances,

viz.,

the heredity

'

the localisation
industry,

of

the different

branches

of

Jetthaka (Alderman)

and the institution of appear to Dr. Kichard

fairly

Eick to be conclusive evidence for the existence

of
^

an organisation that may be

Cf, daniakara-vithi
iii

compared

Jat.

I, p.

320,

II., p.

197

rajaka-vlthi in Jat.

IV,
ill

p.

81

odanikagharavlthiijai'ii iu Jat. IIL

I).

p.

48

Malia-Vaddhakiginno

Jafc. II,
^

18, IV, pp. 159,

207

Kammnra

ijdmu iu Jal. HI, p. 281.

281,

Cf,

Kammakara
Jat.

Jetthaka in
p.

Jafc. Ill, p.

V,

p.

282
Jat.

MalakaraIV,
cf.

Jetthaka iu
Sonictiuios
pp. 12, 52.

HI,

405

Vaddhak i-J ettjiaka

is

in

p. 161.

tho

word pamukha

used instead

ol'

Jetthaka,

Jat. 11.

22

CORPORATE LIFE
the
guilds
of

with
I

the

Middle

Age

in

Europe.

Some
interesting

of the

Jataka stories throw further

upon the organisation of guilds. We learn from Samudda-Vanija Jataka^ that there stood near Benares a great town of carpenters, containing a thousand families. But among these thousand families there were two master workmen each at the head of five hunsidelight

dred of them.

On

one

occasion

they
in

left

the

town and settled with their families ^The story shows the mobility of
which
period.
\

an

island.

the

guilds

is testified

It also

by inscriptions of a later proves that there was sometimes

to

more than one organisation of the same class One might of craftsmen in the same locality. was due organisation think that the double
merely to the large number of craftsmen, but
the Jataka stories preserve instances of a thous-

and men living under a single organisation.^ It appears that sometimes the office of the
-

Alderman was hereditary,

for

we

are

told that

when
head
fact

a master mariner died, his son

of the mariners.^
is

became the
of these

The importance
guilds

--guild-organisations

conspicuously proved by the

that the

heads of

sometimes held

high posts in the state and were favourites of the king, rich, and of great substance.* Eeference
1

Jafc.

IV, p. 158.

Jat. Ill, p. 281.

*

Jat. IV, p. 13G.

Jat. II, p. 12. Jat. Ill, p. 281.

CHAPTER
IS

rs

also

maae

to

the

quarrel

and

rivalry

between these aldermen, and the introductory episode of two Jatakas^ contain interesting stories

about the

way

in Avhicli the great

Buddha
such

sometimes
quarrels

reconciled

them.

Possibly

were not infrequent and necessity was

tribunaP to dispose

felt of

appointing a special

of them.
state

One of the Jataka stories refers to a

the

officer,

Bhandagarika

(Treasurer or
office carried

Superintendent of Stores)
with
it

whose

the judgeship of all the merchant guilds.^

We

are expressly told that

no such

office

had
office

existed

before but

that

there

was

this

ever after.

As already observed, two

to

of the Jatakas refer

eighteen

guilds,^

and
the

though

the

number
it

must be taken

as a purely conventional one,

clearly demonstrates

wide-spread organisaIn both

tion of these institutions at this period.

these Jataka stories the royal procession, on two

important occasions,
1

is

said to

have included the

Jat. II, pp. 12, 52.

Mrs.

Rhys Davids remarks

all

" The

first

appointment to a supreme
office of

headship over

the

guilds

doubled with the

treasurer

is

narrated in connection -with the kingdom of

Benares.

Kasi at the court of

Possibly the quarrels twice alluded to as occurring between

presidents (pamnkha) of guilds at Savatthi in Kosala

may have
(J.

also
S,,

broken out at Benares and haA'e led to this appointment "

1901, p. 865.)
3

R. A.

Sahha semvaih

vicharanarahaih hhandagariliatthanam

(Jat,

IV,

p. 37.)

Jat. VI, pp. 1,427.

U
eighteen

CORPORATE LIFE
guilds,

and

this

again

testifies to

the

important place they occupied in the polity of

ancient India.

4.

We

next come to the

the early

2>^i"iod

reiwe^enfed by

Dhm^ma-sutras (5th
verse
of

Punrlrg^Tnisttion

in

ccntuiy B, CrT(r^"SiT"cenlury

^nL^^el^d.^'"''"^-

^C.).^
11th

Tlie

21

of

ih^.

Chapter

Gautama
the

Dharma-Sutra,
" cultivators,

quoted above,

authorises

traders,

herdsmen, money-lenders
their respectold that the

and
tive

artisans " to lay

classes,

down rules for and we are further

kin^ shall give the legal decision after "having learned the (state of) aifairs from those who
(in

each class) have authority

(to speak)."

This presents a further stage in the develop-

ment
I

of the

guild-organisations.

The

corpora-

tions of traders

and artisans are now recognised

by

the constitution as an important factor in the

state,

and invested with the highly important power of making laws for themselves. Their

spokesman, \corresponding probably to the Jetthaka of the Jatakas, is an important personage,

having the right

royal courtj
1

to

represent his class in the

S. B. E. Vol. II, p. 234.


CHAPTER
The extent
exercised
illustrated
1

25

of the influence
its

which the guild

is

over

members

at this period
laid

best
in

by two disciplinary rules

down

Yinaya-pitaka.

According

to

one of them^ the

guild was entitled to arbitrate on certain occasions

between

its

members and
its

their wives, while ac-

cording to the other^

sanction was necessary for

its

the ordination of the wife of any of

members.

K
this

passage in the same canonical text leads

us to infer that the guilds already possessed at

time some executive authority.

Thus

it is

enjoined that a

woman

thief

(cliori)

should not

be ordained as a nun without the sanction of the

authorities

concerned

" rajanam

im

samgham

m
The

ganam
old
:

m pugam

va senim va anapaloheivaP

commentator remarks upon this raja nmia^ yattha raja anusasati raja passage apaloketabbo^ seni nama, yattha sem anusasati
\This certainly refers to the

seni apaloketahbo.^

executive and
places it on the

judicial

authority

of

guild and
of

same footing with that

Arthasastra
^

the

king aiid other political corporations!

Kautilya's
'

whicli

is

now

thfttoir^f^Ka'iulya''

acknowledged by the generality of scholai's to have belonged under review to the period
220.
Cj. J. R.

Vinaya Texts, IV.

A.

S.,

1901,

p.

805.
p, 313-

Suttavibhanga. quoted in Economic Journal, 1901,

the King rules,
its

y^ Where
*

his consent will

have to be obtained^
'

<^here the guild rules

consent will have to be obtained.

Kautilya's Arthasastra, edited by R. Shamasastry.

^6

CORPORATE LIFE
much
*'

throws
that the

iiiterestiii*^'
oi'

light
j

upon the guildhus

'Ave
''

ori^anisations

this

time,

are told

Superintendent of Accounts
enter,
in

had

to

regularly
history
of
of

prescribed

registers,

the

customs, professions and transactions

the cori^orations,^ and three Commissioners,

three

or

ministers

enjoying

the
to

confidence

of the guilds,

were appointed

receive their

deposits which could be taken back in times of

distress.
^

Special concessions were

lawsuits

made regardguilds,^

ing the
special

between trade

and

privileges

were accorded to a merchant

belonging to a trade-guild.^
of the guilds in those days
is

The importance
further indicated
city,

by the
places guilds

fact,

that, in

an ideal scheme of a
the
residonce
of

are

reserved for

the

and corporations of workmen,^ and that the taxes paid by them are included among the most important sources of revenue.^ The village guilds were protected by the regulation that no
guilds of any kind other than local
guilds
'' ^

**

Co-operative

shall

find

entrance into the village.

iThe reputed

wealth of the guilds and the way

in which they were sometimes exploited by unscrupulous kings

may

be

gathered

from the

Machiavellian policy unfolded in Bk. Y. Ch. II.

^
-

Arthasastra, translated into English by R. Shamasastry,

Ibid, p. 253.

p. 69.

Ibid, p. 190.

Ibid, p. 228.

:'

Ibid, p. 61.

Ibid, p. 66.
(Ibid, p.
54,).

'

Sdinutthayikad anya6=*savuii/'anubandhah.

CHAPTER

27
'

We

are

told

that in case a kin 2^

finds himself

in great financial trouble

and needs money/ he who would borrow from cormay employ a spy
it

porations bar gold or coined gold and then allow

himself to be robbed of

the same night.^

Kautilya
rules
"

also

lays

down

certain

specific

regarding the guilds of labourers or day-

workers.

They are

to

be granted certain special

privileges, for

example, a grace of seven nights

over and
filling

above the period agreed upon for ful-

their

engagement.

The

total
all

earnings

are to be equally divided

of the guild unless its

among

the

members

usage dictated otherwise.

person leaving the guild, after the work has

is

commenced,
be excused
in his

to

be punished with

fines.

Any
is

person neglecting his proper share of w^ork

for the first time,
is

to

but

if

he persists
the

bad conduct he
Again,
if
is

to be tlirown out of
is

guild.

any member

guilty of a glar-

ing oifence he
criminal.
It

to be treated as the

condemned

may

not be unreasonably held that

similar rules held good

among

guilds in general.
of

The power and influence

time

guilds

at

this

may

be

readily
is

inferred

from a passage
whether
to
its

Avhere the point

seriously

discussed

the troubles caused

by a guild or
in in favour

leaders are
his

more

serious.

Kautilya,
declares

opposition
of

predecessors,

the

latter,

j.

Jbid, p. 305.

'

Jhid, p. 234

ff.

2S

CORPORATE LIFE

because a leader, backed up by support, causes

oppression by itjuring the
others.^
life
is

and property

of

Again, the question

is

discussed whether

a waste land

to be colonised

by a population
all.

consisting of organised bodies like guilds, or one

without any such organised bodies at

latter
is

The
of

preferred on the ground that the guilds

and other
passions.^

organised bodies
of

are

intolerant

calamities and susceptible

anger and other

These and similar

passages'^ in Artha-*

sastra hardly leave

I

any doubt that the guilds

in the state

were already an important factor

fabric in the fourth century B.C.
It appears clearly
Guild as a military power.

from scattered references

that

in Kautilya's Arthasastra,
,-,

i^h

-u guilds
great

j.i

those days were

powers."^

also

military

Thus
''

in

Book IX, Chapter

II,

Kautilya includes

srenivala "

among

the various classes of troops

possess.^

which the king might

It

was somewell

times quite sufficient both for defensive as

as for offensive purposes,

and when the enemy's

this class

army

consisted mostly of

of

soldiers,

the king had also to enlist them in his service.^

ilgain in

Book V, Chapter
=

III,

dealing with

Ihid, p. 403.

Ihid, p. 363.

C/., e.g.. Ibid, p.

E,.
'

380.
in

The idea was

first

sugyfested to

me by
'

Prof. D.
sretiivala

Bhandarkar

coarse of conversation. He, however, takes

to

mean

soldiers

maintained by the
5

guilds.'

ArthasSstra, p. 340.

Ihid, p. 341.

CHAPTER
'*

I
",
is

29

Subsistence to Government Servants

(chiefs of guilds)

the pay
set

oV Sreninmkhyas''
and
chariots,

down

as equal to that of the chiefs of elephants, horses

and then follows the remark " The amount would suffice for liaving a good
^

own communities." Further, Book, Chapter in VII, XVI, Kautilya mentions, among the nefarious ways by which
following in their
hostile party
is

L^/l-

to be kept down, that a

'

sreni-

vala^
that
is

is

to

be furnished with a piece of land

constantly under troubles from an enemy,

evidently for keeping

in the affairs of state.

them too busy to interfere In Book VII, Chapter 1,

along with
soldiers

'the sreni^

is

classed

as

means
guilds

to repel the invasion of

enemy.
of

Kautilya also refers

to a class

Kshatriya
trade

which

lived

upon

both

and

war.

" Kamboja-Surashtra-kshatriya-srenyadayo

Vartta-Sastropajlvinah "^
special kinds of guilds

be found

in

Evidently these were and they wera mostly to Kamboja and Surashtra countries.
sight appear strange

That the guilds adopted military profession

might at

first

enough but
this state

the following

considerations

not

only support

the view but prove the continuance of

of things in later periods.

Some

verses in Mahabliarata

enjoin

a king to avail himself of " srenivala "

1

upon which is

Ihid, p. 245.

lUd,

p, 376.

Quoted below,

m
{Bhi'itam).
sreni
'

CORPORATK LIFE
hired
'

said to be equal in importance to

soldiers

Ramayana^

also refers to

saf/odhais

while the military aspect of the guilds

clearly evident

from the Mandasor

Inscription.'told,

In Narada'^ Smriti (X, Y.) we are

confederacy in
secret,^

with
that

reference to guilds and otlier associations,

resort to

arms without
will

due causes and mutual attacks,^

tolerated

not

be
'

by the king.
'

There can be no question that

srenivala

refers to a class of lighting forces, for, as already

observed, Kautilva tells us that thev were some-

times quite sufficient both for defensive as well

as for offensive purposes.
this

But even conceding

differences of opinion.

there

is

room

for

Mr. R. Shamasastry has translated the term as " corporation of soldiers," thereby ignoring the
idea
of
it

guild.
to

Professor
''

D.

R.

Bhandarkar

takes

mean

soldiers

maintained by the
the

guild." I

am

disposed however to look for the

'

true explanation of the term in

Kshatriya
This seems

srenV
to

of Kautilya referred to above.

to refer to

me

a class of guilds which followed

arts,

some industrial
1

and carried on military

5.

Eamayana
For

(Ed. by Gorresio) 11. 123,

fall discussion see

below.
'"

Quoted below.
Jolly tran.

The
it

original

words are

niithah sainghatakaranam,"
S. B. E.

slates
^

as "

mixed assemblages,"
*'

XXXIII,

p- 154.

Jolly translates

mutual attacks between those persons."

is

The

context,

however, clearly shows that the reference

to associations

and not persons.

CHAPTER
profession at one and the

31

same time. That this is quite probable is proved beyond all doubts by the Mandasor Inscription, to which detailed
reference will be
this

made

later on.

interesting

record

that

the silk-weavers' guild took to

AYe learn from some members of arms, and these

martial spirits valorous in battle " even to-day...

effect

by force the destruction of their enemies."

little

It

is

not a

curious that this

silk-weavers'

guild originally belonged to

just
oil

the Lata province,

?

the

border of the
to

urashtra country,

which,
these

according

Kautilya,

abounded

in

Kshatriya guilds.

But whatever view

some
of the

may

be correct, the interesting fact remains that,

in addition to their proper activities,

ancient guilds also possessed military resources

of

no mean worth, and that they played no

part
in

insignificant

the

internal

polity

of

ancient India.

This naturally reminds one of

the Italian guilds of the Middle Ages.

The Kahatrltia Srenis mentioned by Kautilya

apparently subsisted for a long time, at least in

southern India, and a good example

is

furnished

by the Ye]aikkaras of the tenth and

centuries
A. D.

eleventh
of

This

community

consisted

various working classes such as

Idaiigai, etc.,

the

Valangai,

and

is

frequently referred to in the

Tanjore inscriptions of the

I

Chola kings, Rajaraja

and llajendra Ghola

dilferent

I,

as a part oF the

name

of

the

regiments composing

the

Chola

U
army.

CORPORATE LIFE

They also migrated to Ceylon and were employed as mercenaries by Sinhalese kings at this period. We learn from an inscription of Polannaruwa that a chief named Devasena had constructed a relic temple for the sacred tooth of Jina at the command of King Vijayabahu and
invoked the members of the Velaikkara army to
protect
it.

These assembled together, bringing

with them their leaders, and took upon themselves

the responsibility of maintaining the temple and

protecting

its

property.

By way

of
to

remuneraagreed

tion one veli of land

was assigned

each indiviall

dual thus
:

member
''

(of the Ve]aikkaras)

and

We
its

protect the villages belonging to the

servants' property
this,

temple,

and devotees, even

all

though, in doing
wise suffer.

we

lose ourselves or other-

We

provide for

the

require-

ments

of the

temple so long as our community

exist, repairing

continues to

such parts of the

attested
it

temple as get dilapidated in course of time and

we

get this, our contract, which

is

by

us,
last

engraved on stone and copper so that

as long
as

may

the Moon and the Sun endure."^

5

further

stage

of
ie

development

in

the

organisation of guilds

observable in the period

represented

by
C.
1

early
to

Dharmasastras

(2nd

century

B.

4th century A.P.).

Thus

G. Ep. R. 1913, p. 101.

CHAPTiiR

63

Manu-sarhhita not only reiterates the statement

of
to

Gautama quoted above, but

Sreni-dharma or
'

expressly refers
'

usages of the guilds

It further lays

as

having the force of law.^

that

down

" If a

man

belonging to a corporation inhabit-

ing a village or a district {grama'desa-samgha)^

after swearing to
avarice,

an agreement, breaks

it

through
his

(the king) shall banish

^

him from

realm."

The Yajnavalkya Samhita

if

also prescribes that

man

steals the

property of a guild or any

other corporation, or breaks any agreement with

it,

he shall be banished from the realm and

all

his property, confiscated.'^

Similar injunction also occurs in the Institutes of Vishnu.^

These injunctions in the successive Smritis

hardly leave any doubt, that shortly after
the
Christian Era the guild organisation had deve-

loped into a highly important factor in state politics.

Not only

Avas it recognised

as

definite

VIII. 219.

The next verse (VIII. 220) further

lays

down
if

that

such an offender should be fined and imprisoned, apparentlf,

the two

verses are to be held as consistent, before his banishment from the

realm (or should the latter be looked upon as an alternative punish-

ment
under
3

?).
*

Both MedhStithi and

Kullukabhatta

include Trade-guilds

De^a-sanigha.'

II. 187-192.

34

CORPORATE LIFE
its

part of the state fabric, but

authority was upits

held by that of the state, and

status

prestige

and
its

considerably

enhanced, by the definite

timely

proclamation of the state policy to guarantee

successful existence by affording
it

all

need and assistance.

The

result of this

happy

state of things

was a

further development of these organisations on

the one hand, and an increased confidence of the

public in their
fully evidenced

utility,

on the other.

This

is

by a number of inscriptions jto which reference may be made in some greater

detail.

There are altogether ^ve inscriptions belonging to this period which distinctly refer to guilds

and their

activities.

It will be well to begin with a short summary

of each of them.
1.

An

inscription in a cave at Nasik,^ dated

in the year

42 (=120 A.D.), records the dona-

tion of 3000 Karshapanas by Ushavadata, son-inlaw of the Saka Chief Nahapana. The gift was

intended for the benefit of the Buddhist monks

dwelling in the cave, and the entire

sum was

invested in the guilds dwelling at Govardhana

in the following
**

manner

2000

in a weavers' guild, the rate of inter-

est being

one per cent, per month

^

Lud. No.

113c;.

CHAPTER
" 1000
of I
ill

.35

another weavers'
It

cruild at the rate

is

per cent, per month."

clearly stated

that these Kfihapanas are not to he repaid, their

interest only to he enjoyed.
gift is also laid
'

The object

of the

down
;

as follows

are the cloth

plied,

The 2000 Kahapanas at 1 per cent, per month money out of them is to be supto every

one of the twenty monks who

out of the other thou-

keep the Yassa or retreat in the cave, a cloth

money
sand
is

of 12

Kahapanas

to be supplied the

money

for

Kusana, a
is

term the precise significance of which

tain.'

uncer-

In conclusion we are told that

hall, at the record office,
2.

all

this has

been " proclaimed (and) registered at the town's

according to custom.'"
at

Another Inscription

Nasik

"^

dated in
ruled in

the 9th year of King Is'varasena,

who

the 3rd century A.D.,'^ records the investment of a similar perpetual

dwelling: at

endowment with
:

the guilds

Govardhana, as follows
hands of the
Odayantrikas

"In
the

the

guilds of Kularikas

(probably potters) one thousand Karshapanas, of

guild
of

(probably

workers

fabricating
others)

hydraulic engines, water clocks or

two thousand."
is

The

last portion of the

inscription

mutilated, but enough remains to

'

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIIT, pp. 82-86.

Ibid, p. 88.

'

Rapson

Andhra coins,

p.

cxxxiv,

86

CORPORATE LIFE

show that an amount was also invested with the guild of oil-millers, and the sum of 500 Kahapanas with another guild. The object of this endowment was to provide medicines for the
sick of

Samgha of monks dwelling monastery on mount Trirasmi.

the
3.

in the

Junnar records the investment of the income of two fields with the guild at Konachika for planting Karanja trees
inscription at

An

and banyan trees. 4 Another inscription

at

Junnar

records

investment of money with the guild of bamboo-

workers and the guild of braziers.

5.

third

inscription

at

the gift of a cave and a cistern

Junnar ^ records by the guild of

of fragmentary

corn dealers.

There

are, besides,
*

number

inscriptions

which seem

to record similar invest-

ments with various

*

guilds, but as their purport

:

The

inscription runs as follows

^n:^!^
"

fsT^fTsrf^

f^^ ^^^Hfl%
it

^^^^

fT^ci^i^ (^t) ^ "

Biihler-Burgess translated

as follows in Arch. Snrv.

W.

India.

IV

By Aduthuma,

the Saka, an Upasaka of the guild of the Konachikas

(a gift of) 20 Nivartanas in vadalika,

near the karanja tree and in

Pischel has
" cost

Kataputak;i, 9 nivartanas near the banyan tree."

shown

that

'

vadamula

'and

karajamula

'

really

mean

of planting

these trees "

(Nachr. Gott. Ges. Wiss. Phil. Hist. Kl., 1895, p. 216).

LGders thinks that the investment was made with the guild and not by
a

member
*

of the guild (Ep. Ind., X, App., p. 132).

3

Lud. No. 1165.

jttci,

No. 1180.

Five inscriptions of this period refer to the gift of Avesani, a

else.

term which has not been met with anywhere

translated
it

Cunningham

as "gateway-architrave" (Bhilsa Topes, p. 264), whi]e in

CHAPTER
as not been
is

37

made

to them.

made out ATith certainty no reference The five inscriptions, quoted

above, are however calculated to throw a flood of

on the function and organisation of the ancient guilds. Thus Nos. 1-4 conclusively prove ^
light

that guilds in ancient days received deposits of

public

money and paid regular

of

interest on them.

The Machiavellian policy

guilds, as laid

exploiting

these

dowm

in Kautilya,

and quoted above

on

p. 27, bears

testimony to the fact that they

also lent out

money.

Guilds servitif? local banks.

speaking, therefore,

Roughly they must

1

be said to have served the functions

of

modern banks.

The Inscription No.

The
guilds,

shows

that the rate of interest

which they paid

varied between 12 and 9 p.c.

which

thus operated as a net-work of banks throughout

the length and breadth of the country,
possessed a

must have

coherent organisation, sufficient to

induce the public to trust large sums of

money

with them.
ing,

They must have been

of long stand-

by honesty and fair dealing; for, otherwise, men would scarcely have made perpetual endowments with them. The concluding portions of No. 1 seem to prove
their operations, characterised
Maisey's " Sanchi,"
it
'

and

is

translated

as " neophyte " (p. 95).

'

Btihler
II,

suggested the meaning

p. 88).

the foreman of the artisans

it

(Ep. Ind., Vol.

Luders has accepted

in the case of the Sanchi inscription,

*

but in other places rendered the term simply by

clusion about the existence of a
'

artisan.'

The conthis

guild

'

from the use of

term

is

therefore

somewhat problematic,

38
also

CORPORATE LIFE
that

they were recognised as an important

factor in the municipal

cities,

government of ancient
their

and

Avere responsible to the corporation of

the to^yn for the due

as trustees of puhlic

discharge of

duties

money.

merely deposits
property, as
is

in cash,

They received not but also endowment of

3.

proved by the Inscription No.

The objects with which these endowments were made are manifold, and due performance of them must have required extra-professional skill. Thus some guild is required to plant particular trees, while several otliers, none of whom had anything to do with medicine, were to provide it for the sick monks of the cave. The
inscriptions further prove that there were several

and sometimes more than one guild belonging to the same profession as for example, there were two weavers' guilds at Govardhana {cf. No. 1). In general, the guilds are named after the professions to which they
craft-guilds
at one place,

belong, but in

one case the reference

guild at Konachika."

is

made
might

simply to the

''

It

mean

that there was only one guild at the village,

no special designation was necessary to denote it, or that the whole village formed itself into a guild, being inhabited by one class of
so that
artisans alone
;

for, as

we have
5, is

seen above, the

Pali literature contains reference to such villages.

The

last Inscription,

No.

interesting, as

it

shows

that the guilds were not merely the receivers of


CHAPTEK
other's
gifts,
1

^9

bat made gifts themselves in the

name

of the corporation.

Some

injunctions,

laid

down

in

the early

Dliarma-sastras, aflbrd
Functions of guild according to YajnavaiIcyu-samliitti.

us

an
the

interesting

glimpsc

into

workmg
Yajnavalkya-vsamhita
following
:

of these guilds.

Thus
the

(Chap. II)

contains

?T^^

f^qdci:

^m^ ^to: ir^ ^w ii^^^

^ci^zd^ ft^^^^
I

^^w^rrSi

'^TT^cjT^

^^T^^^w

^^TOt

'^^^ ^j^^n

^^

\\\co

It

follows

possess corporate property,

from the above that guilds could and lay down rules
to

and regulations corresponding

of Association
'

the

'

Articles
it

of t]ie present dav,

which

was

high treason to violate.

Their representatives

40

CORl^OllATE LIFE

often transacted business with the court in their

name and were

held in high respect there.

Some

pure and virtuous

tion to the
clear.

men were
is

appointed as their
Their rela-

executive officers {karya-chintakah).

assembly
it is

unfortunately not quite

Though

not clearly laid down, whether

they were appointed by the king, or elected by

the

members themselves,
Then, again,
that
it

the latter seems to be

very probable, from the tenor of the whole passage.

appears,

from the

line

" Karttacyam vachanam lesham samUha-hitavadi'

nam,''

these

officers

possessed
of

executive

authority over the

members

the corporation,

and could
disobeyed

visit

with punishment anyone who

decision.

their

They were bound,

however, by the laws and usages of the corporation,

and

if

they violated them in the exercise of

and there was dissension between them and the general members, the king liad to step in and make both parties conform to the established usage. The executive officers, though
their authority,

vested with considerable authority, could not thus

be autocrats by any means, and their ultimate

responsibility to the law

and custom was assured

of the

by the instrumentality of the assembly.^ Although no mention is made here

President of the guild, the frequent reference to

^

This point

is

made
Y.

quite clear by the commeutators.

Mitraniisra,

for example, quotes

II, 187, in

support of the fact that the Assembly

could punish the Executive Officers.

(Viram,

p. 488.)

This point has

been treated in detail later on.

CHAPTER
Sreshthm
iu

41
sho^^'s

contemporary inscriptions
;

that

there was one but the real power seems now to have devolved upon the executive officers. Thus

the constitution of the guild during this period

presented a very modern appearance, with a chief,

and a few executive officers, responsible to the assembly. The corporate spirit of a guild is most
strikingly manifested in verse 190,

which

lays

down

that everything acquired by a man, w^hile

in the busiuess of the guild (apparently

engaged

including even gifts from king or other persons),

must be paid
X}ay a line

to

the

guild

itself,

and anyone

failing to do this of his

own

accord, will have to

amounting
at

to eleven times its value.

The importance attached

corporations

to guilds

and other

tlus period is best illustrated

:

by

the two following facts

1.

The
the

violation of

agreements entered into

is

with

corporations {Sarhcid'Cf/atikranm)
in

already recorded

Yajnavalkya and
titles of law^

Manu

as

one of the recognised

(M. A^III, 5;

Y.

11, 15).
2.

Yajnavalkya lays down the general maxim

from the

(see verse 186) that the duties arising

llules

and Regulations of the corporation {Sdma"

not inconsistent with the injunctions of
the king,
'

ijll'(f^),

the sacred texts, as well as the regulations laid

down by
'

must be observed with

Narada, X.
above.
1.

care.

Santaya

is

defiued in the Nurada-siuriti us the aggregate of the

Uv.ncv
the

rules settled
of the
'

by tho corporations.
I

meaning

Samayika,'

have

asisigiied

4a

COllPORxVTE LIFE
towards the guild on an
state.

jthus placing the duty

equal footing with that towards the

It

appears from the

last

line

quoted above

and differences between different guilds were not unknown. In such cases the
that discussions

and make each party conform to the existing rules and usages. A few passages may be quoted from Mahaking

had

to

step in

bharata

to

indicate

the

high importance that

enjoyed in
general

the guilds

Thus guilds are inlMtSt:."""'''' estimation. described as one of the principal

supports of the royal power,^ and

sowing

dissensions

among

the heads of guilds, or inciting

them to treason, is looked upon as a recognised means of injuring the enemy's kingdom.'^ Duryodhana, after his defeat by the Gandharvas,
refuses to go back to his capital, for, humiliated
as he was, he dared not
guilds.
^

face

the

heads of the

*'What

Avill

the

heads of guilds (and

RcforeiJCCb urc to the Calcutta Edition.

T^%^ ^l^l^g

Tl^sTl

W^^

^q%^

II

9 (Asrama.vasikaparva, ch. 7).

ft^^^^^^ "^ iif^^'^q^m ^IW^^^l ^

^r^Q^Wl^^Tf^^
!

II

49 (^jlntipaiva, cL. 59).

'^TfllslR

qRX^fl ^^^fTcI'Tt^fq

^^-i
II

(^'aiitiparva, cb. 14:).

(M[ AFTER

43

others) say to

me and what

shall I tell

them

in
is

reply

^" ?

Last, but not of the least importance,

the verse in Santi-parva which lays

down

that

no amount of expiation can remove the sins of

those

who

forsake

their

duties to the guild to

which they belong.^

An

interesting

reference

to

guilds

is

also

contained in a passage in
describes

Harivariisa

the

fatal

wrestling

which match between

Krishna and the followers of

Kariisa.

The arena

which was

built for

accommodating

visitors con-

tained pavilions for the different guilds, and

we

are told that these pavilions, vast as mountains,

were decorated with banners bearing upon them

the implements and the
crafts."^

emblems

of the

several

The
of
sidelight

clay seals discovered at Basarh, the site

ancient Vaisali,
the

throw

further interesting
of
this

period.

upon The following legends, among

guild-organisation^

others,

occur on a

number

of them.^

parva, ch. 248).

W?Il% ^ t W'
^

^^\

^'iRf 5T

fk^^

II

19 (^rmtiparva, ch.
36).

Sva-karmma-drav3'^a-3-uktabhih paiakabhir-nirantaram
^'renTnan-cha ganantifl-chxi

mancha

bhant3^-aclial-opamah.
ITaiivariiso,

Ch. 86,

v. 5.

Annual Report
ff
;

of
;

the Archaoological Survey of India, 1903-4,

1913-14, p. 138
ff.

p.

107

1911-12, p. 56

44
1
2.

TORPOR ATI: LIFE

Sreslithi-sarthavalha-kiiliku-nigama.
Sfeslitlii-

kulika-nigama.

3.
1.

Sreshthi-nigama.

Kulika-nigama.
crucial
lias

The
nigama,
lars

word
or

in the

above legends,

viz.,

been usually rendered by the scho'corporations.'

as

'guilds'

Professor

D. R. Bhandarkar, however, contends^ that there

no authority for this meaning and suggests that the word should be taken in its ordinary
is

sense,

viz.,

*a

city.'

Professor

Bhandarkar
and
establish

is

undoubtedly right

in

his contention,

until

some chance discoveries

meaning
of

definitely
it
is,

the

the

term,

I believe, safe to

accept his suggestion.

The legends quoted above would thus

to cities administered

refer

by ^reshthis, KiiUkas and

Sarthovahas, jointly or severally.

of things,

Such a

state

though unusual, cannot be regarded, however, as absolutely unique in view of the

w^hich

great mercantile organisations of southern India

to

a detailed reference will be

made

in a

later section of this chapter.

too,

In northern India
-

an

inscription at Gwalior

refers to a

Beard

of

ISreshlhiH

city in the year

Now
Kttlika
1

and Sariharahas administering the 877 A.D. the words Sresthi, Sm^thavaha and

are ordinarily used in Sanskrit literature

p.

Carmichael Lectures, 1918,

I

170

ff.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

I,

p.

159

ff.

''

take the word to be the same as

Jiulnlca,


CIIAPTEn
to

45
It is

denote the chief of a guild or caravan.

therefore,

clear,

that

the clav-seals referred to

Avhieh were powerful

above belonged

to guilds

enough
in

to be recognised as the

ruling authority
there are

city.

As we have seen above,

in

references
artisans

the

Jataka stories to villages of

and

traders,

and possibly similar and

otli

state

of things prevailed in the 4tli

centuries

A. D.
the

In any case, at the present state of our

^

knowledge, the only legitimate conclusion from

Basarh

seals

seems

to be, that there

were

powerful guild- organisations, with ruling authority, in

various cities of India during

the

Gupta 3

periodv^

^y 1^

may be mentioned here

in

that

tlie

scholars

who have taken

seals.
:

the

word nigama

the sen?e

of

a guild deduce quite different, though

interesting, conclusions

from the inscriptions of the Basarh

The

following remarks of Dr. Bloch

"

may he quoted

as a specimen
is

The most numerous among the

seal-inscriptions

that referring

to the corporation or guild

(nigama) of bankers (Sreshthin), traders

It
is

(Sarthavaha), and merchants (Kulika).

invariably

combined

with other seals giving the names of private individuals, only in one
instance
Ministers.
of
it is

found together with the seal of the Chief of Prince's

list of private names is fairly" conspicuous. A great them are distinguished as merchants (Kulika). One person, ITari by name, styles himself both Kuliha and Prathoma Kulika. T%vo persons aie called bankers (Sreshthin), and one, Dodda by name, was

The

many

sarthavaha or trader.

Generally t^AOor even more of the seals of

other or with

private individuals are found in combination with each

the seal of the guild of bankers,

etc.,

of which evidently

most

of

them

were members.

It

looks as

if

during those days, something like a

existed
in

modern Chamber

of

Commerce

upper India at some big

(Annual
Report
of

trading centre, perhaps at Pataljjmtra."

Archpcological Survey, 1903-4, p. 104.)

the

46

COUPOllATE LIFE

6
period represented
like

We

now come

to \ihe

by the later

Dharmfi-sastras^

those

of

Narada and Brikaspati (5lli to 7th century A D.). The progressive advancement of the
guild-organisations
period.
.

is

continued

during

this

In Narada, as well as
out
of the

in Brihaspati,
title

separate chapters are devoted to the

arising

of

law

transgression

of

compact

(Saihvid-vyatikrama). Narada explicitly states " the king must maintain the usages of that

the

guilds

and other corporations.

Whatever
(the

be their laws, their (religious) duties,

regarding) their attendance, and the

rules

(particular

mode
that

of) livelihood

prescribed

for

them, that

the king shall approve of." ^

We

are further told

"those who cause dissension among the

members of an association shall undergo punishment of a specially severe kind because they
;

would prove
(epidemic)
free."^

extremely
if

dangerous,

like

an

disease,

they were allowed to go

These injunctions of the Dharma-sastras

in

show

a general

way the high importance

as

attached to the guild-organisations

tant factor in society.

an imporinterest-

Tlie literature of this period throws

The raUon
d'etre

iug sido-light ou
.

the

of i'uild-orffanisations cieariv explained in t^he^ Brihaspati Sam-

aud origm^
^^.^^^^^^

of thc

Ji

guild-orga-

uature "u

r^hus, regarding their

"-

'

X.

2, 3,

X.

6.


CHAPTER
raison d'etre Ave
pati
^
:

47
in

find

the following

Brihas-

Tiid^i<4T^ ^mr: ^^ht^t?;'!!t:

^e^cit:

Jolly translates this passage as follows

"

compact formed among

such
(n?n

villagers,
is

coman

panies (of artizans) and associations

(called)

agreement
"
bers

agreement) must be observ-

ed both in times of distress and for acts of piety.

When
or
to

a danger
it
;

is

apprehended from rob(considered as) a distress

(the danger)

thieves,
all

is

common
must be

in

such a case,
all,
'^

repelled

by

not by one

man

alone

whoever he may be."

This translation does not

commend
in

itself

to

me, for the rendering of Jolly, " such (an agree-

ment) must be observed

tress

l)oth

times of

dis-

and

for

acts

of piety," hardly gives

any
of
is

satisfactory meaning.

The

real

significance

the passage seems to be that such convention

to

be executed {karyah) to provide against dangers

duties.^

and for the purpose of discharging their

1

XVII.
"

5-6.

S. B. E., Vol. 33, p. 347.

*

The SaptamT

in

'

Badhukale

'

and

Dharmakarye'
cf.

is

to

be

ex-

plained by the rule " Nimittat

of

karmma Samavaye"

the

explanation

b}^

Vachaspati Misra in Bhamati.

48

CORPORATE LIFE
In
the
'

next

passage Jolly renders

thieves.

chata

chaura

by robbers and
thieves
'
'

robbers and

is

The sense of eovered by the Sanskrit

'

term 'chcmra but

Chata
^'

remains untranslcited.

The word occurs in a chata-hhata'prdvesya^^ and other analogous technical expressions that
occur
period,

frequently in

the

land grants of

this

and both Dr. Biihler and Dr. Fleet

it

have
^

taken

in

the

sense

of

'*

irregular troops."

Then, Jolly's translation

also

of the

last portion is

not satisfactory. It would strictly mean an injunction upon a particular individual not
to repel the

common
to

danger.
:

The
is

real

meaning,

however, seems

be

"

it

the united body,

(/.

not a single individual, whoever

great)

e.,

however
repel the

he

may
now

be,

that

is

able to

danger."

We are
first

in a position to

understand the
In the
reasons

general purport of the

whole passage.
the

two
a

lines the

author lays down

why

compact should
of a

be entered into by the

other
corporations.

members

guild
to

and

be (1) prevention of danger and (2) proper discharge of their duties (religious and secular).

These are said

The
robbers
infested
*

last

two

lines

mention
I'lz.,

specifically

the

dangers referred to above,

those from thieves,

and
the

irregular

troops

(who

probably

country after they were disbanded

p.

Intl.

Ant., Vol. V.

115

Gujilu Jnficnptiony.

p. 98, fn.

{2}


CHAPTER
at the
I

49

conclusion

of a

war), and justifies the

\

recommendation for a compact by stating that such dangers can be repelled only by the cooperation cf
It
all,

and not by a single individual.

the
it

was thus

fully realised that

in

value of
affords for
i

co-operation

lay

the

facilities

preventing

common
It
of
this

dangers

and

performing

common
the

good.

must have been

utility

a deep-rooted ^
\

consciousness
public

of co-operation in

mind

that

led to the

growth

and

development

of these guild-organisations.

AVe also learn from the same texts some of

the formalities Avhich accompanied the formation
of a

new

guild.
:

Thus Brihaspati says

It thus appears
tJie

that the

first

step towards ^
inspire

organisation of a guild was to

mutu-

al

confidence

among

the intending

members.
to

This was done by one of the following means.

1.

Kosha.

This
11.

no

doubt
in

refers

the

ordeal described in detail

and Yajfiavalkya

Narada 1. 329-331 lI4-llo. The person to

mouthfuls of water

be tested ^as " to drink three

'

"

Mutual confideuce having

by)

first

been established by means of

(the

ordeal

sacred

libation,

umpires, they shall

Vol.

then set

by a stipulation in writing, or by about their work." (XVIT. 7; S, B. E.,

XXXIIT,
7

p.

347.)

60
in

(^OJiPORATE iAVE

which (an image

of) the deity

whom

he holds
If he

sacred has been bathed and

worshipped.

should meet himself

with any calamity within

regarded as

a week or a fortnight (after having undergone

this

ordeal),
^

it

shall be

proof of

his guilt,"

otherwise

he would be considered
of

pure and of course a worthy member

guild.
2.

the

Lekha-kriya.

This probably

refers

to a

convention or agreement, laying down the

rules

and regulations
subscribe.
3.

of the guild, to wliich

all

must

Madhyastha.
this

It

is difficult

to

understand
refer to the

what

really

means.

It

may

practice of a well-known

man

standing

guaran-

tee for the faithful conduct of another.

After having inspired mutual confidence by

one or other of these means the intending

bers set

memthe

themselves to work.

The

list

of items

of business included various

strictly

things

besides

professional

business,'^

and these were

to

probably inserted in a document to which each

of the
*

intending
XXXIII,

members had
p.

subscribe.

S. B. E., Vol.

116.
*

In the case nnder consideration

gnilt,'
*

we

have, of course to gubstitute for

*

nnfitness for membership.'

is

This of course would differ with different guild? and

referred

to in general terras, as follows,

by Katyayana.

(quoted in Vivadaratnakara,

p.

180.)


CHAPTER
I

51

Brihaspati preserves a specimen of such

ill

items

the following lines

Thus the

activity of the guilds

was extended

to a variety of objects of j^ublic

tioil'^ofguHdri^^^^^^^^
^'''''^''''

utility
^^'

such as the construction

of

saiMutt

^^^^^e

assembly,

of a

shed for (accommodating travellers with) Avater, a

temple, a pool, and a

garden.

They
"

also helped the poor people to

"-

perform the

Samskaras

or sacrificial acts enjoined

by the

sacred
^

texts.*^

XVII.

11-12.

For

Jolly's

trauslatiou of the passage,

cf.

S. B. E.,

Vol.
^

xxxni,
'

pp. aiT-s.

Jolly translates the passage as " relief to helpless or poor

people,"
refer

Bat as

Samskaras

'

is

placed along with

'*

yajanakriya,"

it

must

to the 12 or 16 Sarkglaras
'

mentioned

in the Smritis.
'*

The duty
to

specified by the

expression

hulayanani
it

nirodhaicha

'*

is

difficult

understand.
is

Jolly

translates

as

*"'

common path

or

defence."

This

not however in keeping with the view of any of the

uommentatora

like

Chandesvara or Mitramisra.
Jciillnnsya

the passage rs

"

kidayanam
'

d ici-jjana-pravesa-varanam,'
bition of

i.e.,

The former explains ayanam (anayanam), nirodho importation of good men and the prohi*
p.

bad ones.
"

(Vivadaratnakara,
it

182

Mitramisra

explains

as

''

durhhikshady-apaijamapuryyantasya
till

dharanam
famine,

whiih probably means the maintenance of people

"

the

etc., is over.

Mitramisra also notes a variant reading " kulyayait

/(a?ro(.i/tai^
i.e.,

and explains

as

"kidyayah pravartana-pi-atibandhaiL "

well?;

the excavation of

tanks,

etc

and the damming of water-

ocurses.

if^'-i"-)

T- -iSo.)

irl

COllPORATE LIFE
All these were written in a formal

document
of law.
is

which

Avas a valid

agreement in the eyes

activity
of guilds

This aspect
witness to by

of the
tlie

borne

iascriptions.

Tims the Junnar

^

inscription already referred to above

mentions

the

excavation

of

a cave and the construction

of a cistern

by the guild of corn-dealers.

"

The

Mandasor inscription
silk-weavers
built

describes

how

a guild of

magnificent temple of the

it

Sun, in the year 437 A.D., and repaired

in 4i73-4 A. D.

again

The executive machinery which enabled

guilds
is

the

to

perform
in

these

multifarious

works

also

described

some

detail in Brihaspati.

There was a chief or president, assisted by two,

three or
guild"""'''"'""''
five
9,

executive officers
10).-^

(XVII.
says

Brihaspati

that

only persons

who

are honest, acquainted with the Yedas and their

duty,
^

able,

self-controlled,

sprung from noble

Sac

p. 36,

above.

Fleet

Gui^ta Inscriptions, No. 18.

10.

'

XVII.

The

inscriptions of the Vaillabhatta Svaniiu Teniplo at

Gwalior (Ep.
gailds.
*

Ind.,

I, p.

154

ff.)

refer to the executive officers of several

j^uilds.

Thns, for example, while referring to the oilmiller's

names of the Chiefs of eacli trnild {TfiiliknmO' hattaica) and then adds " and the other members of the whole guild of The number of chiefs of the three guilds of oilmillers, is oilmillers."
it

at first mentions the

respectively 4,

2,

and

5.

lAPTEli
families,

and

skilled in every

business, shall be

appointed as executive officers/

These

officers,

seem

to

have exercised con-

siderable authority over indiviPJxecutive officers.

dual members in their

capacity.

official
if

Thus, according to Brihaspati,

failed
to

an

individual

perform his share of the

to

agreement, though able

do the same, he was

entire

punished by confiscation of his

property

and by banishment from the town.

Tor the

man who
his

falls

out with his associates or neglects

is

work, a fine
four
is

ordained amounting to six

each. Eanishment punishment of one who or breaks the mutual

nishkas of

suvarnas
also the

from the town

agreement.

injures the joint

stock,

The executive

officers

could

deal

with the

wrong-doers, in whatever

way

they liked, begin-

ning from mild censure and rebuke and culminating in any punishment up to exj)ulsion."

In

administering these their hands were unfettered,/

for Brihaspati
is

states explicity

that

'^

Avhatever

done by those (heads

or kind

of

an

association),

whether harsh
'

towards other people, in

tiictic-

XVII.

9.

Fort-ons, not

deserving of

posts

are

also

men-

tioned in detail.

(Brih.,

XVIi.8.)

XV LI.

17

6i

CORPORATE

LIEil

accordance with ijrescribed

\

regulations/
as well: for

must
they
(of

be approved or
are declared
affairs)."^

by the

king*

to

be the appointed managers

The king however could interfere in cases. Thus the next verse tells us,
hatred^

specitied
*'

should
bf/

they (heads of an association) agree, actuafrd

on injuring a single member of the fellowship, the king must restrain them and
;

they shall be punished,

conduct."^
It

if

they persist in their

seems that any person punished

by the president could appeal to the king, and if it would appear that the conduct of the latter

was not
the
y

in

accordance with prescribed regula-

tions but simply actuated

by personal

feelings,

king could rescind his resolutions.

to

These
the

two passages seem

indicate

that while

independence of the association was respected

by the king, the security of a person from the occasional fury of a democratic assembly was
duly safe-guarded.
It

was probably by such

Avas

means
^

that a
is to

reconciliation

sought to be

This phrase

be added to Jolly's translation of the passage in

S. B. E.,

XXXTIT,

p.

849.

For the original runs as follows

f^'e^^t:
(Virara., p. 430).
>

^^

explained Ly Mitra-misra as

"
^'-^ig^lcf ^T^jf:

XVII. 18;

S. B. E., Vol,

XXXIIl.
349.

S. B. E., Vol.

XXXIir,

p.

CHAPTEK

55

made between the contending claims

dual and corj)orate rights.

of

indivi-

Inspite of this exercise of high authority

The demopratic
ment.
ele-

by
a
the

the executive officers the democratic

a*

element

was
feature

quite
of

-i.

distinguishing
guild

organisations of this period.

house of assembly ^
time to time.
rules were laid
bers,

There was a where the members of the

to

guild assembled to transact public business from

According

Narada, regular

down

for the attendance of

mem-

and the king had to approve of them, It appears whatever they might be.from Mitramis'ra's comment on the passage, that the
sound of a drum or other instruments was a
signal for

the attendance

of

members

in tlie

guild hall for the transaction of the affairs of the

community." Regular speeches seem to have been

made
of

in the assembly,
'

Thus Chandesvara quotes the following passage from Katyayana in his Yivadaratnakara.
speech

and the idea of was probably not unknown.

liberty

and adds the comment gt

5r^Tc[

^T^f%irr%5 ^

This seems to imply that the executive officer

who
'

injures
XVri.
11.

another for having said reasonable

-

Brih.,

Naiada, X.

3.

Viraiii., p. 430.

Bih. Lid., p. 179.

50

CORPORATE LIFE
(lit.

things, iiiterrujits a speaker

skives

no oppor-

tunity

to

the

speaker to continue), or speaks

is

something
'

improper,

to

be punished

Avith

purvasahasadaiida.'

Several minor regulations also

clearly

bring

out the democratic feeling that pervaded these

institutions.

Thus

it is

ordained by Brihaspati
officers or

with regard to the executive

persons deputed to

other

manage some
is

afPairs

on behalf

^of the guild, that whatever a

field or

acquired (such as

a garden acquired in course of a boun-

dary dispute in a law court), or preserved (from a

thief)

by them, and whatever debt

(for the

is

incurred by
is

them

purpose of the guild), or wliatever

be divided equally
If

bestowed upon the community as a mark of royal

favour,
I

all

this

is

to

all

the

members.^

however
officers

tlie

among money

borrowed by the executive

was spent by

them

for their

own
tlie

individual ends and not for

guild,

the interest of

they were liable to

make good

the amount.^

It appears

from some comments Vof Mitra-

misra that the inclusion of new members in a guild

Viram., p. 432,

The bracketted portion

in the

above translation

is

taken from the commentary.

CHAPTER
and
tlic

57
its

exclusion of old

members from

fold de-

pended upon the general assembly of the guild. He also quotes a passage from Katyayana to

show
lities

that the

new member

Avould at once share,

equally with others, the existing assets and liabiof the

guild and enjoy the fruits of

its

charitable and religious deeds, whereas the

man

who was excluded from

cease
to

the guild
in

have any interest

^

would at once any of them.

quotes the same passage

required
the

Chandesvara the author of Vivada-ratnakara also and informs us that it

consent
of a guild,

member

become the but one might giv^e up the

of
all

to

indirectly bear testimony to the fact that the guilds possessed

membership of his own accord. The passages quoted above also

some
of the

powers and functions of a democra-

Thus it is clear that (1) The guild was recognised as a corporation ^ in a law court where it was represented by selected members to contest the possession of a field,
tic

assembly.

garden, etc.

IIMT^

m?irT^

^^4^

^mSTi:

TPi^ trtf?T n

(Virain., p. 432)

V. Rtn. reads

T^msT^

for mffcTRI in lino 2.

%\in^ lor %^5^

\n line 3,

and

fl'TcT

for Hl^cT in line 4 (p. 187).

58
(2)

(CORPORATE LIFE
The guild possessed corporate immovable
field,

property like
(3)

garden, etc.
officer

The executive

could contract loan

pn behalf of the guild.

(4)

Charitable and religious deeds were perof the corporation, each indivi-

formed on behalf
dual

member

of

which was supposed

to be a

to

have

enjoyed the benefits thereof.

(5)

guild

One could cease of his own accord.

member

of the

But the most characteristic democratic ment in the whole system was the ultimate
bly.

ele-

res-

ponsibility of the executive officers to the assem-

This point

is

fully treated by Mitramisra.^

He

takes verse 187 of the

to refer to the

second chapter of

Mukhyas, and recites the following text from Katyayana as an illusYajnavalkya

tration
" fi^gn?:*

of

the doctrine

" ^g^^?!f^

^^^'TT-

(the right of the assembly to punish its

chiefs).

Thus any of the executive guilty of any heinous criminal

dissensions or

officers

who was
created

act,

who

who

destroyed the property of the

association, could be removed,

and the removal

VI\f^W. (V. Rtn.,

^

p. 188).

Viram.,

p. 428.

CHAPTER
was only
to

59

be notified

to,

but not necessarily

As the executive oAQlcers possessed great power it might not always have proved an easy affair to remove them if they assumed a defiant attitude.^ In such cases the matter was to be brought to the notice of the king as appears from the following verse
sanctioned by, the king.
in Brihaspati-Samhita

The king would hear both

sides and, of course,

decide in such cases according to the special rule

of the guilds, as already noticed above (p. 2\).^

He would
decree.

then give his decision and enforce his

*

Mitramisra

is

quite

explicit

on
the

this point.

He

says

that the

removal of

executive

officers

was the proper function of the assembly (samUha), and that the king would step in to
these

punish

men

only

when

the

assembly

found

itself

unable to do so ("^^jyisi^ 7[^

^^

Cf.

the passage in Arthasaatra quoted above on pp. 27-28.

20.

XVII.

"

When

a dispute arises between the chiefs and the

it,

Bocieties, the king shall decide

and

shall bring

them back

to their

duty." (S. B. E., Vol.

..3

XXX III,
3. and

p.

349.)
it.

See also Ifarada X.

...

Jagannatha's coranaent upon

JS'ar.,

p,.184.

.-.-As
to

an,- illustration

of
it

this,
is

he quotes M. VIII, 219-221, referred

the king to banish the-

on

p. 33,

above, -where

enjoined upon

6D

CORPORATE LIFE
The above circumstance furnishes
a
most,

striking
in

illustration
affair

of

the

royal

interference

That the king could uphold the cause of an individual if he thought

the
of
guilds.

that he was a victim to jealousy or liatred,

lias

already been noticed

of

Ijefore.

8omc

other cases

state

interference

may

be gleaned from the

following verses of Narada

^m^^ ^^m^J rl^^ ftf^^TT^?!

118

]>GrBuii

who

viulatea his agrcemfc-nt -with a corpuiatioii.

'

Mitrainibra liero

takes the -whole passage as referring to

alone.

mukhyas

'

or exocutire oflicers

He *ah'o

similarly explains
'

tin.

followiug pacsago of

Uriharpati

with reference io

mukhj^ac,

'

alonf

[An acrimonious
or does
violent

or malicious man,

and one who causes dissension

acts,

or

who
shall

is

inimically disposed towards the guild,

the

association or the

king,

be instantly expelled from

town

or the assembly (of the corporation)].

He

then adds the following comment.

"

to be
itself.

expelled from
It

the place of the assembly,

i.e.,

by the

assembly

cannot be argued that this interpretation

is

wrong
the

iuasmucli as the assembly has no right to award punishment.

For the
it is

passage c^aoted above from Katyayana conclusively proves that

assembly which has the right

p. 429.

to

punish the executive

officers."

Yiram.

CHAFrEll

61

Thus the
of different

kins?

could forbid a combination

(possibly
of a hostile

associations
of

nature),
causes,

arming and the

those

bodies

without due

conflict

between
to his

them.
wish or

He
in-

could also prevent them from undertaking such

acts as

were either opposed

terests,

or of contemptible and immoral nature.

The extant commentary ^ on these passages of (the Narada Smriti, Avhich, though of late date, may be assumed to have been handed down from more ancient times, throws new light upon the relation of the king and the corporations
like guildsj It

<

runs as follou's: ''^i^ f^sft^ij

^mwif^f^m
i^\^

^Uf{

f*?fec^T

^m

^T

v.^

i?^HT

^R^H* ^TT^rm

ffrf

^wrfir:

^^^\

means to say is this. In the previous sutras (X. 2-3 see above) it has been laid down that the king must maintain the
the commentator
1

What

X.

4. 5. 7.

Translated in S. B.
f.

E., Vol.

XXXIII, pp.

154.5.

'

Nar., p. 164,

n.

'

6^
rules

CORPORATE LIFE
and usages,
settled

by the guilds and other corporations, whatever they might be. Now they might form such regulations as *' we shall ask the subjects not to pay taxes to the king," " we shall always go naked," " we shall gamble,"
"

we

shall visit prostitutes,"

''

we

shall drive
*'

at

excessive

speed along the public road,"

we

shall worship at those places

where Sakhotaka

grows,"

etc.

In that case

it

be the duty of the king to

regulations.
gencies,

might be urged to maintain even these

In order to safeguard such contin-

the

above exceptions have been laid

down.

This proves, as nothing else could have

done, the supreme importance attached to these

corporations.
4 only in

'A king could interfere with them

specific

some

cases, but

otherwise they

were free to act in whatever Avay they liked, and the king Avas bound to accept their decision.
8

We
whole

have already seen that the guild as a

possessed
'^*^^

considerable
judicial

executive
over

and
its

authority

Co^ts^of

raw"!*^

members.
above to

The passages quoted illustrate this must

however be taken to signify that the authority extended over, and covered, only those relations in which they stood to the guild. In other
*
j

w^ords,
!

the

guild could

only interfere in cases

to
affect,
its

which

affected, or

had a tendency

transaction of business.
in Brihaspati

The following passages

guild also

seem to show, however, that the formed part of the ordinary tribunals

of the country.

''Relatives, guilds. assemblies (of co-habitants),

and other persons duly authorised by the king, should decide lawsuits among men, excepting
causes concerning violent crimes (sahasa).
"

When

a cause has not been (duly)

investi-

gated by
decided

(meetings of) kindred,

it

should be
;

due deliberation by guilds when it has not been (duly) examined by guilds, it assemblies (of codecided by should be
after

habitants)
ciently)

and when it has not been (suffimade out by such assemblies, (it should
;

be tried) by appointed (judges)."^

would certainly follow front the above, that the guild formed the second of the four ordinary courts of justice, from each of which an
It

appeal lay successively to the next higher ones.

The chapter
generally
justice
judicial

in

which these passages occur deals

is

with the constitution of the court of

and there
functions
to
its its

nothing to show that the

the
guilds

of

noticed

here

related

reference to
fact
'

members alone or simply with own proper business. The very

these
latter

that
28,

Biihaspati has noticed

;

I.

30
'

S. P. E.,
'

Vol.

XXXIII,

p. 281.

The word

sreni

has been rendered by Companies

I liare

(of
'

artizans)

in the original
Cf. also

passage but

substituted the "word

guild

for

it.

Narada, 107,

p. 6.


(J*

CORPORATE LIFE

functions separately in a later chapter, seems to

prove

that
is

in

the

passages,
to

quoted

above,

reference

made

the guilds as

ordinary
in

courts of law.
28, viz.,

The exception noticed

the writer had
tried

verse

causes
that

concerning violent crimes also

in

proves

view only the

ordinary cases to be
of justice.

bv ordinarv courts

This conclusion

is

supported by the recently

published Damodarpur Copper plates.

Two

of

them, dated in tbe years

the reign of

and 438 A.D., in the Gupta emperor Kumaragupta I

4^33
^
:

contain the following passage

Prof.

E.

G. Basak

who

edited

these

inscrip-

tions translates the passage as follows :-

"While Kumar'amatya
the

Vetravarmma was
in
I)hritij)ala,

administering the government of the locality

company

of

nagara-sreshtJd

5a.r??//arrJm Bandhumitra,^;;'^/iW2-/^?fZ/7t

Dhriti-

mitrsi,

praihama-Mf/astlia Samvapala."

It appears to me, however, that the question,

here,

is

not
the

of

general

administration,
of
justice.

but
This

merely

administration

follows from the ordinary meanings of the terms

adhikaram and vf/avahara, viz., court of law' and

'

Kp. Ind., Vol.

XV,

p. 130,

CHAPTER
'

65
I do not see

aclministration of justice,'

and

any
to

reason

why
the

these words should he

idea

stretched

cover

of general administration.

The

passage in

my

opinion contains a clear reference

to courts presided over

hy the chiefs

of different

corporations of mercharjts and artisans.

9
organisaof

Some
tion
this

interesting side-light on the

of

guilds

is

furnished

by inscriptions

Thus the Indore Copper-plate ^Inscription of Skanda Gupta dated in the year 116, I.e. 165 A.D., records the gift of an endowment, the interest of which is to be applied to the maintenance of a lamp which has been
period.
'

established

in

temple for the service of the

farther told that
'*

Sun-god.
of a

We

are

this gift

Brahman's endowment of (the temple of) the Sun (is) the perpetual property of the
guild
of

oilmen,
at

of Avhich Jivanta

is

the head,
it

residing

the town of Indrapura, as long as (even)

in

continues in complete unity,

moving

away from
points are
to

this settlement."' Several interesting

to

be

noted in this short reference

a guild.

Besides the custom of designating"^;

a guild by the
points
to

name

of its

headman,

it

distinctly

the
is
^

mobility

of

the body, and

more

importance

evidently attached to the unity

Fleet

Gupta

Inscriptions, No. 16.

Ibid, p. 71.

66
of

CORPORATE LIFE
the
is

guild,

than the place where

state

it settles.

This

an evidence of the high

thus shift from place

of

guild-

organisation, for none but a fully organised hody

could

to place

and yet

[jretain its

unity and public confidence.

By
guild
is

far the

most interesting account of a

that furnished

inscription of

by the Mandasor stone Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman.^

a guild of silk-weavers, originally

/it relates
settled
at

how

Lata,

immigrated into the

city

of

Dasapur, attracted by the virtues of the king

of

that

place.

Here many

of

them took
archery

to

different

pursuits.

Some

learnt

and
the

became
religious

good
life,

fighters,

others

adopted

and discoursed on
a

religious topics.

The prudent among them

astronomy
other

learnt astrology

and

while

few

gave up

all

worldly

concerns and took to an ascetic

professions
of

life.

Various

were also followed, while a

to

number

them adhered

the

hereditary
the
guild
'^

profession of silk-weaving.
>

Thus

Ibid, No. 18.

"

In his introduction to the inscription Fleet remarks

Inscription)
narrates,
in

as follows

" It (the

the

first

place,

how

number

of

silk-weavers immij^^rated from the Lnta Vishayn, or central and southern

GujarSt, into the city of Dasapura and

other occupations while

those

how some of the band took up who adhered to their original pursuit
flourishing guild" (0.
I. I.,

constituted themselves into a separate and

Ill, p. 80),

The verse 19 however makes it quite clear, that the guild For, after included all the members described in verses 16-19. referring to them in detail in the above verses, the author concludes
**

adhikam = abhivibhati
signifies

irenir-evaih

jrrakdraih"

(verse
all

19),

which

certainly

that the guild flourished through

these men.

CHAPTER
flourished
at

07
in

Dasapura, and built

the year

436 A. D. a magnificent temple of the

of its

Sun out

accumulated

the temple fell

In course of time into disrepair, and was repaired

riches.

by the same guild in the year 472 A.D.

This highly interesting
in

inscription

couched
a
vivid

verses

that

recall

the best days of Sanskrit

Kavya

Literature has preserved for us

account of one of the best specimens of the

ancient guilds that constituted such a remarkable
feature of ancient Indian society.
It invalidates

\y

the notion, too generally entertained, that guilds

were stereotyped close corporations of craftsmen,

busy alone
susceptible

Avith their

own

profession

and

little

to

culture or progress.

It portrays

before us the picture of a guild of

silk-weavers,
to

proud of their own

profession,

and true

their

own

organisation,^ but displaying

within these

limits
Fleet also

an activity and keenness for all-round

translates

the passages
all

to the

same

effect

"(And

so) the

guild shines gloriously

around, through those

who

are of this sort

and through others who,

etc...." including thereby,

within the guild,

men

following different pursuits as described above.

Now
called

they were
pursuits

all sillc-weavers

when they were

If
it

in Lata,

and took
is

to different

while at Mandasor.
of

then this motley body

still

the guild:
at

silkweavers,

must follow that they constituted a guild while

Lata and that the organisation continued although some of the members gave up the hereditary pursuits in their new abode. That the whole

body of a guild could thus remove to another place has been proved by the Indore copper-plate mentioned above.
^

it

is

Thus when the temple of the Sun is built, or said to be done by the orders of the guild
the
insciiption
at

is
;

again repaired,

and Vatsabhatti
c/.

composes
last verse,

the

command

of

the guild;

the

68
proj^ress

CORPORATE LIFK
that
is

really surprising:.
spirits,

There were
in battle,

among them martial who *eyen to-day

truction
others, of

valorous

effect
;

by force the desAvhile

their

enemies
in their

there

were
the

unassuming
for

modesty and devoted

objects

to discourses of religion,

men who overcame

and

attachment
characterised

worldly
piety

were

by

and

s^oodness,

very

gods in an
astrolosrv

eartlily habitation.'

The

science of

arts

like

was cultivated by them while the finer poetry were not neglected, ?s is
evidenced by
for
it is

abundantly
before us the
sense
;

the

brilliant

poem

only

among men who have

for poetry, that such

of appreciation

literature can flourish. The guild in ancient V India was thus not merely the means for the
t/

development

of arts

and

crafts,

but through the

autonomy and freedom accorded to it l)y the law of the land, it became a centre of strength, and an abode of liberal culture and progress, which truly made it a power and ornament of
the society.

10

Tlie existence of

guild organisations during

is

the later period

attested

by

laSrpeS^^

numbcr

of rccords.

Of these
Vailla-

an inscription at
bhatta-svamin Temple at Gwalior^
'

the
is

the most

Ep. Ind., Vol.

I, p.

159

ff.

CHAPTER
important.

69
it

As has already been mentioned,

refers to the organisation of sreshthis

vafias, etc., rill in u^

and sarthapolitical*^

the citv of Gvvalior in the vear

^877 A. D., indicating thereby that the

undiminislied.

importance of these old institutions remained

The inscription, besides, records endowments made with the guilds of oil-millers and gardeners, and the way in which these are described throw some light on their constitution. Mention is made, by name, of four chiefs of the
oil-millers

of Sri-sarvesvarapura,

two chiefs of

the

oil-

millers

of Srivatsa-swamipura,

and four
and
the other

chiefs of the oil-millers of

two other
with
guild

places,

we

are told that these, together

of

(members)
should
giv^e

the

whole
oil

of oil-millers

one paUka of

per oil-mill

every
to

month.

Similarly
that

the other

endowment was

the effect

the seven chiefs, mentioned by

name, and the other

guild
of

(members) of the whole

giv^e

gardeners should

fifty

garlands

everv dav.
It appears

organisation was

from the above that the guild still in full vigour and endowas of old.

ments were made with them

They

also illustrate the constitution of the guilds laid

down

in Brihaspati-smriti,^ viz,, that there should

five

be two, three, or

executive officers in each

guild. For we have just seen that the oil-millers' guilds had two or four, and the gardeners' guild,
^

See above,

p.

52

ff.

70

CORPORATE LIFE
members.

seven such

The very

fact that they

are individually mentioned by

name shows the and this is quite in keeping with what we have learnt from the
importance of these
officers,

Brihaspati-smriti.

Another inscription/ of about the same period, refers to an important guild of horse-dealers who
imposed a
tithe

upon

all

purchasers,

king and his provincial

officers

including of horses, mares

and other animals. The members of the sruild came from various countries and the proceeds of the tithe were naturally distributed among
various

temples situated in

localities

so

far
case,

apart as
again,
their

Pehoa

and

Kanauj.
by

In

this

not only are the chiefs of the s^uild and

headman mentioned

name, but the

from the

native places of each individual are also given

in
detail.

guild
is

of horse-dealers

northern country
Stone

also referred to in the

inscription

dated

973-74

Harsha A.D.^ The

Siyadoni inscriptions^ of the latter half of the tenth

century A.D., also record the gift of the guilds

of betel-sellers, oil-makers,

and stone-cutters, and

the
of

refer to an investment of 1,350 dranmtas with

distillers

of

spirituous
is

liquor.

The

guild

vagiilika (hunters ?)

mentioned

in the Karitalai

stone inscription

of

Chedi Lakshmanaraja who

flourished about the middle of the tenth century

*

Pehoa Inscription, Ep.

II, p.
*

lud., Vol.

I,

p. 184.
I, p.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

116

ff.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

167

ff.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

II, p.

174

ft.

CHAPTER
A.D., while the Deopara
^

7i

inscription

of Vijaya-

sena refers to tSllpi-goskthi, apparently

meaning
guild-

a guild of Bengal.

stone-cutters,
is

in

Varendra or north
clear

It

thus

quite

that

organisation continued
of the

down

to the latest

days *^

Hindu

period.

11
The permanent organisation
sents
of guilds repre-

the

corporate activity in
life at
its

o^^Tj^:y

il

the ancient economic

^^^^^
r^YlGYQ

the ancient economic

WCre

also othcr

forms in
spirit

which

co-operative
to

was displayed,

and these require

whole subject.

be

noticed in some detail, in order to gain a com-

prehensive idea of
carried

the

Trade

on

on joint stock principles,

first

may

be ^
of

mentioned
corporate

under

this head.

This form

activity

seems

to

have been very

it

ancient and definite examples of

are furnished

by the Jataka

stories.

kasetthi-Jataka^

how

the contents of a ship,

Thus we read in Chullayoung man purchased which had just touched

Shortly

the port, by the deposit of his ring.

afterwards 100 merchants from Benares came

Lat

for the

the previous transaction they paid

same purpose, but having been told of him a thousand coins each, and obtained a share of the merchandise along with him. Later, they paid him


H
another

COKPOKATE LIFE
thousand
each,

and

i^ot

the

whole

merchandise for themselves,

the

young man

having made altogether 200,000, over the transaction.

Again

in Kuta-A'anija-Jataka'

we read

of

two
into

merchants

who

entered

partnership and took five hun-

dred waggons of merchandise from Eenares to

the country districts.

The Suhanu-Jataka

refers

to *the horse-dealers of the north'

who apparently
In the Intro'^

carried on their husiness jointly.

duction to
of

'

Kuta-Vanija-Jataka, No. 2

we read
full of

two traders of Sravasti who joined from east

*

in partner-

ship and loaded five hundred

w^ares, jourijeying

waggons

to

west for trade.

The Baveru-Jataka refers to merchants who jointly carried on their trade, and sold strange Indian birds, at fabulous price, in the kingdom of Baveru. The Maha-Yjinija-Jataka ^ relates the story of a number of merchants who entered into a temporary partnership. Thus

we

read

" Mercliants from

many

a kin<2^(lom came,

and
Chose Ihem a
chief,

all toi;"etlier

met,

and straight

set out
iret."
^

a tivasuie for to

.Tat.,

Vol.

I,

]).

4(U.
^

Jat.,

Vol.

ir, p. 30.

Ibid, p. 181.
.Tat.,

* .Tat.,

Vol. Ill, p. 12(i.

'

Vol. IV. p.

3.j>.

"

English Trauslatioii of the Jatakas, Vol. IV,

p. 222.

CHAPTER

73

These incidental references in the Jatakas

unmistakably point towards the system of joint

transaction of business and shed a

new

light on

the corporate activities of the traders

and mer-

chants in ancient India.

Kautiiya has referred to this system in hi^

Arthasastra/
also
laid
is

The ancient Dharmasastras

regular rules
for

have

down
the

^'W^TO^g^T'i

Avhich

Sanskrit

technical

term

for

it.

Xarada expounds the fundamental principles of

this

system in the following verses.

^^^^^^^ sq^TCq^ m^^

q^^rf^t^mif^

II

^ ^^

3f^m^
ii

^^T^ri:

n%r^^if%i5^*irrcT:

:^

'

F. 185.

Nar. III. 1-9

Biih.

XIV,

1-32.
iii

V. 11-262
S, B.

ff.

Nar., p. 133.
p. 124.

Tlie verses are translated as follows

Vol.

XXXIII,
(1) "

Where

traders or others carry on business

is

jointly, it

is.

called

partnership, which
(2)
'

title of law.

Where

several partners are jointly carrying on business for the

purpose of gain, the contribution of funds towards the

of
let

common

stock

the association

forms the basis (of their undertakings).

Therefore

each contribute his i*roper share.

10

74

COKPOKATE LIFE
The essence
of the system

thus

consisted in

the transaction
gain, jointly

of business, for the purpose of of

by a number

persons,

each of

whom
this

contributed

towards the

common fund
company.

that served as the capital of the

As
real

individual

contribution

formed the
of

basis of the

whole system, Narada declares that

the

'

loss,

expenses,

and

profit

each partner
Brihas-

are proportioned to the

amount contributed by
view but Kautilya and
profit, etc.,

him towards the

pati also

joint stock company.'

this

endorses

Yajnavalkya lay down that the

may

be either in proportion to the amount contributed by each or as originally agreed upon

among

the partners.

It

thus appears that an agreepartners,

ment was drawn up among

to

intending

carry

on business together, in which the

principles

general

upon

Avhich

the

business

would be managed were clearly laid down. By virtue of this agreement some of the partners, probably on account of their greater skill and special knowledge, might enjoy a greater share
was warranted by the amount of money contributed by them.
of the profit, than
(3)
"

The

loss,

expenses, and profit of each partner are either equal

to those of the other partners or exceed

them

or remain below them,

less.

according as his share

(4)
losis,
*'

is

equal to theirs, or greater or

The

stoi'es,

the food, the charges (for tolls and the like), the

the freight and the expense of keeping valuables must be duly

paid for by each of the several partners, in accordance with the terras
of their agreements."

CHAPTER
It
is

75

interesting to note that

these

essential

principles of partnership

were also fully under-

stood in
stories.

the

period represented by the Jataka

it is

Thus

related in Kuta-Variija-Jataka
'

that two merchants called respectively 'Wise

and
five

Wisest

'

entered into partnership and

of

took

hundred waggons
their

merchandise from Benares

There they disposed of
for

to the country districts.

wares,
city.

and returned with the proceeds to

the time
dividing came,
''

the

When
I

must have a double share/' asked Wise, Because while yon Why are only Wise, T am Wisest, and Wise ought to have onlv one share to Wisest's two.'' " But we botli had an equal interest in the stock-intrade and in tlie oxen and waggons. Why should you have two shares?" "Because I am Wisest." And so they talked away till they fell The rest of the story shows how to quarrelling. the "Wisest" tried to impose upon the other but failed, and at last the two merchants made an equal division of the profit.^ The story thus clearly shows that while it was recognised as
Wisest
"
said,

so ?"

'*

a general principle, that profits

portionate
to

should be pro-

the the

share
idea
skill

one contributes to the

of

stock-in-trade,

awarding special
business

share

for

greater

in

was not

altogether

unknown.

Jat., Vol.

I,

p. 404.

7C.

CORPORATE LIFE
As
the
success
ot*

the joint-stock

business

depended upon
comj)any,
the

the individuals that formed the

Sniritis

liavc

laid

down

clear

injunctions for the selection

of partners.

Thus

Brihaspati lays down^

'

Trade or other occupations

on

should not be
jointly

carried

by

prudent

men

with

in-

competf.nt or lazy persons, or with

afflicted
*'

such as are

by an

illness, ill-fated, or destitute.

A man

should

carry

on business jointly
active,
in
re-

with persons of noble parentage, clever,

intelligent, familiar

with

coins,

skilled

venue and expenditure,

ing."^

honest, and enterpris-

An

idea of the

corporate spirit

with which

the business was carried on

may

be formed from

the following
''

(or

Whatever property one partner may give lend) authorised by many, or whatever conhe

tract

may

cause

to

be executed,

all that is
all.'"^

(considered as having been) done by

The relation of the individual to the corporate body was also clearly laid down
:

"When
assent

(a single

partner acting) without the

(of the

other partners) or against their

(their joint proper-

express instructions injures

ty) through his negligence, he

must by himself

give a compensation
1

to all his partners.^

XXXIIT,
cf.

Ch. XIV.
Ihid, p.

S. B. K., Vol.

p. 330.
Jl, 263,

337.

Jhid, pp. 337-8;

Nar. Ill, 5; Y.

CHAPTER
"

77
is

When

any one among them

in a

found out to
or sale, he

have practised deceit

purchase

must be cleared by '^ They are themselves

arbitrators

oath (or ordeal).

pronounced
for

to

be

and

witnesses

one another in
has

doubtful cases, and

when

a fraudulent act

been discovered, unless a (previous) feud should

exist

between them/'^

Thus the individual was responsible to the corporate body for his negligent acts and his other partners sat in judgment over him or gave evidence in the case. If a charge of fraud was l)rought against any person, his reputation had to be cleared by an ordeal or other tests and if his guilt was established he should be paid his capital and expelled from the company his
'

profits

being forfeited to

it.'^

On

the whole

the

matter was decided by the corporate body itself, and the guilty individual was not liable to the jurisdiction of any outside authority for his misdeeds. On the other hand his virtue was also rewarded f)y the same corporate body, for
says Brihaspati
"
his
:

That partner, on the other hand, who

efforts

bv

own

preserves

(the

common

stock)

from a danger apprehended through fate or the king, shall be allowed a tenth part of it (as a
reward).^
'

Ibid, p. 337.

Brih.,

XIV.

7.

'

Y.

IT.

268.

XIV.

10, also cf,

Xar. ITT.

fi

Y.

IF.

263.

78

CORPORATE LIFE
The corporate body
also

looked

after

the

interests of the individual even

after his death.

According
to

to the

same authority,
in

" Should any such partner

die

trade

happen

through want
be

of proper care, his goods

shown (and delivered) to officers appointed by the king." It also appears from the comments of Chandesvara on the fourth verse of Narada quoted above, that a partner, if necessary, could draw from the common fund an amount regulated
must
^

by the share he
Tillage
crafts,

paid.^

of

the

soil

and

various

arts

and

such as the manufacture of articles made

silver,

of

gold,

thread,

wood, stone or leather,

were also carried on by the workers on the same

principle
ever,
of

partnership.
of

Unlike trade, howthese

cases

the basis

partnership in

consisted, not of the capital

money

contributed

by each, but of the skill and technical knowledge which each brought to the work. As this
naturally varied in
of profit

different

persons, the share

also
different.

which each enjoyed was

:

Thus Brihaspati says

"

'

When

gold-smiths or other (artists)

silver, thread,

[i, e.,

workers in
practise

wood, stone or leather]

they shall share the
Nar.
Ill, 7:

their

art

jointly,

'

S. B. E.,

Vol.

XXXIII,

p.

338; also

cf.

Y.

II. 267.

= 3

^^K^9)l%5I?o2?IfT Wf^'ir^fl'SiT^T^W

(V. Rtn., p. 112).

Chapter XIV, vv. 28

ff.

CHAPTER
profits in clue proportion,

79
*^

corresponding to the

nature of their work."

" the
jointly building

On

the same principle,

of

headman among a number

making

workmen

a house or temple, or digging

articles of leather, is entitled

a pool or
to a

double share (of

the

the remuneration),"' and

'*

among

he who knows how to beat the time shall take a share and a half, but
musicians
the singers shall take equal shares."^

The same

principles were also applied even among thieves

and free-booters when they came

sj)oil.

to divide their

"Four shares
;

shall

be aAvarded to their
able shall take

chief

he who
;

is

(specially) valiant shall receive

three shares

one

(particularly)

two

and

tlie

remaining associates shall share

other

alike."^

On

the

hand
for

if

any

of

them
is

is

arrested, the

money spent
all alike.'

his release

to

be shared by
It is also

worthy of note that priests carried

on
^

and ceremonies on the same Thus it is ordained principle of partnership.^

sacrificial act

that of the sixteen priests at a sacrifice, the first

group

of

four

who were

the

chief

officiators

would receive about the half, and the second, third and fourth groups, respectively half, oneThe commentator third and one-fourth of that.
S. B. E., Vol.

XXXIII,

p.
^
=

340.
Ibid.

Ibid,

p. 341.

Ibid.

Katyayaua, quoted in V. Rtu.,

S,

p, 126.

Y.

II. 268,

also Nar. III.

Brih. XIV.15.

80

COR PO HATE LIFE

if,

explains that

for example, the

sacrihcial
first

fee

consists of 100 cows, each

of

the

group

would

receive

12 and
0, 1,

each of the succeeding,'

groups, respectively

and
-

3.'

There was another kind

in the
I
,

of corporate activity

economic
,

life in

ancient India Avhich can

^G hest rendered by the term

'*

Traders' Lcai^ue."

noticed above, tliere

of

As alreadv was, no doubt, some sort

corporate organisation

among
^

the

traders,

during the early period, but both Mrs.

Ehys
studied

Davids ^ and Eichard Pick

the
existence
of

who have
detinite

the economic conditions in ancient

India deny

any such

organisation which could

applicable to
fine
it.

make

the

and close word League

'

These scholars, however, conexclusively to the Jataka

their

attention

stories, or at best

only to the Buddhist Literature,

but the data furnished by these sources, interpreted in the light of other evidences, leave no

doubt on the point.

Several Jataka stories refer to the
tion of

organisa-

sea-going merchants.

hassa Jataka^ relates the story of five

*

Thus the Valahundred

A

Viram.,
I

p. 387.

have already included 'Traders'

is

in the list of guilds (p. 19).

separate treatment
is in

necessary not only because the guild

of

traders

many
J.

respects different from

is

ordinary craft-guild,

but specially

as

its
5
'

existence
R. A.

denied by Mrs. Rhys Davids.

1901
p.

S.,

869.

Fick, p. 178..

Jat.,

U,

p. 127.

CHAPTER
merchants,

81

with

chief

at

their head,

who
The

chartered a vessel for

^

trading in

Ceylon.

Pandara- Jataka also refers to the chartering of

hundred trading folk,' We ^ also read in the Supparaka Jataka ^ how 700 merchants got ready a ship and engaged a that was gained skipper, and the treasure in course of the voyage Avas divided amongst
a vessel by
'

live

them.

Other Jataka

stories refer

to

the concerted
land.
itself as

commercial action
as

of

traders on

The
well

Jarudapana Jataka^ (both the story

the

Introductory

episode pachchuppannaconsisting
of a

vatthu) refer to a large caravan

number who set

to in

of traders

of

Sravasti

(and

Benares)

ofE togetlier

under a chief (jetthaka),

with cart-loads of wares.

the

The

traders,

referred

Introductory

episode,

came

back

together Avith their treasure trove, and went in

a body to pay respects to the

Buddha, as they

had

done

on

the

eve of their journey.

to

The
of
for

Guttila

Jataka^ refers
a
Avas

certain
to

traders

Benares who made

trade.

journey
a

Ujjeni

That

this

concerted action on

their part, appears quite clearly

from the

fact,

that they lodged in the

same place and enjoyed

themselves toojether.
Jat
,

Vol. V, p. 75.
is

.Tat.,

Vol. IV, p. 136.

The number

not definitely

stated bnt

we

are told that there

were 700 souls on board the

ship, evidently including the sailors.

=

Jat. Vol. II, p. 294.

Ibid, p. 248.

11

8^2

CORPORATE LIFE
Tlie

above instances clearly prove that the

activities

traders undertook commercial

in

an

organised body.

There are other considerations

show that the organisation was sometimes a permanent one. The term setthi which occurs frequently in
which seem
to

the Buddhist Literature should be taken to

mean
that

the representative of the communities of traders.

'I

bus in Chullavagga VI.

4. 1.

we

are

told

'Anatha-Pindika was the husband of the

the R/ajagaha setthi}

sister of

Evidently here the term

intended
to

Rajagaha Setthi was

sense
it
oL'

convey the
;

distinguished particular individual

in general.

could not

in

mean a merchant Mahavagga VIII. 1-lG ff.illness

Again
is

reference
at

made

to the

of

the

'setthi

Rajagalia.'

When
die

the

physicians declared that he would a week, one of the merchants

in course of

thought of the (jood services done by

Mm

**

both

^^^ ^
The
for,

to

the king
ij^

and

to the

merchants}''^

{"^^^^fC^fy

rn^^ ^) and approached King Bimbisetthi.

sara for asking his physician to cure the

prayer

was

granted and the setthi was

cured by the royal physician.

The
fee,

latter

asked

and

obtained,

as

his

two hundred
equally
This
.

thousand
incident
>

Kahapanas,
illustrates

to

be

divided

between himself and

his

royal

master.

the

wealth and status of

"

S. B.

E XX.,
,

p. 179.

S. B. E.,

XVIT,

p. 181

ff.

Vinnya Pitaka Vol, T, p. 273. In S. B. E., Vol. XVIT, p. 181, nigamn has been translated by merchants' p:nild,' but gee above, p. 44.
2
'

CHAPTER
the
^

83

and seems to show that he was the representative of the merchant class in the royal
set till, ^

court.

This view
the

is

supported by the

fact,

that

SreshUiiu.
is

Sanskrit

equivalent for

setthi,

alw ays used in later literature, to denote

of a
ij^uild.

the

headman
the fact

Eick takes the term as

denoting a royal

though he does not deny that he represented the mercantile comofficer,

munity

in the royal

the Jatakas also have taken the

have rendered
for this view

it

The translators of same view and bv 'treasurer.' The main i?round

court.
to

seems

be that the Jataka stories

frequently refer the set this as waiting upon the

king.^

This

is

however readily explained, and the

clearly

real nature of the settkis

demonstrated,
clz,
:

by the passage

in

Gautama, quoted above,

"Cultivators, traders.., (\isi\e authority to lay

down
(in

rules) for their respective classes.

of j
affaiis

Having

learned the (state

from

those

who

each

class) liave authority (to

speak he shall

give) the legal decision."'

(Ga, XT. 21-22.)

to the instances of

We

have already referred

of

organised activities

the

traders,

and

the

above injunctions of Gautama clearly demonstrate that the organisation of

the

traders

Avas

recognised bv
tiieir

tiie

law of the land.

own

representatives

whom
giving

had the king was

Tliev

])ound to consult
>

before
?AU
;
:

decision.
:

This

Jut.

], 2(39,

in. IH), 299, 475

IV.

m.

Ga. XI. 21.22

S. B. K., Vol. XI, p. 237.

84

CORPORATE, LIFE

readily explains

why

the scfJhis,

whom we
to

look

upon

as these representatives,
kin<^.

had

frequently

wait upon the

Apart from the question

of the set f his the instances
^

of the

real

nature

quoted above from

in

the Jataka stories,

injunctions of

read

the

light

of

the

Gautama, hardly leave any doubt

about the permanent organisation of the traders.

deferring to " the trade of the trader, dealer,
or

middleman,"

Mrs. Rhvs Davids remarks

*'There
to

is no instance as yet forthcoming pointing* any corporate organisation of the nature of a guild or Hansa league."^ She no doubt cites some instances from the Jjitakas, but apparently regard them as mere temporary union and remarks, in one instance, as foUoAVS " Nor is there any hint of Syndicate or federation or other agreement existing between the 500 dealers."^ She does not, however, attach due
:

importance
ancient

to the fact, that in

legal

code of

India,

belonging almost to the same

period as that represented

by the Jatakas, the

is

organisation

of

traders

distinctly referred to

as having the authority to lay

down
state.

rules

for

themselves, and occupying, as

place in the constitution
opinion,
it is

such, a

definite

of

the

In

my

impossible, in

view of the proxi-

mity of the periods represented by the Gautama

^

J.

R. A.

S.,

1901, pp. 868-869.

Ibid.

CHAPTER
Dharma
upon

sutra and the Jataka stories, not to look

tlie ins fiances

quoted from the

latter,

as

illustrations of the corporate

activities

of
is

that

permanent

org'anisation of traders

which

con-

templated in the former.

The corporate organisations

displayed activities

of

traders had a

rapid growth and in course of two centuries they

which have a surprisingly

modern

appearance.
refers

Thus
" to

Kautilya,

in

his

Arthasastra,

traders Avho

unite in

causing rise and

live

fall in

the value of articles and

by

making
seems
to

profits cent per cent."^

This

activity

be very

much
is

like the "corner"

or '*trust " system

at the present day.

which

onlv too well

known

12

large

corporate

number of inscriptions refers to activities among traders and artisans

of

South India doAvn to a very

period.

Guilds in South

liidiii.

late

The Lakshmesh-

war

inscription'- of

prince

Vikramaditya, dated

about 725 A.D., refers to the guild of braziers,

and in the consiitution drawn up therein for the

town

of Porio'ere

it

is

distinctlv laid
'

down

that

the taxes of all classes of people

into the sruild there in

shall be paid

the

month

of Karttika.'

tnwt^f%
-'

(^^im^

p.

331).
ff.

Ep. lud., Vol. XIV, p. 188

86
It
is

CORPORATE LIFE
clear that the ^iiild served here as the local

bank and treasury.

Another inscription
its

at the

same

place,'

dated about 793 A.D., refers to a

head.

guild of weavers and

inscription
refers
to
-

The Mulgund
902-3 A.D.,
of

of Krishna

II,

dated

grant

made by four headmen

cities.

guilds of three
is

hundred and sixty

This

an interesting and important testimony of the

Avide area over

highly developed character of the organisation

and the

which

it

was extended.
oil-

JWe

learn from a Tamil

inscription of Tribhu-

vana-Chakravartiri Eajadhira jadeva^ that the

mongers

Kanchi and its suburbs and those of the 24 nagaras, met in a temple at Kanchi and
of

decided that the

oil-mongers at Tirukkachchur

should

make

provision for offerings and lamps in

village.

a temple at that

This decision they

agreed to observe as aijati'dharma.

tion of the time of

An

inscrip
^

Vikramaditya VI,
gifts of a
''

dated

VlllO A,D., refers to the joint

of guilds.

number
gifts to

We

are told that

the 120 (menibers

of the) guilds, being

(convened),
of

made
:

the ojod

Kammatesvara
assigned

Ehiir

the

stone-

cutters' guild

one

quarter of a gold

piece

the braziers' guild, as

figures
(as

much

lime for drawthe

ing sacred
carpenters,
hercittumbar,
1

was
the

necessary);

blacksmiths,
(?),

goldsmiths,

the

and others, an ad a for each

''

Ep. lud., Vol. VI,

p. 166.

Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII,

p. 193.

G. Ep. R., 1910, p. 94, par. 28.

"

Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 333.

CHAPTER
residence.

87

There

are,

besides,

frequent refer-

ences to the guilds of oilmen, weavers, artisans

B
^m ^K
H[

and

potters, etc., in

inseriptious of the 12th

and

13th century A.D/

Similarly the

merchants of southern India

for

were

also

distinguished

their

corporate

^^L ^^^ ^H

organisations.

The

Belgaum

Mercantile Corporations in South India.

inscription of 1204 A.D.^ rcfcrS ^ number of mercantile to a

corporations and guilds,

and the Nidagundi inscription*^ of Vikramaditya VI and Tailapa II, to an organisation of 505 merchants making various
grants,
in

kind,
of

for

religious

purposes.

An

inscription

the

tenth year of

Jatavarman
meeting

Vira Pandya^ refers to an assembly of merchants

from 18 sub-divisions of 79
together in a conference
to set apart the
dise for repairs

districts

in w^hich

they decide

income derived from merchanto

a temple,

e.g.,

each bundle
the like.

of

female

cloths,

^ panam on each podi of

pepper, arecanuts, and on each gold piece, and

Again, an inscription from Yewur,^'

dated 1077 A.D., records that a

sum

of

money

was deposited with the

of

collective

body of merfire offering.

chants of fiivapura, at the interest of 25 p.c, out

which thev were

Ep. Ind., Vol. V,
;

to

maintain a

'

p. 2.3

'

G. Ep. R., 1907,

p. 50,

No. 524;

fl.

Ep. R.,

913, p. 21, No. 136.

2
*

Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII,

p. 18.

^
=

jfcj^^ p. |2.

G. Ep. R., 1915, p. 101.

Ep. Tnd Vol. XTI,

p. 273.

88

CORPORATE LIFE
inscription^

Another
feeding a

makes

similar

provision for

Brahmana out
is

of the interest of

money

deposited Avith merchants.

A
in

union of traders
inscription,- in a

specifically

referred to

an

temple at Tirumurugan-

pundi, of the time or

nisation

Vikrama Chola.
of
five
"

The orga-

extended almost throughout southern

consisted
to

India and

hundred memhers.

an inscription of the time of the W. Chalukya King Tagadekamalla II, dated 1178 A.D., southern Ayyavole or modern Aihole was the residence of five hundred merchants. This corporate mercantile body is frequently Thus we referred to in south Indian epigraphs. learn from a Kanarese inscription^ that the five
According

hundred scamls
sell his, etc.,

of Ayyavole,

the nanaclesis, the

having assembled, granted a tax for

of

the worship

the

god

Ahava-mallesvara.

Again, the Managclli inscription^ of

refers to the five

A.D. 1161

hundred smmis
''

of the

famous

(town
strict

of)

Ayyavole

who were

preservers of the

Bananja

religion."

This phrase
The Bananja com-

which has been met with in

several other inscriptions points

q^^
tion

|^q

^^ Avidesprcad
merchants,
Valanjiyar,

orsjanisa-

of

variously
Balanji,

termed

as

Ya]anjiyam,

a Ep. R., 1913,

G. Ep.
11.,

p. 21,

No. 141.

G. Ep. R., 1916,

p. 121.
p. 18,

1915, p. 48, No. 478.

'

G. Ep. R., 1919,

9.

No. 21G.

Ep. lud.. Vol. V, p.

CHAPTER
Bananji, various
their
etc.

89

This corporation
of

consisting

of

classes

merchants

apparently

had

organisation from
tlieir

very early times and

xin inscription,^ which
to

spread

influence

over allied communities

in distant parts of India,

by

its

palcBograpliy

has to be referred
I,

the

time of Rajendra Chola

of this guild of

gives a short eulogy

merchants and states " that these

{i.e.,

were praised by 500 clrasasanas

glorifying their deeds, were
of the

edicts?)

virtuous

protectors

Vira-Valanjika

(or

Valanjiya) religion,

that they were

born of Vasudeva, Kandali and

Virabhadra,
{i.e.,

were the devotees of Bhattaraki

goddess Durga

the

various
(districts)

subdivisions
of

and consisted of coming from the 1,000

?)

the

four quarters, the 18

towns,

the
viz.,

32 zelarpurain and the 64 ghatikasthana,

selils,

settlputras (setttppillal

?),

kavares

.^midalis,

bhadrakas,
oalattakai

gavimda-sodnmis, singam,
{i.e.,

slrupuU,
others.

valangai) variyan and

met tegether at Mayilarpu {i.e., Mylapore) and decided to convert Kattur which was originally Ayyupulal Vlrapattiaa and thus exempted its into a
These
ud/iadesib'

inhabitants
entitling

of

all

communal
receive

contributions

them
get

to
till

twice
the

what
matter

they
of

used

to

then

(in

They resolved, also, that ?). hencefor\N ard tho town was not to be inhabited
honorary privileges
1

Ep. Ind., Vol. IV,

p. 296,

f.

n. 2.

12

90

COllPORATE LIFE
of the

by such members

as demaii(kj(l taxes or tolls

mercantile chisses (1) by threateniiii^ people

(?)

with drawn swords or by capturing them

(2) as

and
food

wantonly deprived people

of their

or otherwise afflicted them.

They

also declared

that those

who

offended against this decision

were placed outside the Valanjiya-community

{i,e,,

were excommunicated).

The general name

nmiadem applied to merchants in these records, by itself indicates that they had dealings with
various countries.

record

from Baligami

in

the Mysore

State

also

supj)lies

a Aery long

eulogy of these merchants, and

to

states, in addition

what has been already supplied by the Kattur

epigraph, that they were brave

to

men

(mras) born

wander over many countries ever since the

bv land and water routes
such as horses,
stones,

beginning of the krita age, penetrating regions

of the six continents

and dealing

in

various articles

elephants, precious

perfumes and drugs,

This boast of the

either wholesale or in retail.^

mercantile community

is

justified

by the

exist-

ence of stone records even in Ceylon and

Burma
in

which
Tipper

refer

to

their

communal

gifts in those

countries.

The Vaishnava temple

built

at

Pagan

(nanadesi) of that town.^

states

by The Basinikonda record that the community consisted of nadu,

the
'

Burma was

merchants

Ep. Carn., Vol.. VII,

Ep. lud., Vol. Vir,

S. 118.

p. 197.

CHAPTER
which had met

91

nagara and nanadesi and that the special congregation,

at
Siravalli,
all

consisted of

1,500 representatives

of

smnayas (religious

denominations) coming from the four and eight

quarters and also
prised Uri-mras,
of

their

followers

who com-

Jknnai'Vlras,

Ilanjihgavlras^

Koiigavalas and a host of

tenets, the valaiigai

other sects of various

etc.

weavers,
to

of the conference

was

The object declare Siravalji a Nana-

desiya'Dasamadi'Erivlrapaitana and to confer

some privileges on the residents of that town, perhaps, similar to those that were registered in
the Kattur inscription.^

Two

inscriptions

throw interesting sidelight

above merchants.

on the communal

spirit of the

By one

of them'^ the
all

merchants of the eighteen

samayas of

countries (residing) in
trade
to

Nandyala
in

sthala grant the privilege to

articles,

certain
certain

without

paying

duty,

Puliyama-Setti
Kati- Nay aka

for

having killed
a

Karapakala
to

who had become

'^

traitor

the

samayas.

The other records a grant similar to the above by the same body of merchants to a certain Attena for having killed two tollaccountants.

'

The whole
is

of

this

paragi'aph,

with the exception of the

pp.

first

sentence

taken from G. Ep. R., 1913,

99-100,

para.

25,

with

slight additions
'^

and

alterations.
p. 5,

G. Ep. U., 1919,

Ihid,

No.

10.

'

No.

11.

92

CORPORATE LIFE
Of one
of the
jukI

components
corporation,

of

this
tlie

merchant
,

inz.,

The

Valafigai

the idafigai

com muni-

records.

An
by
the

somc information from contempoiary from Trichinopoly^ inscription

possess

we

Valaiigai, i m i ^hat detailed

district refers to

an

agreement,

among themclasses

selves,

Valangai

98

and

tlie

Idangai 98 classes, apparently to

at the hands of the

make a

united

stand against the oppression they were suffering

Yanniya tenants and the landlords m ho were and the Veljala Brahmanas backed up by Government officials.

The phrase Valangai 98

classes

and Idangai

98 classes shows that each of these communities

was a corporation of minor sects. This is corroborated, and the formation of larger corporate group clearly explained, by an earlier record from Uttattur which gives the following interesting account.'
''

We,
we

the

members

of the

98 sub-sects enter
like

into a

compact,

in the

10th year of the king,

that

shall hereafter

behave

the

sons of

the same parents, and

befall

what good
happens to

or evil
all.

may
If

any one

of us, will be

shared by

anything derogatory
class,

the Idangai
rights
till

we

will jointly assert our

It
is

we
onlv

establish them.

also understood that

those who, during their congregational meetings

to settle

communal
p. 73,

disputes, display the

cf.

birtidas
p. 109.

G. Ep. B., 1913,

No. 34; also

p. 109.

Hid,

CHAPTER
of horn, bugle
class.

93

and parasol

shall

belong to our

Those who have symbols

to recognise us no\v

and
dis-

hereafter, in public,
tiuo^uishinor

must do

so

from our

the

feather of the
(?).

crane

and the loose-hanging hair

the ccnchshell shall also be

The horn and

to

sounded in front of
according
the
people.
rules

us and

the

bugle

blown

fashion obtaining

among

the Idongai
these
class.

Those Avho act

in contravention to

shall be treated as the

enemies of our
of

Those
classes

who behave
prescribed
shall

differently

from the rules (thus)

Idaiigai

for the

conduct

excommunicated and shall not be recognised as SriUimans. They will be considered

be
slaves of the classes
It may
^

who
'

are opposed to us."

be held that the corporation called the

also originated in a similar
^

Valaiigai 98 classes

way.

Several records

refer to the activity of the

classes

united corporation of Valangai 98

and

the Idangai 98 classes, but the one from Vriddha-

chalam in the South Arcot

a late date

district,

although of

(1429 A.D.),

is

the most important.

of

It "is not in a

good state

preservation, but

from what remains of it, it is ascertained that the members of the Valangai and Idangai sects

met together in the courtyard of the local temple and came to the decision that since the officers of the king and the owners of jivitas oppressed and the kaniya]an and the Brahmanas
'

^^

G. Ep. R., Nos. 59, 361, 362, of 1914.

94

CORPORATE LIFE
(i.e.^

took the raja-karam

taxes),

none of the
give

Valahgai and Idangai people

shelter

slioulcl

them

and that (none

or

of the people of

the two

sects) born in the

country should write accounts

to

for

them

agree

their

proposals.

If

any

one proved

traitor to

the

country
impertect

(by acting

against this settlement), he should

be stabbed.'^
it

Though
officers

the

inscription

is

is

clear

that there

was oppression on the part

of

the

levying and realizing tax and

that

the

two sects of Valangai and Idangai, on whom it weighed heavily, formed themselves into a
constitutional body to resist the exactions,

vowing

even

to

the extent of

putting to death those

who became
in the
i.e.,

renegades.

Another record, dated

same year, but found in a different place, Korukkai in the Tanjore district, confirms
already made.
of the
It says that the

the statements

ninety-eight sub-sects ninety-eight sub-sects

Valangai and the*

of

the

Idangai

joined

together and

" because they

did not tax

us according to the yield of the crop but levied

the
tM xes

unjustly

Ave

were about
that because
in a

to

run away.
of the

Then we

realized

we

whole country were not united

pay what
just

body,

we were unjustly (dealt with)

Hereafter

we

shall but

is

and

in

accordance
not pay

with the yield of the crops and

we

shall

anything levied unlawfully."^

'

G. Ep.

II.,

1918, p. 163.

2ttd.

CIIAPTEK

account given abov^e

corporation, itself a

of

tlie

Valani^ai

component

irdvi of

largtu*

mercantile

guild,
it

is

specially interesting-, inas-

much
spirit

as

clearly

emphasises

the

corporate

by Avhich

these

institutions were inspired,

and vividly

illustrates

the

process

by which

large

mercantile

corporations

were formed by

the conglomeration of very minor groups.

Three copper-plate grants found at Kottayam

Malaya]am work Payyanur Fattola, which Dr. Aniuvannam and Gundert considered the oldest Manigramain,t\vo semiindependent trading specimen of Malayalam comcorporations. position/ refer to Anjuvannam and Manigramam. The context in which the two names occur in the Malayalam work implies
and
Cochin,

and the

old

'

that

they were trading institutions.

plates
of

In
they

the
are

Kottayam
frequently

Sthanu

Ravi

mentioned

with the
of

Six-Hundred,

appointed, along to be " the protectors

and

the

grant.
of

They
the

were

" to

preserve
as
to

the

proceeds
collected

customs duty

they were
receive

day by day "

be done to

and

''

the

landlord's portion of the rent on land."

injustice

"If any

them, they

may

withhold

the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy

themselves the

injury

done to them.
crime,

Should
they are
it."

they themselves

commit a

themselves to have the investigation of

To

xinjuvannam and Manigramam was granted the

96

COllFOKATE LIFE
town.

freehold of the lands of the

From

those

extracts and from the reference in the

l?<(ttMa
it

Vayyamir

appears that

Anjuvannam and Maninoticed above.

gramam were
tions like

semi-indeyjendcnt trading corpora-

the Valanjiyar,

The
of

epithet ^^^^i (merchant) given to Ravikkorran, the

trade rights granted to him,

and the sources

revenue thrown open to him as head of Mani-

gramam, such
of

as

we

tind in the

Kottayam
view^

plate

Vira-Raghavci,

confirm the

that

the

/latter was a trading corporation.^

The dates
been
finally

of

these

copper-plates

have not
place

determined.

Some
A.D.,
a
as
late

scholars

them

in the eighth century

while others
period
as

bring them

down

to

so

the

fourteenth century A.D.justly points out,

it is

But

Mr. Venkayya
suppose that

a mistake to

these plates created the institutions.

There

Ccin

be scarcely any doubt that

Anjuvannam and
the three

Manigramam must have

even before the
plates
/

existed as institutions
of

earliest

copper-

was
is

issued.

It

thus

obvious

that

down

to

the

latest

days of the

Hindu

period,

trading corporations

with a highly developed organisation

tinctive features of south India.
^

were

dis-

The above account

290

of

tiie

from Mr. Venkayya's

Ind., Vol. IV, p.
2

aiticlc "

Afijuvannatn and Manigramam is taken Kottayam Plato of VTra Raghava" in Ep.

Cj.

Ep. Ind., Vol. IV,

p.

293

Ep. lud., Vol. VJ,

p.

83.

The

later

date seems to be more likely than the former.

CHAPTER

II

Coiii'ORATE Activities in Political Life

1

Tlie corporate activities of people in political

life

vary according to the

they
live.

form of government
In a kingdom they
controlling
of

under which

would he
assisting

directed

towards

and
his

the

sovereic^n in the discharire

duties, Avhile

in

non-monarchical
for

state,
all

they
those

Avould he called forth

tasks
of

performing
the

that
state.

arc

necessary for the administration

suhject

Accordingly

may

be

divided

into

two

parts,

dealing

respectively

with the
states.

kingdoms and the

of

non-monarchical
he

The form
Eicction of king.

activity

which requires
first

to

and was undouotedlv the most interestinsj

mentioned
is

to the people themselves,

the

election

of the

king.

Almost

all scholars

Mgrce that the system

of

electing

the

king Avas not unknown to the

Thus Zimmer says \/ that there is definite evidence that in some states kings were elected by the people.^ This
people of the Yedic period.
'

"

Wir haben sichere Zeugnisse, dass audi ^Vahlraonarchien bestandeneu die

<len, in

Kouigo

von den Gaucn guwahlt wurden (A.L.,

p.

162).

13

08

CORPORATE LllE
is

view

supported

by

Wjb?bei' Vjaiid

Eloom field

but opposed by Gcldner"- who argues that kings

were aceepted by subjeets, uol elioseu by them. Macdonell* thinks that the view of Geldner is more probable, but he admits that the hitter's

argument does not exclude the hypothesis that " monarchy was sometimes elective." The passages in support of the view that
kings Avere elected,

may

be cited not only to

demonstrate the force of argument employed by

Zimmer and
of

some idea the keen competition which sometimes characothers, but also to

give

terised this election

I.

campaign,
choosing a king, they,

*'Like
in

subjects

smitten
Kefcrence
texts.

with
^

fear,

fled

from

Vcdiu

Yritra."

The two foUowdng passages from Atharva Yeda^ used in Kausitaki^ in a ceremony for the
^

Thus Weber comments on

hier

i^\.

V. 111.

3-4

(quoted below)

"

Es

handelt sich
gcstelltc

um

eiiien

Wahlfursten der durch bcstimnr.te hochEin Solcher lag dann mit

Fersonlichkeiten gewahlt wuide.

seinen Wablern, reep.

mit

den ihm durcli diese iiberwiescnen UnterVol XVII,

p. 189.)

thanen oft genug

-

in Zwist. (Ind. Stud.,

p. 330.

Hymrs

of

Atharva Veda,
uion
'

Commenting

Kigveda X. 124, Geldner remarks

die

'
;

lajanam vrinanah
vrinatam rajyaya'
173,
1.

ist

kaum auf

Wahl des Konigs

p.

" durch die

3, 4, 2,
'

Viso na "

Gaue

zu beziehen (Altindischen Leben,

ist

162).

Mit Av.
s'lrvii

tvam

viso
10,

za vergleichen 'vibas tva

vanchhantu R.V.

Vri

ist

hiernach wesentlich-Viinchh, Say.

Sanibhajantam, ayam
II,

ev-asmakan*i rajiistu-i'i kamajantu " (Vedische Studien

t
^

303)

V.

I.,

II, p. 211.
8, "

llv.

X. 124,

Ti

Ini viso

na

rajanaiii

vrinana "

which Zimmer
p. 162).

translates as "

Wie

die

Gauc

sich

den Konig kiiren" (A.L.,

'

A. V. 111. 3, 4.

Kaus.

16, 30.

CHAPTER

II

99

restoration of a king to his former

kingdom point
call
let

immistakablj towards the system of election.

II.

"
let

For the

Avaters

let

king Varuna
;

thee

Soma

call

thee for the mountains

(vis)
;

Indra call thee for these subjects

becoming

a falcon, fly unto these subjects. (3) " Let the falcon lead hither from far (para)
the
one- to

be called, living exiled in others'

;

territory {kshetra)

let the

(two) Asvins

make

the road for

thee

easy

to

gO; settle
(I)
;

together

about this man, ye his fellows.

"

Let thine opponents

(thee)
all

call thee

thy friends
(

have chosen

against
the

them

prati

Indra-and-Agni,
for thee security
*'

gods,

have maintained
{vis), (5)
call,

{kshema) in the people

felloAV

Whatever

disputes

thy

and

whatever outsider

makinghim go away (apanch),

;

Indra, then do thou reinstate {avagamaya) this

here.
^

man

(G)

III.

"

Unto thee hath come the kingdom

(1)

step forward with majesty as lord of

sole ruler

the people,

"

Thee let the people choose unto kingship.

forth

(2)
dis-

" Hither hasten

from the furthest

tance
''

(5)

Indra, Indra,

come thou

to the tribes of

men, for thou hast agreed, concordant with the

W. A. v., p. 88. liloomfielfl translates Ihe last stanza as follows "The kinsmati or the stranger that opposes thy call, him, O Indra, drive away; then render this (kinf;) accepted here. (TTymnsoftho Atharva Veda p. 112.)
*
:

100

CORPORATE LIFE He
here hath called thee from his

Yarunas.

station (thinking) ho should sacrifice to the

Gods

and make the people suhmissive.

"

(G)

The Goddesses

of welfare in

who assume
all

various
all

forms and are

present

places,
clear.

asall

semhling have made thy path

in

Let

concord call thee

lY.

(7)

[The following passage of Atharvaveda,-

used by Kausitakl^ for the restoration of a king,

also refers to the election of a kinsr
'

from amons:
difficulties.
]

The

ti-anslatiou

of

this

passage

offers great

Lave

consulted the translations given by Blooni field,

Whitney and

Zimwiei-,

and adopted the

(A.L., p. 164).

last, of

-a

Inch the portions quoted above run

as follows

"An
als
**

dieh

ist die

Herrschaft gelangt

mit

Ilerrlichkeit, tiitt hervor

Herr der Gaue, unumschravikter konig.

''

(1)
(2)

Dieh solleu die Gaue [visah] erwahlen znni Koiiigthuni.

Eile herbei aus entferntester

Feme,
menschlichen

"O

Indra Tndra geh xn

den

Gauen,
;

du

wurdest
:>)

erfunden nut den Varnna [Varunaih] ubereinstimmend

rief dich

er da (Agni
soli

auf seinem

Sitz, er soil

den Gottern

opfern, er

die

Gaue

ffigsatn

machen.

(G)

" Die Gottinnen der Wohlfahrt, die aller Orten

taltig sind, alle kanien zusaranien

und verschiedengesfreie Balin

;

und schufen

dir

sie alle

Sollen eintrilchtig dich rufen."

(7)
in the interpretation

The
The

scholars

differ
is

great deal

of stanza 6.

first

sentence

tianslated by

Whitney as ''Like
'

human Indra
'Gods.'

go thou away."
explained.

In the next

the word

varnvenn
it

'

has been differently

sen?e of

Zinimer as we have seen takes

that
it is

in

the

Weber suggests

equal to

'

varaiia,'

elector

[Indische Studien,
'

Whitney himself
tentative
one.

lorna caste.' XVII, 190], while Whitney takes it in the sense of adn)its that his emendation is a desperate and purely

Weber's meaning seems

to

be the most appropnato

is

here, as the election of the king by the people

clearly referred

to

in

Stanza

2.
-

A. V.

1. 9.

-'

16, 27.

CHAPTER:

II

;^

;;:v^;:^ ;^??V^

several candidates (belonging to

tlie

same family

according to Zimmer.^)]

"At

his

direction

(pradis)

Gods, be there

light, sun, tire or also

gold

be his rivals {sapatna)

inferior to

him (2) "With what highest

for

ATorship (Z>ra//wz?i),

Jatavedas thou didst

{paijas)

bring

together

draught

Indra, therewith,

O
him

Agni, do thou
in

increase this

man

here

set

supremacy
(3)

{smisJiflnja) over his felloAvs {sajafa).

" ...O

Agni,

be

his

rivals

inferior

to

him..."
V.

(4).'^^

[The following passage of

Kausitaki
^ ^

A tharva Yeda,^_ V
for

used by
battle

in

rite

victory

in

and again

in

the ceremony of

consecra-

tion of a king, also refers to the elective system.]

" Increase,

India, this Kshattriya for

me

make thou this man sole chief of the clans {vis); unman {mls-aksh) all his enemies make them subject him in the contests for preto
;

eminence."
" Portion
in

(1)

thou this

man

in village, in horses,

kine

unportion that

man

who

is

his

enemy... (2) "In him,

Indra,

put great splendours;

his foe." (3)

destitute of splendour
" I join to thee

make thou

?
'

Indra Avho gives superiority tdtarvanf)^ by Avhom men conquer, are not
Op.
cif, p.
'

163.

From W.

A.

pp. 9-10.
^

IV. 22.

14,24

17.28.

Xm. ...^ .*-' .'".'"'"..

......CORPORATE LIFE
^''

^.'^.''.'

conquered

who
(o)

shall

make

thee

sole chief of

people (jana), also uppermost of kings descended

from Manii.
" Superior

(art)

thou,

inferior

thy

rivals,
;

whosoever,
chief,

king, are thine opposing foes

sole

having Indra as companion, having con-

quered, bring thou in the

of

enjoyments {hhojana)
(6)^

them
'

that play the foe."

'

King-makers
*'

are

referred

to

in

the

following passages.

The metres act as attendants about him (Soma) even as the non-royal king-makers, heralds {sTifa) and headmen {gramam), the
;

VL

(attend upon) the king, so do the metres

act as

attendants about him (Soma)."-

VII.

"Even

as the

non-royal king-makers,
are
to

the heralds and headmen,

those i)aryang(is (animals
""^

the king, so

encircling the

main

animal) are
VIII.
subjects to

to the horse.

"They

that are kings,

king-makers,

that are charioteers and

troopleaders

(^w^i:)*
all

me do

thou

O parna make
is

people
passage
to

round about. "^

in xltharvaveda

(This verse occurs in a

which

used

bv Kausitaki^

W.A.V

pp. 188-9.

"-

S. P. Rr. III. 4, 1,

S.

B. E., Vol.
;

3 *

S. P. Br. XIII., 2, 2,

18

S. B. E., Vol.

XXVI, p, 87. XLIV, p.

'

.W3.

This should rather he taken ns 'Headmen

on the analogy of the

passages in S. P. Br. quoted above.

=

A.V,

III.

5.7.

W.

A. v., p. 92.

19, 22.

CHAPTER
accompciiiy the binding

II

103

on

of an

amulet
is

for

general prosperity,

including,

as

apparent

from the context, the success of a king.) I have collected together all the important
passages

bearing upon the question.

am

not

a Vedic scholar and cannot vouch for the correctness of the interpretation of the Vedic

passages

given above.
are correct

But

if

the translations in the

main
yet

and their correctness

has not

been

challenged

there

can

be scarcely any
elected

doubt that kings Avere sometimes really

by the people.
of all

Apart from the general tenor the passages quoted above, election of
specifically referred to in passages I

king

is

and

III, the rival candidates

for

election in II,

and V, and the

electors, in

passages

IV VI, VII

and VIII.
the

Prayers and ceremonies are freely

in

resorted to for success

the

competition and

God Indra

is

solemnly invoked to hurl down

rivals.

destruction

upon the

The use

of

the

theme by way
to

of a simile, as in passage I,

seems
the

show that the

election of a

king was not a

rare occurrence, but fairly

well

known
is

to

public at large.

The keenness with which the

vouched
to

competition Avas sometimes carried,

for

by the

belief in the

efficacy
to

of

charms

bring round

the

voters

one's

side (VIII),

and the repeated and almost pathetic prayers

to

God that him (IV, V).

one's

rivals

may

be

inferior

to

101

CORPORATE LIFR
The view
of

Geldncr that the above passages

refer to the acceptance,

and not
can

selection, of the

king by the people,

"contests
for

hardly

explain

the

pre-eminence"

(passage

V) and
over

the keen sensitiveness

rivals that
is

about the

sucpess

breathed throughout in the above

passages.

It

must

also be

remembered that

the

-)
'

Jacceptance of a king by a people, has generally

|been, as in the case of

Rome, the residuum

of
it is difficult

of

the power once enjoyed by the people

elect-

ing their ruler, and that the origin of the

/

to

explain

custom
of

in

any

other

way.
pre-

Even Geldner's view

supposes
India, a
scholars,

therefore

naturally
in

the
fact

system
to

election

ancient
to

which,

according
is

other
in

distinct

reference

made

the

passages quoted above.'

Of the
A

classes

of Electors,

the Satapatha

Brahmana and Atharva

'

A^eda, as

we have
may
iu

seen,

piissage iu Aitarc3-a Rnlhrnana (VI 11. 2-7)

be looked upon

as a direct proof of the election of kings.

We

are told

connection

with the coronation ceremony,

jfVf^

jj

I^f^fIHT M^^^^\^'%^^ ^

This passage, according to Mr, K. P. Jayaswal, indicates that different

mantras were

to

bo pronounced according as
king-elect,
II,
p.

the
or

coronation
for

was
or

to

take place for the life-time of the

generations

two

three
ex-

(Modern Review, 1913,

:

80).

Hang, however,
sprinkles

plains the passage differently

" If the priest

who
he

the

king
he

wishes him alone to enjoy good health

shall

(Lit. that

may
with

eat food)

pronounce (when sprinkling) the sacred Avord

taken
is

hhur."

But

why

the symbolical " taking of food " should be

reference to

health and not the coronation ceremony, which

in view,
it is

the immediate object

1

difficult to

understand.

On

the whole

am

inclined to

accept Mr. K. V. Jayaswal's interpretation.


CHAPTER
^^

II

\m
the
charioteers

agree in mentioning only

I

two,

and the village

Avell

chief,

and these

two may very

representing
the

be looked

upon

as fairly

military and

civil sections

respectively of the

people at large.

We

read in

Mahavagga^ that

Bimbisara had the sovereignty of 80,000 villages,

and called an assembly of their 80,000 chiefs Apart from the legendary number, (gamika).
the assembly consisting of a representative from

each village within

the

the

kingdom may thus be

to

reminiscence of an older institution, faint

traces of

which are

still

be

found

in

the

Vedic literature.
in

This popular election of kings

explains the
signi-

Yedic

period readily

ficance of the

following passage

in Satapatha

Brahmana "Thou Thou art

(or

(the king and

Indra)

art

Brahman
the
i.e.,

Indra,

mighty
is

through
the

people
the

he whose strength

people,

MarutK

in the case of Indra,

and the subjects or

importance
of

^^
^^p

peasantry in that of the king)."It further explains

the
a

the

W
V

assurance, held out to

that
" Indra

ncAvly

elected king,
gods,

and

Agni

all

the

have
that

maintained for thee security in the people."^

It
is

also to be noticed in
is

this

connection

reference

frequently

made

to the

people and
offered

not to the country.

V.
i.

Thus prayers are

'

S.

B. E., Vol. XLI, p. 109.

See passage

II,

quoted above.

14

106

CORPORATE LIFE
the

that

king

may
chief

he
of

the "people, lord

of

people," ''sole

the

clan (vis)," "sole

lion aspect
^

chief of people" (jana),

and that "of

he might devour

all

the (hostile)

clans.''

In
has

Rigveda^ we are told

that the

mighty

Agni

" having coerced the people

by

his strength,

made them the tributaries of Nabusha."^ In Satapatha Brahmana the expelled king Dushtaritu

Pauriisayana

was promised the

In

dominion

over the
is

Srinjayasy^

Atharva-veda

Agni

have entered (pravis) into clans after clans {visY and the king is referred to as "this
said to
(visam).''^

king of the people

Such examples
clearly

may

be multiplied
of

still.

They

indicate

q /the importance

the popular element in the

government, at the time the hymns were composed.

The

full significance of

these

passages

by those who remember, that in 1830, when the popular element became very strong in the Government of Trance, Louis Philippe was raised to the throne with the significant title of the "king of the
will be readily understood

Trench."
'

A. V. IV. 22.

Rv. VII.

6. 5.

Wilson's Translation, Vol. IV,

S. P. Br, XII. 9. 3
;

p. 42.

S. B. E., Vol.

XLIV,

p. 269.

A. V. IV. 23.
A. V. VI. 88.

1. 1
;

W. A. v., p. 190. W. A. v., p. 346.

CHAPTER

II

107

2
There are also clear references to election or
selection of kings in post-Vedic

i^;^^;ZiJ:

literature.

Thus we

read

in

Panchagarn-Jataka^ and Telapatta-Jataka" that the Bodhisattva was elected

king by the people.

In Mahavamsa (Chap. II)

Indian
tradition

we

find

an

ancienfc

that

the

first

king was called Mahasammata,

all.

Le.,

consent67)

ed to by
records a
elected

Similarly

Santiparva
the
first

(Ch.

tradition

that

king

was
in

by the people.
is,

There

again,

remarkable passage

Ramayana which shows

that

JS;lnt

^'^''

the popular voice

was

still

powerful element in the selection of a king.

Thus we read

in

Ayodhyakanda^
to consecrate

that

when King Dasaratha intended

as the

Hama
into

crown prince, he called

the chief

persons of cities and villages within his kingdom

an assembly.

^^if^JTm ^f^5?n: h^rt^ ifirDcift:

ii

(^-?-8^)

That this assembly consisted and representatives of the military

of
is

clear

Brahmans from
It
I, II.

verse 19, Chapter II, to be quoted hereafter.

^

Jat., Vol. I, p. 470,

iii^i^

p 395

Chapters


lOS

CORPORATE LIFE
princes.^

also included a niim1)er of subordinate

After the assembly had duly

mot

the king

formulated

liis

proposal

before

them

and

added

Thus the king reserved the

the question to the assembly,
ised
it

final

decision

of

and even authorif

to
to

suggest

new measures,

his

own

proved
it

them

of little worth.

He

forewarned
to the real

not to decide the

the royal
of
Avill

question

simply according

to

but with a view

w^elfare

the kingdom.

conferred

on

the

Then the assembly subject, and came to the

unanimous
accepted
:

resolution that the royal proposal be

m^m ^^^^rg ftT^T^^t: ^^

.

ii

?^

^rfg

^^TOT

^T^T 1^ ^^tR^ ^^^

however not

\\'\^

The king

Avas

satisfied

with

this.

He
tion

told the assembly that probably their resolu-

was made
1

solely with deference to the royal

C/.

Chap, n,

V, 17.

CHAPTER
will,

It

109
l)e

and
his

this suspicion

would not
as the

removed
prince.

from

mind

till

they gave in detail their

reasons for accepting

Rama

crown

The assembly
in their opinion,

then

proceeded to describe in

detail the qualities of

Eama which made

fit

him,

eminently
at
last

for the
gratified

post,

and

the old king

decision,

was

at

their

which
in

he
to

accepted

" with

folded

hands,"

return

the similar

compliment

offered to

him by the assembly.^

above
of

The
instance

account furnishes
constitutional

striking
still

the

power,

exercised by the people, in selecting their future

king.

Reference

is

in other passages in

same power the same Epic. Thus we are

to

made

the

told

in

II.

67-2,

that

after

the

death

of

Dasaratha the " king-makers " assembled together

to select a king.

Some
that very

of

them suggested that one

(v.

of

the

Ikshvaku family should be appointed king on

day
8),

but Vasishtha, the royal

the

priest, told in

been given to
at

kingdom has Bharata, they must send for him

reply,

that as

once

and wait

till

his

return

(II.

68-3).

This was agreed to by the

1

" king-makers "

and

Chapter

III, v. 1.

10

CORPORATE LIFE
(II.

Bharata was sent for in I. 133. Bharata is said

so

68;

4-3).

Again

to be

"^fi[i^q^^f^ w:

Further we liave in Ramayana

1,

421.

"

When King

Sagara

died

the

suhjects

selected the pious

Amsuman
of the

as their king."

Mahabharata
and
iu

also furnishes several instances

power exercised by the

Mahabharata.

people

the selection of king.

ji

Thus

we

are

told

that

when Pratlpa made

men, accompanied by the city and the

"Y^

y
..\
.

preparations for the coronation of his son Devapl,

the
the

Brahmans and the

prevented

old

^
^

^^
,,

subjects belonging

to

p^'

^^C

V
^

The king burst into tears when he heard the news and .lamented for his son. The subjects alleged that
country,
the

ceremony.

^^

/though Devapi possessed

Ijiisease

all

the virtues, his skin

made him

unfit for the position of a king.

The voice

of the people ultimately prevailed

and

the brother of Devapl became king.

CHAPTER

II

111

\^ m^j

^a^^*

i?f5j^^^^

f^^wi:

\\\^

Again while Yayati wanted

the supersession
of

to install his

youngest
to

son Parii on the throne, the people objected the eldest prince.
for
his

Yayati

then assicrned

reasons

decision

and

entreated the people to consecrate

Puru

as king

The people having expressed their consent, the ceremony of consecration took place.

These
in

instances
''

seem
the

to

prove that even HI

J

the

Epic

age "

system of election
out.

had not
still

completely

died

There
as in

were
Vedic
of

/
(

the king-makers

(?:i^^Trh:)

times,

and they
king,

still

exercised

the right

'^
1
I

selecting a

when

necessary,

and could

sometimes even override the nomination of

king,

th^

112

CORPOHATE LIFE
The same thing
is

ilhistrated
to

by a passage
promise made

in Dighanilvaya.^

It refers

by Prince Reiui to reward his companions in case the king-makers {rajakattaro) anoint him
to the sovereignty

on the death of his father

Disampati.

Subsequently,

we

are

told,

the
to

king-makers actually anointed Prince Ilenu

the sovereignty.

The passage certainly implies

that the king-makers exercised substantial and

not merely formal powers.

Reminiscence of
also be gathered

this

power

of election

may
^
'

period.
refers

from the inscriptions of later Thus the Girnar Inscription of 150^. D.

'^

to

^V^^

l^*f

Rudradaman as ^^^^?:fHil^l^5Tm ^-^-5 one who was elected king by all

'*

j^--the castes, for their protection.^

\J
^^
'>ij

V
\

Again the Khalimpur Inscription^ informs

us that Gopala, the founder of the Pala dynasty

was elected king by the people,

rid of the prevailing

in

order to get

anarchy

It

may

be noted

in

this

connection that

according to the account

of

Yuan C h^^aiig^
to

t"^

Harshavardhan
*

Avas also elected

the

throne.

19.36 (Davids and Carpenter, Part

II,

pp. 233-4).

'

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 43-47.

'

Ep. Ind., Vol. IV,

p. 248.
I, p.

Beal's translation, Vol.

211.

CHAPTER

JI

We are

told that

when llajyavardhan was

name,
"

killed

the ministers assembled together, and one of

them, Bhandi by
of

proposed

the
is

name
in

Harshavardlian.

Because

he

strongly
trust

attached to his family, the people will

him.

propose

that

he assume the royal

Jiis

authority.

Let each one give

he

opinion on this

matter,

whatever

thinks."

The proposal
was offered to

was accepted and the

Harshavardlian.
'

throne

The Kasakudi plates^ also inform us that thel Pallava king Nandivarman was elected by the
subjects (f ft:
iccinftr:)

The Assembly
*

'

of

the

people afforded

nn

extensive scope for their eorpoand'istnULr'^^'"'''"'

ratc activitlcs in political field.

There
the Yedic literature

is

abundant evidence
it

in

that

was a powerful body

exercising effective control over the royal power.

The numerous references to it hardly leave any doubt that it formed a well known feature of
public

administration
the

in

those

days.

Unfor-

tunately

impossible to
organisation

makes it precisely deter in ine its power and but enough remains to show its
paucity
of

materials

general nature and importance.

I

Sonth.

Tiul. Tna.,

Vol. HI, Part TT,

p.

349.

15

114

CORPORATE \AVK
That the Assembly was no mere
effete

hodv
a

but possessed real control over the

kins^,

appears
whicli

quite plainly from the following' curse

Brahman
"

utters against a king

who
:

injured

him

(by probably devouring his cow)

king

who
t-

thinks
_i

himself
^

formidable

Vedie texts
to the
biy.

relatino;

nnhuv and imtiie

portnnre of

AsBom-

who desires to devour a ii Brahman~that kingdom is t> -i poured away, where a Brahman
(and)
i i
i

is

scathed." (6)

"

Becoming

eight-footed,

four-eyed,

four-

eared,

four-jawed,

two-moutlied,
of

two-tongued,
the

she shakes

down

the kingdom

Brahman-

scather. (7)
It leaks verily into

that kingdom, as water

;

into a

where tliey injure a (iuuf) smites. (8) misfortune kingdom Brahman, that "The Kudr uln'cli they tie on after a dead man, that verily O Brahman-scathcr, did the
split

boat

gods
"'

call

thy couch {upastarana). (12)

tears

The

of

one weeping,

{I'r'p)

^vhich

rolled

(down) when he was scathed, these verily Biuhman-scather, did gods maintain as thy
"

portion of water. (13)

With what they bathe

they

a dead man, witli

that
verily

what

wet

{ml)

beards,

Brahman-scather did the gods maintain as thy

portion of Avater. (14) " The rain of Mitra-and-Yaruna

does

not

rain upon the Brahman-scather; the Assemhly

CHAPTER
{samiti) doa^ not
Hu'd

if

11

him

he

irinii

no friend

to his colli rol} (15)

111
it is

this long string of immitigatccl

tlie

blasphemy
of

impossible to minimise
Avhicli
is

significance

that
It
is

hurled forth
Ave

in the last stanza.

list
is

only

when

go through the

of terrible

indignities with

which the Idng

.'is

threatened

in the previous stanzas

well as in the precedrealise the

ing hymn,- that

real

we can thoroughly
Avould

nature of the dread which the prospect of

hold

a disagreeing assembly

out before
pours
king,
forth

him.
all sorts

The author

ol*

the

hymn

of maledictions

against the

and,

gradually increasing in degrees of violence, concludes

with

the

threat,

which he no
all.

doubt

thought to be the gravest of

Ycrilv indeed

was a king

to

be pitied

Assembly under control, calamitv would be as groat

who could not keep the and to the kingdom the

as that of a lonix-

drawn drought, when

Mitra-and-A^'aruna Avith-

hold the life-giving rain.

The
as

import.iiice

of

the Assembly

is

further

established bv

Eigveda X, 166,1.

The hvmn,

Zimmer
'

suggests, was probably the utterance

A.

v.,

V-IJ); \V.

A.
.-

v.,

pj..

208-4.

Blooiuiicld

traiisJutes

the

Italicised portion as follows

" Tiie

Assembly
;

is

not couiplacent for

liini

(the

kiuj^-

w]io oppresse?!
will."

the Brahnjang) Op.

cit., p.
-

he does not guide his friend accordinjr to his

171.
,

W. A. V

p. '^oij.

116 of

CORPORATE LIFE
an unsuccessful candidate for the royal throne,
wishes to usurp
it

who

by sheer

force.

" Superior

am

I,

and have come here with a

I shall

force capable of doing all things.

make

myself master of your aims, your resolutions

and your Assembly

{Saniiti)}

The

fifth

or the last verse of this

is

hymn,

is

probably a later addition, as

held by

Zimmer

on the ground
\

of its metre.

In that case, here,

king
is

too, the last thing the rival

threatened

^Avith, is the possession of his

Assembly.

Again, in Atharva Ycda, VI, 88, the last thing

V^
J]J

^
V

prayed
\

for, in

order
is

to

establish a king

tirmly

on

his

throne,

that there

might be agreement

tf

\between him and the zVsscmbly.

" Fixed,
foes,

^^

unmoved, do thou slaughter tlie make them that play the foe fall l)elow
;

(thee)

(be)

all

the

quarters {dis) like-minded,

let

concordant

(sadhn/aiich);

the

gathering

(samUl) here suit thee (who art) fixed."'

Having thus realised the importance of the Assembly in the machinery of public administration, w^e

may next

proceed to consider

its real

form and character.

'

A.

L.,

p.

175.

"

U tOjerlej,'cn
(

bin

icli

bicrher gckomiiien mit zu

)
:

Allein

ialiiger

Schaur
eiiiLr

Visvakarmena
Vcrsarnnihing

dhamnS

onrer

Absicht,
ich

cures
mk'h.'

lieschlusses,

(samiti)

bcniilclitige

W.

A. v.,

1..

3-16.

CHAPTER
Zimmer
sabw

11

117

holds that 'Sabha' was the Assembly

of the villagers, Avhile
'

Samiti'

a1'sL,I;itr"-'"

denotes

the'

central Assembly of

the tribe, attended by the king/

Macdonell, however, pointed out that

it

is

quite
14,

evident from Satapatha Brahmana, III.

3, i,

and Chhandogya Upanishad, V.

3, 6,

that the king

went to the Sabha just as much as to the Samiti, and accepts Hillebrandt's contention that the
Sabha and the Samiti cannot be distinguished.But, besides the philological argument adduced

by Zimmer (p. 17 1) it may be pointed out that Atharva-veda YII. 12-1, really distinguishes the
two.
" Let

both

Assembly (Sabha) and gathering

Sabha
is

(Samiti), the two daughters of Prajapati, accordant, favor me."'^ also distinguished
6.

from

Samiti in x\tharva-veda, VIII. 10-5 and

There

is

thus no doubt that these two bodies

were quite diiferent although the exact nature

them cannot be ascertained. The fact that Sabha Avas also used as a place for amusement may indicate that it was originally a village council, which, as Zimmer suggests,* ^s erved, like the Greek Leskhe, as a meeting place for social intercourse and general conversation about cows and so forth, possiblv also for debates and verbal contests.' The
of

the

distinction

between

'

Up. CiL, v\K 172-171.

V.
I.,

'

VV. A, V., p. 39(3,

'

Vol. 11,

p.

427.

Op. at.,

p. 172.

118

CORPORATE LIFE
etc.,

references in ihe ChliandogyaUpanishad,

may
later

be explained by supposingj either that the significance of the term

times, or that
to
visit
it

had been extended

local councils.
in all

in

was not unusual for the kings

It
is

even these

also a

noticeable fact that

the

three

instances

quoted

above
it

to establish the

importance of the
connection

Assembly
village in

has been denoted by the term Samiti,

is

while Sabhti

mentioned
in

in

with

two passages

A^ajasaneya Samhita.^

Without therefore attempting to be too precise about terms, we may, in general, take Sabha to mean the local, and Samiti, the central Assembly.

-t

In

the

Samiti

(as well as in the

s})irit

Sabha) the
givin;x

party
'^" ^'"''''

ran high,

.wembiv!'

I'isc

to

debates and discussions

as

such
that

has
the
the;
it

scarcely

been

witnessed in India during

years

th ree

th oiihiandj
period.'

have

followed
further
the

Vedic

Before proceeding
collect

will be well

to

together
the
A^edic

more important
bearing

])assages

from

literature

upon the

subject.
I.

(The

following
is

hymn

in

Atharva-vedathe

used by
or

Kausitakl^ in
for

'"'''""'

tolaniiti"'*

rite

charm

overcoming

an adversary in public dispute

1

Hi. 40: XX.

17.

'

11.27.

dK

18.1^1.

CHAPTKR
one
is

IJ

119

to

come

to the

Assembly From the northa

partiit

eastern direction, chewing the root of

cular plant, to

have

in

his

mouth while
it

speaking, also

to l)ind on

an amulet of

and to
{ji) the

wear a wreath
"

of seven of its leaves.)

1)y

May

(my) foe
dispute

no means win

dispute^;

overpowering,
of

overcoming

art

thou;

smite the

(my) counter-disputant;
I

make them sapless, O herb (1) "The Eagle discovered (^^^;7/-r/'/) tliee the swine dug thee with his snout; smite tlie dispute,
;

*"

etc., etc.

(2)

" Indi'a put {kri) thee on his arm, in order to

lay low {str) the Asuras

etc.

smite the dispute, etc.

(4)

"With
Indra did
etc., etc.

it

will

ovei
;

power the
smite

foes,

as

the
(5).

Salacrikas

the dispute,

"

Rudra, thou of liealing

crests,

(?)

remedies of

dark

{i?ll(f)

deed-doer

Smite the dispute,

etc., etc.

(6)

" J)o thou smite the dispute of him,

Indra,

who vexes
op. oil., p.

us (that

is

hostile to us, Bloomfield,'^

I

187)

bless us with abilities {mkt'})\

make me
II.
is

superior in the dispute.-

(The following

hymn

used inKausitaki* in
Bloomfield uses the term

Atharva-Yeda" a eeremonv for srainino*

of
cit, pp. 39<j-397

'

delmte' throughout, op.

'

W.

A. v., pp. 67-08.

Vir. 12.

'38.27.

120

COPOIIATE LIFE

the victory in debate or in the deliberations of i.l an assembly.)

'

Let both Asseml)ly (Sabha) and gathering'

(Samiti), thetwodaughtersof Prajapati, accordant,

favor

me;

Avith

whom

shall
A'

may he
come
*'

desire to aid (? up((

is

come together, ksL) me; may I

those

speak wliat

pleasant

among

who have
;

together,

Fathers. (1)

AVe know thy name,

assembly
;

vc^-ily

sport {narishia)

by name

art thon

whoever are
of like spe(^ch

thine assembly-sitters, let

witJi

them

l)e

me.

(2)

"Of

these

that

sit

together I take to myself

;

the splendor, the discernment {nijufina)

of

this

whole gathering {samsail) make me,

possessor of the fortnne
(hluffjiu),
is

Indra,

(B)
is

"Your mind
])ound
either

that

gone away, that

here

or there

that

cause to turn hither- in

III.

me let (The following hymn

in a rite for
toi]rether

you wo vour mind rest."^

of
of Athaiva-Yeda'-

was probably used

"

harmony.)

AVe bend

vour minds, together vour

courses, together your designs

are

of

discordant

courses,

Ye yonder who we make you bend

;

(them) together here. (1)

"I

seize

(your)
intent

minds
with

with
(your)
;

(my) mind;
intents;

come

after

my

put your hearts in

tracks following
'

my control come my motion. (2)

''

with (your)

W.

A. v., pp. 390-7.

VT. 94.

CHAPTER
"

II

121

Worked
in

worked

me

(are)

heaven and earth worked in for (is) divine Sarasvati may we be both Indra and Agni
in for (are)
;
;

me

successful here,

O
^

Sarasvati." (3)

lY.
of

(The

folio wing passage

occurs in a

hymn

Atharva-Veda

which

is

quoted in Kausitaki

in a

ceremony

for counter-acting magic.)

"What
thee in
again." (6)^

(witchcraft)

they

have

made

for

the assembly {sahha)

I take

that back

V.

(The following verse in the celebrated

to the

hymn
to

Earth

is

be

repeated as

by Kausitaki prescribed one goes to an assembly

{parishad).
''

am

overpowering,
(bhumi); I

superior by

name on

the earth

am

subduing, all-over-

powering, vanquishing in every region."*

VI.
is,

(The following verse in the same hymn,

according to Kausitaki, to be recited by one

desires to please the assembly
;

who
at

he addresses

the assembly-hall with

it.)

the

mantra, and looks

"

What
T,

speak,

rich in
(P

honey I speak
van)
I

it

what I view, that they win

me

brilliant

am

possessed

of swiftness;

smite
(58)
^

down

others that are violent (? dodhat).

^

W. A.
V. 31.

v., p. 350.

A. v.,

XII.

Kans. 38-30,

2
3

W.
p 279.

A. v., p. 670.
38, 29; Bloomfield,

W.

A. v.,

Kana. 24-14;

op. cit, p. 206,

W.

A. v., p. 671.

16

122

CORPORATE LIFE
VII. (The following verse also occurs in the
forest,

v^^
<^

hymn to the Earth.) " What villages, what

-^^

what assemblies, (are) upon the earth (bhmni), what hosts, galherings in them may we speak what is pleasant to

thee." (56)

'

VIII.
^'

(The

following

hymn

occurs

in

Vratya Sukta and refers

"1.
2.

to Vratya.)

)'^

He moved

out toward the tribes,

"After him moved out both the assembly

^^
yy

'

land the gathering

IX.
"

and

the

army and strong

to the

J^

^Mdrink."^
As
the

Hotar proceeds

house

which possesses
enters
into

sacrificial animals, as a just

king

proceeds to the assembly, so the purified

'

Soma

the pitcher, and remains there, as a

bufPalo in the forest."

XI.

(The following passage

Agni)
:

occurs

in

hymn

to

"

thou of the assembly, protect

(them)

my

assembly {sahhd), and

sitters

who
;

are

of

the assembly,

in

the assembly

having

much
their
*

invoked thee,

O
*

Indra,

may

they attain

whole life-time."

The passages quoted above are calculated to throw a flood of light on the nature and workings
of the

"Assembly."

It

Avill

be impossible to

trace in minute detail the various bearings they

^

W.

A. v.,

p. 671.
p.

A. v., XV. 9; W. A. v.,

783.
p. 174.

Rv. IX. 92-6; Zimmer, op. ciL,

A. V. XIX.
5.5-6
;

W. A.

V., p. 993.

CHAPTER

II

123

have upon the question at issue, but a few prominent features of the

from them.
*

It

Assembly may be gathered appears from No. VII that the

'

'

was originally the assembly of the people at large (Vis) and they retained their influence over it, however nominally, down to the late Vedic period represented by the Vratya

Assembly

'

Sukta.^
It

has been already demonstrated that the

Assembly
political

played an
administration

important
of

part

in

the
It
,

ancient
it

India.

appears from

No. VIII, that

was so

closely

interwoven with the political system of the day

that a
king,

without a Samiti, was not even to

be thought

of. What forest was to a buffalo, what a pitcher was to the Soma juice, what a sacrificer was to the priest, so Avas the Samiti In other words, the Samiti was to the king.

the main prop, Avithout which

the

royal

power

could not be conceived to have subsisted.

Such being the case, it is no wonder that a sanctified aspect was given to the Assembly by religious ceremonies and prayers (No. X). Sacrifice

was

offered

on

its

behalf

(Hillebrandt's ^
y

Vedische Mythologie,
solemnly
invoked,

2,

123-125) and Agni was

a

as
it

patron deity of the /

its

Assembly, to protect
last

hymn
of

of

members. the lligveda contains a good

and
solemn
op.
cit-,

The
speci-

"^

men

one of those
Cf.

outpourings o

Zimmer.

p, 194.

IZi

CORPORATE LIFE
an

heart that prohably preceded the session of

Assembly.
" Assemble,

speak

to<^ether

let

your minds be

all

of

one accord,

As
The

ancient

Gods

unanimous

sit

down

to

their

appointed share.
place
is

common, common
do
1

the assembly,

common

the mind, so be their thought united.

A common
One and

purpose

lay before

you and worship

your minds

with your general oblation.

the same be your resolve, and be

of one accord.

United be the thoughts of

agree."
^

all

that

all

may

haj)pily

And

well indeed might such a solemn prayer

and concord be uttered in the Assembly. For never did debate and dissensions run so high, never was the supremacy in public assembly so
for union

keenly contested.

I do not believe,

the

world's

literature can furnish a

specimen of the anxious

depicted to

thoughts and earnest desires for gaining pre-

eminence

in

an assembly such as
quoted above.

is

us in the passages

Never was

a more solemn prayer offered

to the

God above

for obtaining the first position in a council than

that which was poured forth to the divinities of

Vedic

India

(I,

II,

VII, X).

Nowhere

else

probably in the world were such regular religious

ceremonies

(I,

II)

elaborately

performed for

attaining the
'

same

end.

The

stalwart politician

Griffith's Translation, p.

609; Rv. X. 191.

CHAPTER
of

II

125

Vedic India did not, however, rely upon the charms and divine help alone for his success
;

magical
invented,
the

formulas

(IV, V,

VI)

Avere

liberally
to, all for

and freely taken recourse

same end.

Belief in the efficacy of charms,

counter-charms (TV) and exorcisms,

chewinf]^ the root of a plant,

the amulet,

of its leaves (I)

and wearing wreath among a people, ground gained

too eager for the promised fruits to be alive to

their absurdities.

Whatever we might think

the
people,

of
.

the credulity

of

there

can be nos
]

J^

doubt that they took politics seriously, and that

the society in Vedic India was
characterised

^"^^
|

by

a keen sense of public

political activity.

life

and an animated!

One prominent
tical

feature in the corporate poli-

activities

in

ancient

India

extorts

our

unstinted admiration.

Though the people were

keenly alive to the necessity of gaining over the

Assembly, the only means by which they ever

sought to directly achieve this end, was indeed
the most honourable one,
its

viz.,

the persuasion of
debate.

members by supremacy
ceremonies,

in

All the

\
;

prayers and

charms and countercharms, were directed to one end alone to get

the better of one's rivals in debate, to induce the

members present to accept his view of the case, to weaken the force of his opponents' arguments, to make his speech pleasant to the members and to bend the minds of those who are of different

126

CORPORATE LIFE
Thus
it

views.

to the credit of the political leaders

must
never

be said that
of

amid the contests and

life,

conflicts

the

corporate political
the
cardinal

they
the

violated

doctrine

of

supremacy and independence

at large,

of the Assembly and to the honour of the people who graced that Assembly be it ever remembered that such was their honesty and sense of responsibility, that friends and foes alike recognised, that the only force before Avhich they would yield was the force of reason and argument.

Such were the great

tlie
Political

political assemblies of

Vedic period.
of

Though

the

assembly

in

the post-Vedic period.

literature

the

succeeding ~

ages does not throw

much
I

light

upon them, enough remains

institutions

to

show that the

soil.

did

not die on
instances

the

have

already
(p.

quoted
ff.)

from

Ilamayana
In the
business
of

107

and Vinayapitaka

(p. 105).

first

case,

however, the only item

before
or the

them was the selection of the king crown prince, and it does not appear
In

quite clearly whether they played any important

part in the ordinary administrative system.

the second case
The Mautri Parishad
or

we

possess

no

account of the

business for
Privy

which the assembly

villaire-chiefs ^
.

remnant
Samiti.

Council, a of the Vedic

^^ eighty o
/

thousand
*^

^y.^^

called

by Bimbisara.

The

true representative of the Vedic

Samiti seems to be, however, the Mantriparishad

\r

CHAPTER
(Privy
Council)
referred
I,

II

127

to

in

Kautil ya's

Arjlia^ftstfa

(Bk.

Chap.

XV).
for

This

insti-

tution

is

clearly

distinguished
ministers,

from

the
is

council

of

ordinary

the king

enjoined, in case of emergency, to call both his

ministers as well as this Privy Council {mantrino

mantriparishadam
consisted
of

cha).

That
is

it

sometimes

large

numbers

apparent from

Kautilya's

statement, that " one thousand sages

;

form Indra's Privy Council "

foundations in actual

for these fanciful

statements about things divine must have their

mundane
limit

things.

Besides,

Kautilya further maintains, against the schools

of politicians Avho
12,

would
it

the

number
of as

to

16 or 20, that

.shall

consist

many

members as the needs As regards the powers

Kautilya expressly
consider all that
the
shall
Ithe

dominion require. of this Privy Council

of

lays

down

that they had to

concerns the parties of both

king and his

enemy and

that

the king

do whatever the majority {hhuyishthah) of

or whatever course of action
out.^

members suggest
of
this

Heading to success they point

position

The

legal

body

also appears quite clearly

from the injunctions of Kautilya that the kingi

should consult the absent members by meansj
of letters. (^rto^i^etW
*

q?W^i3[$^

IT'^^cl, p. 29),
p.

Kautilya's Arthasastra
*

Ti'anslated
T

by R. Shamasastry,
'

33.

R, Shamasastry translates

Mantriparishad

as assembly of ministers,
viz.y

but for reasons stated above

have used a different term,

the

Privy Council."

128

CORPORATE LIFE
The following
verses

from
of
its

Mahabharata
constitution

furnish a detailed account

of

the

the body

and indicates

relation Avith the

ordinary ministers.

^ftqi^

ci^T

^T^

^f%^:

^^mf%^:
^^rfw

ii

mhi

n^\^^

ft^mw w^^^

^^%

T^^T^^^^^r^*

W'T^W^^^^^^

II

c,

Thusj4 Brahmanas, 8 Kshatriyas, 2. Vaisyas,

3

SMras and 1 Suta, formed the Privy Council. Out of this body of 37, the king selected eight
ministers for the transaction of ordinary business.
principle had thus full recog-

The representative
and
this betrays its

nition in the constitution of this Privy Council,

Tr

popular origin.

It is interesting to notice

how

the executive

machinery in the Indian constitution developed on As the great parallel lines with that of England.

CHAPTER
j

II

129
rise to

National Council of the English gave

the

U^rmanent Council which subsequently dwindled

into

the

Privy Council out of which the king

his

/selected

and formed the cabinet, so the Samiti of the Vedic period gave place to the Mantriparishad out of which the king selected a few to form a close cabinet.
confidential ministers

The Samiti, however, did

not,

like

the great

National Council, bequeath any such Legislative

assembly, as the Parliament, to the nation.

This

function devolved upon the Parishad which consisted usually of the ten following

members,

viz.,

four

men who have completely Vedas, three men belonging to

first,

studied the four

the (three) orders

enumerated

(and)

three

men who know

(three) different (institutes of) law^*

Greek writers

also

bear

testimony to the

existence of similar institutions.

ThusJDiodoim^
'

has referred to
Similar institutions referred to by Greek

a city of great
.

uote,' witli a political Constitu-

tion

drawn on the same

'*

lines as

those of Sparta.

As

regards the details of the

in this

constitution he remarks that

community
two herediCoun-

the

command

in w^ar

was vested

in

tary kings of
cil

two

different houses, while a

of elders ruled the

whole state with paramount

of the

authority."'^

Now^ in this Council of elders we:

Samiti of the

have surely a reminiscence

^

Ga.

XX VI 1 49;
1

M. XII. 110

ff.

Diodorns, Chap. CIV.

The passage

is

translated by McCrindle
p. 296.

iij

his

"Invasion of India by Alexander the Great,"

17

130

CORPORATE LIFE
The express statement
'
'

Vedic period.

of

the

seems to corroborate the view I have taken about the supreme importance
of the
'

Greek writer that it paramount authoiity

Samiti
in

ruled the whole state with

'

the public administration of

the time.

It also illustrates the principle laid

down by Kautilya

that kings were

bound by the
exis-

decision of the majority.

Mr. V. Kanakasabhai has proved the

/

and in South Indian literature and inscrip-

tence of similar institutions in

southcm

India

in

the

early

centuries or

the Christian era.

period has led

The study of the Tamil literature bearing upon the him to the following conclusions " The head of the Government was a hereditary monarcn. lary monarch. His poAver was restricted by five
:

Councils,

who w ere known

as

the

" Eive Great

r
^

^Assemblies."
or augurs

They consisted T

of the representa-

tives of the people, priests, physicians, astrologers

and ministers.

The Council
all

of repre-

sentatives safeguarded the rights

of the people
:

and privileges
religious
all

the priests directed

ceremonies: the physicians attended to

affecting the health of the king

matters

and

his subjects

the astrologers fixed auspicious times for public

ceremonies and predicted important events

attended to the collection

the ministers

and

expenditure of the revenue

tion of justice.
in the capital

and the administraSeparate places were assigned

for each of these assemblies,

town

CHAPTER
for their

II

181

meetings and transaction of business.

occasions they attended the king's

On important
levee
cession
entirely

in the throne hall or joined the royal pro-

The
vested
in

power
It

Government was the king and inthe'^Eive

of
is

Great Assemblies."
this

most remarkable that

system of Government was followed in the

kingdoms of the Pandya, Chola and Chera, although they were independent of each other.
three

There

is

reason to
the

believe

therefore

that

they

followed

system of Government whiqh obfounders

'"

tained in the country from which the

of the
''

three kingdoms

"

had originally migrated

the
so-called

namely, the Magadha Empire.'"

It

appears to

me

that

Five

Assemblies were really the

Great Assembly.

five

committees of a

The writer has traced them to the Magadha Empire but they seem to me rather the modifications of the Vedic Samiti which left its reminiscence in every part of India. In any
case the representative character of these bodies,

and the

effective control
is

which they exercised

clearly established.
'

over the administration

is

It

interesting

to

note also that the

ministers'

formed one of the assemblies.

taken together,

may

justly be

The assemblies, compared with the

'

" Privy Council " referred to above, the assembly

of the ministers corresponding with the

cabinet'

composed of a selected few.

V

On

the

whole I

"

Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago," pp. 109-110.

132

CORPORATE LIFE
in the

cannot help tliinking that we liave

Tamil

Assemblies, a modified type of the ancient Samiti,

such as
e,g.i

in

met with in the post-Vedic Mahabharata and Artliasastra.

is

literature,

An

inscription

of

Travancore

'

of the 12th

century A.D. refers to the subordination of the

temple authorities to the " Six Hundred of Venad

and the
the

district officers

and agents "

:

the ancient

name
for

for Travancore.

inscription

remarks
the

Venad was The editor of

it

''

Venad,

would
'*

appear, had

whole state an important

public body under the

to supervise, for

name of

" the Six

Hundred

one thing, the working of temples

and charities connected therewith.

powers and privileges
tion of " the Six
this

What

other

remarkable corporain possession of,

Hundred'' was

future investigation alone can determine.

a

But

number so large, nearly as large as the British House of Commons, could not have been meant, in so small a state as Venad was in the 12th
century, for the single function of temple supervision."

May

not this be something like a state

of the old Samiti

council, the

remnant

So far as regards the central Assembly, the We may next take Samiti.
'"'

locrrAsf'mt?,."

into

consideration

the

local

Assembly which was

denoted by Sabha.
1

originally

ItkI.

Ant.,

XXIV,

pp. 284-285.

CHAPTER
The village
as the earliest
is

II

133

looked upon as a unit as early

Vedic age.
is

The Gramani

or the

leader of the village

mentioned

in the Iligveda

(X. 62. 11
hitas

107. 5) and often in

the later Sarii-

and the Brahmanas.' It is quite clear, from the passages quoted on

'^^'*'"^

to sabhV"''^'

P^g^ 1^2 ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^e had voice

in the election

of kings.

Ac-,

cording to

Zimmer he

presided over the village

Assembly,- but Macdonell does not accept this

view."^

the rich
full

The Assembly was a meeting spot of both and poor. The rich men went there in splendour, as Eigveda 8. 4. 9 informs us.

*'

Indra, thy friend

is

beautiful and rich in

horses, charicfts

and cows.
;

He is always

provided

with excellent food

majestically goes he to the

Sabha " (Zimmer,

p. 173).

One
there

of

the most favourite

topics

discussed

was
is

about

cows.

"O Ye
6,

cows
op,

loudly

your excellence talked about in the

6.

Sabha" (Rigveda,
p.

28.

Zimmer,

cif.,

173).

Serious political discussions were also

carried

on

in

the Sabha, and an expert in

of great desire
:

them

was an object
''

Soma

gives him,

who

offers

him

oblations,

a son skilful in the affairs of house {sadanya)

^

See the references collected

"

in

V.

I., T,

p. 247, f . n. 26.

Der

in der

Sabha versammelten Gemeinde prasidierte wohl der

op. cif., p, 172.

gramani (vrajapati),
^

Y.

r.,

p. 427.

134

CORPORATE LIFE
{sahheyay
I.

Sabha

(Rigvecla,

91,

and sacrifice {Vidatliya)'' 120. Zimmer, op, cit., p. 172).

formula,
repeated
;

A
17),

curious

penitentiary

twice in the Vajasaneya-saiiihita (III. 45

XX.

throws

an

interesting

side-light

on the

working of the Sabha.

"We

expiate by sacrifice

each sinful act that we have committed, in the

village, in the wilderness

and the Sabha."

The

commentator Mahidhara explains the sinful act " in Sabha as " Mahajana-tiraskaradikam enali in III. 45, and '' pakshapatadi-yadenah " in XX,
17.

The former

certainly

refers

to

improper

language used in the course of debate against

great persons, and this in itself
tion of
is

some

indica-

the nature of ^business in the Assembly.

The

latter explanation is

probably to be taken in
capacity
of

connection with the judicial

'

the

Assembly meaning any partiality in deciding disputes that might have been committed in
course thereof."

IThat the Sabha exercised judicial functions

is

also proved

by other

refer-

the^h^*
in
*

Ludwig ' infers it from the word Kilvishasprit Eigveda X-71.10, for the word can only mean
encesr] Thus
*

^'""'

"'

'

The context seems to disprove the hypothesis of those who would from the term " Sabheya," a restriction in the membership of the Sabha. There can be scarcely any doubt that what is wanted here, is not a son that would have requisite qualifications to become a
infei'

member
2

of the Sabha, for this sense

cases, viz., house
in

would be quite inapplicable

to

the

two other

and

sacrifice.

Es scheint, dasz

der sabha auch gerichtliche Verhandlungen

CHAPTER
that

II

which removes the stain attaching to a person by means of accusation." The fact that Sabhachara is one of the victims at the Puru'
'

shamedha
clusion.

sacrifice

also

leads to the

same con" as

For, as Macdonell observes,

'

he

is

dedicated to Dharma,
to

Justice/
of

it is

difl&cult

not

see

in

him a member

the Sabha as a law

court, perhaps as one of those

who
legal
:

sit

to
'

decide
to refer

cases."

Macdonell

also takes

Sabhasad

to the assessors

who decided

Assembly.
families,

He

further remarks

cases in the
']j!t
is

also

possible that the Sabhasads, perhaps the heads of

were expected

to

be

present at the

Sabha

of tener than the ordinary

ings of the assembly for justice

man the meetmay have been

;

more frequent than for general discussion and decision." It is also possible, as Macdonell suggests, that the judicial functions were exercised, not by the whole Assembly, but a standing
committee of the same.^

V
as a political
is
i.

The organisation
Village organibation referred to in the

of the village

unit under a
relerrod to
i i

headman
j. i

also

m the

t-j. Jataka
i

storics.

Jataka^ that
vorkamen an der
; '

it

Thus we learn trom Kharassarawas the duty of the headman

komrat der Auszdrnck
heiszen kann.
'

bereits citierten Stelle X. 71. IC.

Kilvishasprit

'

vor,

was nur

entferner des

Vorwnrfes, des [dnrch

'

die

anklage jemanden angehefteten]

III, 254.)
II,

Flecken

(Der

Rigveda,

V.

I.,

pp. 427-28.
T, p.

"

.Tat.,

Vol.

354.

136

CORPORATE LIFE

{gamahhojaka) to collect revenue, and with the

help
of

the

local

men,

to

secure

the village

against the inroads of robbers

In the particular was conferred upon a royal minister who was however shortly after punished by the king for his secret league with a band of
instance
the
office

robbers

who

looted the village.

similar

story

is told in the introduction to the same Jataka with this difference that the headman was here

degraded and another headman put

in his

place.

Further light
the village

thrown upon the organisation of by the Kulavaka- Jataka.' Here we

is

are distinctly told

that the

men

of

the

village

transacted the affairs of the locality.

There was a
spiritual

headman who seems

of imposing fines

to

have possessed the power

and levying dues on

liquor

for he

exclaimed,

when

the character
efforts of

of the villagers

was reformed by the

Bodhisattva,

"

When

these

men

used to

get

drunk and commit murders and

to

so forth, I used

make

a lot of

money

out of them not only

on the price of their drinks but also by the lines

and dues they paid." To get rid of the Bodhisattva and his followers he falsely accused them before the king as a band of robbers,' but his villainy was detected by the king who made him
'

the slave of the falsely accused persons and gave

them

all

his

wealth.

We

do not hear in this

the

case the appointment of a

'

new headman by

Ihid, p, 198.

CHAPTER
king,

II

137

and as we are expressly

transacted
it

told
of

that the

villasrers

the

affairs

their

own

village,

is

just possible that the

headman was
powers
a

also selected

by them.
is

In the Ubhatobhatthato the judicial

Jataka^ reference
of

made

the

headman
tied

{gamabhoj aka) who fined

fisherman's wife for stirring

" she

up
to

a quarrel and

was

up and beaten
^

make
'

her pay

the fine."

In the Paniya-Jataka
in

two

gamahhojakas

'

the

kingdom

of Kasi respectively prohibited

the slaughter of

animals and the sale of strong

however, represented that

drink.

The

people,

and had the orders repealed in both instances. In the Gaha^ pati-Jataka we read how during a famine the villagers came together and besought the help of their headman who provided them with meat on condition that two months from now, when they have harvested the grain, they will pay him in kind.' These instances from the Jatakas leave no doubt that the organisation of the village as a political unit was a well known
these were time-honoured customs,
*

feature of the society during the period.

Some-

times the

headman was

directly appointed

by

the king but that does not seem to be the universal practice.
^

In any case the essence of the

Lhid, p. 482.
Jat., Vol. IV, p. 14.
Jat., Vol. II, p. 134.

18

las

CORPORATE LIFE
we
are expressly told
in one

institution Avas, as
case,

that

the

affairs

of

the

village

were

transacted

headman
judicial

The possessed considerable executive and

the
villagers

by

themselves.

authority, as

is

well illustrated

in

the

above instances,
ted
as

but the popular voice opera-

great

and

efficient

control

over his

decisions.

The
Local
ill

technical

names puga and gana seem

have denoted the
j

to

local corpora-

corporations

post- vedic pel iud.

tious ot towiis

and

Villages duruig

-n

the post- Vedic period. Thus

find

we

in

Viramitrodnya

" ganasahdah

pugapar-

yayah "
jdtinam
his

and

again

"

pugah

bhinna- v fittitiam

samuhah bhinna^ ekasthanavasimm

also,

grdmanagaradisthanam.

Vijnanesvara
2,

in

commentary
as
'

to

Yajnavalkya,

187, explains

gam
tions,

grdmddijanasamuha,^ Both these terms

corpoi^a-

no doubt denoted, in general, merely

but they were sometimes technically used to

denote corporations of particular kinds, as in the

present instauce the commentators explain
as a village or

them

pretation of
Panini,

town corporation. This interpuga is supported by Kasika on

112.

V.

8.

</m was ^^^T^TT^T^T ^*^T: however used in other technical senses as well
' '

^Rl^ratm: ^m:" The Avord

^f^^cTlTT^T:

and these will be noticed in due course. The word pTiga used in Vinayapitaka (Chullavagga, V, 5, 2 VIII. 1, 1) seems to have
^
'
;

CHAPTER

II

30

the sense of a corporation of a town or a village.

We
the

are told that at that time

'*

it

was the turn

of

a certain

puga {annatarassa pugassa)

with a meal."
it is

to provide

saiiio^ha

This sentence occurs

frequently and

certainly better to take

puga

the sense I have indicated than as an indeter-

minate and indefinite multitude, as Professors

Rhys Davids and Oldenberg have done

Vol.

(S.

B. E.,

XX,
'

pp. 74, 284).

'

For, as already noticed

above,

puga
is

is

clearly

explained as a town
later

or village corporation

by the

commentator,
else-

and, what

more important, Vinayapitaka

to

where (Bhikkhuni-patimokkha, sarhghadisesa 2)

expressly refers

puga

as a corporation with

executive authority, whose sanction was required

to consecrate as nun,

any female

thief within its

to

jurisdiction.

It

is

thus permissible

take

'puga

'

in

Vinayapitaka as referring to town or

village corporations,^

and thus we get trace

of

the existence of

these institutions in the early

Buddhist period.

The organisation
Village organisation referred to in Artha^"^^^
-rr-

of the village as a corporate

is
i

political unit

referred to
lays
in

by
the
ji*

Kautilya

xm

who

dowu

following

rules

Chap. X,

Bk. Ill of his Arthasastra.

'*

When

the

headman

of

village

has to

travel
'

on account of any business of the whole

is

Reference

made

to

'

Afifiatara

puga

'

of

a town

(Vin., IV, 30).

Tliis indifates

that thei*o were sometimes several corporations in a town.

140
village,

CORPORATE LIFE
the
villagers shall

by turns accompany
pay IJ panas
of a village

him.

"Those who cannot do

for every yojana.

this shall

If the

headman

sends out of the village any person except a

thief, or

a fine
first

an adulterer, he shall be punished with of 24 panas, and the villagers with the
(for

amercement

doing the same.)

(R.

Shamasastry's Translation, pp. 218-19).

Again " The

at

fine levied

on a cultivator
does

who

arriving

a
"

village

for

Avork

not work shall be

taken by the village

itself

Any
of

person

who

does not co-operate in the

work

preparation for a public show shall,

his

together with

family,

forfeit

his

right to

enjoy the show (preksha).

If

a man,

who
it

has

not co-operated in preparing for a public play or

spectacle
hiding, or
is
if

found hearing or witnessing

under
in

any one refuses

to all,

to give his aid

work

beneficial

he

shall be

compelled to

pay double the value

{Ibid, p. 220).

of the aid

due from him "

These injunctions give clear hints of a close c. organisation of the villages. There was a head-

man who

transacted the business of the village

of the villagers
in

and could command the help

together with
the

discharging his onerous task.

The headman,

punish offenders,

villagers, had the right to and could even expel a person

CHAPTER
from the
village.

II

141

The

fact that

the

headman

and the villagers were both punished for an improper use of this right, seems to show that was exercised in an assembly of the villagers it
presided over by the headman.
It

may

also

be

concluded from

this,

that the rights of the indi-

vidual were not altogether subordinated to those

of

the

corporation, but here too, as in the case

p. 54),

of the guilds (see

the ultimate right of

by the king was looked upon as a means of reconciling the two. The village had a common fund which was swelled by such items as the fines levied upon the villagers and the cultivators who neglected their duty. It had also the right to compel each person to do his
supervision

share of the public work. Corporate spirit

villagers "

among
con-

was encouraged by such rules

as follows:

Those who, with their united

efPorts,

any kind (setubandha) beneficial to the whole country and who not only adorn their villages, but also keep watch on them shall be shown favourable concessions by
struct on roads buildings of

the king."

{Ibid, p. 221.)
to

'The
Vedic

village continued
political

be regarded as a
post^

coriporate

unit

throughout the
the
is

period.

Thus
the

in

Vishnu

and
the

Manu

Smritis^

village
in

reckoned
state

as

smallest political unit

1

the

fabric

and

HI., 7 and 11.

Vir., 115-116.

142

CORPORATE LIFE
is

reference
village

made

to

the

'

fjrmiika

'

or

the

headman. J
distinctly lays

Manu
and
in

down

that the king shall

banish from the realm any one

the
sutras
sastras.

and

DharmaDhanna-

agreement
nitv.^
*^

of a village

who breaks the commu.

contain
fre-

The Dharma-sutras and

Dharma-sastras

quent references^ to gana and puga, both of

which terms seem

to

have denoted the town or

village corporations. Besides the quotations

from

Viramitrodaya and Vijnanesvara's commentary

given above on
p.

138 there are other considera-

tions also to support this view. In the first place

comparison between Yajnavalkya,

9, 7, clearly

II,

31 and
the

Narada, Introduction,

establish

fact that puga and gana were used as synonymous words, and the only sense in which these

can possibly be used there

is

a corporation of the

inhabitants of town or village.

is

Then, w^hereas

it

laid

down
151)

in

Manu
gana

that one should not entersacrifice

tain at a
(III.

Sraddha those who

or a

for a

puga

(III. 154),

we

find similar

injunctions in

Gautama, XV. 16 and Vishnu,

against those Avho sacrifice for a

LXXX.
grama

11-13,

or village.

A
'

careful study of Yajnavalkya, II. 185-192,

VIII 219 and
XVII. 17
13
; ;

Mann., Ed. BUhler,

note

also

VIII 221.
1-18-16, 17;
Vt.,

Gantama, XV.
10,

16. 18,

Apastamba
III.

XIV.
Brih.

V. L. 1-7,
1.

LXXXII.
II,

Manu,

151,

154,

164; IV. 209,

Introduction
7.

219; Y.,
1.

161,

361,

31, 190-195,

214; Narada,

28-30.

CHAPTER
quoted above on
p.

II

148

39,

would

also lead to the

same conclusion.
(pura),
viz. J

Here the author begins with

a reference to royal duties with resrard to a city

that the king should establish there

good Brahmanas (V. 185).

should punish those

He

then refers to the

'^'i^-,

royal duties towards the gana,

that the king

who

steal the property of the

' :

gam,

etc.,

and concludes with the remark

that

the king should follow similar rules with

to guilds,

regard

corporations of traders (naigama) and

It

of followers of different religious sects.

would

appear therefore that gana here refers to corporation

of
cities

or villages (ptira),
'

for

otherwise

the reference to 'pura

is

irrelevant.

The com-

mentator Yijnanesvar has, as already observed,

accepted this interpretation.

The two following injunctions also prove that the village was looked upon as a corporate body in the age of the Dharma-sutras and Dharma-sastras. (1) The king shall punish that village where Brahmans, unobservant of their sacred duties
and ignorant
for
it

of

the Veda, subsist by begging

(

feeds robbers."
p. 17).

Vasishtha, III. 4

S.

B. E.,

XIV,
lost or

(2) "

When

cws or other (animals) have been

property has been taken

when

(other)

away

forcibly,

experienced
it

men

shall

trace

it

from the place where

has been taken.

to,

"Wherever

the footmarks go

Avhether

it

be a village, pasture-ground or deserted spot, (the

144

CORPORATE LIFE
make

inhabitants or oAvners of) that place must

good the
**

loss.

When

the footmarks are obscured or inter-

rupted the nearest village or pasture-ground shall

be made responsible." (Narada, XIV. 22-24). In both these instances the village or the inhabitants of a village are held responsible.
responsibilities
are,

Such

however,

out of

question

altogether,

if

there were not corresponding rights

It
is

vested in the villagers.

note that no officer or officers

the Avhole responsibility
itself.
is

worthy of are mentioned but

indeed
village

attached to the village

It

must be held therefore that the

and
duties,

Awas looked upon as a corporate unit of the state

[/possessing distinct rights

and accountof

able to a higher authority for due discharge

them.
Arclia3ological

evidence also

confirms

the

testimony of literature regarding the existence

of these local self-governing institutions.
earliest

The

in

point of time

is

a terra-cotta seal
in characters

discovered at Bhita near Allahabad which bears

the legend " Sahijiliye nigamasa "
of
Reference to village
corporations in ancient inscnptions.
-ri

the

^ B. C.
^^^^

third or fourth century , m i i It WaS tOUUd a build^j

m
.

^^

^^^

Maurvau
of

epoch
or

which, according to Sir John Marshall, possibly

marks the site of the ofiice town corporation of Sahijiti}

the

nigama

Ann. Rep. Arch. Surv. India, 1911-12,

p. 31,

CHAPTER
The

II

145

inscriptions on Bhattiprolu Casket,^

tliird

which

may

be referred to about
to a village

century B.C., not

headman but also supply the names of the members of a town corporation. Village headman is also referred to in other early inscriptions such as the Mathura Jaina inscription of the years 4, and 84.^ The first of these refers to a lady who was the first wife of the village headman and daughter-inonly refer

law of the village headman. This seems to

that the post of
in the family.

imply^;

village

headman was hereditary

Ushavadata
refers

The Nasik
to

inscription of

nigama-sahha or town council where his

to

deed of gift was proclaimed and registered according

custom.^

xlnother inscription from

the same locality records the gift of a village by

the inhabitants of Nasik.^
tion

Similarly an inscrip-

on the railing of the Stupa no. II at Sanchi

a

records

and one
^

by the village of Padukulika,^ on the Amaravati Stupa refers to

gift
II, p.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

328.

The word negama

in

this

inscription

has been translated by IBiihler as the members of a guild.

already been noticed on
p.

But as has

44 above, nigama should more properly be

taken in the sense of a town.

As

Prof.

Bhandarkar contends, negama

probably stands for naigamah,

as
is
'

i.e.,

the corporate body of citizens such

mentioned
Liider's

in the

YajBavalkya and NSrada Smritis.

Li.st,

nos. 48

and

69<7.

'
*

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII,

Liiders
List,

p. 82.
I

no.

1142.

accept the interpretation

in

of

Pandit
tliat

Bh gawanlal
of

Indraji
Cf.

and Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar

I,

preference to
f.

M. Senarb.

Carmichael Lectures, Vol.

II, p.

p. 177,

n. 1.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

110, no.

1.

19

14G

CORPORATE LIFE
of

a gift

Dlianakataka NigamaJ
to

These

no

doubt

testify

the

corporate

organisation of

a whole citv.

Four clay-seals found at Ehita contain the word nigamasa in Kushan character, while a These fifth has nigamasya in Gupta character. prove the existence of town corporation during
-

the

first

four or five centuries of the Christian era,

is

a conclusion which

corroborated by the clay-

seals discovered at Vaisali to

which reference has

of

already been

made on
from

p.

43 above.
inscriptions

We
that

learn

i\\e

VaillaS.^

bhattasvamin Temple at Gvvalior dated 938 Y.

while the

merchant Savviyaka, the trader Ichchhuvaka and the other members of the Board of the Savviyakas were administenng the oiti/^ the whole town gave to the temple of the Nine
Durgas, a piece of land which was
town's)
piece
of
its
{viz.,

the

property.

Similarly

it

gave

another

land, belonging to the property of the

town, to the Vishnu temple, and also made perpetual endowments with the guilds of oilmillers

and gardeners for ensuring the daily supply This short oil and garlands to the temple.
scription preserves

of
in-

an

authentic testimony of a

city corporation with an organised machinery to

conduct
'

its

affairs.

The corporation possessed

p. 263.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

XV,
I, p.

2
'

Ann. Rep. Arch. Snrv. India, 191

Ep. Ind., Vol.
161.

2, p. 56.

CHAPTER
lauded properties oF
its

II

147

and endowments
middle of the
to in the

in the

own and name of

could

make

gifts

the whole town.

Similar activities of a town corporation in the

tenth century A.D., are referred

inscription
affairs

Siyadoni
that

which seems
the

to

indicate

the

of

town

"

managed by an assembly

of live called

were Fancha-

and by a committee of two appointed from ,time to time by the town."^ It thus appears that the town corporations existed till a very
Jeula,

late period in ancient India.

6
the village or
(1)

J.^hc corporate organisation of

town may be studied under two heads, viz., the powers and functions exercised by it and
the administrative machinery

(2)

by which these
in

were carried out.

The powers and functions, as

Vedic times,
into
i

may
Powers
avid functions
,

be broadly divided

of the village corpora,

two
tive.

classes, juQicial

and

execu-^

The

judicial

powers of
re-

the

headman
It
is

of a village

{gamahhojaka) are

ferred to in

the Jataka stories quoted on p. 136

above.

not expressly mentioned in the

Jataka stories that he exercised them in conjunction with the villagers.

(sec
p.

The Kulavaka-Jataka,. 136) however, seems lo show that such

'

Kp. Ind., Vol.

1,

p.

167

fi.

148

CORPORATE LIFE
at
least
in

was the case

the

some
of

villages.

headman mourns the

Avas

loss

fines

Here paid by
Bodhi-

the drunkards whose character

(i) Judicial.

improved by the

sattva.
in this

We are

expressly told

case

that the affairs of the village were

transacted by
legitimate
to

the

villagers

themselves.
that

It

is

hold

therefore

the judicial
is

powers,

to

which distinct reference

of

made,

formed part
the

these

affairs.

In other cases,
simply refer
to

quoted above, the story-writers

headman
the

as

having
This

inflicted

punishments
however,
of the

upon

guilty.

need

not,

necessarily imply that the

headman alone had the

for the
to
;

right to dispose of cases

story-writer

object

was merely

notice the punish-

ment meted out

to the sruiltv

he had no motive

to stop to explain the constitution of the tribunal

that passed the judgment.

The
royal

Kulavaka-Jataka further
for decision.

proves

that
to the

comparatively serious cases had to be sent

courts

For here, the headwhich, as

man

did not try the band of robbers,

the tenor of the story shows, he would certair:ly

have done

if

he had the right to do so

sent to the

but the
trial.

accused were

king for
providing

It

may

be mentioned here that the later Dharmawhile

generally
that

sastras,

the
law-

assemblies of co-inhabitants should

suits

decide

among men,

expressly exclude

from their

CHAPTER
jurisdiction

It

149

causes

concerning

violent

crimes

(sdhasa)

Kautilya, as
to the judicial

we have

seen above, also refers

powers exercised by the headman

neglected his

together
cultivator
thief

with the villagers.

who

They could fine a work and expel any

development
'J'hey

or

adulterer out of the village boundary.'

We
are

find here a further step in the

of the corporate character of the villagers.

expressly invested with joint rights

and

res-

ponsibilities,

and could be punished by the king

organisation
of
villages
re-

for illegal exercise of their power.

The corporate
tained
its

judicial

powers

during the

period

represented by
above, there
the
is

the Dharma-s'astras.

As noticed

mention of the judicial powers of

headman in Manu and Vishnu Smritis among others. But the Brihasimti Smriti preserves
a satisfactory account
exercised
of

the
in

judicial powers

by

the

villagers
p.

verses

28-30,

chapter I quoted on
(It appears
blies

63 above.

from these that the village Assemwere looked upon as one of the four recogtribunals

nised
in

point of

They were second pre-eminence, and heard appeals

of the land.
(of artizans).

from the decisions of the guilds

It

would appear also

short
of

that

they

could

try

all

cases

passages in

The following the Narada Smriti seem to show that

violent

crimes.

ArthasSstra,

p.

172:

"

150

CORPORATE LIFE

the law-givers in ancient days tried hard to bring

home
that

to the

people

the

serious

responsibilities

attached to their position as members of a

Either the judicial assembly
all,

judicial assembly.
*'

must not be
That
an
the
delivers

entered at

or a fair opinion

delivered.

man who
"

either

stands

mute
is

or

opinion contrary to justice

a sinner^

One
;

quarter of the

iniquity

goes

to

witness

one quarter goes

;

to all the

members

of the court

one quarter goes to the king.

every assessor of the court

" Therefore let

deliver

a fair opinion after having entered the

court, discarding love

and hatred,
(S.

in

order

that

he

may

not go to hell."

B. E., Vol. 88, pp.

38-39.)

The following passages

further prove that the
'

in

the Narada Smriti

'

elders

played a conspi-

cuous part
the latter "

in the judicial assembly and that was presided over by a chief judge.

As an experienced surgeon extracts a dart by means of surgical instruments, even so the Chief Justice must extract the dart (of iniquity)
from the lawsuit.
"

When

the whole aggregate of the

''

members
is

of a judicial assembly declare,

This

right

the lawsuit loses the dart,

otherwise

the

dart

remains in
(''That

it.

is

not

judicial

assembly where
elders

there are no elders.

They are not

who

CHAPTER

II

151

do not pass a just sentence

89-40.)

''

{Jbid,

pp.

The
above

significance of the second passage quoted

is

uncertain.

It

seems to indicate that

the unanimity of opinion was necessary to establish

the guilt of the accused.

few actual cases illustrating the judicial

powers of
the
are
local

popular
the

indiln'r^'orcfs on'^the

asscmblies
^^'^^^^

furnishecPby
^^^^^rds

vinit^rS;'

'^^

I^^d^^^^

of

10th and 12th centuries.

The

summary
I.

of a

few

of

them

is

given below.
(
'

demanded taxes from The a woman who declared she was not liable. former seems to have put her through an ordeal. The woman took poison and died. A meeting of
village officer (?)

'

the people from

districts

''

the

four

quarters,

eighteen

and the various countries " was held,

and

it

was decided that the

to

man was

liable.

In
for

order

expiate his sin

he paid 82

Mm

burning a lamp at a temple.

went a-hunting, missed his aim and shot a Vellala. The agriculturists from " the seventy-nine districts " assembled together and declared the Sudra guilty. He was required to present 64 cows to a temple. III. The inscription is mutilated. But from
II.

Scidra

the preserved
'

portion
of

it

appears that a

man

The summary

nos. I-Ul is taken

from G. Ep. R. 1907, Sec. 42

(p. 77).

152

COHPOKATK LIFE
and she probably fell down and consequence. The one thousand and fiv^e
Ins wife
of the four quarters

pushed
died in

hundred men
and] declared
required to

[assembled

husband provide for lamps

the

guilty.

He was
of

in a temple.

IV.
shot a

An
man

inscription in the

reign

Raja-

kesarivarman reports that a certain individual

belonging to his

own

village

by

Thereupon the governor and the people of the district to which the village belonged^ assembled together and decided that the culprit shall not die for the offence committed by him through carelessness but shall burn a lamp in a Accordingly he j)rovided 16 cows local temple. from the milk of which (jJiee had to be prepared to be used in burning the lamp.'
mistake.

V.
culprit

According

to

another inscription

"^

the

had gone a-hunting but missed his aim and shot a man. The people of the district at once assembled and decided that the culprit shall

make

over 16 cows to the local temple.

for special

The ancient lawgivers also provided

judicial assemblies

^.

to decide cases for which was laid down. Such an assembly, no rule according to Gautama, shall consist at least of the ten following members, viz., four men who

have completely studied the four Vedas, three

men

belonging to the (three) orders enumerated

1

G. Ep. R., 1900, p. 11, sec. 26.

No. 77 of 1900,

ihid.

CHAPTER
first,

II

153
(three) different

(and) three

men who know

(institutes of)
I

law (Gautama XXVIII.

48-49).

An
is

actual instance of referring the decisioii

of a criminal case to a special judicial assembly

furnished by a

south Indian

Inscription.^

.^.

A man

was

accidentally shot in a deer-hunt

of expiation

and in order to decide the question which was to be prescribed for the

offender, the

Assembly at Olakktir, the residents of the main division and those of the sub-districts met together and settled that a lamp be presented to a shrine. Another instance is furnished by a dispute"!
of the village

Brahmanas

over the right of worship in Aragalur temple.

^ ^ (\}^^
r"

\J^

The Judge referred the complicated issues to the Mahajanas of several agrahars and ultimately
endorsed their decision.^

Reference
to
chall,'

may

be made in this connection

'

such expressions as

Pancha-mandali,'
'

'

Pan-

and

tions.

Panchalika which occur in inscrip- s/ Elect took them to be " the same as the
'
1

Panchayat of modern times, the village jury of five (or more persons), convened to settle a dispute by arbitration, to witness and sanction any
act of importance, etc.^

^TN>

The executive functions exercised by the villagers seem to have included

(it)

Executive.

.,

those
^

,,

of

the

collector,
p. 95, sec. 30.

the

Govt. Epigraphist's Report for 1910,

Ihid, 1914, pp. 96-97.

^ ^

Fleet- Gupta Inscriptions,

p, 32,

f.

n. 5.

20

154

CORPORATE LIFE

magistrate and the municipality of the present

day.

The Kharassara-Jataka,
to collect

referred

to

on
'

page 135 above shows that the headman was

expected
the help the revenues on behalf of the

king and to secure the peace of the country with

of-

local

vaka-Jataka, (see

men. As we learn from the Kulap. 136) that, though there was

a headman, the
affairs of their

men
own

of the village transacted the

locality,

we must assume that

It

these functions did really belong to them, though

exercised through the agency of a headman.

may be

noted in this connection that both these"

to the

functions formed essential elements of the village

communities down
existence.

latest

period of their
clearly indicate

The Dharma-sastras
^

that in addition to the above

the ancient village

organisations exercised the municipal functions.

Thus Brihaspati Smriti

lays

down

the following

among
for
I

the duties of a village corporation:

" The

construction of a house of assembly, of a shed

(accommodating

travellers

with)

water,

temple,' a pool and a garden, relief to helpless

or poor people to perform the sarhskai^as or sacrificial acts

enjoined by sacred texts, the excava-

tion of tanks, wells, etc.,

M^ater-courses."
1

and the damming of

Of.

Narada XIV. 22-24 quoted above on

III.

pp.

143-44 Of. also the

statement in V.
^
3

ff.

M, VII. 115

ff.

Cf. the

Gwalior inscription noticed above on pp. 146-47.

fully discussed in connection with the

The whole passage has been

on
p. 51.

guilds,

CHAPTER

II

155

The cost of these undertakings was probably met out of the corporate fund. The Jataka\ stories and the statements of Kautilya quoted on p. 135 ff., prove that the towns and villages could levy fines and dues from the inhabitants
while the Gwalior Inscription
(p.

146) shows that

they possessed corporate properties of their own.

We

may next

take into

consideration the

The executive machinery of the village

executive machinery by which

tlicsc f uuctious

wcre Carried out.

At the head of the corporation stood the headman who is variously styled as
Gramani, Gramakuta, Gramapati andPattakila in the inscriptions and the GamabhoGramadhipa,

He was sometimes nominated by the king though the post seems in many cases to have been hereditary He was helped by a
jaka in the Jatakas.
^

council of two, three or five persons.

stitutional
detail in

XVII).

power of this body is Narada (Ch. X) and Brihaspati (Ch. These have been already described
and need
village

The congiven in some

in connection with guilds (pp. 52-62)

not be repeated here.

applies

What

has been said there

to

mutatis

'mutandis

also

the

Assembly.

It will suffice to say that

though the

headman and

his council exercised considerable

authority, they were ultimately responsible to the

people at large

who

regularly

met

in

an assembly

hall to discharge their corporate functions.

^

They

Recht und

Sitte, p. 93.

156

CORPORATE LIFE
to

had a right
rules
Jtlegular

make
the

their bye-laws

and frame

regarding

attendance

of

members.
on in the

discussions

were

carried

assembly and the idea of liberty of speech was

probably not unknown.
is thrown on the machinery of the corporations by the account of Megasthenes. His well known account of the administration of

very interesting side-light

of

working

the executive

the city of Pataliputra

may

be taken to be appli-

cable to the other local corporations as well.

The

essence of the whole

system consisted in the

management

of the

municipal administration by

a general assembly and a

number

of small

com-

mittees thereof, each entrusted with one particular

department.

Megasthenes' account seems to

be corroborated by the Bhattiprolu casket inscription

of

which refers to a committee of the inhabitants the town (p. 145). A number of South Indian

records prove that the system subsisted

down

to

the latest period of ancient Indian history.

7
Indeed by far the most interesting examples
of the village
inlouXindir'^''*''''''
ill

Assemblies occur
India.

southern
of

large

number

inscriptions

prove

that they had a highly developed organisation

and formed a very essential element in the state Thus the fourteen inscriptions fabric of old.

CHAPTER

II

157

in the Vishnu temple at Ukkal, published in the " South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. Ill, Part I."
(pp. 1-22), furnish a very instructive insight into

their nature

and constitution.

It will be well to of the important

begin with a short

summary

portions in each of them.

1.

deposit

The Assembly of the village received a of an amount of gold from one of the
another
village

commissioners ruling over

condition of feeding 12

on

Brahmans and doing other

things out of the interest of this

2.

sum

(p. 3).

certain person

made over a
on

plot of land

to the

great Assembly

condition

that

its

produce should be utilised for supplying the God

with a stipulated quantity of
tion concludes as follows
:

rice.

The

inscrip-

"

Having been present

(their)

in the
I,

Assembly and
the
arbitrator
(p. 5).

having heard

order,

{Madhyastha) (such and such) wrote (this)"

3.

certain person

had purchased a plot

of

land from
the villagers

the

Assembly and assigned it to for the maintenance of a flower

garden
4i.

(p. 6).

The Assembly undertook, on receipt of a plot of land, to supply paddy to various persons ensjasred in connection with a cistern which the
donor had constructep
public (p. 7).
to

supply

water

to

the

The Assembly undertook to supply an amount of paddy per year by way of interest of
5.

158

CORPORATE LIFE
1

a quantity of paddy deposited with them.

he
"

"great

men

(Fertwiakkal) elected for the year

would cause (the paddy) to be supplied (p. 6). It refers to a meeting of the Assembly, 6.
including
'*

the
of)

great

men

elected

for
'^

(the

management
in the village.

charities

(?)"

and

the com-

missioners (in charge of the temple)

of Sattan"

a daily

The Assembly probably assigned supply of rice and oil to a temple. In

conclusion

we

are

told

that

" the great

men

elected for (the supervision of) the tank" shall be

entitled to levy a fine of (one) kalanju of gold in

favour of the tank fund from those betel-leafsellers

in

this

village,

who

sell (betel-leaves)
(p. 11).

elsewhere but at the temple of Pidari

^"

7.

The

inscription
It

is

mutilated and the sense

to

"^
/
;

not quite clear. has

refers

" the land

which

t
:
'

/ i
*

become the common property of the Assembly " and is a notification of its sale by the Assembly on certain terms. " The great men elected for that year were to be fined if they fail to do certain things the nature of which
'*

cannot be understood
8.

(p. 12).

The Assembly accepted the gift of an amount of paddy on condition of feeding two Brahmanas daily out of the interest (p. 13).
9.

It is a royal order authorising the village

to sell lands, of

for

two

full

which the tax has not been paid years and which have thereby become
(p. 15).

the property of the village

CHAPTER
10. It records a sale, of

II

159

of a

plot

land,
of

property,

and

by the village Assembly, which was their common ^ve water levers, to a
land for the
the village

servant of king

who

assigned this

maintenance of two boats plying on

tank
11.
(p. 16).

The great Assembly, including "the great men elected for the year" and "the great men
elected for (the supervision of) the tank," being

assembled, assigned,

at

the

request

of

the

manager

of a temple, a plot of land in the fresh

clearing for various specified purposes connected

with the temple

12.

(p. 18).

The

village

Assembly grants a

village,

including the flower garden, to a temple, for the

requirements of worship there.

grant include the following.
"

The terms

of

We

shall

not be entitled to levy any kind

of tax

from

this village.

We,

(the

great

men)

elected for the year, we, (the great

for (the

supervision
elected

of)

the tank,

men) elected and we, (the

of)

great

men)

for

(the supervision

gardens,

shall not

be entitled to claim, at the

order of the Assembly, forced labour from the

inhabitants settled in this village.
**

(If)
(i.e.,

crime

(or)

sin

becomes public, the

alone
shall

God

the

temple

authorities)

punish the inhabitants of this village (for it). Having agreed (thus) we, the Assembly, engraved
(this)

on stone.

160
"

CORPORATE LIFE

We

the Assembly agree to pay a fine of one

hundred and eight kanam per day if we fail in this through indifference " (p. 20). The extant portion 13. It is incomplete. records a session of the great Assembly ''including
the great

men

elected for

this year, the great

Bhattas elected for (the supervision of) the tank,

and

(all

other) distinguished

men "
the

(p. 21).

14.

The son
of

of a

cultivator

in the village

assigned a plot

land in

neighbourhood,

from the proceeds of which water and firepans

had
to be supplied to a

mandapa frequented by

Brahmanas,

and a water lever constructed in

affairs of

front of the cistern at the mandapa.

The great men who manage the

the village in
charity

each

year shall

supervise

this

(p. 21).

The fourteen
do, the

inscriptions, containing, as they

commands

issued by the

Assembly
10th and
for

of a

single village, during the 9th,

centuries,

11th
the

furnish the

best

evidence

organisation and importance of these institutions.

i'urther particulars about these village cor-

porations
tions.

may

be gathered from other inscrip-

\i

As these
to

belong

to

different

periods

and
safe

different localities

utilising
theless,

it would not be quite draw a single homogeneous picture by the data which they supply. Never-

by a careful scrutiny

of

these records,
idea
of

we may hope

to obtain a general

the

CHAPTER
essential

II

161

characteristics

of

the village institu-

tions of southern India.

As the Ukkal
The
Assembly.

inscriptions show, the

j-i

Assembly
i

General

(Sabha or Mahasabha) foi*nied ! nj ^hc most important teature of

.

these village corporations,

ft

exercised

supreme

authority
is

in

all

matters

concerning the village and

to

frequently referred
India.
It

in

inscriptions

from

southern

appears

from a careful study of these records that the constitution of this body differed ii different localities and probably also at different times. According to an inscription at Tirumukkudal Temple/ the local Assembly consisted of
the
^

young
it

and

old

of

tht)

status^^^^^**^'^'"

village.

This seems to indicate

that

was merely a gathering of

Several inscrip-

the male adults of the village.

tions,

however, clearly distinguish the Assembly

from the people of the village, and according to a few Chola inscriptions,^ several committees
with
the

learned

Brahmans and other

distin-

guished

men

of the village constituted the village

Assembly.

This shows that in some cases, pro-

bably in many, the Assembly was a select body.

An inscription

at

Manur,

of

about the 9th

century A.D., lays down certain rules regarding ihe constitution of the Sabha. " It is stated

G. Ep. R., 1916,

p. 116. p. 49, sec. 7.

'

G. Ep. R., 1905,

21

ie-2

CORPORATE LIFE
the children
one,
of
is

that of

shareholders

in

the

village, only

who

well behaved and has

studied the Mantra- Brcthmana and one

{i.e.,

D bar ma
in

Code

of LaAv)

may

be on the village assem-

bly to represent the share held by

village

him

the

and only one of

or

similar qualifications

may

be on the Assembly for a share purchased,

acquired
;

received as present,

by

him

as

strldhana (through his wife)

(2) that

(shares)

purchased, presented, or acquired as strldhana

could entitle one,
ship in
quarter,
if

at

all,
;

only to full member-

the
half
;

assemblies
or

and

in

no case

will

three-qu>.rter

membership be

recognised

(3) that those

must

elect only

such
Avith

who purchase shares men to represent their

parisishtas;
(4)

shares on the assembly, as have critically studied

a whole
those
laid

Veda

its

that

who do down by
(for
;

not possess full membership as

rule
(2),

cannot stand on any

committee
affairs)

the

(5)

that

management of village those who satisfy the presof

cribed conditions should, in no case, persistently

oppose
saying
'

(the

proceedings
'

the assembly) by

nay, nay

to every proposal

brought up

before the assembly and (6) that those

this

who do
pay a

together with their supporters

will

fine of five kasu

on each item
still

(in

which they

have so behaved) and

"^ the same rules.
1

continue to submit to

G. Ep. R,, 1913, p. 98, par. 23.

CHAPTER
It
is

II

168

clear

from the insistence upon

the

knowledge of the "Vedas as a condition precedent for full membership, that the rules were meant
specifically for a bi^ah
i

adeya

village, constituted

almost
certain,

entirely

of

Brahmans.
that the

It

is

almost

however,
similar

other

regulations
in

or

very

ones,

prevailed

ordinary

villages.

Attention
regulation

may be drawn
in

to the interesting of

about the working

as

the

village

Assembly contained
above.

Queer

two clauses they undoubtedly are they

the last
as

were no doubt intended

refractory

check against

members and

there does not

seem

to

be any valid reason to conclude, as some scholars

have done, that they served as instruments in

the hands of the upper few to silence the opposition of the majority.
It
is

difficult

to

determine
the
control

the

relation

between the people and

especially the

Assembly,
the

and
the

amount

of

former

exercised

over the latter.

inscription*

According to
quoted
below,

Manalikkarai

an
after

important royal proclamation

a consultation was duly held
officers,

was issued

among

the royal

the
of

members
that
to

of the

people

village.

Assembly and the Again we learn with

villages,

reference

particular

such

as

Tiruvidavandai, that private endowments were

Ind. Ant., Vol.

XXIV,

p,

308

f.

164

CORPORATE LIFE

entrusted, in
i

some cases to its Assembly, in other eases to its residents, and in not a few cases, to the, Assembly and the residents.
'

i-

in four instances we have a

the

specific reference

to

number
to a

of

men composing

the sahhn.

According
of

Tiraimur consisted of 300

4)00.

A
^

Tamil inscription^ the sahha of men and the citizens Kanarese inscription of Vikrama-

ditya

VI

refers to 1,000 great

men

of

Kukkanur

who met

together to

make a

grant of land.

We

an inscription of Sundara Pandya I ^ that a village Assembly consisted of 512 memlearn from
bers.
r
I

Again, an inscription of Tribhuvanamalla,

the Western Chalukya king,* records a gift to

^
I

two hundred
j

great

men
This

of

the

village

and
not

Kalidasa,

its

chief.

inscription

indirectly
if

establishes the fact that in

in
all,

many

cases,

post,

was a headman the existence of which is

there
inscriptions.

of the village,

also

testified to

by other
The

status of these Assemblies, so

far

as

it

may

be inferred from their meeting places, convaried,

siderably

probably

according

to

the

importance of the villages which they represented.

In some instances

we hear

of

halls

G. Ep. R., 1908, p. 23, no. 212.

G. Ep. R., 1914,

p. 55, no.

509.

G. Ep. R., 1918, p. 153, par. 43. G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 18, no. 213.

It is possible that

the

number
Assembly

refers
itself.

to
C/,

committee
sec. 7.

of the

Assembly rather than

to the

below

CHAPTER
built

II

by kings for their meetings.^

Generally,

however, they met in local temples, Avhile in some cases tlie shade of a tamarind tree seems to have been considered as good enougli for the
purpose.^

Reference

body called

made to a corporate Mahajanas. The term usually denotes

is

frequently

Bmhman
cases

householders

but

it

appears very likely that in some

they formed the local ruling Assembly.

are mentioned in the Lakslimeshwar Pillar
of

They
early

inscription

the

Prince Vikramaditya in the

eighth century A.D. as
a

part of

the
a

separate unit in

municipal area along with

guilds,

other corporate

organisations like

etc^

Kanarese inscription of the Rashtrakuta king

gift

by three hundred Mahajanas,^ and another of the same king, dated 902-3 A. D., refers to a gift by a number of Brahmans with, the approval of 120 Mahajanas.^
Krishna II records a

An

inscription of the

W. Chalukya
,D.,

king Trailothe
gift

kyamalla, dated 1053-4 A

of a garden,
oil-mill

registers

wet field, ^Ye houses and on^ for the worship of Jina by 120 Mahaa

janas of Rachchuru.^
'

G. Ep. R., 1916, p. 116.

G. Ep. R., 1910, p. 90, par. 21
;

G. Ep. R., 1916, p. 23, no. 260.

Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV,

p. 189.

G. Ep. R., 1904, p. 39, no. 53.

5

Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, p. 190.

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 16, no. 201.

"

166

CORPORATE LIFE

stitution

nature and conbody from an inscription of the Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalla dated 1112 A.D.^
of
this

We

get an insight into the

The king granted one

and
festival

entire

village

for

the

supply of materials for offerings, food-gifts, alms,

cloths
for

the

God, the Lord

Ittage,

Mahadeva,
property
the
Sheriff
rest

of

the Agrahara
delivered

and
hands

this

was
of
of

"into

the

of

the great Agrahara Ittage and

the

the

who

are

described as
virtues,

ceivable

hundred Mahajanas endowed with all conincluding a knowledge of

four

Here it is quite apparent that the four hundred Mahajanas formed the governing body of the Agrahara with a chief corresponding to the headman of an ordinary Village Assembly. Similarly we read in the Managoji inscription of the Chalukya king Jagadekamalla II, dated 1161 A.D.,^ that the king made a grant with the assent of the five hundred Mahajanas of Maniriigavalli headed by the Mahaprabhu Madiraja.
the Vedas.
It
is

interesting

to

note that the body

is

also

simply referred to as " the five hundred."

The

facts brought together hardly

leave

any

doubt that the Agrahnras were ruled by the

body called Mahajanas

in very

much

the

same

way

an ordinary village by the Village Assembly. The number 300, 400 and 500 clearly
as
'

Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII,

Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p.

p. 36.
9.


CHAPTER
II

167

shows that the body was not an assembly of all the adult Brahman males but their representatives, although it is difficult to determine
at present the principle on

which the selection

however,
that

proceeded.

It

is

likely,

the

method
the

of

representation closely

followed the

system we have noticed above in connection with

Brahmadeya

villages.

Although

the

General Assemblv was the supreme authority in the Village :\

istrative

4-

thJviiiarAtmbi;'

Corporations,thedetailedadmin.

been

carried

on
are

in

work seemed most cases by one

mentioned

to

have

or

more
or

committees.
five of

As we have seen above,

specifically
:

four
in

them
Great
Great

the

Ukkal
1.

inscriptions

men

elected for the year

(5, 7, 11,

12, 13).
2.

3.

men elected for charities (6). Great men elected for tank (6, H,
Great

12,

13).
4i.

5.

Great

men elected for gardens men who manage the

(12).

afPairs of

the village in each year (14).

The nature and

duties of the second, third,

and fourth of the above committees are quite evident from their designation. The first and
the fifth might have been different names
for

68

CORPORATE LIFE

same body, Avho looked over general and miscellaneous affairs not covered by the other committees. The number and constitution of these committees must have varied in different Thus two inscriptions at Uttaramallur villages. add the names of four more committees, viz., " Annual supervision," "Supervision of justice,'' " Gold supervision," and*'Pancha-vara-variyam." The first is probably identical with Nos. 1 and
the 5 above, the

second

probably

regulated

the the

currency and the third perhaps supervised

work

of the five

committees of the
inscriptions
in
'^

village.^

few

Ghola

of

the

10th

century A.D.,
[committees, viz

found

North Arcot
'

district,

mention the names

,

of several additional village

(1)

The

great

men
'

for

super-

vision of wards' (kurktmba), (2) the 'great

for supervision

of

fields,'

(3) the (4)

great
'

(numbering) two hundred,'

the

great

men men men

the
to

for supervision of the village,'

and
is

(5) the 'great

men

for

supervising

(i.e.,

looking after)
also

udasluas (ascetics?).

Keference

made

a 'committee to manage the affairs of the temple;'

but these are probably identical with the Nos.

(4)

and

(5).

An

inscription of Rajaraja

I,

dated

'lin

996 A.D., also refers to the 'Tank supervision

'

committee' and the

mittee.'^

Village
of

supervision com-

We
G. Ep.
2

also
R,

hear

'Land-survey
115-6.

1899, p. 23; 1913, p. 105.

p.

G. Ep. R., 1905,

49, para. 7; 1915, pp.

^^ G. Ep.

R,, 1918, p.

143.

[AFTER
Committee
'*

11

169
of Justice,^ the
its

and a

'

Committee

4 ,\

latter

having counted a lady among

plates of
refer to

members.

The Masulipatam
II
five

Chalukya Bhima
the 'committee of

i^

(934-945 A.D.)
'

'

and

'

the youths

eloquent at Comniittee
This

Assemblies

(vara-goshthl).^

shows

that
freely

youngmen
joined
in

served in these committees the

discussions.
to

and

Three inscriptions

from Nattam refer

these, the
^

two committees.

One

of

samvatsara-variyam^ or the Annual

supervision committee consisted of 12

members

and formed a part of the great village Assembly. Ur-vcmyam' was the name of one of the village
'

officers, or of

a committee of

officers,

whose func-

tion evidently

was

to see the lands of the village

properly cultivated and to collect the produce.

very interesting and detailed account of

the constitution of these com"' '''

comriuees'.''"

mittees

is

furnished
at

by

two
Iwo

inscriptions

XJttaramallur.

The
of

free

rendering of
is

the

later of these

records (which

merely an

amended

version

the earlier)

may

be quoted here to give an

idea of the

method by which these committees

were formed.*
1

G. Ep. R., 1914,

p.

30.

G. Ep. R., 1910, pp. 98-99, para. 35.

Ep. Ind., V, pp. 137-138.

G. Ep.

1899, p. 23

also Arch. Surv. Rep., 1904-5, p. 140.

For the difference between the two versions and the improvements effected by the later upon the former c/. G. Ep. R., 1899, pp. 27-30.

170

CORPORATE LIFE
"This

was
of

the

way

in

which

(we,
rules

the
for

members
'garden

the

Assembly)
*

made

choosing, once every year,

supervision'

annual supervision,*

and

Hank

supervision'

(committees).
(1)

There shall be thirty groups

(or

wards)

(in Uttaramallur).

In these thirty wards those that live in each ward shall assemble and shall choose men
(2) for ^pot tickets' (kudavolai).

The following were qualifications which one must possess if he wanted his name to be entered
on the pot ticket and put into (the pot).
{a) "

He must own more

a

than a quarter

(veli)

of tax-paying land."
(b)

"He must have

" His age

house built on his

own

site."

must be below 70 and above 35." (d) "He must know the Mantrabrahmana able to (i.e.) he must know it himself and be
(c)

teach

(it

to others)."

(e) "

Even

if

one owns only one-eighth

(veli)

of land, he shall

have

(his

name) written on a
four Bhashyas,

pot ticket and put into (the pot) in case he has

learnt one

Veda and one

it

of the

and can explain

(/)
(I)

(to others)."

"Among

those (possessing the foregoing

qualifications)

Only such as are well conversant with business and conduct themselves ac cording to

CHAPTER
sacred
rules
shall be

II

17i

chosen

and

(II) those

who have
on (any

acquired their wealth by honest means,

whose minds are pure and who have not been

of) these

committees for

the last three

years shall also be chosen."

{g)
(I)
''

Those

who have been on any

submitted

of

these committees but have not

their

accounts, and their relations specified below, shall

not have (their names) written on the pot tickets

and put
(II)

(into the pot).

The

sons of the younger

and elder

sisters of their

mothers.
of their

(III)

The sons

paternal aunts and

maternal uncle.
(IV)

(V)
(VI)

The brothers The brothers

of their mothers.

of their fathers.

Their brothers.

(VII) Their fathers-in-law(?).

(Vlli) The brothers of their wives.

(IX)
(X)
(XI)

The husbands of their sisters. The sons of their sisters. The sons-in-law who have married the

daughters of disqualified persons.

(XII) Their fathers.

(XIII) Their sons.
{h) (I)

"Those against
or

whom

illicit

sexual

intercourse
sins," viz,^

the

first

four of the five great

(2) drinking

(1) killing

a Brahmin,
theft,

intoxicating liquors, (3)

(4)

committing

adultery with the

wife of spiritual teacher and

172
(5) associatiDg

CORPORATE LIFE
with
;

crimes, are recorded

any one and

guilty of

these

(II) all their various relations shall not

above specified

have (their names) written on the pot

and put into (the pot). (i) who have been outcast for association (with low people) shall not, until they perform the expiatory ceremonies, have (their names Avritten) on the pot tickets (and) put
tickets

" Those

into (the pot)."

(j) (their
*'

Those who are fool-hardy, shall not have

tickets

names written on the pot

and put
is

into (the pot)." [The whole of this clause

not

preserved in the original which is damaged here.] (k) " Those who have stolen or plundered the

property of others shall not have (their names)

written on the pot tickets and put into (the pot)." " Those who have taken forbidden dishes ;?) (/)
of

any kind and who have become pure by reason

ceremonies,

of having performed the expiatory

shall not, to the

end of their
chosen
to

lives,

have (their
on)
the

names) written on the pot

(the

tickets

and put into

pot)

(to

be

serve

committees."

(m) (I) " Those who had committed

[here again the original
is

sins

damaged] anJ have

;

become pure by performing expiatory ceremonies (II) Those who had been village pests and have become pure by performing expiatory
ceremonies

CHAPTER
(III) Those

It

173

who had been

guilty of

illicit

sexual intercourse and have

become
;

pure

by

performing expiatory ceremonies

all

these thus specified shall not, to the end

of their lives,

have (their names) written on the

for (any of these)

pot

tickets

committees and

put into (the pot)."

" Excluding
all

these,
'

thus specified, names

'

shall be written for

pot tickets

in the thirty

wards and
hamlets
separate

each of the thirty

Uttaramallur)

wards

in the twelve

(of

shall

prepare

packet with a covering ticket (specifycontents)

tied

ing

its

to

it,

(Those packets)
tickets shall be

shall be put into a pot.

The pot
full

opened in the midst of a

meeting of the

village assembly, including the

young and
All

old

(members), convened (for the purpose).

the

temple

priests,

who happen
question,
I

to be in
shall,

the

village

on

the day

in

without

any

exception
hall (?)

whatever,

seated

in the village

where the assembly

shall meet.

In the

midst of the temple

priests,

one of them

who
lift

happens
present.

to be the eldest shall stand

to

up and

an (empty) pot so as

be seen by
Avho

all

the people

Any young boy

knows nothing
to the stand-

about the matter shall hand over

wards.

ing priest one of (the packets from

the thirty
shall

The content
to

(of

the

packet)
pot

be

transferred

the

(empty)

and

(well)

shaken.

From

this pot

one ticket shall be taken

)U

CORPORATE LIFE
?)

out (by the young boy

arbitrator.

and made over

it

to the

While

taking charge of the ticket

the arbitrator shall receive

on the palm of his

hand with the

out
(the

five fingers open.

He

shall read

name

on)

the ticket thus received.

The ticket read by him shall also be read out by all the priests then present at the hall The name thus read out shall be put down (and
accepted).

Similarly one

man

shall be

chosen

for each of the thirty wards."

**0f

the

thirty persons thus chosen,

'

those

who had
vision'

previously been on the

*

garden super-

(committee) and on the

tank supervision'

(committee), and those

learning and those

who

are

advanced
of)

in

who
(the

are advanced in age, shall

be

chosen

for

committee

'

annual

supervision.'
for the
'

Of the

rest,

twelve shall be taken

garden supervision' (committee), and the

'

remaining six shall form the

(committee).

tank supervision'
shall be

The
are

last

two committees

chosen after an oral expression of opinion(?).

great

Thej/

men who

members

of these three

com

mittees shall hold office for full three hundred and

and then retire. If any one who is on the committees is found guilty of any offence, he Por appointing the shall be removed (at once). committees after these have retired, the members of the committee for supervision of justice in
sixty days
'

'

the twelve hamlets (of Uttaramallur) shall con-

vene a meeting with the help of the arbitrator.

CHAPTER
The
selection shall

II

175

be

by drawing pot tickets

lays

according to this order which

rules (thereof).'*

down

the

" For the Pancha-vara-variyam and the (com-

mittee) for written

for

'

supervision of gold,'
*

names

shall

be
;

pot

tickets

'

in the thirty

wards

thirty (packets with)

covering tickets shall be

tickets shall be

deposited in a pot

and thirty pot

drawn

(as

previously described).

Prom
'

these

thirty tickets twelve

men

shall be selected.

Six

out of these
vision
'

twelve shall form the

gold supersix con-

(committee) and the remaining

stitute the

Tancha-vara-variyam.'

When

drawing

pot tickets for (the appointment of) these (two)

committees next year, the wards which have been already represented (during the year in
question) on these committees shall be

excluded

and the appointments made from the remaining wards by an oral expression of opinion (?). Those who have ridden on asses and those who committed forgery shall not have (their names) written on the pot tickets and put into (the pot).
" Arbitrators and those

who have

earned their

wealth by honest means shall write the accounts

(of

the

village).

One who was

writing the
office

accounts shall not be appointed to that

again until he submits his accounts
great
(for

the
the

period during which he was in office)

to

men

of the
is

big committee (in charge) of

the accounts, and

declared to have been honest.

176

CORPORATE LIFE

The accounts which one has been writing he

submit himself, and other accountants shall not be brought to close his accounts."
shall

" Thus, from this year onwards as the

long as

and sun endure committees shall always be appointed by pot tickets alone. To this effect was the royal order received." [^ The elaborate rules laid down above for the
'

moon

'

election of committees most strikingly illustrate

the ultra-democratic character of these village

corporations.
It
is

evident that the functions of

the corporations were mainly carried on by means

of these committees

reason

why

so

undoubtedly the great precautions were taken to

is

and that

safeguard them against corruption.

evils

The natural

of a popular
to

and democratic constitution

were sought
its spirit

be eradicated without injuring

and vitality, and the regulations which they drew up for the purpose mu^t be pronounced to be a remarkable piece of legislation characterised alike by sagacity and foresight.

Some

of the provisions in

the foregoing regula-

tions extort

our unstinted admiration.

less

Though
a

ordinarily no man possessing

*

than a quarter
committees,

veli

'

of

tax-paying land

could stand as
these

candidate for

any

one

of

r exception was made in favour of persons, possessv1 ing a certain amount of education. The regulation (g), that only those who have not been on
any
of these

committees

for the last

three years

CHAPTER

II

177

would be chosen, is certainly calculated to give every villager a chance of serving on them and
thus
qualifying
of

himself
the

for

the
to

responsible

membership
belonged.'
,

corporation
of
it

The method
and
personal
all

which he electing members,

all

carefully eliminating, as

did,

chances of

corruption
fairly

influence,

compared with

that

may be we know about

modern

the republican states of

World.

ancient and

11

thrown on the working of the above regulations by an inscription^

curious side-light
is

Avhich records an agreement (vyavastha) by

village

the

Assembly dismissing a village accountant who had cheated them and preventing his descendants and relations from writing the accounts of the village.

The
liable

village corporation

seems

to

have been

for

debts incurred

by their employees.

According to an inscription of the 48th year of

*

Kulottunga I (A.D. 1117-18),^ two

men who had

^L*^been

writing the accounts of a village in A.D.

the village without discharging them.

Wf

1115-16 appear to have incurred debts and to

have

left

The

village corporation,
principle
is

whose employees the

The

carried

still

further by a Chola Inscription accord-

ing to which the Assembly arranged to have the village administration

attended to by those

who consented

to vacate their seats

by the year

according to old custom (G. Ep.

G. Ep. R., 1905, pp. 27, 54.
G. Ep. R., 1907,
p. 76,

R., 1915, p. 18, no, 92).

para. 39,

23

178

COKPORATE LIFE

accountants must have been, was required to pay

the debts by selling some
fields.

Some
f torn

interesting details about the working

of the village xissemblies

may

also be gathered

a large number of Chola inscriptions^ fromk Brahmadesam a village in the North Arcot dis* trict. The records show that it was an agrahara

with an organised village Assembly called Ganapj^eTiimahhal or Ganavariyappertimakkal.

invariably

They Assembly and its activities. Many committees must have worked under its control. One of these was a committee
mention
the

manage the affairs of the village {ganavariyam) and another to manage those of the temple (Koyilvariyam), The accountant of the latter committee was named or entitled Trairajya
to

ghatika-madhyasta

" the arbitrator of the

col-

lege (named) Trairajya."

in

The grant recorded

stated to

inscription

no.

194

is

have been

entrusted by the Mahasabha (great assembly) to

the great people of the ^^^;mHi/m doing duty
in that year,

and

if

they failed,
(i.e.,

it

was stipulated

that the sraddhamantas

those

who

interest-

ed themselves in the charity?) would collect a

from each member of that committee on behalf of the king. The Assembly also had, evidently under its control, a body of madhyastas
fine

(arbitrators)

who wrote

the tank accounts and

.

'

G. Ep. R., 1916, pp. 115-16

For

this officer see also

Ukkal Inscription

no.

2.

CHAPTER

II

179
'

received for maintenance four

ucili

'

of

paddy
gold

every

day,

seven

'halanju'

of

pure

every year and a pair of cloths.

In presenting

accounts for audit by the Assembly each of these

was required
(and

to

undergo the oideal of holding

If

red-hot iron in his hand.

he came out safe

surplus

hence also pure) he would be presented

of
If,

with a bonus
{padasesha
his
?).

one

quarter of the

on the other hand, he burnt

in default) he

hand (and hence

would be fined

10 'kalanjii' without of course further bodily

upon him. The Ganapperumaklicd who formed the general body of the Assembly appear also sometimes as the managers of the temple. In that capacity they once seem to have given an agreement that if they destroyed the gold that was assigned to the temple they would each pay to the Mahesvaras of the temple
punishment
inflicted

a tine of 24 kmiam.

The corporations possessed absolute authority over the village lands and were
Relation

between

the Village Assemblies

o-PTiPvaliV gtUeiailJ
^j^^

Ipft leiL

lUldisturbed UUUISIUI Ueu

\X\ lU

ind

the Central Gov-

internal

manafi^cmcut

of

They were, however, responsible for the payment of taxS due from the village and we have an instance on record where the members of a Village Assembly
the villages.

m
saved by some

CORPORATE LIFE

were arrested and imprisoned for the unpaid balance of the royal revenue. V The situation was

Brahmana members

of the Village

Assembly who sold 80 veils- of land for 200 in order to clear up the revenue arrears.'
It appears

Msn

from the Tiruvallam inscription

their

that the royal officers supervised

accounts

from time
tjkkal
as

to

time.

The

inscription No. 12 at

well

as several

other records

'^

show
for

that the Village Assembly was liable to

dereliction of duty

fine

and an inscription of the time of Rajaraja 1/ dated 996 A. D., also refers to We are the same thing with interesting details. told that the Assemblv of Tribhuvana-mahadevichaturvedi-mafigalam met in a pavillion and

made an agreement

to the following

effect

with

regard to a village

which was purchased from

to the local

the Assembly by a certain person and granted " The said assembly shall temple.

not levy any other tax than skldhay

',

dandai/a

and panchavara. It shall not be lawful for them to violate it or to levy any kind of tax such as sillirai which are not mentioned in the
rates already
fixed.

In respect of this village

'

the
tee'

members
and the
1

of the

Tank Supervision Commit'

'

Village Supervision Committee

p. 109.

and

G. Ep. R., 1913,

South Ind.

Ins., Vol. Ill,

Part

I,

no. o7.

3 *

G. Ep. R., nos. 342 and 343 of 1903, and no. 2G8 of 1911.

G. Ep. E., 1918,

p. 143.

CHAPTER
*

11

181

the uramaiseyvar
receive

'

working

for the year shall

any kind of payment in rice or paddy as amanji. Such of the members of the committee who misappropriated the collection of such taxes and signed the order for levying them shall be liable to pay a fine of twenty-five halanjii of gold which shall be collected by the
not

demkaumis (i. e., the managers of the temple). Even after paying the fines, they (the members
of the varii/am), shall be liable to

pay a

fine to

the

Dharmmana
they

(the

Court of Justice) at the

at the

place

choose

and

rates fixed
of the

in

the agreement.

The accountant

variyam
to this

who allowed
asked to pay

the
vetti.

unlawful collection shall be

Those who say *nay

'

order and those by whom they are so shall be made to pay a fine of fifteen the Dharmasaiia by the Decakamnis obey to shall thereafter be made
order."

instigated

kalanju to
;

and they the same

The Tirumalpuram inscription recites an instance where the Assembly was actually fined by the king on the complaint brought by the temple authorities that it was misappropriating
part of the revenues assigned to them.'

On

the

other hand the village Assembly could

the
notice
of

bring to

the

king any misdoings of the

servants of any
village.^

temple within the area of the

G. Ep. R., 1907,

G. Ep. R., 1909,

p. 71. p. 83,

para. 28.

8-2

CORPORATE LIFE
Some
of the regulations

which the Assembly

passed required the sanction

we

are

told
:

at the

llegulation
received."

" to this

ot* the king. Thus end of the Uttaramallur effect was the royal order

Again

in

the

inscription

No. 9 at

tion to the village

Ukkal we have a royal charter according sancAssembly to sell lands of those

not

who have

paid

taxes {Of, also instances

p. 92).

quoted in G. Ep. E. 1910,

On

the

other

hand any royal charter affecting the status of a village must be sent for approval to the village iVssembly before it was registered and sent into This is proved by an inscripthe record office.
tion of Vira Rajendra.'

Two
right of

Ti'avancore

Inscriptions
strikingly

'^

of

the 12th
this
first

century A.
the

D. also
village

illustrate

corporations.

The

some paddy lands by the royal officers of Venad wdth the object of proThe viding for the daily offerings in a temple.
records the grant
of

second inscription purports to be a charter exe-

cuted by the royal

village

officers

and the people of the

It

assembled together.

records that in

accordance with the royal proclamation they have

made over
tions,

the paddy lands to the servants of

the temple, subject to minor charges and deduc-

and concludes with the remarkable clause " in witness whereof we the people of Talakkudi
: '

Keferred to by Mr.
Ind. Ant., Vol.

S.

K. Aiyaugar in
pp. 257-8.

*'

Ancieut India," pp. 177-8.

XXIV,

CHAPTER

II

183

(hereunto affix) our signatures," and the signatures follow.

tions

The

editor of
:

these
is

two

inscrip-

remarks as follows
a manner to

" It

remarkable that

the people of Talakkudi had the right to execute,

and

in

ratify, the

royal grant.

The
but

reservation as to minor charges

and deductions,
inscription
to certain

appearing in this
absent
cesses
in

(the

latter)

the former, would point

levied by village associations,

their

on

lands

falling within

union."
vvhich

Another Travanthe

core

Inscription
later

of

summary
its

is

quoted
''^

also

shows

by
it

preamble

that the proclamation which

issued
after

contains

was
of

a
the

consultation having
royal
officers,

been duly

held
the

among
village

the

members

assembly

and
of

the

people of the
inscriptions

village."

number

Pandya

conclusively prove

that all royal

orders regard-

ing gifts of lands, or making lands tax-free, had

to be regularly of

communicated
which

to

the

Assembly
belonged.
the

the

village to

the lands

The Assembly then met

official

together,

received
tlie

document,
to

proclaimed

particular

lands

be tax-free by an executive order and

sometimes fixed the boundaries.^

Reference

may

be

made

to several

other

inscriptions testifying to the

important position
in

occupied by the

Village

Assembly
IU>, para. 8.

ancient

'

G. Ep. K. 1917,

p.

184

CORPORATE LIFE

Indian polity.

An

inscription of the Chola king-

Rajaraja III registers an order of the prince to

his
officer

through thu

citizens

of

Mummad

Another inscription of the Pandya registers an order of the Village Assembly under the instruction of (the
Solapurain.'

Kulasekharadeva

king), for acquiring certain private houses

which
second

were

required
of the

in

constructing
temple.-

the

prakara

local

An

inscription

of Rajadhiraja I, dated

1048 A. D., records that

the

the Assembly of Rajaraja-chaturvedi-mangalam

met

in a pavilion in

company with

governor

and gave effect to an order of the king issued under the signature of his royal secretary, stating that on the lands belonging
of the town,
to a certain

temple only the lowest

rate

of

tax

needs be

levied.*^

It appears that

sometimes the members of a

of the king on
inscription,*

Village

Assembly had audience

public business.

An

dated in the

5th year of the reign of Kulasekharadeva, states

that

the

members
to

of the

Assembly
for

of Tirupto

puttur

wished

pay

their

respects

His

Majesty, and wanted money

of the journey.

the expenses

The

visit

contemplated
tlie

being

probably one
1

of public

interest

Assemlily

G. Ep. R., 1909, p. 10.

G. Ep. R., 1917,

p. 27, no. 40R.

^
*

G. Ep. R., 1918,

G. Ep. R., 1909,

p.

U7.
para. 28.

p. 84,

CHAPTER
made
120
*

II

186

certain temple lands rent-free

and received

kasu

'

from the tenants/

to cordial rela-

There are frequent references

tions
Cordial reiatious

between
tlic
,

the

be

and
king,

king.
,_ kavtja

A
i

Assembly poct com'p

tween the Assembly and the King.

poscd

glorifymg the

ii

and the Assembly was adjudge its merits, and required to listen to by a royal order. The ilssembly was evidently satisfied with his productions and made him a
it,

gift of land.^

Several inscriptions

record gifts

of land

charitable acts performed

of the

by the xVssembly, or other religious and by them, for the sake

the
king, or for celebrating a

health of
victory.
*

royal

We

learn

from an inscription

at Alaiigudi

that special prayers were offered at

a temple, at the expense of the Village Assembly,

for the recovery,

from

ill

health,

of

member
re-

of the

royal

family.

Another inscription^

cords
prince,

that

the

Assembly, in company with the

water-works

opened

and

performed

consecration ceremony of the God.

10

The Ukkal
a
'

inscriptions are calculated to give

very fair idea of

the

general

powers

and

Cf. also ihid, p. 17, nos. 103, 104.

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 66, no. 198.

'

G. Ep. R., 1909, p. 26, nos. 195, 196 G. Ep. R., 1899, p. 20, para. 53. G. Ep. R., 1918,
p. 32,

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 96, para. 18.

*
'

uo. 347.

186

CORPORATE LIFE
These prove
that
p
l*

functions of the village Assembly.

beyond
Powers aud tuuctions

all

doubt
j_
i

the

village corporatious
i

had reached

of

the

Village

Assembij.

a vcry high state or perfection.

They were looked upon as part aud parcel of the constitution of the country and were entrusted with the entire management of the village. They were practically the absolute proprietors

of the

village

lands

including
for

fresh clearings,
total

and were responsible

the

amount of revenue to the Government. In case the owner of a plot of land failed to pay his share it became the common property of the
corporation which had a right to dispose of
realise the
it

to

duesi (Nos. 9,
to

7, 10).

The corpora;

tions also

seem

have exercised the exclusive

(No. 12
also see

right of administering justice

ante

p. 151).

A careful
exercised
all

analysis of the

Ukkal

inscriptions

will further show^ that the corporation practically

the powers of a state within

of activity.
It

its

nar-

row sphere
property

possessed
it

corporate
sell

(3, 7, 9,

10) which

could

for

public purposes
*

(3, 7, 9,
is

10)

such as providing

Another instance
I.

furnished by
village

an inscription of the time of

of Ratnagiri sold
it

Kajendra Choladeva
lic

The

Assembly
the

by pub-

auction a piece of land, after having paid the taxes on

of the original holders

for 15 years

on behalf

who

left

place

to

live

elsewhere
R.,

without arranging to pay the accumulated dues on the land (G Ep.

1915, p. 98).
'

For other instances see G. Ep.

serial

R., 1910, p. 92.

The

figures indicate the

number

of

inscriptions referred

to above.

CHAPTER

ir

187

for the necessities of a temple (6, 11, 12)

which
public

seems to have been looked upon as an important

part of
its duties.

It

was a

trustee

for

charities

of all

kinds,

and. received deposits of

14) and paddy
(5, 8)

money

(1),

land

(2, 3, 4, 10,

under the condition

interest, the things

to

provide,

out
the

of their

stipulated

by

donors.
(1),

These included, feeding of Brahmans

plying rice to the
(2),

sup-

God

established in a temple
(4, 5),

supply of paddy to specified persons

(3),

maintenance of flower garden

of boats

maintenance

(10)
to

and the

provision of water and

(14).

firepans

Brahmans

The corporation
(6).

could regulate the market and assign particular

place for the sale of particular commodities
It could regularly

impose taxes

(12),

and even levy

extra tolls for specific objects of public utility.

It

had

also

the

power

to

exact forced labour

(12).

from the inhabitants of the village

Some-

times the corporation exercised jurisdiction over

other villages and the instance furnished by No.

12

is

interesting,

inasmuch as

it

shows that the

Ukkal possessed another village more than 3 miles distant, and this was granted away, free from all taxes and customary dues,
corporation of
in order to provide for the necessities of a
in

temple

Ukkal

itself.

188

CORPORATE LIFE

11
of

The proper maintenance

and
irrigation

communication

seems
the

to

have

demanded the

special

care

of

village
'

corporations.

An
a

inscription

at

Uttaramallur

reports

that

certain

road in the village had been submerged

under water and became unfit to be used even

by

cattle.

Consequently, the village corporation

decided
that

the

road should
this

Proper maintenance of the means of com-

^3^

widened.
to

Eor
be

purpOSC i -^

muuicationandirnva-

j^nd had

acquircd

by

purchase from the ryots of the

The duty of acquiring the land and making the new road was assigned to the 'Garden Supervision Committee.' A number of inscriptions refer to the irrigation works undertaken by the village corporaThus two inscriptions ^ from Trichinopoly tions.
village.
district

record

the

arrangement
for

made
silt.

by
out

Village
baskets
the
day.
ers,

Assembly
of

removing
to

140
of

earth

had

be

taken

tank and

deposited

on

the

bund every

The establishment

consisted of six labour-

a supervisor, a carpenter, a

blacksmith and
quantities
gifts

fishermen,
of

who were
Several
private

paid stipulated
records
register

paddy.

of
of

money by

individuals,

the

interest

O. Ep. R,, 1899, p. 23.

G. Ep. R., 1903, Nos. 342, 343.

CHAPTER
which was
to

II

l:

Assembly in annually removing silt from the tank and depositing it on the bund. In one case the Assembly
be spent by
the

expressed their
act of the donor

gratification

at

the

charitable

and exempted him from the

taxes.

payment

of

certain

One
'

endowment

provided for the

which was to Another inscription records that the Village Assembly of Uttaramallur accepted an endowment and undertook to arrange for the removal of silt every month from the local tank.'
Besides
private donations as
to

upkeep of a second boat be employed for removing silt.

erippatti

the

income from which went

repairs of tanks, there

meet the

cost of

was

also

a regular tax

called eri-ayam collected for

the

same purpose.^

Chola inscription of the 10th century A.D.^

the
villagers

states that

agreed to contribute
'

towards the repair of the tank.

for Supervision of
'

The Committee

Tanks in the village levied the contributions and agreed to arrange for the
removal of
general
silt

annuallv.

In addition to private
tax,

donations

and
to

the,

the

Assembly resorted

other

expedients

to get

money

for irrigation purposes.

Thus we
'

learn

from a Chola inscription^ that

in

Cj.

Mr. Venkayya's article

ff.,

Ann. Rep. Arch. Snrv. India,

is

1903-4,
'

pp 206

on which this paragraph

;

mainly baaed.

a. Ep. R., No. 140, of 1919

a. Ep. R., No. 178 of 1902.

also

cj.

No. 66, of 1919.

=*

'

G. Ep. R., 1912,

p. 16,

No. 214.

190

CORPORATE LIFE

Assembly received an endowment of 100 kasti from an individual for providing ofPerings in a temple and for expounding Swa-dharma in the Assembly-hall built in the temple by the same person. They utilised the sum for repairing damages caused by floods to irrigation
the
channels.

Another
had

inscription

states

that

certain ryots

failed to

pay the dues on their

the
over,

holdings.

The
for

amount

Assembly paid them, and their land was taken

Village
three
to

for the benefit of the tank, for

years.

If

the defaulters failed the end of the term,

the

pay up their dues at land would be sold

pow^ers
to

for the benefit of the tank.

The iVssembly had

private

full

acquire

lands for

purposes of irrigation, for

ioscription
^

we
the

from a Chola Assembly gave lands in exchange for fields taken up by the bed of their newly constructed tank. All these varied duties were no doubt perlearn

that

formed under the immediate direction

of

'the

Tank Supervision Committee.'

12
schemes of

Even
irrigation

the

most well designed

to fail at

were bound

times and then

the villages must have suffered from famine and

scarcity.
'

The Village Assemblies had

^

terrible

G, Ep. R., 1898, No. 61.

G. Ep, R., 1907, No. 84.

CHAPTER
responsibilities

II

191

on

these

occasions

and the
manfully
in

evidence at hand
faced them.

shows that
at

they

An

inscription
relief.

Alaiigudi,^

dated

the

6 th year of
Famine

Rajaraja, refers to

a terrible famine in the locality.

The

villagers

had no funds
cultivation.

to

purchase paddy

for their

own consumption,

seed grains and other

For some reasons, the famine-stricken inhabitants could expect no help in their distress from the royal treasury. Accordingly the Assembly obtained on loan a
necessaries for

quantity of gold and silver consisting of temple

jewels and vessels from the local temple treasury.

In exchange for this the members of the Village

Assembly alienated 8f
the God.
interest

veli of land in

favour of
the

From

the produce of this land

on the gold and silver received from the

temple was to be paid.

Chola inscription also records that the

Assembly borrowed money from temple treasury on account of ** bad time " and '* scarcity of
grams.

The Government seem

and the
faithful

to

have fully recogof

nised the heavy responsibility

the

Assembly

charged their duty.

manner in which they disHence they sometimes

to

empowered
'

the

corporations

regulate

the

G. Ep. R., 1899, p. 20, para. 53.

G. Ep. R., 1914,
p. 45,

No. 397.

192

CORPORATE LIFE
to

Goverrment dues with a view

eondition of the

the actual

country.

very remarkable
the

instance
of Vira
'J^IO

occurs in the Manalikkarai Inscription

in

Ravi Keralavarman dated

the

year

of

1234i-35

Kollam Era ( = 1156-57 ^aka or A.D.) of which the substance is given

is

below.
"

In the year 410

issued

the following

proclamation after a

consultation having been

among the loyal chieftains ruling at Venad and the members of the assembly (Sabha)
duly held
of Kodainallur

and the people of that

village,

as well as

the

right

Kondan Tiruvikramau, entrusted with of realising the Government dues.

to

Agreeably
the tax
as

the

understanding arrived at
direct

in

this consultation

we command and
paddy
to

that

due from Government lands be taken

in

amounting

(such

and

such

measure).

In seasons of drought and consequent

failure of crops the

members

of the

Sabha and

the people of

the village shall inspect the lands

and ascertain whidh have failed and which have The lands that have failed shall be assessed not. Similarly the at one-fifth of the normal dues. and the of the Sabha people should members
report to the officer-in-charge
if

all

the

taxable

lands

equally
satisfied

failed,

and after the

said officer

was

by personal inspection, one-fifth

If the

only of the entire dues shall be levied.

member

of

the Sabha and

the

people agree

CHAPTER
among themselves and pray

II

193

in

common
this

for

the

postponement of the payment as the only course

open to the majority among them,
(i.e.,

demand
Govern-

one-fifth

the

usual

rate)

shall be apporto

tioned over all the lands paying tax

ment

(to

be levied

in the

subsequent harvest)

but without interest."^

13
9,

It

has been

noted above, in
inscriptions

that the

prove the village

to

th^e'tlVetsTely:!
^^^^'
plopie!^'

Assembly
practically
rity

have

exercised

^^^

an absolute authoproprietors
of
'^

over all village concerns.

As we have seen they were the

village
lands,

and

their

power

of selling lands

and making them tax-free^ is clearly proved by a number of records. There is even one instance where the queen had to purchase lands* from them. They could also impose taxes and imposts of various descriptions and
borrow money
restrained
^

for

communal

purposes.^

That

they did not play a despot and were generally

by constitutional usages and other

XXIV,
p.

Ind. Ant., Vol.

308

ff.

G. Ep. R., 1904, p. 32, No.

;

386

1907,

p. 16,

No. 71

p. 32,

Nos. 287, 291

'
*

p. 33,

No. 297.
p. 285, G.

Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill, G. Ep. R., 1905,

G.

Ep. R., No. 153, of 1919.

p. 32, p.

No. 669.
67, No.

Ep. R.,

1919,

212

also the extract

from G. Ep.

B., 1918, p. 143,

quoted above.

25

194

CORPORATE LIFE
is

Vikrama Chola.' The members of the Assembly of Tirunaraiyur had spent on communal business money in excess of the sanctioned amount and
checks
proved by an
inscription
of

as they could not impose

additional taxes on the

people, they

sold

a piece of land to the temple

in return for the

money which they apparently

i

got from the temple treasury,

singular

instance

of the authority

some-

times exercised by the Village

private individuals
is

regulations

" Persons who are qualified

of

Assembly over furnished by the following

to

do

the

services

accountancy,

carpentry,

etc.,

should take up such services in the village only.

Those who engage themselves

in

these services

beyond the village

transgressed
against the Assembly
village.'"^

Avill

be considered to have

the law, to have committed a fault

and

to

have ruined the

large

number
afi

of

South

Indian records

hold out the Village Assembly

Village Assembly

Public Trustees local Banks.

and

n ixi r u aS SCrVlUg the lUnctlOUS 01 pub

he trustees and

local banks.

-nr

We

have already noted in the case of Ukkai inscriptions that they kept deposits of money out of the
interest of

which they
,1

fulfilled
p, 96,

the conditions

G. Ep. R., 1909,

G. Ep. R., 1919,

para. 46.

p. 66,

No. 205.

CHAPTER
laid

II

195

down by the

donor.

This interesting funcis

tion of the yilla^e

Assembly

referred to with

some additional
from a different
inscription of

details in
locality.

an earlier inscription

The Ambasamudram (9th the Pandya king Varaguna

^

century A.D.) records that he gave into the hands

of the

members

of

the Assembly of
^

Ilangok-

kudi two hundred and ninety

interest of which, the capital

ka8U,'

from the

remaining unspent,

offerings

had
For
'

to

be provided for to a certain

temple.

this to

(amount) the members of the

five

Assembly had kalam eight

'

measure out
'

hundred and
(as)
*

at the rate of

paddy per year two kalam for each

of
'

interest,

kasiL'

Out
pay

of this (income) the servants of the lord and the

committee of the Assembly were

for offerings four times a

to

jointly
to

day according

a scale

which was
of

laid

down

in great detail.
'

Seventeen instances
Village Assemblies

of the similar function

are

furnished

by the

Chola inscriptions in Tanjore temple.

the

Out

of
to

them they were furnish, as interest, either a sum of money specified quantities of paddy to the temple.
deposited with

money

or

Tamil inscription records the

gift of

a piece

of land to the

Assembly on condition that they should burn a lamp in a local temple.'^ The
^

Ep. Ind., Vol. IX., pp. 84

ff.

"^

South Ind.

Ins., II,

Nos. 9-19, 25-28, 35, 54.

G. Ep. R., 1905, p. 33, No. 685.

196

CORPORATE LIFE
*

supervision of the charity was entrusted to

the

Annual Tank Supervision Committee/ Another inscription records that the Assembly received
^

75 lalahjus of gold for feeding daily live Brah-

manas.
kovalur^

Of the fourteen

inscriptions in Tiruk-

by Hultzsch, six refer to deposits of money and paddy with the Assembly on condition that they should perform
temples published
certain specified charitable acts.

Sometimes the Assembly received a fixed deposit and, by way of interest, remitted the taxes on certain lands, specially those belonging to a temple. In one such case on record'^ a devotee of the local temple collected 160 kasu by donations and deposited it with the Assembly for making the temple land tax-free. In an
analogous case* the Assembly sold to a local

temple the right of collecting tax from the

stalls

opened

in the bazaar.

Two

inscriptions

at
"

Tirunamanallur

refer

to the gift of

undying (and) unaged big sheep'* to the Assembly on condition of supplying

100
a stipulated quantity of ghee for burning lamps
in the local temple.
'
'

The adjectives 'unaged'

and undying mean that those sheep which died or ceased to supply milk had to be replaced
^

G. Ep. R., No. 155 of 1919.

= 3

Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, pp. 138

f.

Q Ep ^^

1918^ p 150.

G. Ep. R., 1911, p. 32, No. 321.

Ep. Ind., Vol. VII,

p. 137.

CHAPTER
by
other

II

197
in

lambs

that

had

grown up

the

meantime.

Sometimes the people endorsed the endowments accepted by the Assembly. An inscription
of Rajarilja

Chola

records the gift of a

sum

of

money by a merchant, from the interest of which

the Assembly and the residents of Tiruvidavandai

had

to

supply

oil

to

feed

a perpetual lamp.

banking transactions.
inscription
of
^

Sometimes these endowments involved two-fold We learn from a Chola

that a merchant

made over a sum

and paddy
to

money

to the residents of

Taiyur on condition

that they should pay interest in oil

the Assembly of Tiruvidavandai for burning a

lamp

in the

temple and feeding 35 Brahmanas.

There are other examples, too numerous to

be recorded in
detail,

where the south Indian

records represent the Village Assemblies as public

trustees or local banks.

15

There was a close and oftentimes a cordial

Relation between the Village Assembly and the local temple.

relation between the Villasje ^ Asscmbly and thc authoritlcs

or the local temple.
n
<

This was

r,^i

specially the case

was a

'

where the village in question Brahmadeya and assigned to a temple.

'
^

G. Ep. R., 1911,

p. 27,

No. 261.

Jhid, p. 28, No. 267.

198

CORPORATE LIFE
of

Accordinsr to an inscription

Rajaraja/ the

inhabitants of such villages were to supply to the

Tanjore temple

(1) as

temple treasurers such

as temple servants

Brahmanas
and
(3)

as were rich in land, connections or

capital; (2) Brahmacharins,

accountants for writing the accounts (of

the temple).

The Tanjore

inscriptions of this

king refer, by name, to one hundred and fortyfour (144) Village Assemblies that were to supply

Brahmacharins

as

temple

servants,-

and

one

hundred and five (105) others that were temple watchmen.^

to supply

We

have already seen above how the Village

Assembly and the temple authorities zealously guarded their respective rights and preferred complaints against each other to the ruling power
if

them neglected their proper duties. In one case* we hear that some members of the Assembly were in charge of the store-room of
any
of

the temple.

In general, however, the village corporations

fully recognised their responsiProper maintenance
of the local religious and charitable institutions by the Village
^*^
^

bility for

maintaining temples
,

...

and
^j^.^

othcr
.^

local

mstitutious.

. i

Bsem

y.

^^^^ illustrated by an

inscription^
1

from Edayarpakkam.
Ins., II.,

plot

of

South Ind.

No. 69.

Ibid.

Ibid, Nog. 57, 70.

[It is not certain

whether the former, containing

13,

out of the 105 instances, belongs to Rajaraja or RAjendra Choladeva.]

*
5

Ep. Ind., Vol. VII,

p. 145.

G. Ep. R., 1911, p. 73, para. 28.

CHAPTER

II

199

land purchased from the villagers by a

Brahman

lady and presented to a temple for the mainte-

nance of a perpetual lamp was found unsuitable

and no one came forward to cultiThe lamp had consequently to be disvate it. continued and the trustees of the temple appear to have requested the villagers to take back into
for irrigation

own management the land which they had once sold to the Brahmana lady, and to supply instead the required number of cows to maintain
their

the

lamp.

This

was done and the land was

resumed.

The Assembly, not infrequently, reduced the rents of lands belonging to temples and sometimes even altogether remitted the taxes due from
them.^

Chola inscription even records that no

taxes should be levied on the temple belongings.^

Sometimes the Assembly made

for the regular

gifts of lands
^

supply of garlands

and other

things
for

to temples.
^

burning lamps

made provisions and singing hymns ^ in local

They
also

temples.

There are various cases on record show-

ing that either the Assembly itself granted lands

'

G. Ep. R., 1919, Nos. 429, 538 (p. 37), 430 (p. 37), 508 (p. 42);
;

1905, p. 28, No. 553

'
'
*

1909, p. 33, Nos. 292-294.

G. Ep. R., 1915, No. 133, pp. 21, 97.

G. Ep. R., 1918, G. Ep. R., 1907,

p, 150. p. 13,

No. 43;

p. 40,

No. 422;

1908,

pp. 44-45,

Nos. 489-492.

G. Ep. R., p. 25, No. 246.

G. Ep. R., 1909,

p. 47,

No. 423

1915, p. 21, No. 129.

200

CORPORATE LIFE

by private parties for making offerings to the temple/ The Village Assembly also made provisions for educational and charitable institutions and in most cases these were associated with local temples. A remarkable instance of this kind of activity
or facilitated purchase of lands
is

furnished by an inscription of the time of

Rajendra
tutiou^.""^'

Chola'^ (c.

1025 A.D.)

'^''^^'

The record

states that, in order

to secure success to the

arms of

the king, the Assembly of llajaraja-chaturvedi-

mangalam made the following

Lord
in the

provisions to the

temple of Rajaraja-Vinnagar.
for

The

charities

were mainly intended

maintaining

a hostel and a college for Vedic study as detailed

below
(i)

Eour persons were appointed for the recitation of the Tirumymoli hymns in the temple and they were allowed three kurtmi of paddy each per day. To meet this charge, lands measuring half a veil and two ma in extent were given. {ii) For feeding twenty-five Sri-Vaishnavas in the matha attached to the same temple, one veil and four ma of land were allotted. (ill) Sixty kalam of paddy and three kalanju
of gold

were also provided for the Seven-days'

festival of

Ani-Anulam

in

order

to

feed

one

G, P. R.,

p. 32,

Nos. 374, 375, 378-380; also

cf.

No. 405 of 1918

and No. 30

of 1919.
ff.

G. Ep. R., 1918, pp. 145

CHAPTER

II

201

thousand Vaishnavas and dasas (devotees)

who

came

to witness

it.

{iv)

Half a

veil

and two ma of land and some

car,

gold were given to meet the cost of taking the

God

in

procession round the village in a

for the grant of cloths to the

mendicants on the

occasion, for purchasing cloth to be put

deity,

on the
for

for

offerings,

bath

and
etc.

garlands,

performing certain ceremonies,

{a) Seventy-five
{b)

The following students were fed

studying the Eigveda.

Seventy-five studying the Yajur-Veda.

Twenty studying the Chandoga-Sama. {d) Twenty studying the Talavakara-Sama. {e) Twenty studying the Vajasaneya. (/) Ten studying the Atharva. {g) Ten studying the Baudhayaniya Grihya{c)

kalpa and Gana,

thus making a total of 230 Brahmacharins for

studying the above-mentioned Vedas which, with

the forty persons learning the Rupavatara,
to 270.

came

Six nali of paddy was allotted for each

of these per day.

Further there were

{h)
{i)

Twenty- five learning the Vyakarana.

Thirty-five learning the Prabhakara, and persons learning the Vedanta. Ten ij) For these 70 pupils provision was made at the rate of one kuruni and two nali of paddy each

per day.
26

202

CORPORATE LIFE

One kalam of paddy was given to the nambi who expounded the Vyakarana^ one kalam to another who expounded the Frahhakara ; and one kalam and one tuni to the third who expounded the Vedanta.

Ten professors were appointed Vedas as detailed below

:

to teach

the

Three

to teach the Rigveda.

Three to teach the Yajus.

One One One One

to teach the

Chandoga.

to teach the Talavakara-Sama. to teach the Vajasaneya. to teach the

Baudhayaniya

Grihya

and Kalpa and Kathaka.

The
tail

fee of the above teachers

it

is

given in defor

and

appears that, in

all,

the 01^

kalanju of gold and the paddy that were required

for

maintaining the entire establishment, the

temple was put in possession of

land.

45

veli

of

Sometimes the assembly maintained charitable institutions established by others. We learn from an inscription that the Assembly of Tribhuvana-Mahadevi-chaturvedimangalam purchased lands to meet all the requirements of
the
charity
established
in

the temple by a

general of Rajendra Chola to secure the health

of

the

king.

Land

was

purchased

to

the

extent of 72 veil yielding

an

annual

rental

CHAPTER
of
for
(1) Offerings,
scale,

II

^03

12,000 kalam of paddy, in order to provide

worship,

etc.,

on a grand

(2)

Conducting festivals and feeding Vaishnavas,

(3)
(dd)

Feeding 12 Vedic teachers,

(5) (6)

Feeding 7 teachers of other subjects, Feeding 190 Vedic students,

Feeding 70 other students.
all

The land was exempted from

ers

taxes except

three specified ones and the students and teach-

were exempted from certain payments and

There are even cases on record where the

obligations.^

Assembly sold lands for maintaining a feeding Such instances may be multiplied but house.^ those given above are enough to indicate the
philanthropic activities of the Assembly.

16

The

responsibility of the village corporations

for the safety of the village is

Village Assembly as the protector of the

''^^^*^^'

n n ^ ^ wcll lUustratcd by two mscrip.

j ,

tions

temple in

the village

from Tirupputur. was occupied by

18.

A
the

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 96, para.

G. Ep. R., 1919,

p. 61,

Nos.

15M52.

G. Ep. R., 1909, pp. 82.83, para. 27.

^04

CORPORATE LIFE
in
their
first

encamped Mahomedans, probably

raid to south India.

In consequence of
x\t this

this the

inhabitants became unsettled.

jvmcture

a certain Visalayadeva reconsecrated the temple

and saved the people apparently from an immiThe nent moral and religious degradation. villagers, of their free will, agreed among themselves to show their gratitude to Visalayadeva
by assigning to him a specified quantity of corn from the harvest reaped by each individual and
conferring on

him

certain privileges in the temple.

The other
over to
of
*

inscription shows that the corporation

of Tirupputur

had already, two years ago, made

the
right

one Madhava-chakravartin,

padikkaval.'

This term probably means the

outsiders).
It

protection of village (from

possibly the fear of

was
that

Mahomedan
of

invasion

induced the corporation to take this step.

large

number

inscriptions

from the

Madakasira Taluk, ranging over a long period from the early 9th century down to the I7th,

show the high sense

and their heroic
lage.

of

honour which the people

on behalf of the
vil-

uniformly entertained for the village patriots

sacrifices

Some

of these records are quite interest-

ing in their details.

The Harati

chief granted

field to

a certain person for having successfully

protected the village from enemies during two

or

three

destructive

Erega, a servant of

About A.D. 966 Ayyapadeva seems to have

raids.

CHAPTER

II

205
all

fought with the Cholas successfully so that

the people of Penjeru praised him.

There are

also other references to rent-free grant connected

with the spilling of blood in the cause probably

of protecting a

community

or a village.^

Again,
to the

an inscription from Marudadu, belonging

8th year of Rajaraja I registers that a certain

Kalipperuman
protection,

lost his life in

the act of affording

native village.

against ruin, to his

The good residents of the a permanent lamp to burn

district

provided for

in

the local temple

in order to secure merit for the martyr/^

An

interesting

information

regarding
is

the

corporate feelings of the villagers

supplied by

an inscription from Tirumeyiianam.^ The Assembly of Nalur having assembled under a tamarind tree in their village, decided that the
residents of their village should not do anything

against the interests of their village nor against

the temple of Tirumayanam-Udaiyar, and similar

institutions.

That
*

if

they did
'

so,

they must
not be

suffer as the

gramadrohins
this

do,

and that people

etc.

who

act

against

decision should

allowed the privilege of touching Siva,

The corporate character of the village was recognised even by hostile kings. 'J'hus a Kumbhakonam record states that when Parantaka I
\ G. Ep. R., X917,
""

p. 114, para. 18.

G. Ep. R., 1913, p. 96, para. 21. 0. Ep. R., 1911, p. 75, para. 30.

206

CORPORATE LIFE

conquered Madura, he levied an impost of 3,000 kalahju of gold on the members of the Kum-

bhakonam Assembly and that they had agreed to pay the amount/ An inscription from Tirupattur,^ dated in the 36th year of the reign of

Kulasekhara
lage

I,

refers to the capture of the vil-

by a certain Valluvanadalvan.
to

asked the members of the village

The invader Assembly and

C(

two private individuals

posals.

submit

to

rtain pro-

This they refused to do and

many

left

Assembly as he could lay hands upon, and the two particular indivithe village.
of the

Such

duals, he confined in the temple with the object

of compelling

them to approve

of

his

procedure.

Later on the matters were set right by the king,

but the very fact that an invader found

sary to coerce the

it

neces-

Assembly

to accept his decree

shows that the corporate character of the village

was such an integral part of the constitution that it was impossible for any person, either a
friend or foe, to ignore
it.

17
Apart from the highly organised corporations
subsisting in small local units
of the^peopie ^^^^^'

oTi^rge

the corporate spirit

among

the

deople of south India was re

markably displayed, on various occasions, by the

G. Ep. R., 1912, p. 63, para. 15. G. Ep. R., 1909, p. 83, para. 28.

CHAPTER

II

207

combined activity of the populace of wider areas. Thus a Pallava inscription^ records an agreement

among
of

the residents of the country to the north

river

the

Avinai and to the south of the

is

Pennai.
trict

Reference

also

made
'

to a ffreat dis-

Assembly meeting in a royal abode and

consisting of,

among

others,

the sixteen of the

Very often the common religious feeling was at the bottom of these corA good example is furnished porate activities. by the Kudumiyamalai inscription of the reign
eight
districts.'^

of

Kulottunga I
the

(A. D.
in

1005-6).

It records
called

that

people

living

the

district

Rattapadikonda-Chola-Valanadu
to

(which

seems

have comprised a considerable portion of the Pudukkotai state) made an agreement with two
persons (apparently Brahmanas) that they should

levy brokerage on all the betel-leaves imported

into the said district, and, out of the proceeds,

supply 30,000 areca nuts and 750 bundles of

betel-leaves annually to a certain temple.

The
'

people of the district and 'the blameless five

hundred men (constituting) the army (padai) of this district were appointed to supervise this
arrangement.

further instance of similar union

is

fur-

nished by an inscription^ from Kamarasavalli

'

G. Ep. R., 1907, p. 18, No. 96. Ep. Tnd., Vol. V,

p. 23.

^ *

G. Ep. R., 1905, p. 52, para. 17.

G. Ep. R., 1915, p. 104, para. 36.

208

CORPORATE LIFE

dated in the 10th year of Jatavarman Virapandya.

It registers that the residents of the eighteen suh-

divisions of the seventy-nine districts assembled

together and set apart

the

them from certain articles meet the cost of repairs to the temple. A few more examples of similar activity occur in south Indian records. The Managoli
inscription^
tells

income derived by of merchandise to

us

that

the
five

Svamins of Ayyavole, the

the Nakaras, the Settis
lading,

hundred hundred Mahafive locality,

janas of Manimgavajli, the Settis of the

who made
Gatrigas,

a business

of

the

betel-leaf

the

guild of

oilmen, the sealer of flour and

churning-sticks

of the Tardavadi thousand, the Gavares of

districts,

many

the Miimmm'idanda, and *the sixteen

of the eight districts,' etc.,

met together
of

to pro-

vide for

the necessary expenses

the
rites.

local

temple and the customary religious

inscription'^ of the

An

Hoysala Vira Vallala records

of

a gift of land by the residents of Elugarai-nadu

for

the requirements

temple.
of

We

also

learn

from an

inscription^

Rajendra Chola
granted

that the inhabitants of three

districts

a lease of land to a servant of a temple.

Again

an inscription* of Parantaka I informs us that

the residents of a district contributed a voluntary
'

Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 23.

G. Ep. R., 1907,
p. 42,

2 ^
*

No. 444.

G. Ep. R., 1909, p. 57, No. 591.

G. Ep. R., 1911,

p. 69.

CHAPTER

II

feoe

fee for the conduct of worship

in

a particular
:

temple. The fee

is

specified as follows

^ panam

on each tenant

panmn from bridegroom and ^

each marriage ceremony,
^

panam from
etc.

bride in

Another inscription
to raise 1

records

an agreement
in a
village in

by the residents

of a district

who had met

mandapa
order
of the
to

madai from each

to

construct an

embankment on

the side

river

and

prevent any injury from

floods to a temple. to

Pandya inscription ^

refers

grant,

quantity of

by common consent, of a certain paddy to a temple by the agriculreligion also

turists of four districts.

But motives unconnected with

led to similar corporate
tion

movements.

An

inscrip-

dated in

the

]2th year of Jata-Varman

Sundara Pandya^ states that the chiefs of Irandumalai-nadu gave assurance to the headman of
Kunnandarkoyil that when they took up arms and fought with one another they would desist

from destroying the villages under their protection and would cause no injury to the cultivators
either

resident
is

or

itinerant.

If,

however, any
fine of

person

so

injured they
if

would pay a
is

100 panam and

w^ould

a village
of

destroyed they

pay a
still

fine

500 panam.

Doing thus

they

agreed to protect (the villages and

1

G. Ep. R., 1912, p. 35, No. 404.

2 3

G. Ep. R., 1912, p. 47, No. 12.

G. Ep. R., 1915, p. 103, para. 34.

27

210
cultivators)

CORPORATE LIFE
though there might he cutting, pierc(in their communal fights). Here, we have rather an instance of union of

ing and dying

again,

villages than that of a single corporation.

few additional examples of similar corporate activities, due to a variety of circumstances, are given helow in order to show their widespread character.

An
a

inscription at Tirukkalakkudi

registers
of

settlement

hetw^een

the

residents

four
in

districts (nctdu) as to the order

of precedence

which the sacred ashes had to be received, the ropes of the God's car had to be held in drawing it and the worship of, and breaking of cocoanuts before Vinayaka had to be done. A Tamil inscription^ of Yira Pandya-deva
records

that the

inhabitants

of
to

two

districts

settled that four families

were
^

be freed from

certain obligations.

Another

records the meet-

ing of the residents of eighteen divisions

the Presidency of Ekambaranathar to
the area of some land.

under
rectify

We further

learn

from

another inscription
of the

that the various inhabitants

eighteen districts on both sides of the Krishna decided that a large fmiam should be paid on every boat as revenue. There is still

another case on

record^ that the tenants of 12

G. Ep. R., 1910,

G. Ep. R., 1916, p. 125.

p. 21,

No. 184.

G. Ep.

R., 1913, p. 72,

No. 28.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

Ill, p. 92.

G. Ep.

1914, p. 74, No. 26.

CHAPTER
villages

It
fields

211 as

abandoned

their

a protest

against heavy

taxation

and consequently

the

taxes were regulated.

Other examples of such corporate

activities

have already been referred to

351 above.

in connection

with

the judicial powers of the Village

p.

Assembly on

18
that
these
led
to

There are evidences on record

teniporary corporate activities sometimes

1
Oorpox-ate organisations of territorial

more

developed
of

corporate
areas.

organisation

wider

''"
srngieviufge.

'

clcar instaucc of the

perma-

nent union of two village corporations

is

furnished by the Tamil endorse-

ment on the Udayendiram plates of Nandivarman.^ The endorsement is dated in the 26th year of King Parantaka I ( 10th century A. D.) and runs as follows " we, (the members of) the assembly of Kanchivayil and we, (the members of) the assembly of Udaya-chandra-mangalam
:

(have agreed as follows)

of)

we,

(the

inhabitants
(and)

these two

villages,
one^^
j

having

joined

having become

shall prosper as

one village
district

from

this (date)."

An

organisation

of

the

whole
in

is

referred to in

an inscription

the Tiruvaranof

gulam temple during the

Ep. Ind., Vol.

reign
Ill, p. 144.

Kulottunga

:212

CORPORATE LIFE

III.

In the disturbed state of the country the Assembly of the inhabitants of Valla-nadu, a
sub-division,

declared

that

thenceforward they
cultivators residing

will afford protection to the

Avithin the four boundaries of the

sacred village
villages.

of Tiruvarangulam and
If in the

(its)

devadana

course

of this

protection

the Assembly was found to rob,

of,

any one of capture the cows

cultivators,

or do other mischief

to

the
'

the

Assembly agreed to assign two ma' oi wet land to the temple by way of fine for the offence committed.^ A district Assembly consisting of haggades (headmen ?) and samantas is also Reference is also referred to in an inscription.^ made to the blameless live hundred of the
'

district

'

and
cases

the

headman
least

of

the

district.'^

All these naturally lead to

in

the

conclusion

that

some

at

there

was a permanent
This readily

organisation of an entire sub-division or district,

or

any such large group

grant,
as,

of people.

explains such legal formulas in connection with

land

for

example,

occur

in

the

Udayendiram
the
district

Plates of Prithivlpati II.*

"

Hav-

ing assembled accordingly (the inhabitants of

{nadu)^

having

caused (them) to
granted) land

walk over (the boundaries

etc."

of the

It is

evident that the entire people

G. Ep. R., 1915,

p. 99, para. 27,

and Nos. 271 and 273,

p. 31.

'

G. Ep. U., 1919, p. 17, No. 209.

Sonth Ind.

Ins., Vol. II,

Part III, p. 360.

Ihid, p. 389.

CHAPTER
of a
their
district

II

^13
of,

cannot be thought

but

only

representatives
of

can

possibly

be

meant.
to

An

inscription

Rajaraja

Chola'

refers

the great Assembly of twelve nadus and in an inscription ^ of the W. Chalukya king Tribhu-

vanamalla we find mention of 32,000 represenThese no doubt tatives of various localities.

refer to

some

sort of corporate organisation,

the
to

precise

nature

of

which

it

is

difficult

determine.

19

few

words

may

be said in

conclusion
these

regarding the antiquity and extent of

village institutions in
Antiquity and extent
of villa j^e institutions in south India.

southern
Plates

India.

ii

Thc Kasakudi
i-
i

n -vt t ot the Pallava king Nandivar-

man undoubtedly
otherwise

indicate

some
for

sort of regular organisation of the

village,

the royal order about a land grant

would not have been referred to the inhabitants, and the latter would not have, in a manner, publicly ratified the royal proclamation by Nandivarman must have endorsinsc the same.^
flourished in the
first

half of the eighth century

A. D.,* which must, for the present, be taken as

^

G. Ep. R., 1909, p. 59, No. 600.

G. Ep. R., 1919,
p. 18,

'
'

No. 214.
p.

South Ind,

Ins.,

No. 74,

360.
Ins., I, p. 11.

See the synchronistic table in South. Ind.

214

CORPORATE LIFE
may

the earliest period to which these village institutions

be traced

by

inscriptional

evidence.

Their continued
is

existence in

the

9th century

proved by the two

Ukkal Inscriptions (Nos.

^

and

8) of

Kampavarman and
of

the

AmbasamuThe developby
the

dram ment

inscription

Varaguna.^

of these institutions in
is

and after the tenth

refer-

century A. D.

abundantly proved

number

of

Chola and Pandya inscriptions

11.^

red to above,

and the Masulipatam plates of

Chalukya Bhima
as
in

The

latter further proves

that they flourished in Telugu countries

as well

Tamil lands

further south.

It

appears

that the whole

of southern

India was covered

with a network of these organisations.

of their

An

idea

widespread

character

may

be formed
is

when we remember
two
hundred

that reference

made

to

and sixty-six

villages possessing

such institutions in connection

the Chola king Eajaraja deva.*

with the main-

tenance of a single temple built at Tan j ore by

'

South. Ind. Ins., Ill,

p. 8.

Ep. Ind., Vol. FX,

p. 86.

Ep. Ind., V,

p.

134

ff.

See pp. 195, 198 above.

CHAPTER

III
(II)

Corporate Activities in Political Life

We
States.

have hitherto dealt with the corporate

activities

of

people

dwelling

Non-Monai'chical

in a state ruled over

by a king.
exercised
to

The
royal power, and

activities

were

through various assemblies, auxiliary

the

more or less subordinate to it. There were however non-monarchical states in ancient India, where they would naturally get fuller play and a freer atmosphere. Unfortunately

we do not know much about them, but

the

their very existence is

mony
part,

of

people as

an unimpeachable testisupreme power wielded by the a corporate body. In the previous

with the corporate
activities

dealing

of

people in a kingdom,

we had

to take into account

the nature of these activities as well as of the

agencies by which they were performed.

present case
latter

In the

we may
for

confine ourselves to the

activities

alone,

their

must

have

embraced everything pertaining

to the adminis-

tration of a state in all its departments.

Years ago Professor Rhys Davids recognised

the existence of these
'

republican

'

states

from

216

CORPORATE LIFE

some references in the Buddhist Literature.^ After him the subject was treated in greater detail by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal ^ in the pages of Modern Review, and Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar in
his

Carmichael Lectures (Vol.

in
full

I,

pp.

146

ff.).

Though the arguments

not been endorsed

of these

scholars have
others,

by

their

main contention about the existence

gained general acceptance.

of

non-

monarchical states in ancient India has

now

We

shall attempt in

the following pages, to sketch an account of these

states

on the same plan as we have adopted in

the case of the 'guilds.'

Regarding the antiquity of the non-monarchical form of government,

In the Vedic period.
.

there are
belief that
it

j some grounds

for the

.i

was not unknown even

in the

Vedic

period.

Zimmer
form
of

finds clear traces of the oligarin the following verse

chical

government
kings

in Rigveda.^

*'As the
in the Samiti,

(rajanah) assemble together

the plants (oshadhl)

is

gather to-

gether in
heals

him who

called a physician, one

disease

and destroys demon."

1-2,

who Zimmer

Buddhist India, pp.

19

ff,
ff.

Modern Review,
X.
9. 16.

1913, p. 535

" Bei

dem

die

KrSuter zusammenkommen wie die Rajanah

in der

Samiti, der gilt fur geschickten Arzt, Krankheitvertreiber,

DSmonen-

vernichter." Alt-indische Leben, p. 176.

it

Macdonell, however, interprets

differently

and does not accept the conclusion of Zimmer although he

is

thinks that this state of affairs

perfectly possible. V.

1,

11-216.

CHAPTER

III

ai7

thinks that this refers to a system of government

in

which the

state

is

not ruled over by a single

potentate but several

jointly together.

members

of the royal family

He

also contends that

some

of

the passages in the Atharva-veda relating to the

election
of

kings (quoted above) refer to the

contest of a

member

of the oligarchy for supreof his contention

macy over
he
cites

others.

In support
I. 9. 3,

where prayers are offered to A gni to set the candidate in supremacy over his fellows ' (safata), Atharva-veda III. 4. 3, where wish is expressed on behalf of the successful candidate " unto thee let thy fellows come," and Atharva-veda IV. 22. 1-2, where
Atharva-veda
'

Indra
chief

is

asked

'

to
*

make
and

the Kshatriya, the sole

'

of the clan

to place

him

as king at

the

head of the royal family {Kshatranam).'^^

finds in ancient India

Zimmer

a parallel of the
existing

oligarchical form of

Government
Tribes,

the ancient

German
(It

e.g.,

among among the

by
title

Cherusci clan.

was

at first ruled over

Arminius and
of king
;

his relatives

who

all

bore the

Arminius however wanted to be the sole ruler of the clan, and there broke out a struggle in which he was defeated).
Zimmer's view
fact that the
is

furtner corroborated by the

Avesta contains distinct traces of

**

An
is

der Spitze der kSniglichen Familie stehe dieser als Konig,"

p.

Zimmer
p.

Alt-indische Leben,

165.

Whitney's Translation (Vol.

I,

188)

not

literal.

28

^ 18

CORPORATE LIFE
This has

the oligarchical form of Government.

been clearly demonstrated

by

SpiegeP

from

Yasna

19,

18,'^

provinces are contrasted.

sovereign
authorities

where the ruling powers of two In one of these, the

consisted of the chiefs of

house, street and town, besides Zarathustra and

there

is

no mention of the

'

ruler of the land

which occurs

in the other case.

Mr. K. P. JayaswaP has furnished another

evidence for the existence of n on -monarchical

form of Government
3.

in the

Vedic period.

He

refers to a passage in the Aitareya

Brahmana

(VII. 14) which mentions that among the XJttara Kurus and the Uttara Madras the whole community was consecrated to rulership and
their institutions
less states.

were called

'

Vairajya

'

or king-

Two
In the

points

may

be urged against this view.

same passage in the Aitareya Brahmana expressly locates the two tribes beyond
first

place the

Abhandlungen der
Dr.

k. bayer.

Akad. der W.

I.

Kl.

7.

Band, 3 Abth.

p.

683.
^ I. J. S.

Taraporewala has supplied

me with

the following literal

translation of the passage in question. "

Who

(are the five) leaders

(He) of the house, (he) of the

(and)
Zarathustra,
the

street,
fifth,

(he) of the town, (he) of the country,

(is

leader) of those countries which

(lit.

(are) different

from those under

Zoroastrian laws

other than those ruled over by Zoroastrian laws).

to Zarathustra is

(The

city of)

Ragha belonging
?

under four leaders.

Who

(are) its leaders

(He) of the house, (he) of the

fourth Zarathustra (Himself)."
3

street, (he) of the

town, (and) the

Modern Review,

1913, p. 538.

CHAPTER

m
Zimmer
^

219

the Himalayas (parem Rimavantani) and as such

their institutions cannot be taken as types
of

those prevailing in India.

ever,

has, how-r

shown good grounds

its

for the belief

that

both these tribes are to be located in India proper,

in

Kashmir and

neighbourhood, and contends,

well appear as

not without reason, that to the people living in

Madhyadesa Kashmir might very

'

parena Kimavantam,^
Secondly, the term
'

Vairajya

'

which has been

'

explained by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal as

states,'

Kingless

has
^

been taken by Messrs. Macdonell

as

and Keith
authority.

denoting some

form of royal

This however does not seem to be

when we compare the four sentences referring to the form of Government in the four directions. Thus we have
probable
"*

t%^

TTT'^n^i

Tm^\

-^XHX^K^A ^sfvrf^5^"

The

substitution of

'

^TJfq^:

'

for

'

?:T5fR:

'

in the

last sentence

cannot be looked upon as merely

accidental and lends support to Mr. Jayaswal's

view that we have here a reference to a democratic form of Government.

^

A. L.,

p. 102.

V.

I. II, p.

221,

220

CORPORATE LIFE
There
is

one passage in the Atharva-veda

(V. 18. 10) which seems to be a conclusive evi-

dence for the existence of non-monarchical form

of

Government

in the Vedic period.

It occurs

in the course of a long string of imprecations

for the killing of a

Brahman's cow, and runs as

follows

Whitney translates it as follows " They that ruled, a thousand, and were
:

ten

hundreds,
the

those Yaitahavyas, having

devoured

cow

of the

Brahman, perished."

(W. A.
it

V.,

p. 251.)

Zimmer,^ Muir and others translate

some-

what
*'

differently as follows

The descendants of Vitahavya, who ruled over a thousand men, and were ten hundred in number, were overwhelmed after they had eaten a Brahman's cow." (Muir S. T. I. 285.) But whatever the difference, the essential
fact remains that the Vaitahavyas, thousand in

number, ruled over a territory, and there can be scarcely any doubt that we have here an example
of oligarchical or republican
'

clan.

It

is

also

A.
If

L., p. 200.

we accept

the translation given

by

Muir and

Ziramei'

thousand people ruling over a thousand,

the
of

form of Government

must be republican.
as conventional.

The

figure 1,000

must

course be looked upon

CHAPTER Hi
worthy of note that
anti- Brahmanical.

221

like the later

non-monarchithey were

cal clans (Mallas, Lichchhavis, etc.)

2
The existence
of democratic forms of govern-

ment

during
is

the

post-Vedic

ottmar"

''''""'

period

abundantly proved by

a number of testimonies.
earliest in

The

point of time

is

Panini's celebrated

treatise

on

Grammar which
^

contains clear traces

of the existence of political corporations.

Thus

the sutra ;bw ^nftTT^^if

of a

shows that the nature

'

corporation was fully understood in those

;

days

for here

corporation

is

sharply

distin-

guished from mere collection or group, clearly

indicating thereby that the former

was a

definite

organisation bound by laws and regulations.

Bhandarkar has shown,'^ the same conclusion follows from another suh'a^ wherein the grammarian points out that
Again, as Professor D.
R.
the word sarhgha does not signify a mere collection as the

word samghata

does, but a gana,

^.^.,

a special kind of collection, or a 'corporate collection.'

Further, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has drawn

attention to " a rule laid

down by Panini, viz., " Sahgh'=ahka4akshaneshv=zan'yan'inam -= an "

^

III. 3. 42.

"^

Carmichael Lectures, First Series, pp. 141-2.

III. 3. 36.

^a
place
case of

CORPORATE LIFE
is

the meaning of which

in

that " an-suffix takes

in

nouns ending
to denote)

an,

yan, an in the

(i.e.y

ahkas and lakshanas of

sanghas."^ This not only testifies to the existence

of
its

saragha hut also shows that a sathgha had

anka or lakshana, which latter Mr. Jayaswal would identify with lahchchhana or heraldic

crest of later Sanskrit.^

In several sutras Panini refers to distinct kinds of corporations under the names of puga '^
^
'

Vrata

'^

and ayiidhajlmsamgha.'^"
'

The meaning
It

of the first has already been discussed above.

is
*

difficult

to

determine the real meaning of

Vrata' and so far as I

know no

satisfactory

explanation has yet been offered.

The Kasika
qualifying

commentary explains

it

as " TT^TT^^t^ ^srf^^cl^Tf^

^5cl%^f^: ^'^

srmr:."^
it

pharase distinguishes

The from

first

social

and

the

second, from industrial corporations.

phrase I would take to

slaughter or killing."

mean

" living

The third by means of

According to this interpretation, Vrata would mean a corporation of robbers like the Thuggies of later days. This
* '

J. B. O. R. S., Vol. V, p. 27.

Ihid.

^ *

V.
V.

3. 112. 3.

113.

V.

3. 114.
is

" Vrata

a corporation (of people), belonging to different castes,

having no definite means of livelihood, and living by means of slaughter

or killing."

CHAPTER
view
"
is

III

nn

corroborated by a passage of Katyayana/

'

"' The ayudha^ 'IT'fTg^iMMi: ^Wtcn^ ^tf^m: jlvisamgha means a corporation of military
'

men.
gory.
treated

It

is

quite clear from Panini,

V.

3,

117,

that the Yaudheyas were included in this cate-

The
in

history of the
detail

Yaudheyas
but
such

will

be

below,

examples

scarcely leave any doubt that the term dyiidhajwisamgha denoted independent political corporations or non-monarchical states.

3
Our next source
Evidence
of

of information
literature.
,.

is

Buddhist

and Jaina
Bud
,

The
.

exist.,,

dhist literature.

Bnco of domocratic, aloug with

monarchical,
states
is

most
that a

conclusively
Sataka.*^

proved by a passage in Avadana

are told in

We

Avadana No. 88

few merchants from

mid-India (Madhyadesa)

visited the Deccan and being asked about the form of government in their country, replied,

"some provinces
ruled
^

are under kings while others are

by

ganas.'^^

The Jaina Ayaramga-Sutta,

Quoted
"

in Viraraitrodaya, p. 426.
is

Vrata

said to be an assembly of people having

arious

weapons
various

in their hands."

As ntsedha

also

means

'

body
of

'

it is

pist possible that

utsedhajivinah denoted a
description.
'

corporation

day-labourers

of

My

attention

was drawn

to

this

passage by Mr.

Raraaprasad

Chanda, B.A.

^U
an
earlier

CORPORATE LIFE
text,

also
is

refers

to

(/ana

raya

(a

territory

where Gana
the

the ruling authority.)^

a
list

Professor

Rhys Davids has drawn up

clans
,
,

of

which are referred

-r
i

The non-monarchical
states referred

the^ Buddhist

to in litem-

ii ^i by the Buddhist authors as ^^jg^i^g ^^ ^^e time of Gautama Buddha. These are
i.

,^

to

(2)

(3)
(4)

(5)
(6) (7)

(8)
(9)

The Sakyas of Kapilavastu. The Bhas-gas of Sumsumara Hill. The Bulis of Allakappa. Kalamas of Kesaputta. The Koliyas of Rama-gama. The Mallas of Kusinara. The Mallas of Pava. The Moriyas of Pipphalivana. The Videhas of^
Mithila.
I

(10)

The

Lichchhavis

=T^^
^

^^3J^^^-'

of Vesali.
j

While

it

may

be generally inferred that

all

these lived under non-monarchical forms of gov-

ernment we hardly know the detailed constituThe oft-quoted passage in tion of any of them.
the Maha-parinibbana-sutta in which the Buddha
laid

down the
form
of

conditions under which the Vajjians

to the existence of a

For other passages testifying

government,
cf.

non-monar-

chical

the

writings of Mr.

Rhys Davids,

Mr. Jayaswal and Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar cited above

2

( 1, pa^a. 2).

Buddhist India,

p. 22,

To

this h'st should be

added " the Mallas of

Jaina Kalpasutra

Kasi " on the authority of the Jaina literature.

edited by Jacobi, p. 65.

See

CHAPTER Hi
Avould prosper

^^:5

and not

decline,

may

be taken to

signify the general spirit of these constitutions.

Once while the Buddha was at Kajagriha, Ajatasatru, the king of Magadha, resolved to destroy the Yajjians and sent his prime-minister to take
the advice of the Blessed One.

was delivered
"

to the latter

When the message he addressed Ananda,

heard, Ananda, that the Yajjians hold " full and frequent public assemblies ?
'^Lord, so I have
long,
The constitution of the Lichchhavi clan.
-,-!

Have you

heard" replied he. "So Ananda," rejoined the

i

Blcsscd One,

r~\

cc

as the

ii

t-

V ajjians

hold these
public assemblies
;

full

and frequent

so long

may

they be expected

not to decline, but to prosper."

manner questioning Ananda, and receiving a similar reply, the Blessed One
in
like

[And

declared as follows the

other conditions

which

would ensure the welfare of the Yajjian confederacy.]

"So

long,

together in

Ananda, as the Yajjians meet concord, and carry out their under-

takings in concord

so long as they enact nothing

not already established, abrogate nothing that has been already enacted, and act in accordance

with the ancient institutions of the Yajjians as

establislied
in

former days

so
so

long as

they

honour and esteem and revere and support the Yajjian elders, and hold it a point of duty to
hearken
29
to

their

words

long

may

the

^226

COHPOllATE LIFE
be

Vajjians
prosper."^

expected

not

to decline

but to

and the defects of the democratic constitution were present in these cases. On the one hand there was
It thus appears that both the merits

the general assembly, containing both the young

and the old, as the supreme authority in the state, with power to enact new laws and abrogate old
ones, while, on the other, they suffered

from the
peculiar

want

of

that

stability

which

is

the

merit of a strong monarchy, and were always

liable to fall victims

to

disunion

and a desire

for

too

sweeping changes.

their constitutions

Yet, on the whole, were looked upon with favour

of the

and extorted the admiration

brethren,
let

Lord Buddha.

Thus, referring to the Lichchhavis he said "

those
of

the

brethren

who have

never seen the

Tavatimsa gods, gaze upon this

assembly {i^arisam) of the Lichchhavis, behold

this

assembly of the Lichchhavis, compare

this

assembly of the Lichchhavis even as an assembly of Tavatimsa gods."^

The great Buddha was an

cracy.

apostle of
ideas

demoin
his

He

adopted

democratic

system of church government and himself taught

the Vajjians*^ the
conditions, already

quoted

above, under which they would prosper and not

>

S. B. E., Vol.

XI, pp. 3-4

I

'
'

S. B. E., Vol. XI, p. 32.

have substituted

'

assembly

'

(parishani)

for

company.'
Ibid, p. 4.

CHAPTER
decline.
It
is

III

327

also

worthy

of note that he laid

down
for

the very same conditions, in identical Avords,

the

welfare of his

own community/

It

is

obvious that he perceived the underlying similarity

between the two constitutions, working

in

two different spheres of life, and naturally looked upon both as beset with the same sort of evils. The introductory episodes of the Jataka stories furnish some information regarding the constitution of the Lichchhavi clans. Thus EkapannaJataka (No.
of
A^aisali,
14^9, I,

504)

tells

us that in the city

"

There v/ere always seven thousand

kings to govern the
like

seven hundred and seven

number of viceroys, generals and treasurers." The Chullakalinga-Jataka (No. e301, III. 1) gives the same information with Tradition says that some additional details
kingdom, and a

''

the

Lichchhavis of the ruling family to the

of

number

seven

thousand seven hundred and

A^esali,

seven had their abode at

and

all of

were given
*^

to

argument and disputation."

them The

Bhadda-Sala- Jataka (No, IG5, IV. 149) refers to

the tank in the Vesali city where the families
of the kings get water, for the ceremonial sprinkling."

We

are told that "

by the tank there was

;

set a strong guard,

it

within and without

;

above

was spread an iron net not even a bird could find room to get through." The same Jataka
relates the story

how
^

the commander-in-chief of
Ibid, p. 5
ff

228

COKPOBATE LIFE

Kosala violated the sacredness of the tank by

bathing his wife in
it

and was pursued by

five

hundred angry Lichchhavi kings.

Although the introductory episodes of the Jatakas from which the above accounts are taken are undoubtedly of much later date than
the
events which they relate,

we cannot
as

al-

together dismiss their accounts

credit.

unworthy

of

Though we need

not attach

much

impor-

tance to the concrete figures which they supply,

the general system described by them

may

be

accepted as not
state of affairs.

much divergent from actual Thus while the number seven thousand seven hundred and seven may be dismissed as a purely conventional one,
consisted of a pretty large
it

may

be

accepted that the supreme assembly of the state

number

of

members

and must, as such, be held to be a popular one. This is in complete agreement with the inference we have deduced from the utterances of the Buddha in the Mahaparinivvana Sutta. The the Chullakalinga remark in Jataka quaint that the members were all given to argument and disputation, seem to prove that the popular assembly was not merely a formal part of the constitution, but had active, vigorous life and
wielded real authority in the
state.

An

idea of

the status and responsible position of these

bers

mem-

may
tank

be had from the curious anecdote of

in
Vaisali.

the

No

doubt the popular

CHAPTER
imagination

III

229

had

its

share

in

building

Up the

whole story, but we must be hicking in true

critical spirit if

we

fail to lind in it

some amount
to pass

of historical truth.

It appears that each of the

members
in a

of

the

supreme assembly had

through some sort of consecration,

like the

king

kingdom, and that an important part

the

of the

ceremony consisted
for

in a bath in a tank, reserved

purpose in

the
itself

city of
is

Yaisali.

This

sacred ceremony by

an unimpeachable

testimony of the supreme trust reposed in the

members and

the high responsibilities attached

to their positions.

The question naturally arises, hoAv were these members selected ? Now, we learn from Ekapanna Jataka (I. 504), that corresponding to the seven thousand seven hundred and seven kings there was a like number of viceroys, generals and treasurers. This would imply that each member of the supreme assembly possessed a
full

suite of

oificers

requisite for the adminis-

tration of a state.

would appear, therefore, that each of these members was the head of an administrative unit. In other words, the whole
It

state

consisted

of a

number

of

administrative

units, each of
itself,

state in miniature by and possessed a complete administrative machinery. The business of the state as a whole was carried on by an assembly consisting of the

which was a

beads of these states

who were

in their turu

330

CORPORATE LIFE
officers.

attended by their principal

are
familiar

Those who

with

the Cleisthenian constitution

of the eitv state of

Athens cannot

fail to find its

prototype in the city of Vaisali.

Tor

in

Athens

too there was a central Assembly, consisting of

the representatives of the smallest local units, the

denies,

which managed

their

own

local affairs,

being

'

corporations with officers, assemblies and

corporate property.'

The Lichchhavis

are called

sjanas.'

It has

been already pointed

out

(p.

aJt

"''""

"^

'

142) that this term

is

applied in

Smriti literature to denote the

corporations of villages or
cities.

That

this

term
is

also denoted independent political corporations

abundantly
the

testified to

by epigraphic and numisto in

matic evidences.

Malava

Thus the inscriptions refer and Yaudheya ganas, and

Allahabad
Pillar

Samudragupta's

Inscription

they are clearly distinguished from the kingdoms. The coins issued by them leave no doubt that

they were independent

corporations,

and the

Bijaygadh Pillar Inscription expressly refers to the fact that the Yaudheya gana used to elect
its

chief

who

also served as general.^

'*^^??^'l!g?:^cl^5?

iT^R15l^Tr%^^;"

Fleet

translates

it

as

Of the Maharaja and MahasenSpafci who has been made the leader of the Yaudheya tribe " (Gupta Ins., p. 252). No objection can possibly
"

be made to this translation as the lexicons give

'

chosen

'

as one

of the

meanings of H^^<T

CHAPTER
The Viramitrodaya Katyayana
:

III

231

(p.

^26)

quotes

from

is a group, The root-meaning of the word multitude, a community/ According to this

'
' '

interpretation therefore

im

'

would mean a federcommunities.

This

ation of difPerent groups or

is

fully

in

keeping with the view I have put

constitution
of

forward

above about the

of

the

supreme assembly
that each of

the

Lichchhavis, on the
It

basis of the Jataka stories.

would follow then these communities was a state in

staff of officials,

miniature with a complete

while

the supreme assembly administering

over the

whole state consisted of the heads of these communities.

It

may

be

noted that Mahavagga

(Y. 1) preserves, in connection with the

of

kingdom
assembly

Magadha, an instance
units
of

of a central

consisting of the heads of the smallest administrative

the kingdom.

The assembly

was held during the reign of Bimbisara, the very period to which the constitution of the
Lichchhavis under discussion
is

to

be referred.

The Jaina Kalpa Sutra

%^
^

refers to " if^ ?twI:

ft

f^
in

^ift

^^^^

^^?:^
'

^nUTTm^'"
the

Prof. D. R.

Bhandarkar takes
of

Kula

'

in

sense of

family,'

and explains the constitution

Lectures, Vol.
'
I,

gana

differently.

(Carmichael

pp. 160

ff.)

Kalpa Sutra, edite d by

.Jacobi, p. 65.

282

CORPOllATE LIFE

connection with the illumination at the night of

Mahavira's death.
of

The exact
i

Executive officers the Lichchhavi

SCnSC
i

of

''

gam.

uncertain.

^^ ^^^JSTF^t " is It may mean merely

tj.

nine

of

the

so-called

7707

Lichchhavi kings who

formed

the

Supreme

Assembly, but this would imply that Jainism

was confined

to

a very limited section of the

it

Lichchhavi community and

author.

is

unlikely

that

such a thing should be confessed by a Jaina

The other
i,

possible interpretation
to

would

be to take the
heads,
e,,

term

denote nine
*

kings or

executive

officers, of

the Lichchhavi

gana.

We have already seen that the guilds

officers

appointed executive
business,

to

transact

their

and

it is

inconceivable that the affairs

of a state could have been

assembly
executive

without
officers.

managed by a big the help of one or more The if^TlWTT^JTWt would

'
'

thus represent the whole state of the Lichchhavis

and

this

tenor of

would be exactly the whole passage.

in

keeping with the

We
justice

possess

some information regarding the method in which justice was

administered
Lichclihavis.
chiefly

Administration

ot

among

among
The system

the
is

the

Lichchhavis.

ultra-democratic

spirit

for remarkable which characterises

the
it,

and

is

calculated to

give us some insight into

the principles of administration followed in these

CHAPTER
non-monarchical
'

III

238

states.

We
''

learn
first

from
sent

Atthakatha
for
trial

that
the

a criminal
officer

was at
the
if

to

called

Yinichchaya
accused

mahamatta."
in

If

they

found

innocent they acquitted him, but

their

he was guilty

opinion,

they could not punish him,

but had to send him to the next higher tribunal,

They too could acquit the accused if they found him innocent, but had to send him to the next higher tribunal,
that of the
'

Voharika.'

viz.,

that of the
guilty.

'

Suttadhara,'

if

they considered

him

There

were three other tribunals

viz.,

with similar functions,

Senapati,

those of Atthakulaka,
of

which could acquit the accused, if innocent, but had to send him to the next higher tribunal if found guilty. The last tribunal, viz., that of the Raja had alone the right to convict the accused, and in awarding punishments he was to be guided by the Paveni pustaka or the Book of Precedents. The right individual was thus safeguarded in a of the
and Uparaja, each
* '

manner that has had probably few

the world.
successive
guilty,

parallels in
if

He

could be punished only

seven

tribunals had unanimously found

and he was quite safe if but one of found him innocent. And it is but fitting that the
right of the people should thus be
in a state
^

him them

safeguarded

where the people governed themselves.

of

See the translation

the important

passage by Turnour in

J.

A. S. B., VII, pp. 993-4.

30

234

CORPORATE LIFE
Besides the Lichchhavis, the Sakvas are

the

ouly
,. 1

clan about whose constisometliiiii? ^

he o ik ya cluu.

J,

tutioii

definite

is

known. Professor Rhys Davids summed up the available information on the subject as
"
of at
follows.^

The administrative and judicial business the clan was carried out in public assembly, which young and old were alike present, in

their

common

mote-hall {santhagara) at Kapila-

It was at such a parliament, or palaver, King Pasenadi's proposition was discussed. When Ambattha goes to Kapilavastu on business,

vastu.

that

he goes

to the mote-hall
.

where the Sakiyas

were

then in session

chief how, and for what period, was elected as oflSiceholder, presiding over the sessions, and, if no He bore sessions were sitting, over the state. the title of raja which must have meant something like the Roman Consul, or the Greek
single

"A

chosen,

we do not know

We hear at one time that Bhaddiya, Archon a young cousin of the Buddha's, was the raja the Suddhodana, and in another passage, Buddha's father (who is elsewhere spoken of as a simple citizen, Suddhodana the Sakiyan), is called
the raja."

Professor

Rhys Davids'
Bnddhist India,

views

about

the
of its

Sakva clan have been

'

challenfijed in
p. 19.

some

CHAPTER
essential aspects.

111

235

Thus Watters is of opiniou that Kapilavastii and the surrounding territory were included within the kingdom of Kosala, and that we cannot therefore speak of a Sakya king or kingdom.^ So far as I know, the only ground in support of this view is the expression " Ampavattitthaua " used, with reference to Kosala, hy the Sakyas themselves ahout their territory in the introductory episode of the Bhaddasala

Jataka (No. 465, IV. 145).

of the expression
definite,
is,

The
it

full significance

however, far from

to

being

and Oldenherg took

mean
to

that the

Sakyas owed some honorary dues

the Kosala

kingdom.
clearly

Be

that as that

it

may, the same Jataka

outside

shows
told,

Kapilavastu was

the boundaries

we

are

kingdom of Kosala. For that while Vidudabha resolved to

of the
set

destroy

the

Sakyas the Buddha

out

for
city.

Kapilavastu and sat beneath a tree near the

**

huge and shady banyan tree stood on the boundary of Vid'udahha' realmsy^ This clearly proves that the Sakya border, but was territory just touched the outside the jurisdiction of the Kosala kingdom.

Hard by

that place, a

The other objection against

Its

Prof.

Rhys Davids'
Prof.

form of govern

view

is

that regarding the con-

ment.

stitution of the Sakyas.

D. R. Bhandarkar maintains the view that the

'

"

On Yuan Cliwang."
IV, p. 152.
''

Vol. II, p. 3.

Jat.,

cl^

^f^^ f^^J?^^^ ^^^*im..."

^^6

CORPORATE LIFE

Sakya territory was ruled by a liereditary king, like any ordinary kingdom.^ It may be pointed
out,

however, that the introductory episodes of

Jatakas seem to prove that the constitution
the

the
of

Sakyas was not

describes

unlike

that
(

of

the

Lichchhavis.

The Kunala Jataka

a feud between

No. 536, V,
the

412 and

ff.)

Sakyas

their

neighbouring clan, the Koliyas.

careful study of the whole account hardly leaves

any doubt that the Sakyas were governed on the same principle as the Lichchhavis. Thus when the quarrel grew serious over the waters Rohini River which of the each party wanted for irrigation purposes, the Sakyas went
and
told

the

Councillors
it

appointed to such
to the

services, and they reported

multitude of

kings (or royal

families)."^ It

was then resolved,

they should

apparently by these
fight

kings, that

and

so

the Sakyas sallied forth, ready for

the fray.

definitely stated but

The number of these kings is not must be held to have been

considerable in view of the fact that two hundred

and fifty princes were offered as escorts for the Buddha.

Not only

is

there not the least

reference to
this

any individual royal authority in

stantial narrative but the chiefs

circum-

are

all
^

called

kings " Why

of

the

Sakyas

are

ye

come

Carmichael LecLures, First

"

Series, p, 161.

'^IT

T15T^^Tit

^^^'

(p. 413).

CHAPTER
here,

23"

Buddha, the said kings?" " and again we have tlie expression Becoming In the Samuddabelievers the kings said, etc."

mighty

Vanija-Jataka
the

(No. 466, IV,

158)
all

Devadatla
the

laments that he was renounced by

of

kings

(^^?:t^ ^f%fir). Similarly we learn from the Bhadda-Sala-Jataka (No. 465,

'Sakyas'

IV,

144
the
this

fE.)

how

King Pasenadi
one of
the

sends his

messenger asking for

of of

daughters

Sakya clan in marriage. On receipt gathered tomessage the Sakyas

Here, again,
there
is

gether and deliberated.

no reference to any king to

whom

the

message

According to time-honoured was delivered. customs ambassadors are despatched by one king to another, if there be any, and the omission in
this

respect seems to lend considerable strength

to the

assumption that the Sakyas had no king

sense
'

which we attach to the term. It Vasabha Khattiya,' born of a slave is true that woman and Mahanama, is referred to by the king ofKosala as daughter of the Sakya king,' but
in the
'

Mahanama is elsewhere (p. 147) referred to as simply 'Mahanama the Sakya,' and Vasabhakhattiya
are
tells

her son "

My

boy, your grandsires

the

Sakya kings."
'

The young Sakyas are

also referred to as

princes.'

The above
help us to

though they do not acquire a detailed knowledge of the

references,
to

constitution of the Sakyas, seems

me

to

be

:288

CORPORATE LIFE
favour of Prof.

conclusive CAideuce in

Ehys
to
11.

Davids'

theory that

the

Sakyas had a nonIt

is

monarchical
accept

constitution.

difficult

the view, maintained

'

by Prof. D.

Bhandarkar
'

that
is

Bhaddiya,

who

is

called

Sakya-raja

'

to

be looked upon as a hereditary

The instances quoted above from the Jatakas hardly leave any doubt that the Sakyas, like the Lichchhavis, had a number of rajas, Avho were probably members of the supreme
king.

assembly ruling over the

of

state.
'^

We

hear also

a class of
'^

officers

called
it

uparajano " or
that
like

viceroys

and

this

makes

probable,

the Lichchhavi rajas, the Sakya rajas were also

heads of minor administrative

therefore, as

units.

So

far,

the evidence goes, the Sakya and

to

Lichchhavi constitutions appear

each other to a great extent.

resemble
regarding
to

We possess no detailed information

the constitution of the

other

clans

which

reference
texts.

is

made

in the Buddhist
to

They probably belonged

states

and Jaina the same type,

and on the whole the

principles

governed on these

seem to have enjoyed democratic Buddha's reply to the considerable prosperity. unimpeachministers of Ajatasatru is an
able
of the
^

testimony

of

the

inherent
also

strength

Lichchhavis.

We
1.

learn
p. 101.

from

Carmichacl Lectures, First Series,

Jut., Vol.

'

V,

p.

413,

15.

CHAPTER HI

239

Ekapanna-Jataka (No. 149, 1, 504) that " in those A days Yaisali enjoyed marvellous prosperity.
triple wall

encompassed the
the

city,

each

wall

league distant from

three
gates

with

and there were watch-towers." The high

next,
to.

admiration entertained hy Buddha towards the

Lichchhavi people has already been referred

Mutual discord, as pointed out by Buddha, was however the chief danger in these states, and the way in which Yaisali was conquered by
^

Ajatasatru
chiefs
is

by sowing

dissensions

among

its

probably a typical example of the fate

which befell many others. The Buddhist Texts thus clearly establish the fact that some states in ancient India possessed democratic forms of government, the most
notable
feature
of

which

was

the

supreme
It has

popular assembly, that regularly held

at the Santhagara in the capital

its sittings

city.

been noticed above that the Buddha introduced

the same democratic principles
in his

church

government. The Buddhist Texts naturally dwell

at greater length

possible to

upon the latter, and make it form a definite idea of the procedure

by which the deliberations of these religious Years ago Prof. Olden assemblies were guided.
berg
^

noticed

some

of the important features of

J.

Cf.

Atthakatha translated by Tnrnonr in

n
p. 349.

A.

S. R., Vol.

VIT,

p.

994
2

ff, f.

Buddha,

240

CORPORATE LIFE
Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has since
in a systematic

this procedure.

treated
Avbat
is

the subject

way, and,
it

more important, has deduced from

states.'

valuable information about the constitution of

non-monarchical

Thus he says:
the

''We
proce-

may
^"^"fTf^ in ^iirt^^K the meetings or the Supreme Assembly in

safely accept

dure followed at the deliberatioUS of the

a democratic state.

Buddhist Saihffha ~

as identical with that observed

by

its

parent, the political Samgha, in

Prof.

its

main

features."

practically supported this view,'^

stress

Bhandarkar has also and laid some on the argument, originally advanced by
D.

R.

Mr. Jayaswal, that as the Buddha never stopped

to

explain

the

technical

terms
to

like

pmpti,

pratijna, they

must be held

have been already

in his time.

current and fairly well

This argument
disposed
of.

known

may, however, be at once

generally admitted that the
till

It

is

Buddhist scriptures were not put into writing

a considerable period

had elapsed since Buddha's

death, and as these technical terms

must have
specific
to

been in constant use during this interval, they

were too well known then to require any

definition.
It is not

however quite accurate

say that these terms have never been defined in

the Buddhist scriptures, for although no logical
definition

has been offered, the

Modern Review,
1913, p. 664
E.

term jnapti,

Carmichael Lectures, First Series,

p. 184,

OHAPTER

III

Ul
fully explained

and the whole procedure has been

on the
first

occasion

when we hear

of

it,

in

con-

nection wdth the initiation ceremony.

Thus we learn from Mahavagga, I, 12, that originally the pabhajja and uimsampada ordinations

were

conferred on a candidate after he

" 1 take

repeated thrice the well-known formula

nay refuge
in the
in

the
I

Buddha, I take
take

my

refuge
in

Dhamma,

my

refuge

the

Samgha,"
Later on, on
particular

the

occasion

of

initiating
laid

a
as

Brahman, the Buddha follows (Mahavagga, I, 28):

''I

down

abolish,

Bhikkhus, from

this

day the

Upasampada ordination by the

ration of taking refuge,
I prescribe,

three-fold decla-

which I had prescribed. Bhikkhus, that you confer the Upa-

sampada ordination by a formal act of the Order in which the announcement (nafti) is follow^ed
by three questions. And you ought,

Bhikkhus,
in
this

to

confer
:

the

Upasampada

ordination

way

Let a
follow-

learned competent

Bhikkhu proclaim the

reverend
Sirs,

ing mtti before the Saihgha

'

Let

the Samgha,
]N.

hear me.
the

This person

N. desires to receive the Upa-

sampada from the venerable N.

If

Samgha is ready, the Upasampada

jhaya.
31

let

the Saihgha confer on N. N.

ordination with N. N. as Upaj-

This

is

the natti.

242
'

CORPOBATE LIFE
Let the

Samgha, reverend Sirs, hear me. This person N. N. desires to receive the Upasampada ordination from the Venerable N. N, The

Samgha

confers on N. N. the

Upasam pada
is

ordi-

nation with N. N. as Upajjhaya.

of the venerable brethren

Let any one

who

in favour of the

Upasampada
favour of
*

ordination of N. N. wdth N. N. as
silent,

Upajjhaya, be
it,

and any one who

is

not in

speak.'

And

for the second time I thus speak to

etc. (as before).

you you

Let the Samgha,

'

And

for the third time I thus speak to

etc.

Let the Samgha,

N.N. has received the Upasampada ordination from the Samgha with N. N. as Upajjhaya. The Samgha is in favour of it, therefore it is silent. Thus I understand." (S. B. E., XIII, pp. 169170.)

Now

this

is

a full exposition of the procedure,

to

and was quite

he heard of

intelligible

everybody even
time.
If

if

it

for the first

Buddha

merely copied existing institutions and usages he might have expressed himself more briefly.
Then, again, the string of regulations laid down
in

Mahavagga, IX, 3, also shows that the Buddha was constructing a whole system of procedure and not merely copying it from that of a
political state.

There

is

nothing, therefore, in

the method of Buddha's exposition of the procedure, to show, that

it

was already current, and

CHAPTER
that he merely adopted
eases
arising
in
his
it

III

243

for particular kinds of

organisations.

The

only-

other argument advanced by

Mr. Jayaswal in
samgha,

support of his theory,

the

is

the assumption *that

the

Buddhist Brotherhood,

was

copied out from the political samgha, the republic,

in its constitution.' rally

But though we may genechurch,

the

believe that in forming his

Buddha was
bourhood,
it

inspired, to a great extent,

by the

highly flourishing democratic states in his neigh-

deliberately copied

would be too much to say that he any one of these constitutions or accepted anything beyond the general democratic principles involved in

each of them.

would therefore be risky to accept the detailed regulations of the Buddhist church as applicable to the procedure adopted by the
It
political
states.

assemblies

of

the

great

democratic

Nevertheless an
profit

historian

may

study

them with
the
latter.

in

order to obtain a general

view of the stage of development attained by

For,
these

when

subjected to a careful

analysis,

regulations

unfold

to

us

number

of characteristic features

which are so
organically

intimately

associated

and

almost

connected with the workings of popular assemblies that it

is

difficult,

nay, almost impossible,

knowledge was confined They are so indisto only one sphere of life. pensable to the successful working of big
to

believe

that

their

^244

COKt>ORATE LIFE
that

assemblies,
certain, that

we may

accept

it

as

almost

had they been known in one sphere of life they were sure to be imitated in others. Thus when we read in ChuUavagga, IV. U, 19 tf

how a matter
to a

could be referred by the assembly

committee we

may

be almost sure that the

well-known modern system of expediting business

by

referring

complicated

questions
to

to

committees was not

Indian assemblies,
this

unknown
or

the

ancient

religious

political.

Por

feature

is

so essentially necessary for the

its utility

successful working of an assembly, and

so

obvious even
it

to

the

common
to

mind,

that
in a

whether
political

had originated in the church or

it

assembly,

was sure

have been
xlrguing

copied by the one from the other,

on

similar lines the following important features of

the popular assembly of a democratic state

may

be gathered from the regulations relating to procedure laid down in the Buddhist scriptures.^

(a)

Definite rules were laid

down regarding
assembly.
cf.

the form of

moving

resolutions in the

(For instances in Buddhist church

vagga, I Y. II. 2; XI, 1.4).
{b)

ChuUa-

There was a rule of quorum (Mahavagga,

IX.

3. 2).

In case ofa difference of opinion, the sense of the assembly was determined by the
{c)
^

Cf. Mr. Jayaswal's article in

Modern Beview,

1913, p. 664

ff.

CHAPTER
votes of the majority.

ill

a4r5:

There were prescribed

votes,

methods for counting the

ballot

and voting by
lA^.

was not unknown.

26).

(Chullavagga,

9;

IV.

14
{d)

Complicated matters w^ere referred to

if

i\\Q

committees, and
decision, the

they were unable to come

to

any
{e)

matter was referred back to

the assembly.

(Chullavagga, IV. 14. 24).

Definite rules seem to have been laid

as votes of absentees
;

down regarding such matters

(Mahavagga,
legalisation
of

IX.
acts

3.

5-6)

and
1.

subsequent

done by an

illegally consti-

tuted assembly (Chullavagga, XII.

4

10).

Next
ilie

to

the Buddhist Literature, the writ,

evideuce

of

inffs '-'

of

the

Greeks

may be
*'

Greek writers on the republican and oligarchic states in ancient

lookcd UpOU aS

the mOSt im-

portaut sourcc of iuformatiou

regarding
neview.
of the

the

subject

under

They

clearly demonstrate the existence

non-monarchical forms of Government,

both aristocratic and democratic, at the end of

the fourth century B. C.

when

the great

Maurya

Empire was in the making. Megasthenes lived and as a Greek for some time in India politician must be presumed to have possessed definite knowledge regarding the distinction
between
aristocratic

and democratic forms of

246

CORtORATE LIFE

government.
in

We ought not therefore to

the

hesitate
cities

to accept his statement, that

'most of the

his

time adopted

democratic form of
p. 40).

government' (McCrindle's Translation,

It is in the light of this

to

explain

his

remark that we ought other statements that "the

''

Maltecorae, Singhae (and other tribes) are free

and have no kings

also that " those

{Ibid, pp. 143-144),"

live

and

who

near the sea have no

Eick, however, denies

kings"

{Ibid,

p.

156).

that there were republican states in the

days of

Megasthenes.
in

In his opinion, what the Greek

fact,

author really meant was simply the

the

that

immediate
like

neighbourhood

of

a great
or small

kingdom

Magadha, some towns

of

states preserved their

independent existence, and

not that their form

government
I

differed

radically from that of a kidgdom.*

to endorse

am

unable

Mr. Tick's opinion, as he adduces no reason for the same, and specially in view of the fact that a Greek politician is hardly likely to commit mistakes regarding such familiar institutions

as

democratic and
Besides,

aristocratic

forms of
is

government.
writers.

Megasthenes' account

corroborated by the

statements of other Greek

Thus Arrian tells us that a republic was thrice established in India before the time of Sandrocottos.^ It is true that the Greeks
^

Fick, p. 90.

Arrian's Inclika, truuslated by MoOrinclle, p. 2U3.

CHAPTER

III

U1

could not possibly have any authentic knowledge

of

these

events,

but even a tradition of this

character, current

among

the Indians, would go

point.

a great

way towards proving our

categorically asserts,

Then,

Arrian

with reference to the

class of officers called

Superintendents that 'they

where the people have a king and to the magistrates where the There can be no people are self-governed.'^ question that here Arrian contrasts the kingdoms
report everything to the king

with non-monarchical

states.
'

Again Quintus Curtius refers to the Sabarcae* as a powerful Indian tribe where the form of government was democratic and not regal. '^ An idea of the extent and resources of this demo'

cratic state

may

be formed from the fact that

consisting
of

it

possessed

an

army

60,000 foot,

6,000 cavalry and 500 chariots.

When Alexander

marched against them they elected three generals, a fact quite in keeping with their form of government. It must also be noted that here
the

question

is

not of a city-state, for

of the

we

are

told that the

bank

Indus was

most thick-

ly studded with their villages,'

of

The Greek writers also prove the existence states ruled by oligarchy. Thus Arrian's

Anabasis leaves no doubt that the city-state of

1

Ihid, p. 212.

McCrindle,

p. 252.

by some with the Sabarcae) that they dwelt which the democratic form of Government prevailed (Jbid,
identified
*
'

Diodorus also says of the Sambastai (who are

in cities
p. 292).

248

CORPOHATE LIFE
oligarchical form of government, governing body having consisted of a presi-

Nysa had an
its

members of the aristocracy. For we are told that when Alexander came to Nysa, the Nysaians sent out to him their President whose name was A-kouphis, and along with him
dent and 300
*'

thirty deputies of their

most eminent
in

citizens."

We
their

further

hear that Alexander

of

" confirmed

the inhabitants

Nysa

the
;

enjoyment of
praised

freedom and their own laws

about
their

enquired

laws

he

and when he them

requested

because the government of their state Avas in the

hands of the aristocracy.

He moreover

them

to send with

him

100 of their best

men

selected

from the governing body, which con-

sisted of three

hundred members.'"

Again Arrian remarks, "It was reported that the country beyond the Hyphasis was exceedingly fertile, and that the inhabitants were
good agriculturists, brave
in

war,

and living

under an excellent system of internal government for the multitude was governed by the
;

aristocracy,
justice

who

exercised

their authority with

and moderation."'
aristocratical

Strabo also records

a tradition, about the same country, that there

is

"

an

form of government
of

consist-

ing of five thousand councillors, each

whom

furnishes the state with an elephant."^

'

McCrindle, pp. 79-81.

^

'^

McCrindle,
p. 67-

p. 121.

Megasthenes

Indica,

CHAPTER
The Greek
tribes

III

249

writers also mention various other

such as the Malioi,

Oxydrakai, Xathroi,
to

Adraistai, etc.,

who seem
It
is

have lived under a

aristocratic

non monarchical
or

constitution, either

republican.

also a noticeable fact that

the

majority of the

Indian states

with which
this

Alexander came into contact belonged to

category.
It

may

be safely inferred, therefore,

that in the 4th century B.C. the non-monarchical

form of government was more prevalent in the Punjab than the monarchical constitution.

5
to the

fitting

commentary

accounts of the
4th
i i

Greek writers about the nonDiscussion about non-monarchical states

in Arthasastra.

mOUarchlCal StatCS Ot
,

tllC

century B.C.
of

t>

/->i

is

furnished by
celebrated

the

Arthasastra

Kautilya,

the

minister of the founder of the Maurya Empire.

Kautilya devotes a whole chapter (Bk. XI,

Chapter
into

I)

on

'

corporations
:

'

and divides them

two

classes

?:T^?|5^q^f^^:

''
I

(p. 376.)

Thus the first class consisted of the Kshatriya'i guilds which followed trade, agriculture and
military profession.
3-^

These have already been

250

CORPORATE LIFE
It

discussed in connection witli the guilds.

may

only be noted here that it appears from Kautilya's

tenor of writings
that

they had sometimes an

independent

political career.

was that of the Lichchhivikas, Vrijikas, Mallakas, Madrakas, Kukuras, Kurus and Panchalas who made use
class of corporations

The other

of the epithet of king {raja)}

The statement that the Lichchhivikas make

use of the epithet of raja
is

corroborated, as

we

have seen above, by the Buddhist literature. The Arthasastra merely proves that the Lichchhavis survived the attacks of Ajatasatru and that their democratic constitution existed at
least

up

to the

end

of the

fourth or the beginI have already

ning of the third century B.C.

.

given some account of the constitution of the

1

The word
*

'

T15l?l5ftq^tf^*T:'

is

one

of

considerable
'

difficulty.
'

'

^1^95^

may

be compared with such expression as

111-35

5^^T515}^

in

e.g.,

Raghuvamsa,

'^^W

^^

^^T\mw^^^,' and
of

tran-

slated as " epithet, or title (including rank ?)

a king."

But the

ordinary meaning of
sastry's translation
offers
:

^^^f^f.
*'

'

is

hardly suitable here.

Thus Shamatitle of

The

corporations...... live

by the
by a

a raja" In V. S.

no meaning

Apte's Sanskrit

how can one to make Dictionary

;

for

possibly live

title ?

use of

'

is

given as one of the

is

meanings of the root

in
is

^3^^^ and
cTfcf^Tft

the following

quoted from Mbh.

This meaning

support

of

it.

'

*niT

^f^^q^5q%-'

quite suitable

to

both the

expressions above.
is

In the passage of

Mbh. the implied force'of *^m^^'

of
'
'

that the poets not only

it.

make
It

use

BhSrata but also derive materials for their books from

may

only

be held, therefore, that in the present case also the Lichchhivikas not made use of the epithet of king but this supplied the material or
the essence of their corporate existence.

CHAPTER Hi
Lichchhavis, and
it

25l
it

may

be presumed that

did

not alter
that

much

at the time of

Kautilya, and

the

constitution of

the other corporations

to

mentioned by him belonged

the same

type.

He
tible

does not give us

little

much

information on this
is

point but the

that he says

fully

compa-

with this view of the case.

evident from the following passage was a general assembly of the corpoand that the executive officers (called
it is
it.

Thus
ration,

that there

Mtikhyas) were subordinate to

'Z^crT^T^WT^T'ffT ftr^sq^^ ^'^r^f

W3Bi R?Rt-

of

Here we must presume a general assembly the corporations, for v:^ cannot mean any'

thing but

in the

midst of the assembly.'

the

As

the assembly had the right of hearing complaints

against,

and punishing,
to

'

Mukhyas^^ they
it.

must be held
E,.
'

have been subordinate to

translated

Shamasastry has
'

the

word

MtMya

as the chief oF a corporation (pp. 457,

458).
of a
rity

This

may

be taken to imply the existence

supreme
for
this

chief,

but I do not find any autho-

view.

That there were several

^35-2

COKPORATE
'

LIFil

Mukhyas

is

quite clear from such

(p.

expressions

as

'^w^^t^ ^f^^T^"

377),

'^ftr^^m
(p'

fTOvrrS

g^

^^T^

^^ ^?^"
therefore he taken as
of

379).

Mukhyas should
tive officers.'

execu-

The memhers
rajas.
*

the

assembly were called

This not only follows

'

from

the

word

TT^i!^^^f^*f!
'*

btit also

from such expressions

as

?I^^f^FHT^^^^^f^H5fT." Evidently one could be imprisoned or rejected (lit. thrown away,

probably exiled)
only by the orders of the
?:T5TSifs^
'

i, e.y

assembly.

Hence

would denote the

'

members of the assembly or in other words each or king. The of them had the epithet ?:t^
*

democratic nature of the constitution

is

well

hinted at by Kautilya in the following passage.

^\^
'

pf5riT%ic! ^f^TTTg^gff:
'

II

(p. 379.)

Thus the ^Tf ^|^ was to pursue that course was approved by the members which action
the ^1^
I

of

of

The

list

of corporations given above

It includes Vrijikas,
east,

is

indeed

suggestive.

Lichchhivikas

and Mallakas in the

las in the centre, the

the Kurus and PanchaMadrakas in the north-west

and the Kukuras in the south-west, of nortliern This shows that at the beginning of the India. Maurya period, the whole of northern India

was studded with these democratic

states.

That

CHAPTER

III
is

t^53

they possessed considerable power

acquisition

admitted
to a

by Kautilya himself when he says that

the
of

king
is

the

help

of

corporations

better than the acquisition of an army,

or
profits.

a friend

Kautilya

thus

corroborates

and

supplements the accounts of the Greek writers

whose picture

of

India,

it

may

be noted, refers

exactly to the same period.

The onward march

ever, destined to

of imperialism was,

howthese

make

a clean sweep of

all

centres of corporate political activities,

Avay

and the
founder

was paved by the unscrupulous doctrines

minister
of

of the Machiavellian
of the great

the

The existence of independent democratic states seemed incompatible with his conception of empire, and the
empire.
great minister set himself to the task of under-

Maurya

mining their power by any means

fair or
'

Any
in

one

who

reads the chapter on

is

fouM Samgha

Kautilya's
of
its

Arthasastra

sure to be struck
.

with the stern resolve and the

The imperialism and Kautilya
disastrous
effects

steady and
i
.

persistent
i

eiiorts
i
i

the

on non-monarchical

With whlch hC prOCCCded to hlS

task.

His

political

insight

could not
hinted at
essence

fail to

grasp the cardinal fact that was

viz.,
'

by Gautama Buddha,

that the
lies in

of

the strength of a corporation

the

unity

among
of

its

members,' and

all

his

practical

statesmanship,

and the truly remark-

able

power

inventing ingenious devices was

^54

CORPOKATE LIFE
for the one

employed

end of sowing dissensions

among

these

corporations.

Thus he

lays

down

the cardinal doctrine that "spies, gaining access

to all these corporations

and finding out jealousy,

hatred and other causes of quarrel

among them,

should sow the seeds of a well-planned dissen-

The spies employed, and the ways and means adopted by them, were to be of various kinds. They should incite mutual hatred by telling one in secret ** this man decries you " under the guise of teachers they should cause mutual enmity on occasions of disputasion
;

among them."

tions

about
quarrel

certain
; '

points

of

science,
'

arts,

gambling or sports
sion

the fiery spies

should occa-

among
inferior
all

the leaders of corporations

leaders
in

by

praising

taverns

and
party

theatres;

and

the

while

the

unblushing

autocrat was to secretly help the inferior

them against the superior party. Nay, more; the Brahmin minister of Chandragupta did not hesitate to recommend
with
set

men and money and

the free

use of wine and

women

to

achieve

his purpose.

Thus,

on occasions of any affray

should,

(f%5F^^T%) spies under the guise of vintners under the plea of the birth of a son, of
as

marriage or of the death of a man, distribute

toast

(^^^f^^) hundreds

of

vessels
*

of
'

liquor
plant.

adulterated with

the juice of

madana

Women
beauty

endowed with bewitching youth

be exhibited to excite love in

and
the

may

CHAPTER
minds

III

255

of the chief of corporations,

and then by

causing the

woman
off,

to

go to another person or
bring about quarrel

by pretending that another person has violently

carried

her

they

may

among

those

who
"

love

that

ensuing affray the fiery spies

woman in the may kill one of

;

them and

declare

consequence of his
ruin

Thus has he been killed in love." I pass by the other

a man's

devices which are suggested to achieve

by alluring him with feminine beauty but there is one which is too remarkable to be left unnoticed. It is suggested that a mendicant-

woman a
of
his

spy

should
me
is

tell

a chief

who

is

fond

wife,

" this (another) chief, proud of his

to entice

youth, has sent

your wife

secret

steps should be taken against him."

The conse-

quence of course

obvious.

6
It

was by these and

similar

means

that

Kautilya sought to achieve his grand

'that his master

ideal, viz.,

should live as
of all

i.^::Z:^:T^e
imperialism of Kanti.

the only monarch

corporatious
ideal
'

the

(p.

379).

The

was possibly realised to a great extent, for we have no positive evidence of the existence of these mighty corporations during the period of the Mauryas. The corpo-

25G

CORPORATE LIFE
rooted in
of

was, however, too deeply

die

the

soil

to

merely at the
the

fiat

an imperial master.
strong
centralised

With

downfall of the

government established by the prowess of Chandragupta and the genius of Chanakya, the independent political corporations reared up their heads again, and some of them attained the
higliest pitch of greatness
tic

and
the

glory.

Numismathe
the

evidences

prove that the Yaudheyas,

Malavas,

the Vrishnis,

Arjunayanas,
the

Audumbaras and the Kunindas had

their

established

indepandence
true
that

during

century
hear

that

followed the overthrow of

It
is

the

Maurya empire.
of

we no

longer
tlie

the

Lichchhivikas, the Vrijikas,

Kurus and the

but
the

Panchalas
their
r6le

as
is

forming
played

republican states,

by

the

Malavas,
others.

Yaudheyas, the
true
is
it
!

Arjunayanas and
a

So
the
of

that the individual dies but the spirit

It
is

survives

remarkable
in

fact

that

republican

states

the
ever.

neighbourhood

Magadha

vanish

for

One

alone,

the

Lichchhavis, indeed appears again in history,

but

then they lived in

form
with

of

government.
to

thus seem
a

Nepal under a monarchical The theories of Kautilya have been carried into practice
is

completeness that
ideas,

truly surprising.

Political

however,

underwent
of

great
ideas

change

in

the

succeeding period.

The

which inspired the writings

Kautilya seemed

CHAPTER
out of date

III

267

when India had drunk deeply

into

imperialism for a few centuries. Political schools

arose, outside the sphere of influence of Kautilya,

which evinced
fare, prosperity

as

much

solicitude for the wel

and continued existence of these

republican states as the latter had done for their

ruin and destruction.

fair

specimen of their

writings has been preserved in section 107 of the

Santiparva of Mahabharata.^

To Mr. K.

P.

Jayaswal belongs the credit of

furnishing the right interpretation of the passage

New
lies

political

theo-

favouring the exis. tence of non-monarchicai states.

and explaininof ^ its bearinoj up^ ^ ou the republican states of -r t tt ti

.

ancicut

India.

He

did

not,

however, notice that

in a

it

ushered

new epoch
It

of

political

thought which was

a re-action against that represented by the school

of Kautilya.
is

but seldom that

we can

trace

the successive stages in the evolution of political

ideals

of

ancient India and the few instances

to do

in

which we are in a position

invested

so

becomes
of

therefore

with

special degree

^ It is difficult to determine, even approximately, the dates of the various portions of the great Epic. In the present case, however, the task becomes comparatively easier as we have independent internal evidence to show that this portion of Mahabharata is later in point of time than Kautilya's chapter on Corporation. It is evident, from Panini's use of the term, that Samgha was at first used to denote Later on, the term was monopolised by the Buddhist all corporations. religious community, and as the coins show, the term gana * was almost exclusively employed by the post- Mauryan political corporations. Now Kautilya uses only the term Samgha to denote corporation while 'gana' alone is used in 107 of ^antiparva. This seems to me to give rise to a strong presumption in favour of the priority of the chapter in Arthasastra to the corresponding one in Mahabharata.
' ' *

33

258

CORPORATE LIFE
In the case of
the independent

importance.
political

corporations,

we have

seen

how

the

Gautama Buddha looked upon them with favour and how they flourished in his days. But the growing imperialism of Magadha could
great
ill

brook their

existence,

and already in the

for

days of Gautama Buddha, the minister of Ajatasatru

was paving the way

the ruin and

destruction of

one of the most important of

them.

The unscrupulous
in

ways

in

which he
^

sowed the seeds of dissension among the Vajjians

are narrated in detail

the Atfchakatha

and

may

be looked upon as but practical illustration

of

of the views

that

school

of

politics

which

found

its

great

exponent in Kautilya.
side,

The
with
these

theory and practice worked side by

the result that a clean sweep was
political

made

of

Samghas with the

expansion of the

Maurya Empire.

In the home provinces of the

Mauryas the destruction was so complete that we never hear of any political corporation in ages to come. The spirit, however, which gave
birth to these political corporations
die.

was slow

to

by a new school of the growth and development of the political Samghas and secondly by the appearance of a number of them as soon as the strong hands of the Mauryas were
This
is

proved,

first

political

thought which favoured

withdrawn.
^

Trauslated by

Tumour

in J. A. S. B., VII, p. 994, f.n.

CHAPTER
The
A

111

259

section 107 of Santiparva

may

-i

be looked

upon
SChool
_
,-,
.

as representing this
01
r.

new

remarkable dissertation in Mahabharata on non-monarchical

states and the conditions of their welfare.

political
ii

thoUght.
i

In vicw ot the importance of

the
subject I reproduce
i

i^

the

ii

important passage and add a free translation of

the same.

'^gs^^u^ml: n^qi^tcitcT^^

ii^ii

The Calcutta Edition has

"

^r5T5g??^gwT^'^'?f

'

f^TfjJft."

This does not offer any satisfactory meaning.

^60

CORPORATE LIFE

cT^Hcf

Wff^it^

H^^^'f T^T. ^^T

nu

"ttt^i^:

11^^%

^^isi5fT:

'

q?:^?:^^

ft^riiir

w^z^'^ f%^^5^

^it^tt^t:

ii?^ii

f^<5rg^ ??WT^rft ^4?^

^^ ^^t; mo

1^^^ ^^ ^T^ 'PUf^ff ft^:

Read

11^ ^11

^^^:

CHAPTER

III

^61

8|iMR^ fir^^ f^rlr!^ flf^'IRn

3i^g

^^WT

^TcIT:

^f^^^f^cTT

^fft?r^

'Tm ^^fk{

im^^^

^Tj3fiJ[ ii^cji

$^sr

q^T'TT^

fvr^^ ftgfHw:

Yudhisthira said

" I

wish to hear,
the

the

most

enlightened one,
;

course of

conduct

(lf%) of the ganas (6)

how

the ganas prosper

and are not torn by

enemies and acquire
of the ganas
is

dissensions,
allies (7).

conquer the

The destruction primarily caused by dissensions

it is

and,
secret
like,

in

my

opinion,

very difficult to keep

(8).
!

the

counsels of

many

So I would
specially
tell

oppressor of enemies

to hear in detail

everything

(about them),
!

and
''

me O Bharat
of Bharatas
!

how they may

Ehishma
the
said

not be torn

by
and

dissensions (9).

king, the best

kulas,

among

ganas, the

262

CORPORATE LIFE
kings,

the

ambition and want of toleration lead

For when one is seized with ambition he becomes intolerant and bad spirit is created between two such (persons) (11). Mutual troubles are caused by spies, counsels (fp^) and military force, the triple method of sama (conciliation), dana (gift) and bheda (dissento hostilities (10).
sion),

and by means of threatening with the loss of men and money (12). It is by means of these measures that the ganas, the essence of whose
existence
is

unity,

are

torn into

factions
to

and
the

being disunited and dispirited, succumb

enemy through
upon the ganas

fear (13).
;

Disunion brings ruin

they
fall

disunited,
;

an easy

prey to the enemies

acquired

so they should

always put

forth their efforts in unison (M).

if
;

Money can be
their strength
in

the

ganas

combine
live

and

efforts

and when they

unity exter-

nal powers also

make
;

alliance with

them
up

(15).

Wise men
interests

praise those

who

are

willing to listen
give
selfish

to each other's advice

those

who

acquire happiness in

all respects (16).

The

best of ganas

becomes prosperous by ap-

pointing pious men, by laying

down

rules for the

administration according to sastras, by observing

them properly

(17),

by chastising (even) sons

and brothers, by always instructing them, and by

*

It

is

doubtful

whether

the

unity

recommended

is

that

of

several ganas, iu the nature of a confederation, or merely the unity

of the

members

of a single gana.

CHAPTER
accepting them

III

268

when they

are rendered submis-

sive (to authorities) (18).

Prosperous, again, are

those ganas that always devote their attention to

the organisation of spies and

counsels

and the

accumulation of treasure (19). O king! the ganas that pay due respect to the wise, the valorous, the
active,

and the men

prosperity

of steady efforts in
(20).

business, acquire

The ganas

that are strong in resources, brave, expert in the

use of arms and weli-versed in the sastras rescue

the bewildered in times
of grave

danger

(21).

the best of Bharatas

anger, dissension, fear,

chastisement, causing torture

and punishment,

and

lastly

murder, immediately bring the ganas

within the clutches of the

enemy (22). So the gana leaders (^TOg^^n:) should be respected, as the worldly affairs (of the ganas) depend to a
great extent

upon them,
!

king

(23).

op-

pressor of enemies

the spy

(department) and
left)

the secrecy of counsels

chiefs, for it is not

(should be

to the

the

fit that the entire body of gana should hear those secret matters (24).

The

chiefs of gana should

carry

out together,

in secret,

works leading
it

to the prosperity of the

gana

(25), otherwise^

the

wealth of the gana

decays and

meets

with

danger

(26).

If,

disunited, every one severally tries to act

his
^

up

to

own
I

capacity, they are to be at once checked

unable to explain the phrase
'

am

i^I'^T'lF^ f^T^HJ f^cIcT^

"

occurring in this connection in the text.

264
chiefly

CORPORATE LIFE
by
the

learned

(27).

Quarrels

in

families, ignored

destroy the
sion

'

by the old men of the family, gotras and thereby create dissen'

among

the ganas
!

(28).
is

It

is

the internal

danger

E-ajan

that

chiefly

to
is

be guarded
not of

against;

the

external

danger
If

much

importance, but the internal danger immediately

saps the very foundation (29).

through sudden

anger, passion, or natural ambition, (the members)

do not speak to one another, although similar

in caste

and family,

that

is

a sure sign of defeat

The ganas are torn asunder by the enemies, not by exertion, intellect or tempting them with beauty, but by creating dissensions and offering bribes so it is said that unity is
(30-31).
;

the chief refuge of the ganas (31-32).

<The new school thus appears to possess genuine sympathy for these political corporations. The contrast with i.^grorti:Uw%choo':
the school of Kautilya
is

indeed

a striking one.
devices
'

Instead of suggesting dubious

by which ruin may be brought upon the ganas,' it offers healthy recommendations for avoiding those pitfalls and dangers to which
they are peculiarly
of
liable.

It

is

never tired
to

drawing

particular

attention

the evil

consequences of disunion and dissensions which have been the eternal danger of this popular

form

of government,

and recommends forbear-

ance and toleration as proper remedies against

CHAPTER
them.
counsel.

III

265

Another drawback
difficulty

in the popular system

was the

of

maintaining

secrecy in

In order to remove

this defect

they

suggest the formation of something like a small

which alone would deal with matters requiring secret deliberation. We can very well believe that this suggestion was based upon actual examples and that the more important
cabinet
of the existing
'

ganas

'

already possessed this

cabinet system of government.

Among

other

things, the establishment of a good

system of
impartia,l

laws and

their

strict

enforcement,
all,

administration of justice to

including sons

and brothers,

organisation

of the

spy system,

gradual accumulation of funds in the treasury,

and proper respect

to the

these

are

looked
'

more important persons upon as tending to the

In general, the
inter-

prosperity of the

gaijas.'

nal danger

is

looked upon as more serious than

it

the external one, and

that
if

was generally believed

there were no dissensions within, they

for

any powerful enemy. This idea, it will be remembered, is as old as the time of Gautama Buddha, and was beautifully illustrated in the case of Ajatasatru's conquest of
Vaisali.

were a match

Even such a powerful king

as Ajatasatru
till

did not venture to attack the Vajjians

he had

sent his minister as a spy and created mutual

and dissensions among them by his agency. The new political school seems also to
distrust

84


266

CORPORATE LIFE
close

recommend a
ganas.
It

unity

among

the different

was probably hoped that such confederation of ganas would be in a better position
to fight against their

powerful enemies.

Mahabharata show equal solicitude for the prosperity of political gana or The old legend of Vasudeva and samgha. Narada recited to Yudhishthir by Bhishma (Santiparva, Ch. 81) is an instance to the point. Vasudeva relates to Narada the difficulties that
Other passages
in
'

'

have arisen in the

affairs

of

the

confederacy

(samgha) composed of the Andhakas, Vrishnis, Kukuras and Bhojas. The principal difficulty seems to have been the division of the leading

men

into a

number

of

irreconcileable

groups

nations.
real

accompanied by mutual animosity and recrimiNarada tells Krishna in reply that the

remedy does not

consist in violent

measures

but in a policy of conciliation.

The idea

is

further

developed in reply to
'

Krishna's question about the

^rfR^ii^

'

^^If nft^T

^ ^'^^cf^fm^

IR?

fira

csc*

f^* ^^* ^m^^

ii^iftr

ir^

CHAPTER
^Ti^WTH^^: ^f^^T^n^T

III

267

^T^r^T^^

The

last verse clearly refers to

the constitu*

tion as a

Samgha.

Sabhaparva, Ch.
of 18 kulas

We get some details of it in 14 We are told that it consisted

and 18,000 brethren, i.e., probably Eeference is also made to adult male memb^s. Bhoja-rajanya-b^iddhais^ and this seems to imply
that there
these were

was an Executive Council of which members. In the passage quoted

the leader of the
all

above, Krishna,

Sarhgha^

is

asked to appease
ment.
root
It
is

parties

by tactful manage'

emphasised that
the ruin of

disunion

'

is

the

cause of
is

the
to
'

Krishna

specially

reminded
'

Somghas and beware of it.

The use
episode
as

of the
is

word

Samgha
to be.

denotes that the

really a piece of Tf^PBT*

3^cH*

(V. 2)

Bhisma

describes

it

As
the

the

school

of

Kautilya brought
it is

ruin

upon the

political

Samghas,
of

but natural that

new

school

political

thought should

be

accompanied by their
itself

revival.

bharata
^

refers

to

quite

Mahaa number of
The
35, 55,

Cf.

Sabhaparva, Ch. XIV, verses 25, 32,

and

56.

268

CORPORATE LIFE

non-monarchical clans such as the Kiratas, the Daradas, the Audumbaras,

monarliTicai stLte.^^""'

the Paradas, the Bahlikas, the

Sibis,

the

Trigarttas,

the

Yaudheyas,
the

the

Kekayas,
the

the

Ambashthas,
are
called

Kshudrakas,

Malavas, the Paundras,

the Angas and

the Vangas.^

They

arenimanta and sastradharin^ and these phrases

may
to

be compared to

the

Kshatriya'sreni

of

Kautilya and the Ayiidha-jwi'Sangha of Panini,

which,
it

may
to

be noted, one of the above

is

tribes, viz,^ the

Yaudhey^^s,
the

expressly declared

to belong.

As
all

Bahlikas,

we
'

are

told

elsewhere in Mahabharata,^ that

heroes were
rajas'

the Bahlika

This again reminds us of

the phrase raja-sabd-opajlm in Kautilya's Artha-

which reference has been made above, mentioned in the Jatakas, that the Lichchhavis were all called rajas. Reference is also made to other tribal organisasastra, to

as well as of the fact,

tions,
etc.,

such s Anartta,

Kalakutas,

Kulindas^

although there

their

is no express mention of form of government.

is difficult

It

to assign these tribal

states

to

Shortly after the downfall of the Maurya empire.

^^^

A^^^ie
OU
*^

historical

pCriod
*'

simplv ^

the

authoritv

of

Mahabharata.
^

But here the

lUd, Ch.
Ihidf Ch.
te."

LIT., verses 13-16.

jbid, verse 17.

XXXIV,

verse 13.

" BahUhaa = ch = apare iura rajanah

*

sarvva eva

Ch.

XXVI

21-4.

CHAPTER

III

269

numismatic evidence comes to our help

definitely

and
of

proves the existence of a

number

political Sanghas, including a

good

many

of those

mentioned above, shortly after the downfall of

the

Maurya empire.
is

A
:

short historical note on

each of these
1.

given below.

The

Ymidheyas

As

already

noticed

above, they formed an '^j^^^fJr

mo^rchicliKes''''''"
^BTl^
'

in the

days

of

Panini.

Our knowledge about them is derived from coins and inscriptions. The earliest
class of their coins dates,

according to Cunning-

ham,^ from about the

agrees with

first

century B. C. Rapson^

them to about 100 B. C. and V. Smith^ is of the same opinion. The legend on the coin is " Yaudheyana " and this
refers

him and

has been changed into the next class of coins as " Yaudheya-ganasya jaya.'^ An idea of the

power and resources of the Yaudheyas may be formed from the phrase in the Girnar Inscription,
" of the Yaudheyas,

rendered proud by having

heroes

manifested their

KshaSuch praises, coming from an enemy, triyas."* are indeed of great significance and lend some
title of

among

all

weight to the claim of the Yaudheyas themselves that they possessed the secret charm of winning
*

C. A.

I.

p. 76.
*

2 E..

Ic. p. 15.

V. Cat., p. 165.

Ep. Ind. VIII. pp. 44-47.

270
victories.'^

CORPORATE LIFE
Rudradaman
'

boasts

in

the Girnar

Inscription of

having rooted out the Yaudheyas/

but coins and inscriptions prove that they survived the shock and existed as a powerful political
factor

down

at least to

the

end of the fourth

of

century A. D.
occurs in the

The name

the Yaudheyas

Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta as one of the tribes that " gave
all

kinds

of

taxes,

obeyed orders and performed

obeisances " to the great

it is

Gupta Emperor.^
the

But

quite clear from the context of the inscrip-

tion

that the state

of

Yaudheyas

did not

form part of the territory directly administered by the Guptas but was something like a frontier

kingdom owing
them.^

allegiance

and paying taxes

of the

to

Yaudheyas may be determined from their coins and inscriptions. One of their inscriptions was found at Bijayagadh in the Bharatpur state and their clay seals were found at Sonait near Ludhiana. Their coins were found at Behat near Shaharanpur/ " to the west of the Satlej, in Depalpur, Satgarha, Ajudhan, Kahror, and Multan, and to
locality

The

under the sway

This appears from the legend on a large clay seal

discovered

by-

Mr. Carr Stephen near

Ludhiana

(Proc.

A.

S. B.,

1884, pp. 138-9)

^ ^

C.

I. I,

III, p. 14.

Fleet had some doubts on this point {Ihid, note 1) but see
II,

Sylvain

Levi-Le Nepal, Vol.

*

pp. 115-16.
pi.

Prinsep's Essays,

IV, 11-12.

CHAPTER
the

III

^71
Sirsa,

eastward in Bhatner,

Abhor,

Hansi,

Panipat and

Sonpat."^ The coins of the

are generally found in

all

Yaudheyas the Eastern Punjab and

over the country between Satlej and

Jamuna

rivers.

Two

large

finds

between Delhi and

Karnal,'^

were made at Sonpath four coins were

^

obtained in the Kangra District

and a great
of

many
coins

at a place called Jogadheri in the Eastern

Punjab.*

The evidence
is

of

the
of

find-spots

regarding the locality

the tribe that

Still

issued

them

not entirely satisfactory.

we may
if

regard the find-spots of coins as roughly

the
territories
is

indicating

of

the ruling

tribe

the

conclusion

not

against

general profacts.

bability

nor contradicted by proved

In

the present case the find-spots of coins, joined to

the evidence of clay seals and inscriptions, seem

to indicate that the

Yaudheya

territory comprised

an area that may be roughly defined as being

bounded on the west by a line from Bhawalpur along the Satlej and the Beas up to Kangra, on the north-east by a straight line drawn from Kangra to Shaharanpur, on the east by a line drawn from Shaharanpur via Panipath and Sonpath to Bharatpur, and on the south by a line drawn from Bhawalpur via Suratgarh, Bhatner and Sirsa, to Bharatpur.
It
^

may
I.,

be noted that the location of the

p. 77.
^

C. A.

Ibid, p. 76.

Ibid, p. 79.

V. Cat., p. 165.

272

CORPORATE LIFE
in this area
is

Yaudheyas

in entire to

agreement
in

with- the position assigned

them

the

Allahabad Pillar Inscription, between the Madras

on the one hand and the Malavas and Arjunayanas

on the other.
inferred

It

must not

of course be at

once
their

that throughout

the period

of

political existence the

over this

Yaudheyas exercised sway vast extent of territory. The area

probably represents the greatest extension of

their power.
II.

The Malavas,

According

to the inter-

pretation of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar Panini refers

to the Malavas as living
in the Punjab.^

the

Malloi
six

by the profession of arms They may be identical with tribe conquered by Alexander.
near the modern

About

thousand coins of the Malavas were

discovered at an ancient site

town of Nagar, situated within the territory of the Raja of XJniyara, who is a tributary of the The coins have the Maharaja of Jay pur. ^ " Malavanarii jaya " " jaya," Malavahna legends Some of the and "Malava ganasya jaya." coins bear names like Mapaya, Majupa, Magajasa, etc., which are generally taken as the names of It is not known chiefs of the Malava tribe. with certainty whether the Malavas who issued
these
coins

were identical with or

allied to the

tribe of the

same name

in the

Punjab mentioned

by
^

Panini.
I.

A., 1913, p. 200.

Arch. Sur., Rep. VI,

p. 162.

CHAPTER
There
is

III

273

some

difference of opinion regarding

the antiquity of these coins.

Both Carlle/le and

Cunningham^
to

referred the earliest of these coins

about 250 B. C, but Rapson and Y. Smith bring this limit lower down to 150 B. C.'^ The

latter

view seems to be incontestable so far at

least as the published coins are concerned, for it

is

certain that none of

so early a date as

them contains legends the Asokan period.

^

of

Ushavadata,

the son-in-law of

boasts in one of his

Nahapana, Nasik Inscriptions of having

defeated the Malayas.

Inscriptions prove
that

Numerous West Indian

'ya^

and

'

va' are often

it

interchansred

in

Prakrit.

Hence

has

been
cir-

conjectured that the Malayas are identical with

the Malavas.*

In the present instance the

cumstance

that
lakes,

Ushavadata
after
his

went
victory

to

the

Pushkara

over the

Malayas, lends considerable weight to the proposed identity, for the lakes are
quite

near to

Nagara, the settlement of the Malavas as deter-

mined from their coins. Ushavadata says in his

the order of the lord
chief
of

inscription

"

And by
the

went

to

relieve

the

Uttamabhadras who was

were, at the sound

besieged

for the rainy season

by the Malayas, and the

(of

Malayas
^

fled, as it

my

Ihid, p. 182.

=
*

V. Cat.,

p. 162.

3
I,

Lud., No. 1131.

Bombay 35

Gazeteei

p.

28

Rapson Andhra

Coins, p.

Ivi.

274

CORPORATE LIFE
and
were made
prisoners

approach),

by

the

XJttamabhadras."^

It thus appears that like the

Yaudheyas, the Malavas too

with the
Scythian

were at enmity
first

hordes that invaded their

neighbouring country at the end of the

century A. D. and established a

principality

under

their

leader

naturally

supposed

Nahapana. It might be that Nahapana was the

the

aggressor, but
as

the reverse seems to be the case

the Malayas

attacked

Uttamabhadras,
before
chief.

probably a feudatory tribe of Nahapana,

their side

was taken up by the Scythian

Several expressions, used to denote dates in

the
to

Vikrama Samvat
throw some
lisjht

in later inscriptions,

seem
the

on the

historv
:

of

Malavas.
(1)

These expressions are

^RfM^T^t
^

'T'lTfef^rT
^

(2) (3)

^T^^?Tnr%f?T^^cf

^T^^n^^m TO^ ffrl^ftS

Sir

Dr.

Thomas and Dr.

'

R. G.

Bhandarkar ^

gana' in the sense of a " corpora" and infer from the above expressions that tion
take the word
the era
of 58 B. C. dates

from

'

the foundation

of the tribal independence of the

as

Malavas,'

or,

the

latter

formation of
1

would specify it still more, '' the the Malavas as a gam or body
p. 79.
-

Ep. Ind., Vol, VIII,

Ihid, pp. 154, 158.

C.

I. I.,

Ill, pp. 83, 87.

Ind. Ant., 1913, p. 161.

Ihid, p. 199.

CHAPTER
corporate."

III

275

Dr. Pleet^
^

Bhandarkar

on

and Professor D. 11. the other hand look upon the

the Malava tribe or was

expressions as simply denoting the fact that the

era was handed
in use I

down by
to

among them.
inclined

am

accept the contention

of

Dr.

Thomas and
'

Dr. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar

'

that

the word

gana

denotes a corporation but I

am

unable to endorse their views about the origin of

the era.

There

is

at least nothing in the express-

The only Malavas safe conclusion seems gave their name to the province where they ultimately settled, the era which they used derived its name from them, leaving undecided, for the present, the question whether the era owed its
ions themselves to support the theory.
to be that as the

origin to

them or not. The Malavas were an important

till

political

factor

at least the 4th century A. D.

They

were defeated by Samudragupta and occupied the same rank in the Gupta Empire as the Yaudheyas.
III.

The Arjimayauas,
These coins
C.^

few coins have

been discovered bearing the legend ''Arjunayanana."

first

may

be referred to the

century B.

The

find-spots of the coins

are not recorded.

For the long discussion on

this point

between Dr. Fleet and Dr.

Thomas,
2

see J. R. A. S., 1914, pp. 413-14, 745-47, 1010-1013; J. R. A. S.,

1915, pp. 138-ff, 502-f.

I.

A., 1913, p. 162.

R. Ic, p. 11.

276

CORPORATE LIFE
The Arjunayanas
are well

known from

the

Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta.

They were defeated by the Gupta Emperor and occupied the same rank as the Yaudheyas and
the Malavas.

The
mine,

locality of this tribe

in

is diflB.cult

to

deter-

the

absence of any record of

the

find-spots of coins.

the collocation of
Inscription
of

The only clue is obtained by names in the Allahabad Pillar

It

Samudragupta.

has

been
is

surmised that as the portion of the inscription

written in prose, and the author was not guided

by the exigencies of metre, the enumeration of the fi'ontier kingdoms was made in the order
of geographical position.^

This

is

certainly the

case with the Malavas, the Yaudheyas and

the

Madras, and the conjecture

is

not unjustified

that similar might be the case with the remaining

member

of

the

compound ^'Malav-ArjimayanaIf
this

Yaudheya-Madraka'^

be

so,

the

Arjunayanas would have to be placed between the Malavas and the Yaudheyas, and we must
look about for their locality between Bharatpur

and Nagar. Mr. V. Smith ^ places the Arjunayanas in the tract corresponding to modern
Bharatpur and Alwar
does not agree
scription according to
'

States.

This,

however,

with the Bijayagadh Stone In-

which the Yaudheyas must

;

J.

R. A. R. A.

S.,

1897, p. 886

C, A. T p. 90.

J.

S.,

1897, p. 886.

CHAPTER
have pushed
north.

III

277

to the southern portion of

lies

Bharatfurther

pur State, not to say of Alwar which

IV.

The

Audumbaras,

The

Audumbaras

and

their country are

later

mentioned in Panini. In period, coins are almost our only source of

'Jhese
:

information about them.

divided into three classes
(1)
'

coins

may

be

Those

which

simply

bear the tribal

name odumbara.'
(2)

Those which have the name of a king Those which bear the nameof the king

as well as the tribal desisjnation.

(3)

without the tribal designation.

These coins have been referred on palseographical grounds to the

first

century B.C. by
agrees with
refers
of

Mr. U. D.
about

Banerji.^

This fully

the conclusion of Bapson

who

them
the

to

100 B,C.'

The beginning

first

century B.C.

may

therefore be accepted as

the

date of these coins.

The

coins

described by

Cunningham were

found in the Northern Punjab beyond Lahore,

one in a
the
field

near Jwalamukhi and several in

District.'^

Pathankot

The

hoard

of

363

by Mr. R. D. Banerji was found in the village of Irippal in the Dehra Tahsil, Kangra District, Punjab/ These coins are also
coins described
^

J.

A.

S. B.,
I.,

1914, p. 249.

R. Ic, p. 11.
J.

C. A.

p. 66.

A. S. B., 1914,

p.

247.

278

CORPORATE LIFE
on the

found

Manaswal

plateau,

Hosyarpur

bounded by Eavi on the north and west, Kangra on the south and Kullu on the east. This may be
District/

The

coins thus cover an area

accepted

as
it

the

locality

of

the

Audumbaras
account of
are coupled

specially as

fully agrees with

the

Brihat-Samhita, Markandeya Purana and Visnupurana, in which the

Audumbaras
been
identified
of

with the Kapisthalas, Traigarttas and Kulindas.

(Kapisthalas

have

with

the

Ambala, the early home of the Trigarttas was near Kangra, and Kulindas or Kunindas occupied both banks
living south of the Satlej.)

modern Kaithals

V,

The Kunindas.
'

Some

coins

bear only
the
of a king.

the tribal

name Kuninda,' but

others bear

tribal designation as well as the

name

There are also other varieties which need not be

discussed
here.
It
is
is

generally admitted that the earlier

of the

the

former

class

two.^

Cunningham
B.C.^ while

refers the latter class to about

150

100 B.C.*

Rapson fixes their date at about The earlier coins may therefore be
Kunindas were found
defined
as
in

referred to the second century B.C.

The
area

coins of the

an

that

may

be roughly

being

bounded on the east by the Ganges, on the south and south-west by a line joining Hastinapur,
y
'

V. Cat.,

p.

161.
p. 134.

C. A.

I.,

p. 71.

Arch. Snr. Rep., XIV,

R. Ic, p. 12.

CHAPTER

III

^79

Shaharanpur, and Ambala, on the north and

north-east

by the

slopes

of the

Himalayas and

on the north-west by a line joining Ambala to This area may be safely the Himalaya slopes/
laid

down

as
for

the

boundary of
evidence
of

the

Kuninda
coins
is

territory,

the

the

supported in this case by the independent

testi-

mony

Kulindrine* Ptolemy in whose work means the whole of the upper tract between the That the Kunindas Bias river and the Ganges. or the Kulindas lived near mountain slopes also
of
'

appears

from the epithet

'

Kulindopatyakas
'^

'

in

the Vishnu

Purana

meaning

The

Kulindas
has pre-

alons: the foot of the hills."

VI.

The
it

Vrishnis.

single coin

served the

name
was

of the Vrishni corporation.

first

The
^

legend on
'*

read by

Cunningham

as

Vrishni Raja-jnayanasya bkuhharasyay

fist
it

When

examined the legend on Cunningham's

appeared
'

plate

to

me

that

'

bhubharasya'

might well be

Tratarasya.'

I found afterwards

was suggested by Bergny Bergny has read the and accepted by RapsoD.'^
that similar correction

legend

as.

" Vrishnir{a)jajha-ganasya

tr(a)-

tarasya.''

RajojMy
is

as suggested
'

by Bergny and

Rapson,

equivalent to

kshatriya.'

The
I,

coin

For details
C. A.
I., p. I., p.

of the

tiud-spot,

cj.

Prinsep's Essays, Vol.

pp. 84,

204;
-

71

Arch. Sur. Rep., XIV, pp. 134-138.

0. A.
J.

70, pi. IV.

R. A.

S.,

1900, pp. 416, 420.

280

CORPORATE LIFE
of the Vrishni

was thus issued by the corporation

kshatriyas.

Vrishni as the
Harshacharita^
'

name
the

of

a tribe occurs iu
to

while

Kautilya'^ refers

the
the

Vrishni Samgha, or

corporation

of

Vrishnis.

(These however most probably refer to

the classic tribe to which Krishna belonged.)

The
VII.

coins

may

be referred, on palseographical

grounds, to the

first or

second century B.C.

The

Sibis. In
of

1872

Mr. Carlleyle
city called

discovered the ruins

an ancient

Tambavati Nagari, 11 miles north of Chitore. He found some very ancient coins which he
has described in Arch. Surv. Rep., VI,
p.

200.

That the place was very ancient appears quite clearly from the fact that about 117 punch-

marked
class

coins

of

the

most ancient type were

however,
is

found there.
of

More

interesting,

coins

bearing

the

legend

''jiH?fir^l^

f%%f^q^^"
to

C'^Tfi?ir^T^

f%f^5Rcr^" according
meanings
It
is

Cunningham).

One
'

of the recognised
is
'

of the

word

Janapada'

community'.'^
I.

used in this

sense in Yajnavalkya
'*

361.

If^Pl

^^: ^^^

'T^T^

^R^^T^^IT

Traiisl.

by Cowell,
p. 11.

p. 193.

^^1^,

St. Petersburgli Dictiouary, suh voce.

CHAPTER
" of the Sibi

III

^81

The legend ma}' therefore be translated as community of Majhamika." Yajna-

valkya contemjDlates the case of a "janapada"

under a king but the issue of coins by the Sibi

community shows that

political corporation.

it

formed an independent
'

The coins show that the Sibis belonged to Madhyamika. Patanjali refers to this city as having been besieged by the Greeks, and 'Madhyamikayas' as the name of a people occur in Mahabharata and Biihat-Samhita. The identity of this Madhyamika with Tambavati
Nagari seems very probable on the evidence
of

the

coins.

It

is

true that specimens of this

were also obtained by Stacy at But Stacy says he purchased them at Chit ore gadh and we learn from Carlleyle that ancient coins were brought to Chitore by the peasants or cultivators from some other place
class of coins

Chitore.'

in

the

surrounding country.'-

It

is

doubtful,

therefore,

whether Stacy's

coins,

and the one

found by Mr. Carlleyle at Chitore, really belonged

But there is no doubt that this class of coins was found at Tambavati Nagari as Carlleyle himself collected them from the
to that place.

ruins of that

place.'^

Besides, the antiquity of

the place

is

established
in its ruins.
I,

by the punch-marked

coins found
^

Piiusep's Essays,

p. 112.

Arch. Sur. Rep,, VI,

p.

207.

Cf. also Aroli. Sur. Hep., 1915-16, p. 15.

36

282

CORPORATE LIFE
The
coins
of

the

Sibi

may
the

be referred on
first

palseographical grounds to

or

second

century B.C.

These detailed

historical

notes
viz.,

prove

the

statement I have already made,

that within

a century after the downfall of the

Maurya
such as
the

Empire we witness a number

those
of

of non-monarchical

states or political corporations in India^

the

Yaudheyas,

the

Malavas,

Arjunayanas, the Audumbaras, the Kunindas,

the Vrishnis and the Sibis.
coins

The very

fact that

were issued
'

in

the

name

of

the tribe

and not by a king, and further that in some

cases the
tribal

word gana is used along with the name, leaves no doubt on the point. The
'

real significance of the tribal

is

name on

the legend

clearly demonstrated by the early coins of the

Audumbaras and the Kunindas, the later classes of which bear the name of a king. They evidently show a transition from the democratic The second class of the to a monarchical state. Audumbara coins described on p. 277 probably
shows an intermediate stage,
viz.,

a compromise

between the democratic feeling and the rising pretensions of a monarchy hence probably the
;

scrupulousness with which the

name

of the tribe

This

is

also proved

by the passage

in

Avadauasataka referred to
first

above on

p. 223.

The book was composed about the

to

century B.C.

and may be held therefore

have reflected the

political condition of

India after the downfall of the Maurya empire,

'

CHAPTER
is

III

283

always associated with that of the king.

Later

on, however,

we

find the complete

triumph of the
'

monarchy, and the

tribal designation is altogether

omitted in the legends.

The

case of the

Sibi

probably illustrates the political corporation of a

city-state

like

that

of

Nysa described by the

political

Greek writers (see ante, p. 248). We have seen that some of these
corporations
Cauaes of the
final
,
i
^.i

possessed

great
-.

powcr and rcsourccs and exdestructioji of the noumonarchical states. ^ i tended their sway over a vast The Yaudheyas established tract of country. their reputation as a great political power and
i.

ruled over a considerable portion of the Punjab.

enough to have given their name to a vast province. Both these nations again stood as bulwarks against the The Malavas
too were important

intrusion
Satraps.

of the

foreign invaders, the Scythian

The struggle was probably of long duration, for we have seen that the Malavas fought against the forces of Nahapana and the Yaudheyas, those of Rudradaman. In both the
instances the foreigners gained the victory.
is

It

probable that the other political corporations

also

had

to face these foreign invasions

and met

with similar
tions

fate. The decline of these corporaand the transition of some of them into a

monarchical state
these causes.
in

may
it is

be safely ascribed to

For

only too well

calamity,

known how

times

of

national

a successful

284

CORPORATE LIFE
may grasp the power that belonged and gradually estahlish his own individual

adventurer
to all,

sway over the state. The rise of the Gupta power is another factor to be reckoned with. We have seen, how from the days of Ajatasatru,
the empire- builders tried their best to
these political corporations.
did not form extirpate

The Gupta emperors

to the rule,

any exception

for

the

Allahabad Pillar Inscription informs us that the

mighty corporations like those of the Yaudheyas, the Malavas, and the Arjunayanas had to pay taxes and make obeisance to the great emperor Samudragupta.

Thus the two factors, invasion from without and the growth of empires within, account for the decline and downfall of these political corporations. They have been exposed to these trials,
from the days of x\lexander on the one hand,

and Ajatasatru on the other. But still they continued to form a distinctive political factor
in the country

down

to the

time of the

Guptas.

During

this

period

the political theorists were

divided in their opinion

holders of
tion

about them.

The up-

Imperialism advocated their destruc-

and suggested means for the same, while other class had a sympathetic attitude towards them and laid down regulations by which they could thrive and prosper. From the fifth century onwards they ceased to be importhe

tant factors in Indian politics.

No

instances

of

CHAPTER
their

III

285

existence are

political theorists ignore

known to them

history

and the

altogether.

No

trace

of

them

is

to

be found in the Puranas or

Dharmasastras to which monarchy seems to be

the only conceivable form of government.
a professedly political writer, like the

Even

author of

Sukraniti has not

a word to say about them.

Gradually things have come to such a pass that

it

requires

great

effort

to

believe,

even when

sufficient evidence is
tions,

forthcoming, that institu-

of

which we are accustomed to look upon as western growth, had also flourished in India

long long ago.

CHAPTER IV
Corporate Activities in Religious Life

It

is

now
corpora-

a matter of
-r

general knowledge

that the followers of

Religious
^^^'^
tions in pre-Budcihist
'

Gautama
,
.

Jiucldha

, t

evolved

a
is

religious

corporation, Avhich

one of the
or

most perfect country. As

is

ever witnessed
it

in

any age

now

stands,

the

organisation

liable to

be looked upon as

unique in the

history

of

India, but there are grounds for the

belief that like the religion of

external symbol
India.

its

which it was an roots lay deep in the soil of

in
'

The

ascetic

'

is

a familiar figure
'

ancient
is

Indian history.

The

houseless state

laid

down
and
laid

as a regular state of life with distinct rules

regulations,^

and although every one

all

as

matter of fact did not pass through

the stages

down

in

the sastras, there can be scarcelv

of

any doubt that many

We

hear so frequently about a

them actually number

it is

did
of

so.

them

living together in

dsrams that
Ch. Ill
;

impossible

Cf. Ga.,

Ap., II. 9. 21-23.

CHAPTER IV
not to
look

287

upon

it

as

an actual factor

in

ancient Indian life/

The Buddhist Texts themselves furnish

of
ascetics.

evi-

dence for the existence of these collective bodies

Thus we read
Jatilas, rAz.,

in

Vinaya Pitaka ^
there lived

that at the time of

in

Gautama Buddha

Uruvela Kassapa, Nadi Kassapa and Gaya Kassapa who were

leaders

Uruvela three

respectively of five hundred, three hunJatilas.

dred and two hundred

scarcely

There can be

any doubt that the Jatilas were Brahmanical Vanaprasthas!'^ Again we read in the same canonical texts that Sanjaya was leader of two hundred and fifty J^arihrajahas at KajaThere are, besides, frequent references gfiha.^ to Nirgranthas and Ajlvakas,
These evidences leave no doubt that long
and their upon the Samgha.
,
,

, mfluence Buddhist
.

before

Buddha's
of

time,

'

larse ^

numbcrS

aSCCticS

USCd to

live together

under some sort

of

organisation.

guided by definite
quite
'

That their organisation was rules and regulations appears

the

clearly
such as

from
is

injunctions

in

the

'J'raditioii

recorded in the opening verses of Mahabharata

of these ascetics living together.

refers to the collected

body

Thus we
I.

read of the great assembly of the ascetics in Naimigharanya (Mbh.,

1
.

9)

where Saunaka was the

*

Kulapati.'

The term Kulapati

I. I.

is

ex-

plained as

one who maintains ten thousand' (Mbh.,

of Nilakantha).

and the

commentary
2

'

S. B. E., XIII. 118.

Hid,

f,

n. 1.

S. B. E.,

XIII. 144, 148.

'ISS

CORPORATE LIFE
some
'

Dharma-sutras, and the fact that the Buddhist

Samgha devived from

and the
'

it

of their characteristic

laws and usages. Thus the

tqwsatha

'

ceremony
life

Retreat during the rainy season,' two

characteristic

symhols of corporate

of the

Buddhist monks, were already current among

the ascetic orders in India in the days of Buddha,

and the
It

latter instituted

them

in his

own Samgha

in imitation of these orders.^

may

thus be held that religious corpora^^^^

^^^^^'^

gha, the most

The Buddhist Samadvanc

of

kuowu
\u

^^^'^^^y ^ ^^^l^" factor of Indian society

'

ed type

corporations ent India.

religious in and-

Buddha's time, and that the

celebrated

Samgha

of the latter

was not a new creation but merely a development upon the existing institutions. Sufficient
materials are not at present available for the

study of the

latter.

The corporate

activities of

the ancient Indians in religious

life will

therefore

be best understood by a detailed account of the Buddhist Samgha which was undoubtedly the

most developed type

in ancient India.

of the religious corporations

I propose

to

study the organisation of the

Buddhist church under the following heads.

1.
2.

Membership.
Life in the church.
of

The general assembly

the ascetics, on particular days, to

recite
'

Dhamma.
S. B. E.,

For particulars see below.

XIII. 239, 208;
c/.

also Ga., III. 13,

and

C. V., X. 3.


CHAPTER IV
3. 4.

289

Organisation.
Characteristic ceremonies having

corpo-

rate character.
2

The membership
tion

of the Buddhist church

all irrespective

open to
Detailed descripof the Buddhist

of

class or castc distinctions.

life of

was any The

an

ascetic is prescribed

for

all

the higher classes in the Brahmanical

is

books, but there

nothing to show that the

Sudras, had any right to
it.

lowest

classes,

the

Although the Buddha did not therefore introduce any radical innovation in this respect he certainly carried the principle a step further

by includto

ing the Sudras within his Church.^

There

were,
of

however,

exceptions
n

the

general principle and the followThe membership

the Buddhist church.

mg
:

classcs

of

pcrsous

were

excluded from the membership

of the
(1)

Church

One

affected with the five diseases, viz.,

leprosy, boils, dry leprosy,

consumption and

fits

(M. v.,

1. 39). 1. 40).

(2) (3)

One who is

in the royal service

1.

(M. v.,

proclaimed robber (M. V.,

out of
jail

43), or one
^

who has broken

39
ff.

(M. Y.,

For Buddhist views on this subject see the texts quoted in the
Cf. also Fick, p.

next chapter.
^

The reasons
texts.

for

the exclusion
references

are

stated

in

detail

in

the

canonical

Cf.

the

given against each of the dis-

qualifications.

37

298

CORPORATE LIFE
emblems
of his deeds

1.42), or wears the

il).
(4)

(M. V.,

1.

One who has been punished by scourging

1. 44),

(M. v.,

or branding (M. V.,. 1. 45).

1. 46).

(5)

A
1.

debtor (M. V.,

(7)
50).^

(6)

slave (M. V., 1. 47).

of

One under
(8)

fifteen years

age (M. V.,

deformed in

eunuch (M. V. 1. 61). (9) One person, or any of whose limbs was
1. 71).

cut off (M. V.

A person
^Jhe

who

did not fall under

any

of

the

above
two-fold ordina-

categories^
iuto

could

be

j^i^iated

the

Buddhist

church by pahbajja and upasam-

pada

ordinations.^

The

oldest

form

of the ordiit

nation was quite simple.

Those who desired

approached the Baddha and he conferred on

them the pahbajja and upasampada ordinations by the formula " Come, O Bhikkhu, well taught
is

the doctrine

lead a holy life for the sake

of
1.

the complete extinction of suffering."

6.32).

(M. V.,

As the samgha grew larger, the Buddha authorised the Bhikkhus to initiate new memThe form of ordination was also changed bers. a great deal. The person who desired to receive
*

This refers to pabbajja ordination in general, although

it

could

be conferred on cow-keeper boys even under fifteen years of age (M. V.

I.

51).

The Upasampada ordination could not be conferred on anybody

I.

under twenty years of age (M. V.

*

49).

must be remembered that these rules and exceptions were only gradually introduced and did not affect the first converts. * It simply denot. Pabbajja was the lower form of ordination. ed that the person is in a houseless state. The entry into the Buddhist
It

Order was solemnised by the Upasampada ordination.


CHAPTER IV
the ordination had his hair and

291

beard cut

ofF;

He

then put on yellow robes, adjusted his upper

robe so as to cover one shoulder, saluted the feet

of the
ting.

Bhikkhus with

his

head and satdown squat-

He

then thrice pronounced the formula:

refuge in the Buddha, I take

" I take

my

my

refuge in the

Dhamma,

I take

my

refuge in the

Sarhgha."

A new
The
ordination.

form was substituted at a

i

later date

Upasampada

for the upasanipada ordination. r,,, rr "i r i j.i Thc Upajjha7ja^ from whom the

new convert
received the
ordination

Saddhiviharika
the

played

most im-

portant part in the system.

He must

be a learned

competent Bhikkhu who has completed ten years

since his npasampadd.

The procedure

of choos:

ing an Upajjhaya

is

laid

down

as follows

" Let
down
the
or,

him (who
his

is

going to choose an Upajjhaya) adjust

to cover

upper robe so as

one shoulder, salute

sit

the feet (of the intended

" Venerable

Upajjhaya),

squatting, raise his joined hands,

sir,

and say

(thrice)
(If

be

my

Upajjhaya'^
or,
or,

other answer)

" Well,"
right,"

" Certainly,"
'*

"Good," or

" All

Carry on (your

work) with friendliness, (towards me), " or should he express this by gesture (lit. by his body), or
*

and Antevasika.
Upajjhaya.

The preceptor and pupil are sometimes spoken of as Achariya As Oldenberg observes, it is very difficult or rather
(S. B. E. ,XIII, p. 178,
n. 1).

impossible to draw a sharp line of distinction between Achariya and

f.

29^

CORPORATE LIFE
or

by word,

by

gesture

Upajjhaya has been

alone could confer

and word, then the The Upajjhaya chosen.

his saddhivihdrika

upon

the

iipasampada

ordination^

but the latter

must

be possessed of certain standard of education

and moral

practices.^

Several formalities were

it

also required.

Thus

was necessary that the

candidate should formally ask for being ordained

and provide himself with alms and robes. Then, it must be ascertained by formal questioning in an assembly of the Bhikkhus, whether he labours under any of the disqualifications mentioned above, and whether his parents have given
their

consent

to

his

adopting

the

new

life.

The candidate was instructed beforehand by a learned competent Bhikkhu as to the manner in which to reply to these formal questionings.^ After the instruction was over, the instructor came to an assembly of the Bhikkhus, not less than ten in number/ and asked its formal
permission for the candidate to appear, in the
following terms
:

"Let the
^

Sariigha,

reverend

sirs,

hear me.

N. N. desires to receive the upasampada ordination

A particular
individual,

not the

Samgha
persons

or a part of

it,

could
as

serve as Upajjhaya.

Several classes of

could
I.
f.

not

serve

Upajjhaya.
^

These are described in detail in M. V.,

details are laid

68.

The
For

down
I.

in

M. V.,

I.

36. 2

The same stand-

ard was necessary also for giving a nissaya or ordaining novice.

3 *

details c/,

M. V.

76.

In border countries, the assembly could be composed of four

V., V. 13. 11).

Bhikkhus and a chairman (M.

CHAPTER IV
from venerable N. N.
me.
If the Saiiigha
;

293

is

he has been instructed by ready, let N. N. come."

granted, the candidate

On

the permission being

appeared before the assembly, adjusted his upper

robe so as to cover one shoulder, saluted the feet
of the

Bhikkhus with
*'
:

his head, sat

down

squat-

ting, raised his joined

hands and thrice uttered

sirs,

the formula
for the

I ask the Saragha, reverend

:

upasampada ordination might the Saihgha, reverend sirs, draw me out (of the sinful world) out of compassion towards me." Then a learned competent Bhikkhu moved '* Let the Samthe following resolution (natti) This person N. N. gha, reverend sirs, hear me.
;

desires

to

receive

the

upasampada

ordination

from the venerable N. N. If the sariigha is ready, let me ask N. N. about the disqualificaPermission being granted he addressed tions."
the candidate as follows " Do you hear, N. N.
:

This

is

the time

for
is.

you

to speak the truth

and

to say that

which

When
;

I ask
is,

that which
*

It is'

if it is

you before the assembly about you ought, if it is so, to answer not so, you ought to answer 'It

is not.'

Then followed the string of questions "Are you afflicted with the following diseases ? leprosy, Are boils, dry leprosy, consumption and fits ? you a man ? Are you a male ? Are you a freeman? Have you no debts? Are you not
:

^94
in

CORPORATE LIFE
the
royal
service
their
?

Have your
Are
is

father and

mother given twenty years

consent?

you

full

old

Are
?

your alms-bowl and

your robes in due state

What

your name ?

What

is

your Upajjhaya's name

competent

?"

After satisfactory answers were received, a

learned

Bhikkhu
sirs,

proclaimed
'*
:

the

following natti before the

Saihgha

Let the

Samgha, reverend

hear me.

This person

N. N. desires to receive the upasampada ordination from the venerable N. N. he is free from the disqualifications; his alms-bowl and
;

robes are in due state.

for the

N. N. asks the Samgha upasampada ordination with N. N. as

If

Upajjhaya.

the

Samgha

is

ready,

let

the
ordi-

Samgha

confer on N. N. the

upasampada
sirs,

nation with N. N. as Upajjhaya.

''Let the Samgha, reverend

hear me.

This person N. N. desires to receive the upasam-

pada ordination from the venerable N. N.

The

Samgha

confers on N. N. the

nation with N. N. as

upasampada ordiUpajjhaya. Let any one

of the venerable brethren

who

is

in favour of

the upasampada ordination of N. N. with N. N.

as Upajjhaya, be silent,
in favour of
it,

and any one who

is

not

speak.

"And
"

for the

second time I thus speak to

(etc.,

you: Let the Samgha,

as before).

And

for the third time I thus speak to

(etc.,

you

Let the Samgha,

as before).

CHAPTER IV
"N. N. has
jhaya.
it is

295

received the TJpasampada ordi-

nation from the Sarhgha with N. N. as

Upaj-

The Samgha is in favour silent. Thus I understand."

classes of persons

of

it,

therefore

Two

had

to pass

through

an intermediate stage of discipline hefore being

formally initiated into the membership of the

Church.

These were persons who

(

(1)

formerly
or,

belonged to a heretic

Titthiya) school

(2)

were between 15 and 20 years of age.

A probation
Order
^

{pcmvdsa.) of four

months was

imposed upon the former by a formal act of the on his making the threefold declaration If he failed to satisfy the of taking refuge.

Bhikkhus by
this period,

his character

and conduct

during

the

iipasamjmda

ordination

was

refused him.

A
nation

person

between 15 and 20 years of age

could
receive

only

the

pab^

^^^^^^^^

^^^''

^W^

ordiuatiou by the three-

fold declaration of

taking re-

fuge, and had to wait

till

his twentieth year for

the upasampada.

The novice {Samanera)^

'

as

he
the

^
'

Exception was made in favour of the

'

fire -worshippers,*

Jatilas,

and heretics of Sakya

ordination directly

They received the wpasamipadJa and no parivasa was imposed upon them (M. V., I.
birth.

38.11).
^
i.e.

the system described above in detail in connection with the

upasampada ordination.
^

The

details are given in

M.

V.,

I.

38. 5-7.

296

CORPORATE LIFE
this intermediate period,

was called during

jhaya.

to live a life of strict discipline

had under an Upajviz.^

He had

to
(i)

keep the ten precepts,

destroying
life,

abstinence from

(n) stealing,

{Hi) impurity, {iv) lying, {v) intoxicating liquor,

{vi)

eating

at forbidden

times, {vii)

dancing,
use
of

singing, etc., {viii) garlands, scents, (ix)

high

beds
I.

and
lU)).

{x)

accepting gold

or

silver*

(M. V.

He

was expelled from the

fraternity

if

he
if

violated

any

of the first five

precepts, or

the
false

Dharma
doctrines

he spoke against the Buddha or the Sariiglia, or if he held

or

had sexual intercourse with Bhikkhunis (M. V. I. 60). In five other cases he was liable to be punished (M. V. I. 57). The punishment could be inflicted by any

Bhikkhu, with the consent

(M. V.
I. 58).

of

the

Vpajjhaya,

3
As soon
as the

ceremony
.
i

of ordination

was
a.

over, a prospect of the life he

Proclamation of the four Resources of the Brotherhood.

was Hcld out ^^^^^^ ^j^^ ^^^ Bliikkhu. The four Resources of the Brotherhood were proclaimed to him, so that he might be prepared beforehand for the worries and troubles of the ''I prescribe, O Bhikkhus," said life to come. Buddha, " that he who confers the upasampada
to lead

was gomg

i i

CHAPTER IV
ordination
:

^297

(on

Bhikkhu),

tell

him the four

llesources " The religious

life

has morsels of food given

"

in alms for its resource

"The
"

religious life has the robe

its

made

taken from a dust-heap for

resource
"

of rags "

The

religious life has

dwelling at the foot

of a tree for its resource

"The

religious life

has decomposing urine

"
to
it

as medicine for its resource

''Thus must the

live all his life
;

new Bhikkhu endeavour

better food, robes, etc., which

to

might be

his lot

enjoy from time to time

being only

looked

upon

as

extra allowances

{Uttirekalabhoy (M. V.

I. 77).

An
him
"

idea of the stern moral life he

was ex-

pected to lead was at the same time conveyed to

in the shape of the following four Inter-

dictions.

Bhikkhu who has received the upasam*

from
all

pacld ordination, ought to abstain

sexual

intercourse even with an animal.

Bhikkhu ought to abstain from taking what is not given to him, and from theft,
even of a blade of grass.

"

"A
or

Bhikkhu

ought not intentionally

to destroy the life of

any being down

ought not

to a

worm

an
"

ant.

A
38

Bhikkhu

to attribute to

himself any superhuman condition." (M. V. 1. 78).

298

CORPORATE LIFE

special traiDing

was necessary
It

to

accustom

one to these new ideas

and
or-

-fenlSTesSe
with the preceptor.

habits.

was therefore

daincd that the

first

new convert

should live for the

ten years in absolute

dependence upon

his

TJpajjhaya or AcUariya}
is

The
7.

relation

between the two

described in

minute
ft'.,

detail in the

I.

32

I. ft.)

Vinaya Texts (M. V., I. 25. and may be somewhat under-

stood from the following general principle laid

down by Gautama Buddha.

''

The

TJpajjhaya,

Bhikkhus, ought
;

to con-

sider the Saddhiviharika as a son

the Saddhi-

viharika ought to consider the

father.

TJpajjhaya as a

Thus these two, united by mutual reverence, confidence, and communion of life, will progress, advance, and reach a high stage in this doctrine and discipline." (M. V., I. 25. 6.) The Saddhiviharika was to act as a personal
attendant to
The duties
of

TJpajjhaya,

'

In

the

disciple.

the morniuoj him ^ he will ajive ^ cleanser and water the teeth

mouth with) and his morning meal. He will accompany him in his alms-pilgrimage, offer him water to drink, prepare his bath, dry
(to rinse his
*

This was the general rule (M. V.,

I.

32. 1) but

it

was prescribed
live

on a later occasion that a learned competent Bhikkhu had only to

five

years in dependence (on

all his life

his
I.

Achariya and TJpajjhaya), and an

53, 4).

unlearned one

(M. V.,

In some cases a Bhikkhu

(i.e.,

was authorised
ttud

to live without a Nissaya

V.,
1.

independent of Achariya

Upajjhayu) (M.

53. 5

ff.).

CHAPTER IV
his robe, clean his dwelling place, etc., etc.

299

He

would also be a monitor and helpmate. Upajjhaya is in danger of committing an offence by the words he says, let (the Saddhiviharika) keep him back." " If the upajjhaya is guilty of a grave offence and ought to be sentenced to
'parivasa'
the

" If the

'manatta,'

or penal

discipline, let

Saddhiviharika take care that the Saihgha

it

impose

upon him."

Again,

'if

the

Samgha

wishes to proceed against the Upajjhaya by the

Tajjaniya

Kamrna

(or

other disciplinary profirst

ceedings mentioned in the

vagga),
in

let

book of ChuUathe Sadclhwiharika do what he can

the

order

that

Samgha may

not proceed

against the Upajjhaya or

ceeding.

may

mitigate the proinstituted a

Or

if

the

Samgha has
let

proceeding against him,

the Saddhiviharika

do what he can in order that the Upajjhaya

may

behave

himself

properly,

aspire to get clear of his penance,

Samgha
1. 25).

may

revoke

its

and and that the sentence." (M. V..

live

modestly,

The Upajjhaya
The duties
of

too had corresponding duties.

He must
the
-i

look to the spiritual

.

preceptor.

n i ^^d physical wcll-being of his Saddhiviharikas. Thus we " Let the Upajjhaya, O Bhikkhus, afford read (spiritual) help and furtherance to the Saddhiviharika by teaching, by putting question to him, by exhortation and by instruction. If the
i

'

300

CORPORATE LIFE

Upajjliaya has an alms-bowl (or robe or other

articles required for a

viharika has not,

let

Bhikkhu) and the Saddhithe Upajjhaya give the

he
the
is

same

to the Saddhiviharika or take care that

gets one.

If the Saddhiviharika
arise betimes

sick

let

Upajjhaya

and give him the teeth

rinse
his

cleanser and water to

mouth with

(and so on with the other duties prescribed for

Saddhiviharika)."

The Upajjhaya could turn

^

away a
but
if

Saddhiviharika for improper conduct

the
latter

forgiven.^

In case

begged for pardon, he was the Upajjhaya had gone

away, or returned to the world, or died, or gone

over to a schismatic faction, the Saddhiviharikas

had to choose an Achariya^ who stood same relation to them as the Upajjhaya.
After
the
disciplinary

in the

period

with

the a full

Upajjhaya was over the Bhikkhu became

member
Ch?rch.^'^'

of

the

fraternity.

'"

'^'

Henceforth his individual entity practically ceased and he

of

became merely a part and parcel

religious

the

great
to

corporation.

His conduct,

down

the minutest detail,

was regulated by

specific

ordinances, even the slightest violation of which was sure to bring down upon him the appropriate
1

What

is

understood by improper conduct

is

explained

in

detail

inM.V., I. 2 M. v.,

27.6-8.
I.

27.

In some cases the expulsion of the Saddhiviharika

and his rehabilitation was compulsory.

CHAPTER IV
punishment.
It
is

301

tedious

task
it

to

narrate
suffice

these ordinances in detail, but

to

would
even
is

say that these touched

^

matters as the robes

the rugs
^

upon a Bhikkhu
is

such

to

put on,
the

he
is

is

to lie
sit,^

down upon,

the
to

couch on
use,^

which he
food he
is

to

the bowl he

he

is

tions,
life of

and the manner in which The nature of these regulato bathe.*^ and the extent to which they guided the
to
take,^

monk, may be fairly conceived by one who remembers that the first great schism in the Buddhist church was occasioned by disputes over no more important questions than the
a

following
(1)

:
it

Whether
store

was permissible
in

for a

Bhik-

khu

to

salt

a horn

(2)

whether the

midday meal might be eaten when the sun's shadow showed two finger-breadths after noon (3) whether curds might be eaten by one who had already finished his midday meal (4) whether a rug need be of the limited size prescribed, if it had no fringe (5) whether it was gold and silver, etc. receive permissible to
;
;

It

may

thus be said with perfect accuracy

(Nissaggiya
58-60),

Patimokkha

Pachittiya

Dhanima,

1-10,

24-29

Pachittiya
-

Dhamma,

M.

V., VIII. 13-4 &.

Nissaggiya Pachittiya
Pachittiya, 14,

Dhamma

(11-15).

3
*

pachittiya, 31-46.
S. B. E.,

'^

XI,

p. 112.

"

Nissaggiya Pachittiya

Dhamma,

21-22,

302

CORPORATE LIFE
regulations
;

embraced the and according to the principle of the Buddhist church they could not perform even the most insignificant or the
whole
life

that these rules and

of

the Bhikkhus

most

obviously

necessary

things

without a

positive legal sanction.

This

may

be illustrated

by the following passage from Chullavagga (V,

14. 2)

:
at

"Now
and their

that

time the Bhikkhus walked

cloister

up and down on a
feet

on uneven ground

were hurt.
you,

They
'

told this matter to the Blessed One.

allow

Bhikkhus,

to

make

it

level.'

The cloister had too low a basement, and was inundated with water. They told this matter to the Blessed One.
'

I allow you,

Bhikkhus,

to

make

it

with a

high basement.'

The facing
'

of the

basement

fell in.

I allow you,

Bhikkhus, the use of facing

facing, stone facing,

of three

kinds brick

and
it.

wooden facing.' They found difiiculty

'

in getting

up

into

I allow you,

Bhikkhus, the use of

stairs

of

three kinds

brick stairs,

stone stairs, and

wooden stairs.' As they were going up them, they

'

fell

ofiP.

I allow

you,

Bhikkhus,

the

use

of

a balustrade.'

Now

at that time the

Bhikkhus,

CHAPTER IV
when walking up and down
fell

803
in

the

cloister,

down.

They
'

told this matter to the Blessed One.

allow

you,

Bhikkhus,

to

provide

a railing for the

cloister.

Whatever we may think

incident

of

the particular
it

referred to in

the

above passage,

testifies to the rigidity of

the Buddhist

canon

law,

and abundantly illustrates the principle that there was very little scope for individual discretion, and in all things small and great,
the
laid

monks had to abide by the specific laws down by the illustrious Buddha.

We may

next take into consideration the

organisation

which

success-

thrBudSohmxh^^
is

fully

maintained
in

this

stern
It

discipline

the Church.

apparent that in the earlier days the word of

great

the

Buddha
the

w^as

law,

and

his

supreme
of

authority,

main

guiding

factor

the

Brotherhood.

This, however,

could not be a

for two permanent arrangement, mainly In the first place, the Church had reasons.

gradually extended
too big to be

over a stretch
to the

of country

amenable

personal admini-

stration of a single

man, and secondly, provision

304

CORPORATE LIFE
to

had

be made for the management of the

fraternity

when

the great

Buddha would be no
it

more.

distinct

organisation

slowly evolved, and although

it

was therefore was long before

attained the maturity,

its first

and important
the life-time

stages are clearly traceable during

of the

Buddha.
tinued.

In one respect, however, the old order con-

The Buddha remained

i

Buddha, the only law-maker.

Gautama

the Only law-makcr, even alter

his death.

Ji

a,

Indeed

it

was the

cardinal principle of the Buddhist

church that

none but the founder

laws
for

of

the sect could

make
might

the

fraternity.

The

others

explain and expound them, but could not formu-

any new laws themselves. The idea seems to have been developed at a very early period, and, according to traditional account, the principle w^as finally established by a formal
late

resolution

of

the

Samgha

at

the

council of

Rajagriha.

Ananda

*'
:

Buddha spoke to great The "When I am gone, Ananda, let the

Samgha, if it should wish, revoke all the lesser and minor precepts." "When the permission thus accorded to the Brotherhood was taken into consideration by the council at Bajagriha, opinions differed widely on the interpretation
of the

minor and on the motion of

*

lesser

precepts.

Thereupon,
laid

Maha

Kassapa, the council

the

resolved to adhere to all

precepts as

CHAPTER IV
'

305

down in the Buddha's lifetime/ not ordaining what has not been ordained, and not revoking
what has been ordained/
"
^

The Buddhist church

The
local samglias

consisted,
:

at

first,

of

absence of any central

organisation.

two parts the various local SamghaS OV i\lQ COmmunitV of -r \ n monks, and the great Buddha
as a central authority.

CO'

ordinating

them

Any
its

central
local

organisation

representing

the

various

communities

was
of

remarkable
the system

by

absence. vious

The defects

were ob-

and were experienced even in the lifetime of the Buddha. This is well illustrated bv
the incidents that took place at

Kosambi
'

in the

Ghositarama (M. V., X,

1-5).

There the local

against
of

Samgha
particular
latter

pronounced

'

expulsion
llie

Bhikkhu.

partisans

the

defended his conduct and ranged themagainst the decision.

selves

As soon

as
*'

the

news reached the Buddha he exclaimed, The Bhikkhu Sariigha is divided the Bhikkhu Samgha is divided," and betook himself to the contending parties. He tried to compose their differences but was met with the reply " Lord,
!

may

the
!

Blessed One,

the king of Truth, be

patient

Lord,
bliss

may

the

Blessed

One

quietly
this

enjoy the
life!

he has obtained already in

for

The
^

responsibility

these altercations

Pachittiya 57.

C. V., XI.

1. 9.

89

806

CORPORATE LIFE
this disunion

and contentions, for

'"^'""'^

and quarrel

will rest

with us alone." Again

oflhe'ttr

and again the great Buddha tried to bring them to their sense but he always met with the same reply, and in disgust left the place. The incident vividly exhibits the merit as
well as

the

defect

of
to

the system.

autonomy conceded

doubt a healthy feature,

The local the Bhikkhus was no and must have contriand

vitality

buted in a great degree

to the force

of the whole organisation.

The deplorable weakenforce

its

ness of the central authority Avas, however, such,

that
it

had no means
the
constituent
of

to

decisions

upon

parts,

even when such

exercise

authority was thought desirable for

of

the benefit

the

Church.
in

Any
the

one with a
of

common
not
fail

degree of prudence and foresight could

to

perceive

it

seeds

the

decline and downfall of the great Church.

With

the

death of the great Buddha, the

central authority,
together, as the

weak

as

it

was, vanished al-

great Master did not nominate

any
^

of his disciples as his successor,^ nor

Kei'ii

made
Great

According to

the Buddha had designed Kasjapa the

tlie

as his successor, but the following speech attributed to

^Faster in the
be,

MahtXparinibbana-Sutta
that in
is

is

more

to the point

" It

may

Ananda,

some of you the thought may arise, The word of the Master ended, we have no teacher more " But it is not thus Ananda
"
!

that you should regard

which
I

have

set

The truths and the forth and laid down for you
it.

rules
all,

of

the Order

let

them, after

am

gone, be the Teacher to yon."

(S. B. E., XI, p. 112.)

CHAPTER IV
any arrangement
take his place.
for a
definite

307

organisation

to

There was a great clanger that

the whole Buddhist Church would he divided into

a number of independent local corporations. But

several circumstances prevented this catastrophe.

In the
not,

first

place

these

local

bodies

could

by any means, be reduced into a number of watertight compartments, for and their remedies, any member of a local community could freely pass into another simply by change of his residence. It is permissible to conclude from the wandering habits of the
,
r.

Buddhist monks, that such interchange of membership was not of infrequent occurrence, and this must have practically served in a great degree, to check the spirit of local autonomy. In the second place, great Buddhist emperors must have been looked upon as the head of the Church and we know that the great Maurya emperor Asoka actually assumed such a position.
Thirdly, the General Council

that was sum-

moned from time

of

to

time served the purposes

central

authority

and

kept

alive

the

traditions of

an undivided Church.

It was,

under
unity

the

circumstances,

the most effective

method

that could be devised for maintaining the

of the great

Buddhist Church, and

its

it

undoubtedly

shows, at

best,

the

corporate feeling that

animated the people of ancient India. Altogether we hear of four such Councils, and the

308

CORPORATE LIFE
held at Vaisali,
of

one

which

we

possess

somewhat
type of the

detailed account,
rest.^

may

be taken as a

These were not,

for purposes
of

however,

quite

sufficient

regular co-ordination.
a measure of
,

Por, as
^^
i

practical utility,
^

which were, however, far from being suffi.

tho

n iirst
i

could

hardly

be
se-

expected to cope with the

paratist
^

tendency

that

must
is

have

steadily

Vinaya-Pitaka, Twelfth
*

The most circumstantial account Khandhaka.

the

preserved in Chullavagga of
it

Kern sums
ten points,

up as follows

century after the Lord's ParinirvSna the monks of Vriji lineage

to wit

at Vaisali declared as permissible

(For a

general idea of these ten points see p. 301 above).

Sthavira Yasas, Kakandaka's son, came to Vaisali,

in the

At that time the and whilst staying

monks.

Mahavana, witnessed the unlawful practices of the Vrijian By addressing the laity he endeavoured to stop the iniquity

of the brethren,

who

instead of dissenting from their

wrong

practices,

carried out against

laity.

him the act

of

making excuses

to the offended

Yasas protested and demanded that a companion should be

occasion of asking redress for the

appointed to go with himself as a messenger, so that he might have

the

wrongs done to him.

his

His

demand being vouchsafed, he entered with

city of Vaisali,

companion into the

the

where he

laid

his case

before the believing laymen.

He was

deservedly successful in

his

eloquent pleading, for

'laymen after hearing him declared that he alone was a worthy Sramana

and son of 6akya.

The

Vrijian

monks continued
to

obstinate and carried

out against Yasas the act of excommunication.

But Yasas went

in

to

Kausamb! and sent messengers

an assembly.
about
In response to his

the brethren

the

western
to

country, in Avanti, and in the southern country,

call

summoning them

the Buddhist monks, numbering

these regions.

700 flocked together from

When

the

legal

assembly

had

met

to

decide

the

question

Revata proposed

Samgha should settle the question at that place where it arose, i.e., at Vaisali. The resolution being adopted, the brethren went to Vaisali. In the subsequent meeting of the Samgha the proceedings did not succeed, which circumstances moved Revata
resolution that the

CHAPTER IV
developed in course of time.

309

The second was an

uncertain factor and could be counted upon only

at rare intervals
;

as a matter of fact, in course of

tig ares

a thousand years, only three

prominently,
Lastly, the
viz.,

stand out

Asoka, Kanishka and Harsha.

of calling

method

general

councils,

although most

effective,

must, on the whole, be

looked upon as merely a desperate attempt to

remedy the defects of the constitution and could, by its very nature, be resorted to only in extreme and exceptional cases. The result of this state ol things is clearly seen in the repeated schisms within the bosom of the Church, and the less and less representative
character of each
It
is

succeeding general Council.

quite clear, however, that the idea of one

universal Buddhist
either in theory or

Church was never absent

in

popular ideas, although

the
local

we

must

admit

that

communities
all

were the only real

purposes.

entities

for

practical

to lay

a proposal before the assembly

to

that the question should be

submitted

a committee.

So
east,

he

selected a

committee of eight

persons, four

monk

Ajita

monks of the was appointed

and four of the west.

of seats.

The younger
place of

as

regulator

As the

meeting of the committee was chosen the Valikarama, a quiet and

undisturbed spot.

The proceedings
tative
rules,
replies.

of the

committee were conducted

in this

manner

that Revata put the questions, and

All

Savvakamin delivered

his authori-

the

Ten

Points were declared to be against the

and therewith the Vrijian monks were put in the wrong.

{Kern's

Manual

of

Indian Buddhism, pp. 103-5.)

310

CORPORATE LIFE
The
inscriptions faithfully reflect this double
of

aspect

the

Buddhist

church.

Thus while

some of them record gifts to the community of monks,^ others

to

local or a special

explicitly refer

the

whole

Buddhist

fraternity

{Samghasa

chatudisasa) as the object of their

gift.^

The
strictly
,,

local

corporations

were

governed

on

democratic principles.
,
*'

The ultra-democratic

organisation of the

local

Samghas.

The general assemblv of the monks constituted the sovercifi^n authoritv and the ^ \ procedure of its meetings was
^

laid

down with minute

first

exactness.^
all

In the

place

the

fully

ordained
of the

Bhikkhus

in a

community were members

assembly.
./

The general assembiy and its constitu.

tion.

Every one
/

of them, ?

unlcss
offence

incapacitated

by way

of

some penalty, had

for

a right to vote.
the
or,

No meeting was

legal unless all

members

entitled to vote were either preseat,

being absent, formally declared their consent,^

A minimum
1

number

of

members
1100,1105,

that

must be
,

Lud Nos.
Lud. Nos.

987, 1018,

1099,

1123-1126,

1175,

1248,

1250.
2

5,

62b, 64a, 998, 999, 1006,

1139,

1007,
1146.

1016,

1020,

1024,

1106,1127,1131,1133,1137,
Nos.
=>

1140,

Gupta

Inscriptions,

5, 62.

M. v., IX. 3. The formal consent

of the absent

members was

called

'

chhanda.*

CHAPTER IV
present
or,

311

in

order that

the

act

may

be

legal,

quorum are The number laid down in Mahavagga, IX. 4. Thus varied for different classes of official acts.
in

other

words,

the

rules of a

there were
four,
less

some acts which could be done by only

while others required the presence of no

than twenty persons.

Any member

present

might protest if he thought that the constitution of the assembly was in any way irregular. The assembly having duly met, the mover had first to announce to the assembled Bhikkhus the resolution he was going to
in the

Procedure adopted meetings of the

^'

proposc

this

announcemcnt
After
the

was
followed

called

natti.

nattl
to

the question {kammavacha) put Bhikkhus present if they approved the The question was put either once resolution.
the
or

three

times; in

the

first

case

we have

nattidiitiya

Jcamma

in the second case

a natti-

chatuttha
laid

Kamma}
as to

Minute regulations
fell respectively

were

down
first
tliis

what acts

under

the

and second categories.

stereotyped
act invalid.
3.

Any

deviation

from
the

official

form was liable to make Thus we have in Maha-

vagga IX,

" If one performs,

Bhikkhus,

a imltldutiya act

with one hatti, and does not

is

proclaim a kammavacha, such an act

ful.
1

unlaw-

If one performs,
S. B. E., Vol. X.IIL
p.

O
f.

Bhikkhus, a nattidutiya
n.

169,

(2).

For the practical iOustra.

p,

tion of this

form see the ceremony of ordination on

294 above.

m
act with

CORPORATE LIFE
two
nattis

and does not proclaim a one hammcwacha and does not propose a uattl with two kammavachas and does not propose nattl, such an act is

kammavachd

with

unlawful."

After the resolution was formally put before

the Samglia once or thrice, as the case might be,
it

Avas

automatically passed,

if

the

members
opinion,

present
against
it

kept

silent.

In case any one spoke

of

and there was a difference

taken,

the decision of the majority prevailed.

votes
Avere

Regular

and a taker of the votes was formally appointed by the sariigha for this
purpose.^

In case the matter of dispute was grave and complicated, it could be referred to another local

community
of

in

which there was a larger number

Bhikkhus.

The procedure
to

of

doing this

is
ff.

described in detail in Chullavagga lA^. 14. 17.

The community
referred
first

which the matter was thus

for,

asked

and obtained, a guarantee

accepted as
final.

that their decision would be

Then they proceeded to consider the subject in very much the same way as described above.
If
less

the matter was a complicated one and point-

speeches were uttered in course of discussion

it to

they could refer

1

a small

committee.'^

Only

C. v., IV. 9.

The reference
It

to

committee seems to have been a well established

to in the council of Vaisall ( C. V. XII. 2. 7).

practice.

was resorted

CHAPTER IV

313

the Bhikkhus of highest repute were selected for

these

committees and their appointment was

act
of

made hj a formal

the Order.

If

the

committee were unable to come

about the question, they

Samgha which
majority.

settled

to any decision handed it back to the it by the votes of the

Although the votes of the majority generally

decided the disputed points, the Buddhist
texts

make

abundantly clear that the binding force of this general principle was not uniformly
it

recognised.

Thus we are

told in

Chullavagga IV.

10. 1, that the taking of votes

taker

of

votes

is invalid when the knows that those whose opinions

are not in accordance with law will

be,

or

may

probably be, in the majority.

secret

Again, there were

methods of taking votes and " if the taker of votes ascertained that those whose opinion was against the Dhamma were in the majority, he was to reject the vote as wrongly taken."
^

It

is difficult

to

explain these deviations from

the

general democratic spirit of the regulations.

The texts are quite silent as to how the matter was to be decided if the decision of the majority were rejected, and on the whole there hangs a
mystery about these regulations which
present impossible to clear up.
it is

at

The

local corporation of

monks
of

carried on the

necessary secular business

'

the

monastery

C. v.,

IV.

14. 26.

40

314.

CORPORATE LIFE
a

through the agency of

"'

number

of

officers

appointed by
thfmonitery"'"
'^^^ ii^mes
officers

it in due form, and number of these

naturally

varied

in

different

places,
:

but the most important among

the keeper of

them were
ing fruits

(1) the distributor of food, includ-

and
of

rice

gruel,

(2)

stores, (3) the regulator of

the lodgings, (4) the

recipient
(6) the

robes,

(5) the distributor of robes,

keeper of rain-cloaks and bathing clothes,

(7)

the

keeper
course

of

alms-bowls and

(8)

the

superintendent of the gardeners.^

were

of

selected

from

The officers amongst the

brethren,

and only the most eminent among

entrusted

them The
,^

were

with these important

charges.
local corporation
.,

The authority of the saihgha over individnal member.

had extensive authority over the individual monks and

COUM

visit

their offcnCCS with

various degrees of punishment

such as (1) Tajjaniya kamma (act of rebuke), hamma (putting under Nissaya the (2)
tutelage),
(3)

Fabbajaniya

banishment),

(d^)

kamma Fatisaraniya kamma

the laity), and (5)

(act (act

of of

making amends

to

Ukkhedetailed

paniya kafuma (act of suspension).

account of the offences deserving one or other of these punishments, and the way in which they
1

Cf.

Kern Manual,

p. 83.

CHAPTER
were imposed,
Chullavagga.
is

IV
first

315

given in the
these,

Khandhaha
was

of

Besides

there

the

system of probation and penance {Parwasa and Mdnatta) which is described in minute detail in
the

second and third Khandhakas,

Above

all

there was the act of expulsion from the

nity, the highest

Commu-

the Buddhist canon,

this

punishment contemplated by and the offences involving extreme measure are given in the Farajika
Patimokkha.

section of the

The

nuns (Bhikkhunis) formed a distinct

^*

JnT.
the

''P"''*^^""

community in the church. They had

Buddhist
their

own

SamgJia which was guided by

same

rules

and regulations as that of the

purposes,

monks.

Tlie

Bhikkhuni Samgha was, however,

subordinated
of
to

for all practical

the

Bhikkhu

Samylia,

The ordination

new

Bhikkhuni, although carried on in the Bhikkhuni

Samgha in exactly the same way as that of a Bhikkhu in the Bhikkhu Samgha, had to be confirmed by the latter. The general tendency
of

the

Buddhist canon law was to assign a

Bhikkhunis, as

distinctly inferior position to the

the great

Buddha was
its

of

opinion that their

admission into the Buddhist church was calculated

to

destory

purity.
this evil

Many

safeguards

were devised to avert

but the essential

principles guiding the corporation of

monks were

equally applicable in the case of that of the nuns.

316

CORPORATE LIFE
appears

It
in

from
X.

Buddha's reply
3.

to

Ananda

Cliullavagga

that other religious sects

also admitted

women

in their fraternity.^

6
The
church
is

foregoing account

of

the

Buddhist

calculated to give a fair idea of the

corporate character of the institution.

We may

now
in a

dwell upon some special features of the

organisation which bring out this characteristic

more

vivid manner.
first

In the

place attention
ii
i

may
.

be drawn to
.
,

the fact, already noticed above,

between Relation the individual Bhikkhu

that

the

it

t i , muividual
.

in

the

Tamgha!^

"

'^

BuddMst church was merged in the corporation. The indi-

vidual had absolutely no freedom of his own, and

his
life

detail

was regulated even to the minutest by a set of ordinances enforced by the

:

corporation. A few specimens may be quoted below just to give an idea of the whole thing Whatsoever Bhikkhu who is not sick, (i)
shall,

desiring to
fire

warm

himself, kindle a

fire,

or

have a
thereto

kindled,
is

without cause

sufficient

that

a Pachittiya (an offence requir-

ing expiation)
*

(S. B. E.,

XIIT,

p. 44).

For the details of the Bhikkbuni saingha

cf.

C.

V.,

X, and the

JBbikkhuui Futimokkha.

CHAPTER IV
(ii)

317
shall hathe

Whatsoever Bhikkhii
of
less

at

intervals

than half a month, except on

the proper occasion

{lii)

that

is

a Pachittiya
offer a

ibid

).

In case people should

their

Bhikkhu,

Avho has gone to some house, to take as

much

as

he chose of

sweetmeats and cakes, that

Bhikkhu,
that

should he so wish,

may

accept two or

three howls full.

If he should accept
{Ibid, p. 39).

more than

that

is

a Pachittiya

{iv)

Whatsoever Bhikkhu
silk in
it

shall
is

have a rug or
a Pachittiya

mat made with

{v)

that
years.

offence involving forfeiture (ibid, p. 24).

When

Bhikkhu has had a new rug made,

it

he should use

for

six

If he

should

have another new rug made within the six years, whether he has got rid, or has not got rid of the
former one,

unless
is

with the permission of the

Samgha

that

a Pachittiya offence involving

forfeiture.^

The same

relation
is

hetween the individual and

the corporation

brought out by the general presumption in the Buddhist canon law that
belongs
to

everything
only possess
^

the Sariighi and not

latter

to

any individual monk, and that the

that

can

which has been

specifically

"

Tho Vibhauga explains by a stoiy, why the last clause was added. monk was asked by his relatives to come home, that they might nurse him. He answered that he was too ill to carry his rug

sick

could not get on without one, and

within six
years.

could not have

new one made

this exception to

the general rule "

Then the Blessed One established {ihid^ p. 25, and footnote ).

818
allotted to him.

CORPORATE LIFE
Thus
it

it is

a general rule that

a Bhiidchu can possess only one bowl at a time

and he can exchange

it

for a

new one

only

when

has been broken in at least five

places.

Now

any Bhikkhu got a new bowl in violation of the above rule, that bowl was forfeited to the Samgha and given to the Bhikkhu who had the worst
if

bowl.^

Again, as a general rule, the Bhikkhus

if

could not possess gold or silver, and

any

of
to

them should
receive
it

receive

it

or

get
it

some
to

one

for

him, or allow

be kept in

deposit for him, he

had

use of the community.'-

to give it up for the Even when things were

allowed to a Bhikkhu for personal use, they were

considered as the property of the
is

Samgha.^

It

perfectly in keeping with this doctrine that

on the death of a Bhikkbu, the Smhc/ha became

the owner of his property ^ " On the death of a Bhikkhu,
:

Bhikkhus,

the

Samgha becomes
sick

the owner of his bowl and

of his robes.

But, now, those who wait upon

of

the

are

much

service.

prescribe,

Bhikkhus, that the

set of robes

and the bowl

to

are to be assigned by the

Samgha

them who

S. B. E.,

XIII,

p. 27.

Ihid, p.

26 and footnote.
a separate personal ownership over his robes
his
;

"

No Bhikkha had

though nominally given to him for

the whole
*

own

use,

and

really his own,

subject to the rules, they were, technically speaking, the property of

M.

v.,

Samgha {Ihid, VI II. '11. b.

p. 18, f.n. 1).

CHAPTER IV
have waited upon the
sites

319
little

sick.

And whatever
to be divided

property or small supply of a Bhikkhu's requithere

may

be,

that

is

by the
of a

Saiiigha

that

are

present there; but whatever

large quantity of property

and large supply

Bhikkhu's requisites there

belong
those
not."
to the

may

be, that

is

not to

be given away and not to be apportioned, but to

Samgha of the four directions^ who have come in, and those who have
of property
is

The communistic theory

*'

also

beautifully illustrated by the following story.

Bhikkhus who dwelt in a certain country residence, not far from Savatthi, were worried by having constantly to
at that time the

Now

provide sleeping accommodation for travelling

Bhikkhus who came in (from country places). And those Bhikkhus thought [This being so,]
'
:

let

us hand over

all

the sleeping accommodation

which is the property of the Samgha to one (of us), and let us use it as belonging to him.' And
they [did
Prepare,
'

so].

Then the incoming Bhikkhus

'

said to

them
us.'

Sirs,

sleeping accommodation for

Sirs,

There are no beds.

belonging to the
all

Samgha.
of us.'
'

We

have given them

away

to

one

Have you then made away with property belonging to the Samgha ?
What,
That
Sirs ?
'

is so, Sirs.'


320

CORPORATE LIFE
The moderate Bhikkhus murmured,
etc.,

and

told the matter to the Blessed One.

'

Is

it

true,

Bhikkhus, as they

say, that
'

Bhikkhus make a\Yay with Sarhgha property

'

It

is

true, Lord.'

said

Then the Blessed One rebuked them, etc., and to the Bhikkhus These five things,
:

'

Bhikkhus, are untransferable, and are not to

of

be disposed of either by the Saiiigha, or by a

company
or
five ? this
is

two or three Bhikkhus

site for

(a

Gana),
are the

by a single individual.

And what

A
the

park (xirama), or the

first

a park

untransferable thing, that cannot

be disposed of by the Samglia, or by a Gana, or

by an
disposal
it,

individual.
is

If

it

be disposed

of,

such

void; and whosoever has disposed of

is

guilty of a thuUachchaya.
for a Vihara

Vihara or

the

site

this

is

the second, etc,

(as before).

bed, or a chair, or a bolster, or a

pillow

this is the third, etc.

brass vessel, or

a brass jar^ or a brass pot, or a brass vase, or a

razor, or

this is

an axe, or a hatchet, or a hoe, or a spade Creepers, or bamboos, the fourth, stc.

or mufija, or babbaja grass, or

clay, or things

common

grass, or

made

of wood, or crockery

this

is

the

fifth, etc.

(as before,

down

to)

thuUachchaya.'^

Thus

it

was that the

individual

member

could occasionally realise the idea of the larger

C. v., VI. 15.

'

CHAPTER IV
Brotherhood.

3^1

In view of the fact that there was

of the

no central organisation
enable a

Buddhist church,

these peculiar theories and practices alone could

member

to realise that the various local

corporations were merely the parts of a larger

one.
If a

monk

of Kashmir,

in

course

of

his

travels, could

claim by right, a bed at night in a

convent at Pataliputra, he would certainly have

realised the idea

of

the

greater

corporation

such as nothing else would have enabled him

to do.

Several institutions in the Buddhist church

constantly kept alive the cor-

tuttr:'rterto:
^^'"^

Porate feeling in the minds of

^"^^^'^^

Church

the

members.
It

The

regular

assemblv of the local Bhikkhus

may
the

be mentioned

first.

was

at first ordained

that the Bhikkhus should assemble and recite

Dhamraa on
last

the

eighth,

fourteenth and

fifteenth

day of each half-month.^

*

On

one of

the

two days took place the Uposatha and the recitation of Patimokkha."^ This service
A\as looked

upon regulations were

the ceremony.
'

as very important
laid

and elaborate
conducting

down

for fairly

M.
M.

v., II.

1. 3.
;

v., II. 3. 2, 3

II. 4. 2.

41

S2'Z

CORPORATE LIFE
The
service

was
^his

to be held

fraternity of

by the complete For a locality.

the

cai^^LS::/""''
defined
'

purpose
a
local

boundaries

of

area
the

were clearly
Order.
it

by a formal act

of

The

area was not to be too large, nor was

of

to consist

such natural obstacles, as a big river without

any regular communication between the two sides by means of ferry boats, etc. These precautions were evidently taken to ensure the
possibility of the attendance of all the

members.
on

There was

to

be only one

'

Uposatha

'

service,

a particular day proclaimed beforehand, and on

a fixed spot arranged for the purpose.

When
The
pstimokkha.

the brethren had assembled together,

the

Patimokkha was
i
,
,

recited"
,

recitation of the

by a learned competent -ni Bhik-

-,

khu with
of

the formal sanction

the

Assembly.'
at

As
end

the
of

recitation

pro-

ceeded, and
of

the

the

description

each
to the

class of offences,

the

question

was

put

assembled brethren whether they were

it.

pure with regard to

ed thrice, and
the recitation
*

The question was repeatfor the silence

if

the assembly remained silent,

;

was continued

was

If

no

specific

village or the

boundary for
^

boundary was determined, the boundary of the town where the Bhikkhus dwelt was accepted as the the Uposatha service (M, V., 11. 12. 7).
(a classified catalogue of various offences
its

The Patimokkha

and

their appropriate

punishment) was usually recited in

full

extent

but

it

could be abridged in times of danger (M. V., 11. 15).

M.

v.. II. 3. 3,

CHAPTER
tantamount
to

IV
of

323

declaration
if

innocence.^

On
had

the

other

hand

any

of

the Bhikkhus

present was guilty of any of these offences he

to confess his guilt

and was treated according

and regulations, xlfter the recitation of Patimokkha was finished, various topics connected with the church were discussed in the assembly ^ and sometimes even official acts
to the rules

were performed.^

Usually the eldest Bhikkhu

was the master of the ceremony but in case he was ignorant and unable to recite the Patimokkha, the Bhikkhu who was most learned and competent took his place. In case all the Bhikkhus of a particular locality were ignorant they had to send' instantly one Bhikkhu to the neighbouring community Avith instructions to come back after having learnt the Pati-

mokkha
he failed

abridged or in
to

its

full

extent.
all to

If
to

do this the Bhikkhus had

go

a neighbouring
service,

community

to hold the

Uposatha

and the

recital of the

Patimokkha.

The presence of all the members in the ceremony was specially insisted upon. If any one was absent on account of sickness he had to charge another Bhikkhu with his parimddhi^ i.e., with the solemn declaration that he was pure from the offences specified in the Patimokkha. He had also to declare at the same time
^
'

M.

v., II. 3. v., II. 15. 5-11.

v., II. 23.

2
^

M. M.

324
his consent to

CORPORATE LIFE
the acts to be performed in the

assembly.^

If the sick

Bhikkhu did not succeed

had
to be carried

in conveying this parisuddhi, he

to the

assembly on his bed or his chair.

If the

nurses of the sick

him

man thought that by removing would increase or he would die, then the w^hole Samgha had to go to the sick man and hold Uposatha there. But in no case were they to hold the ceremony with incomplete
his sickness

congregation.

Similarly

if

a Bhikkhu was seized

by
to

his

relations

or kings, robbers, etc., on the

first to

Uposatha day, the Bhikkhus had at

try

have him temporarily released for joining the Uposatha service. If they did not succeed, they
were to request them to take* the Bhikkhu outside the boundary during the Uposatha ceremony
so that the congregation

might be technically
they should rather

complete.

Palling in

this,

stop the Uposatha ceremony altogether than hold

it

with an incomplete congregation. Again,

first to

if

Bhikkhu turned mad, he was

'

be granted
leave)

ummattakasammuti^

(i.e.^

the

mad man's

by a formal act of the Order before the Uposatha

ceremony could be held without him.
tence on the presence of
all

This insis-

mutual confession of guilt as indicative of, and no doubt greatly conducive

to,

members and the must be looked upon

the

the corporate spirit of ^the Buddhist monks.^

'

M.

v., II. 23.

is

This account

taken from M. V.,

II.

CHAPTER IV
The Vassa
or the
retreat

825

during the rainy

season was another institution

the^ifs""'
monks.
either
It

calculated to develop the corporate spirit

among

the Buddhist

was ordained that

for three

during the rainy season every year,

months commencing

from the day after the full moon of Ashadha, or a month after that date, the monks had to live in a settled residence.^ During this
period, they could not leave their place

of

resi-

dence,

except in cases of emergency, specified

Mahavagga III. Thus, for three months, a number of Bhikkhus lived together
in detail in
in

of

mutual amity and concord. We get a glimpse it from the following short account of the life " He who came led by a group of Bhikkhus back first from the village, from his alms:

pilgrimage, prepared seats, got water for washing

the feet, a foot stool, and a towel,

slopbasin and got
to)
it

cleaned the

ready and put there (water

drink and foods.

village,

He who came back

his

last

from the
if

from

alms-pilgrimage, ate,

there was any food left (from the dinner of the

if

other Bhikkhus) and

if

he desired

to

do so
it

and

away at a place free from grass or poured it away into water in which no living things were put away
he did not desire
(to eat),

threw

the water for washing

^

the feet,

the

footstool,

Usually the monks travelled from place to place during the rest

of the year.

3-26

CORPORATE LIFE
;

and the towel

put
it

cleaned

the

slop-hasin

and

away, put the water and the food away

and swept the dining-room, etc.'" At the end of the Vassa residence the assembled Bhikkhus held the cereCm) PavSrana. i mony or Pavarana, m which every Bhikkhu present invited the Samgha to
<?

i-

'

charge him with any offence they thought him

guilty
of,

of

an

offence which they saw, or heard

or suspected

so that he might atone for

Avcrc

it.-

'Immediately after the Pavarana the robes belonging to the local Saiiigha
(if)

Kathina cere-

mony.

distributed

^^

i^

members.
the Kathina ceremony.
'

This
*

among its was known as

literally

'i

The

Katldna^

hard,'

faithful to be

was the stock of cotton provided by the made up into robes for the use of
the

the

Samgha during

ensuing year.

By

formal act of the Order a Bhikkhu was placed

in charge of

dyeing and sewing these clothes.

When

the ncAv robes

were ready for wear, he

chose one for himself and pointed out the re-

maining robes
specifying

to

the

Bhikkhus there

present,

which he thought fit for the elder and which for the younger members of the Order. Einally he called upon the Samgha for
their formal approval of his procedure.

On

the

receipt
^

of

such

approval the Bhikkhus took

M.

v.,

IV. 57.
details

For the

and formalities of the ceremony

cj.

M.

V., IV.-


CHAPTER IV
possession
of
S'll

their
to

respective

robes,

and

the

ceremony came

an end/

8
of

The Buddhist
Religious corporations other than the Buddhist Sarh^hn.

fraternity,

which a short
i
i

sketch has been given above,

may

.,

bc lookcd upon as a type

of the religious corporations in

j-

ancient India.

The Jaina

fraternity,

the only

other religious corporation of which some detail-

ed account
this

is

known
Of
the

to

us,

clearly

belongs to
little

type.-

rest

we

possess very

definite information.

There can, however, be

any doubt that these religious corporations were always an important factor in ancient Indian societv. It has been alreadv demonscarcely
strated that theie were

many such
arose.

corporations

at the time

when Buddhism

Their conti-

nued existence in later times is proved by the Dharmasastras and inscriptions. Thus the passage from Yajnavalkya quoted on p. 39 above, refers
to the
'

CTPsrf^

'

or heterodox religious sects in lay-

ing

down

rules

and regulations for corporations.

of

The

corporation

the

'

Pashandis

'

is

also
in

expressly referred to in the

Narada

Saiiihita

the following passage

'

S. B. E., Vol.

XVIT, pp. 148-152 and footnotes.

Considerations of space forbid a detailed account of the Jaina

church.

328

CORPORATE LIFE

#^^ Wf{^ Tjm ^ ^MM^

An
inscription
of

c[^

ll"

(X.

1. 2.)

the second

century A. D.

records a gift to the corporation {parshad) of the

Charakas, probably

'

a certain special category

'^

of Brahmanical ascetics

while another refers to

the holy assembly of the Aparajitas.-

During the
Their continued existence till the latest period of Hindu India.

latter part of

the
.

Hindu
.

period,

religious corporations specially

01 the A~^
,

various Yaishnava and

sectSj
l
^

Sakta

largely nourished

!!
and

in southern India.

References to temples occur

records

pretty frequently in south Indian

leave

no

doubt

that

these

local

religious

corporations of
ter

more

or less well-defined charac-

were

associated

with

them.
ancient

They

no

doubt
rate

corresponded to the
never

Buddhist

monasteries to a certain extent but their corpoorganisation

reached the same high

stage of
these

development.
is

detailed

account of

institutions

not necessary for the pur-

pose of the present work,

however interesting

it

might prove to the students of Indian The same remark applies to the similar
tions in northern India.
*

history.
institu-

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII,

p. 79.

Also

c/.

the dedicatory

cave inscrip-

tions of
=

Asoka and Dasaratha.

Lnd. No. 1163.

CHAPTER V
Corporate Activities in Social Life

1
The corporate
theIoncrTtfe\p?esS '^""'"
il s^o^arHf:.

activities

of the

ancient In-

dians

were

most remarkably
life,

manifested in their social

and they were carried to a degree of perfection which is

institucaste,
is

unknown elsewhere in the w^orld. The tion variously known as varna, jati or
represents, in
its

the concrete expression of those activities,

and
It

highest development,

the best

form of
is

social corporation

known

to history.

not

my

object here to trace the origin

and de-

velopment of the caste system as a whole, for

that
is

too big a

subject
I

and requires separate

should rather confine

treatment by

itself.

myself to those essential features alone which

make

the term corporation applicable to

it,

and

bring out

more

prominently

the

corporate

character of the institution.

We may
The
quity
^^'^

begin from the earliest period

of
us,

Indian history
origin and antiof the caste

known

to

viz.,

that represented by

the

The point has often been discussed whether the caste system was
Eigveda.
42

^'

330

CORPORATE LIFE
to the people of that age.
differ

known

But the views

this

of antiquarians

much on

question.

Aufrecht, Benfey, M. Miiller, Muir, Roth,

Weber

and Zimmer were

of opinion that the later Brah-

manical social organisation was unknown to the

Vedic people. The view was endorsed by Senart,

Macdonell,
other hand Haug,

Von Schroeder and Kaegi. On the Kern and Ludwig maintain

would be of no the arguments advanced
It

the opposite view and they have been supported

by Oldenberg and Geldner.^

use to consider in detail

by each, but we may examine the facts so far as

they have been elucidated by these scholars.

There
celebrated

is

only one passage in Rigveda, the

refers
to the

Purusha Sukta which

is,

division of society into four

system unknownin the Rigvedic
Caste
period.
.
.

classes.

The Sukta
late
i

however, admittedly of
i

origm and cauuot theretore be

accepted
,

ji

as

an

evidence

of

the earliest

period.

There

are,

however, some
four
classes

grounds

for

the belief

that the

were not unknown

to the earliest

Indo-Aryans.

The
into

earliest

Iranian

society

was

divided

four

classes

(pishtras)

corresponding to

those

described in the
(priests)

the

Athravas

Purusha Sukta. Thus would correspond to

(warriors) to

the

Brahmans,

the Rafhaesthas

the Kshatriyas, the

*

Vastriyas Fshouyants (chief

cf.

For a summary of these views

ff.

A. L., p. 186, and V.

I.,

II,

p.

247

CHAPTER V
of

331

family)

to

the

Vaisyas

and
is

the

Huitis

(labourers) to the Sudras/

in

There

some force

Ludwig's argument that as the religious ideas

lived together

contained in the Rigveda reach back to the time

when the Iranians and the Aryans we have a right to take the social representative of the same period
admit the absence of similar
the age of Rigveda,

ideas
;

also as
if

that

we

class distinctions in

bound to presume that the Aryans originally had the distinctions in their society, subsequently lost it and had built them up again at some future period.^
are
It

we

may

thus

be admitted that the four-fold

social division

contemplated by

Class distinctions of the Kigveda are different from caste

distinctions.

the Purusha Sukta was

in the d,^Q ^ of
is,

known

however,

There Riffvcda. o show to nothing

in an

that the four classes formed anything approach-

ing to four castes.

state of civilisation

Every people

advanced
into

may

be differentiated

the four (or possibly more) elements.

lish people, for

The Engand the

example,

may

be divided into the

class,

clergy,

the

noble, the

middle

labourers.

There
of

is

no evidence

to

show that
rigid
p.

the general division of the people into four class*

es in the age
^

Rigveda was more

III, pp.

than
140
ff.

C/.

Lndwig, Der Rigveda,

III,

243-4

Senart,Caste,

*
*

Der Rigveda,
C/, Senart,
ff.

244,

liere

is

however no question

of the preII,

Classen- unterschiede

die

auf der geburt beruhten' as

p.

Ludwig

sumes.
p.

Caste,

142

Spiegel, Eran, Alterthumsk.

551

382

CORPORATE LIFE

that prevailing in England, the hereditary nohles

in the latter

forming a suitable counterpart

less

to

the

more

or
It

hereditary priest-hood in
that in

the

former.

may

be argued,

the ease of

India the later literature

rigid castes,

and in contrary, we might postulate the same with regard to the age of Rigveda. Apart from the
illogical

shows these classes as the absence of any proof to the

nature of the statement

itself,

the

ex-

ample

of the Iranian

society clearly proves that

the class distinctions

mentioned above do not

is

connote any caste distinctions, and, what

important,
that

more

they do not even necessarily

lead to the latter.

Let us next examine the point whether, and

if

so

how

far,

these classes partook of the nature

of corporations.

We
is is

can speak of corporation

only

when

there

some
status

link

by

which a
it

class of

people

tied together,

whether
something
that

be

of

profession,

social

or

else.

Now

there

is

absolutely no evidence

any

of

the four classes of which the existence

inferred from the

may

be

hymns

of

ed a professional group or
tions

Rigveda ever formsocial unit. Excepcase

of Brah-

may

indeed be taken to the

Sudras.
It

mans and

may

be argued

that
^

the priest-hood

already formed

a profession

and that the Sudras or Dasas formed a distinct In the first case, however, there ethnic group.
'

Muir,

S. T., I, 259.

CHAPTER V
is

338

nothing to show that the profession was the

of

monopoly

a particular and definite

class of

people, or that those

who adopted

it

formed

any-

organised social

group or groups by themselves.

although the Sudras or Dasas
is

In the

latter case,

were ethnically distinct from the Aryas, there

no reason
various
to

suppose that they were a homo-

geneous race, being composed, as they were, of

aboriginal races,

whom

the Aryans had

It

to confront in their

Indian settlements.

may

be broadly asserted therefore, that although there

were several classes among the Aryans in the

early

Vedic period

there

was

not

yet

any

question of caste/

We may
Caste in the

next take into consideration the

later

Vedic age.
i

Weber, who
i
j.

later

Vedic period.

has

made a

special study or the

data regarding caste

in these sources,
is

contained

of opinion

that the caste sys-

tem was

fully developed during

the period, and

that we find here the system which was afterwards idealised in Manu's code, although he is

constrained to admit that some laxity in the sys-

tem

is

observable

here and there.^

That

this
is

view of the development of the caste system

^

Senarfc, Castes, p.

149

E.

Ind. Stud., Vol. X, p. 2.

334

CORPORATE LIFE
is

erroneous

now

generally

recognised^
in detail

With^

out going into this question

separately discuss
triya, Vais'ya

the cases of
just to

and Sudra
of

we shall Brahman, Kshafind out to what

of

extent

any

those

partook

a corporate

character.

Brahman,

The

pretension of the

Brahman
Kausitaki

has no doubt reached a high

ofaTal:^"""'^^

point.

Already

in

they are called Gods and Gods of

They are even held to be identical They alone can take things (p. 37). offered in a sacrifice. They have a right to claim four privileges, viz., (1) Archa (veneration), (2) Dana (present, gifts, etc.), (3) Ajyeyata (freedom from oppression) and (4) Abadhyata (immunity from capital punishment). They have also four
Gods
(p. 35).^

with

Brahma

duties, viz., (1)

(2)

Brahmanyam

(purity

of blood),

Pratirupacharya (proper

way

of living), (3)

Yasah (fame through the study

Lokapakti (intellectual and
of the

of Veda, etc.), (1)

religious

training

people,

as teacher, sacrificial

priest

and

purohita).^

These duties and privileges belong

class of people,

to

no other

at

least

as a body,

and as such
as a distinct

the

Brahmans must be looked upon

class.

privileged
*

There
2, 108.

were besides special

Hopkins, Caste, pp.

Ind, stud. X. 41.

* '

These pages refer to Ind. Stud. Vol. X.

For detailed account

of each of the

above

pri-

vileges

and

dtfties see, ibid^ pp. 41-160.

CHAPTER V
rules

335
for the

and regulations prescribed of a Brahman such as that

(1)

conduct

He

should not carry arms

(p.

96) (Kausi-

taki, 93.101.
(2)

He

should not speak in a vulgar tongue

(p. 97).'

(3)

He

should initiate his son at a particular

age

(p. 101).

(4)

He

should observe the rules laid

down for

taking food.
(5)

He

should observe Brahmacharya (chas-

tity) (p. 102).

The violation of these rules was meted with punishment in the form of penance, and sometimes it even led to the exclusion from the Brahmanic fold. The out-cast,' however, could get back into his society by performing some
*

penances

(p. 102).

It is thus quite clear that the

Brahmans
a

al-

ready
the'^^
^^^'^'

possessed

corporate

Brahmarco?po-

charactcr.

It behoves us

next
the

to take into consideration

nature of this corporation.

The

first

thing that strikes anybody

is

is

that

the corporation

in the
is

making, and that a

conscious attempt

visible to
first

make

more

perfect.

In the
^

place,

more and what is the

it

S. p. Br., 3. 2. 1. 24.

886

CORPORATE LIFE
The group of people Brahman was not
There
is

basis of the corporation ?

who were

collectively called

bound together by ties lutely nothing to show

but the son of a
class.

of birth.

abso-

that, as in later days,

none

Brahman
laid

could belong to the

Eules were indeed

should serve as a priest
descent
Sutra)

down

that

nobody

who

could not prove his

to

from
or ten

three

(according

Kausitaki

(according to
Rishis

Latyayana Sutra)

generations of

(p. 70).

But these very

rules prove distinctly that the

in a

Brahman

line

an actuality.

It

unbroken descent was as yet an ideal and not further shows the conscious
which

attempt towards a closer corporation to

I have referred above.

We
tic

have, however, not to depend upon nega-

tive proof alone to establish our thesis.

Authenthat
it

ancient texts repeatedly declare

is

knowledge, not descent, that makes a Brahman.

Thus we learn from Satapatha Brahman 11. 6. 2. 10, that Janaka became a Brahman through the
teachings
(6. 6. 1.

of

Yajiiavalkya.

Taittiriya-sarhhita

?mn'I -^(Mfmih ^: 1|P5^" He who has learning is the Brahman Again we have in Kathaka 30. 1, and rishi.
4) declares *'i^
'

Maitrayaniya Samhita 48. 1

107. 9.

CHAPTER V
"

33:7

What

do you ask about Brahman father,

not
i-i

what do you ask about Brahm* man mother ? Smee one who birth, the basis of the corporation. kuows the Veda is the father, the grand father." These and similar passages indicate that knowledge was looked upon as the primary qualification, and heredity counted for
Knowledge,
f^
1

little

in

the recognition of a person as Brah-

man.^
If,

then, the

Brahmanhood depended

upon

the knowledge and learning mainly requisite for

Vedic worship, there must have been some specific

method

by

which

it

was

obtained.

The

method is fortunately referred to in Kausitaki, 55, from which we learn that the teacher had the or Brahmanhood power to confer arsheyam upon his student,^ apparently if the latter were inclined to adopt the profession of a priest, and
'
'

had,

in

the opinion
for

of

the

teacher,
is

capacity

required
illustrated

the

same.

This

beautifully

by a passage in Aitareya Brahmana (VII-19), quoted by Mui.r'^ We are told that "sacrifice fled from the Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra and approached to Brahman. Wherefore now also sacrifice depends upon Brahman, upon the Brahmans. Kshattra then followed Brahman,
'

Uud so wird denu auch

sonst

noch mehrfach das Wissen alleiu

als

als wesentlich, die

Abkunft Uberhaupt

ganz unwesentlich bezeichnet

(Ind. Stud., p. 70).

-

For various

details in connection
I ,p. 368.

with

it cf.

Ind. Stud.,x, pp. 71-72.

Muir, S. T., Vol.

358

CORPORATE LIFK
said,
'

and

invite

me

(too to participate) in this

*

sacrifice.'

ing aside

Brahman replied, so be thy own implements (bow,

it

then lay-

arrows, etc.)

approach the

sacrifice with the implements of Brahman, in the form of Brahman, and having become Brahman.' Kshatti a rejoined, Be it so,'
'

and, laying aside his

own implements, approached

the sacrifice with

those of Brahman, in the form of Brahman and having become Brahman,

Wherefore,
ficing,

now

also a Kshattriya,
his

when

sacri-

laying

aside

own implements,

ap-

proaches the sacrifice wath

those of Brahman,

in the form of Brahman, and having become Brahman." There was thus no inherent distinction between Kshattra and Brahman, and the one might have been changed into the other by a change in the mode of life and profession. The same idea also occurs in Aitareva Brahmana " He, a king, when VII. 231 consecrated
;

(^51441*1!:)

enters into the condition of a Brah-

man," and also in Satapatha Brahmana (III. 2. 1. 39 ff). On the authority of these and other texts '' Weber concludes Thus every Rajanya and
:

Vaisja becomes, through the consecration for

sacrifice

(^'^) a Brahman during

is

its

continu-

ance, and

addressed as such "

(p. 17).

Again
4. 1. 3)
it

we have
*'

in

Satapatha Brahmana (XIII.

sacrifices,

whosoever

does so after having as

were become a Brahman."

says in his Srauta-sutra, VI.

So too Katyayana
4.

12:

'*

The word

CHAPTER V
Brahman
Rajanya
notates
:

389

is

to

be addressed to a Vaisya and a

also,"

on which the commentator an'

"

The formula
'

This

Brahmana has
;

been consecrated
of a Vaisya

is

to be used at the sacrifice

and a Raj any a also

Rajanya, or

and not the

has been

Avords

'

this

this Vaisya,

consecrated.'^

The passage

in Kausitaki,

55,

thus gives a

probable clue to the basis of corporation which

we have been

trying

to

discover.

It

is

the

knowledge and deportment requisite for priestly function, and the Brahman society in those days
thus be said to be a guild of priests. As new members could be admitted to a craft-guild only by some prescribed method (see ante, p. 49),
so one could be initiated into this guild of priests

may

only after an approved term of apprenticeship

with a Master.

T'his is

expressly acknowledged

by the Sutra writers. Thus Apastamba says that '' he (the Acharya) causes him (the pupil)
to

be born (a second time) by (imparting to him)

;

sacred learning " (S. B. E., II, p. 3)

" this (second) birth
is

also, that

the best

";

*'

The father

and the mother produce the body only " {ibid). Again, one " whose father and grandfather have not been initiated (and his two ancestors) are Intercourse, eatcalled slayers of the Brahman.
ing

and intermarriage
'*;

with
'

them should be

avoided

{ibid, p. 5).
^

No
I,

religious rite can be

369 and
f.

Gf, Muir, S.T., Vol.

p.

n.

'

340

CORPORATE LIFE
(child) before

performed by a

he has been
is

girt

with the sacred girdle, since he

on a level with

a ^udra before his (new) birth from the Veda

(ibid,

p.

10).

Initiation,

not birth,

was thus
get here

the real claim to Brahmanhood, and

we

a rational explanation of those elaborate cere-

monies which regulated the relation between a

teacher and a student.

The analogy with the guild may be carried a step further. As many of these guilds (like those of weavers, barbers, potters and oil-millers) had
ultimately developed into
of
* '

castes,' so

the

'

guild

the

priests

'

was

also

converted

into the

Brahman

caste.'

We
*

come

across those craft

guilds in ancient time,

and

their representatives,

forming so many castes,' in modern days. It would be as much consonant to reason to say, that the membership of the primitive guilds depended upon birth, as to predicate the same of
the ancient
It
is

Brahman

class.

necessary that

we should

divest

our

mind

of prejudices

and guard ourselves against

ideas with

associating
things.

modern The angle

little.
*

the old state of

of vision also requires to be

changed a
that the

We

are accustomed

to

say

Brahmans alone could be

priests,

they

we should rather say that they alone were Brahmans who possessed a knowledge of the Veda and could perform the function of a priest. One was a
alone could teach the Vedas,' whereas

CHAPTER V
Brahman because he was
priest,

341

a Vedic scholar and a

and

not the vico versa.

Again, the Brah-

mans
seen,

of those days did not confine their activities

to the function of a priest alone.

As we have
and
it is

some

of

them were
to

fighters too,

certain that

many

also followed other professions.

But the prohibition

find in Kausitaki
is

carry arms, which Ave

probably a typical example

of the gradual restriction in this respect.

Here
which

again

we

find

that

conscious attempt towards

closer one to

making the corporation a

reference has already been made.

The

'

corporation of priests
,

'

had not as yet

Ihe corporation, not yet a rigid one.

developed that social exclusive^

ncss which
is

the chicf characfreely married

teristic of their

descendants.

They

among

all classes of

people and took wives even

from the ^udra class. The marriage with Sudras was indeed looked upon with disfavour, as is evidenced by Gobhila, 3. 2. 42 etc., and, among others, the story of Vatsa, but it was not positively
,

forbidden (pp. 73-74). After considering everything Weber concluded that there was in those

days no hard and fast rule regarding that

of blood,'

'

purity

about which so
of

prohibitions

many injunctions and have been laid down in later days }

priests

The corporation
close

was thus not a

or

rigid

one.

We

find indeed conscious

attempts to

make
'

it so,

but the regulations laid

Ind. Stud., Vol. X, p. 75.

342

CORPORATE LIFE
for

down

the

purpose sat lightly upon the

members, and were not enforced with any amount of rigour. Slight penances only were imposed for any breach of customary duties, and although
continued neglect of the same led to the expulsion

from the corporation, the means of re-admission

to it

were in many cases extremely

all

feasible.

\jLhave

along used the expression " corporaIt

tion or guild of priests."

would perhaps be
that

more correct
priests."
all

to

say " corporations or guilds of

For we cannot very well believe

in different parts of the

the

Brahmans

country

formed only one corporation. Although there must have been some general similarity in their aims, pursuits, and manner of living, the more
coherent organisation
limited
sectioiij

could

embrace

only

As a matter of fact we hear of various schools of Brahmans at this period, such as the Yajurvedis, Madhyandins, Maitmyanis, Rigvedis, Apastambas, Apastamba Hiranyakesis, These very names indicate that the differetc. entiating factors were connected with the Vedic authorities relied upon by them, and this, in a manner, corroborates what I have stated above
regarding the basis of
that
it is

these

corporations,

viz.,

not birth but

the

knowledge required
of

by a

priest.

The

divisions

the

Brahmans

according to Sakha and Charana also lead to the

same conclusion.
'

Ihid,

p. 102.

CHAPTER V
The
Ks1i((triyos.

343

The

various texts

quoted

by Weber under the heading beiden obersten Kasten " (Ind.

leave no doubt that the

" Verhaltniss der

St.,

X, pp. 26-35)

Kshatriyas too had

They are frequently mentioned along with the Brahmans

formed
a
class

by

themselves.

as

having enjoyed special rights and privileges

all

apart from

other classes.

They no doubt
is

represented the nobility, the descendants of the

ancient

tribal

chiefs,

but there

no reason

to

suppose that their rank was a closed one, or that

there was anv
Ties of
social

exclusiveness about them.

rank

no doubt invested them with a

but the corporation,
rigid
like

corporate

character,

that of the

Brahmans, was not yet a

side

one.

They developed
and, as

by

side

with the Brahmans

we

shall see later on, maintained for long

a contest for supremacy with the latter.

As the

development of these two classes runs on almost

parallel lines
it is

not necessary to treat the case

of the Kshatriyas separately in detail.

The

Vaisyas,

The
to

Vaisyas

represent

the

mass of the people at large from which the two upper classes were recruited.^ Sundry regulations are laid

down

mark

the distinctions

of
of

upper classes from them. them may be quoted below as types.

the two
(1)

few

In a

sacrificial
'

place,' a

Brahmana
and
D.

is

addressed
'

with

Ehi^ and

Vaisya

a
M.

C/. S. p. Br. 11. 2. 7. 16; 12. 7. 3. 8

also,

Oldenbeig in Z.

G.,

Vol.

61, p. 280.

Senart Castes,

p. 153,

and Fick,

p. 163.

344

CORPORATE LIFE
witJi

Kshatriya

ayahi

and adrava

Satapa^lia

Brahmana 1. 1. 4. 12 ). The Brahman can marry (2)

the
(p. ^1).

three

wives,

Kshatriya two, and the Vaisya only one

(3)
life
is

The

age

for
8,

beginning
11,

the
for

student

respectively

and 12

Brahman,
a gayatil,

Kshatriya and Vaisya

(4)

{ibid),

The

savitrl of

Brahman

is

that of a Kshatriya a trishtuhh, that of a A'^aisya

ajagafi
(5)

(p. 22).

The upanayana ceremony

that of a Vaisya in

of a

Brahman
in
(p. 22).

takes place in spring, that of

a Kshatriya

summer and
The

autumn

Brahman, Kshatriya, and Vaisya (6) students utter the word bhavant respectively at
'

'

the beginning, middle, and end of their speech,

while begging for alms

(7)

(p. 22).

White,
the

red,

and

yellow
spots

grounds
of

are

respectively

building

Brahman

Kshatriya and Vaisya.

(8)

Different materials are prescribed for the

upper garment, the holy girdle (mekkala),

the staff of the
students.

and Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya

These and other similar distinctive characteristics

had probably no more objective

reality than

Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya were respectively of white, red and yellow
the assumption that
colour
!

(according to other authorities Vaisya

CHAPTER V

345

and Kshatriyas are respectively white and dark !)^ They no doubt betray an attempt on the (p. 10). part of the Brahmanical writers to erect barriers between the three classes but they at the same
time clearly prove that the existing distinctions

were not very strong.

But although the Vaisyas were

and no doubt,
differentiated
to

theoretically,

a great

extent,

practically,

from the Brahmans and the Kshatriyas, there is no reason to suppose that they ever formed a homogeneous group. They were
too large in
of their

number and

too varied in the nature

component parts to maintain a corporate character and although they were distinguished from the Sudra by birth, they remained a conglo;

meration of different groups of people following

different professions
It is

and

different

rules of

life.

only in later periods

that

these groups

developed a corporate character, and this will be

discussed later on.

The Sudras

The contrast between

I
I

Dasa of the previous period is between Arya and Sudra during the period under
the contrast and an
*

Arya and replaced by that

review (for the expressions clearly bringing out

account of the symbolical

This

is

conclusively proved (if such proofs were necessary) by the

following passages of Apastamba, where, after describing the dififerent

materials
"
fit

to

be used by Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya he says

some

declare, without

any reference
of the

to

caste,

that the staff of a

is fit

student should be
the sacrifice) "
to be
(

made

wood
9
).

of a tree

(that

to

be used at
is
fit

S. H. E., II, p.

Again

*'

the skin of a sheep

worn by

all castes " {ibid, p. 10).

346

CORPORATE LIFE

struggle between Sudra and Arya, seelnd. Stud.,

X,

p.

ff.).

Distinct attempts are

made

in order

to accentuate

the points of difference between

the two.

It

is

claimed that the Stidras have no

the

right to approach
sacrifice)

sacred

fire {i.e.,

perform
(p.

or

read

the

sacred

texts

11).

There are however passages

in the early texts

which clearly assert these rio^hts (p. 12). The commentator remarks that in these passages the
Sudra
is

to be taken in the sense of Rathakara.

This restricted connotation of the word Sudra, as

Weber remarks,

is

merely of secondary origin

and an evidence of the attempt to which I have Again the Stidras are denied the just alluded.
rite

of

burning the dead body.

The

ancient

texts,

however, have laid down the measureof the tumulii, respectively for

ments

Brahmans,
scholiasts

Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Sudras.

The

not only explain

viz.,

it

away by a
is

similar argument,
to be understood

that only the Rathakara

here,

but some of them even proceed a step

further and boldly assert that the measurement

of the

tumulus

for the Stidra

'

is

given merely as

^Farimcma-prasangat

(for the sake of

measure-

ment)

I have already referred to the fact that a

marriage alliance with the Sudras was gradually

being looked upon with disfavour.

These things point to a growing cleavage

between the Aryas, including the Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas on the one hand, and the


CHAPTER V
Madras on
the other. a
347

But the entire Arya folk

corporate character
as

had

as little claim to

the motley group

Madras.

of

people designated as the

The

social

harriers

hetween the Aryans and

First, as

the Sudras however went on increasing in the

succeeding centuries.
The
distinction be-

regards food.
.1

It is laid
/<_
*'
i

down in

tween the Brahmans andthefiudras graduaccentuated ally later periods.

in

Apastamha, that
p
-i

Sudras
/

may
1

prepare the tood (or a householder which

is

used

at the

Visvadeva ceremony) under the superintendence

of

men

of

the

first
*

three

castes."^
is
fit

It

is

expressly

stated

that

such food

for the

gods' and was

wife,

eaten

'hy the
the
that

hushand
of

and
the

the

master and

mistress,

family.'

The

fact

shows

there was

time when the Brahmans freely took the food

given by the Sudra.

But then we
injunctions

find

in

the
:

same
*'

text

such

as

follow

According to some (food offered by people)

of

any

caste,

who

follow the laws prescribed

for them, except that of Sudras,

A
1

remnant

of the

old

may be eaten "^ practice may however

M.
IV. 211
;

S. B. E., II, p. 104.

"

Ibid.

For similar injunctions

c/.

Vafiis^ha

XIV. 4;

V. XLI. 18.14.

848

CORPORATE LIFE
seen
If

be

in

which "

Gautama, XVII, according to the means for sustaining life cannot

^

(be procured) otherwise, (they

may

be accepted)

from a Sudra."

These injunctions show the by which a rigid line was steps gradual drawn between the Brahmans and the Sudras. What was fully and freely allowed at first,
is

only

conceded on emergent occasions, there

altogether.

being manifest a general tendency to gradually

stop
it

The theory

of the impurity

of touch

also gradually gained

;

Apastamba says
meal a Sudra
leave
off

''If

ground.

Thus
shall

during his (Brahman's)

touches

him
Again,

(then

he

eating)."^
it

"what has been

impure
is

brought (be

touched

or not) by an
It
also laid

Sudra must not be

eaten. "^

down

in

Gautama
that
is

that a

Snataka

" shall not sip

water

offered

by a Sudra."*
regards marriage.

Secondly, as

As we have

seen above such

forbidden,

marriage was not positively

looked

upon with disfavour. Positive disqualifications were hoAvOne whose only ever gradually attached to it. wife was a Sudra female was not to be fed on
but generally
'

'

the occasion

of

funeral oblation {Sraddha).^

authority,

According to the same

^

son by a

lUd,

p. 265.

' '

Ihid, p. 61.

lUd, p. 60.
Ihid, p. 220.

Gautama, XV.

19, S.B.E., Vol. II, p. 258.

CHAPTER V
Sudra wife
is

349

to

receive

only a provision for

of

maintenance (out of the estate; d(.'ceased Avithout (other) male

Vasishtha
"

issue.

Brahman At last
Says

such marriage was forbidden altogether.

:

Some

declare

(that

twice-born

men may

marry) even a female of the Sudra caste like

those (other wives) [Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya]

without (the recitation

not act thus.

of)

Yedic

texts.

Let him
such
(a

For, in consequence

of

marriage), the degradation of the family certainly

issues,

and after death the

goes
is

loss of heaven."^
:

Manu also Sudra woman

(ancient) story

on in the same strain

"

not mentioned
^

even in any

as the wife

of

Brahman
in

or of

a Kshatriya, though they lived in the

distress.

(greatest)

Twice-born
of the

men who,

their folly,

wed wives
Sudras.
''

low (Sudra)

caste, soon

degrade
state

their families

and their children

to

to

the

of

According
of

Atri and to

(Gautama), the

son

Utathya,

he who weds a ^udra

woman

becomes an outcast, according to Saunaka, on the birth of a son, and according to Bhrigu, he who has (male) offspring from a (Sudra female).^ A Brahman who takes a Sudra wife
'

S.

B. E., Vol. XIV, pp. 5-6.

'

The translator adds within bracket

first

'

before this word.

There

is,

however, no authority for this in the text

^

itself.
is

The word

'

alone

'

is

added by the translator but there

no

authority for this in the text.

850
to his bed,
if

CORPORATE LIFE
will (after

death)

sink

into

hell

he begets a child by her, he will

not eat the (offerings) of that

lose the

rank of a Brahman.
will

The manes and the gods

man who

performs

the rites in honour of the gods, of the

manes, and of guests, chiefly with a (Sudra

and such (a man) will not go to heaven. Eor him who drinks the moisture of a Sudra's lips, who is tainted by her breath, and who begets a son on her, no expiation is
wife's)

assistance,

prescribed."^

The Brahmans thus erected an impassable barrier between themselves and the Sudras.
and the food prepared by them were alike forbidden, and even their very touch was looked upon as impure. The social exclusiveness, to which the Brahmans
Marriage with the
latter,

thus committed
further, until

themselves,

carried

them

still

by extending the barriers further

and further they converted themselves into that rigid corporation which we now see before our The same principles of exclusiveness by eyes. which they were altogether separated from the Sudras were gradually extended to other classes of people (including Kshatriyas and Vaisyas), till they looked upon themselves as a unique type
of

men, and asserted the bold principle " that that makes a Brahman and birth alone
it."

it is

no

people of any other class has access to

'

We

S. B. E., Vol.

XXV,

pp. 78-79.

CHAPTER V

351

shall therefore next take into consideration this

important

factor

that

ultimately

led to

the

crowning success of the Brahman.

[The doctrine that birth alone makes one a Brahman is one of slow growth. There is no
trace
Gradual advance of
the BrShrnanic pretensions; birth becomes the basis of corporations.

of

any such doctrine in

either the

Vcda
,

or the Brah^'
i-

manas, and, as we have seen

above,

some
it

texts

distmctly

l^

assert that

was learning not

was really the determining factor. How ideas changed in this respect may best be the two stories of illustrated by comparing
birth

that

Visvamitra and Janaka, with that of Matanga.

It
is

related in

ancient

literature,

how

Visva-

mitra and Janaka, though originally belonging to

the K-ajanya class became
austerities
is,

Brahman by means
The
story of

of

and

learning.^

Matanga^

however,
of
of

expressly
all

designed to

futility

attempts,

people

other classes to

show the however great, by become a Brahman.

In course of the story Indra is made to say " that a Chandala can only become a Stidra in a
thousand births, a Sudra a Vaisya after a period thirty times as long, a Vaisya a Rajanya after
a period
1

sixty
For

times the

length, a Rajanya a
I,

details see Muir, S. T. Vol.

pp. 337-430.

Ihid, p.

440

fit.

352
Brail man after

CORPORATE LIFE
a
so

period
on."
:

of

sixty

times the

duration and
this

Muir comments

upon

passage as follows
"

The
of

assertion

here

made

of the impossi-

bility

Kshatriya

becoming a Brahman
series of

until

he has passed through a long

is

births

of course in flagrant contradiction with

the stories of Visvamitra, Vitahavya and others,"

The doctrine was gradually extended and it was asserted that both the parent^ must be Brahmans in order that the issue may belong
to that class.
It
is difficult

to

realise

how

the

mixed marriage was compatible with the doctrine. For what would be the condition of the child whose father is Brahman
existence
of

and the mother a Kshatriya ? The theoretical text books have of course no difficulty in answering such questions. They postulate a new caste for him as they do for the issue of each conceivable

kihd of mixed marriage

etc.).

{cf.

Gautama,
not,

IV.

3 6,

Such fanciful theories do

are

however, bear the scrutiny of evidence.

The
the

Yavanas, for example,

offspring
of

held
father

out as

Kshatriya
21).

and Sudra

mother

(Gautama, IV.

The truth is, that in this respect too, there was a gradual growth of Brahmanic pretensions. A verse in Mahabharata declares that the son of a Brahman is a Brahman even though the
mother be a Kshatriya
or

Vaisya

(XIII.

CHAPTER Y
47-17).
that
'

35a

But we

find

in

Manusariihita (X. 6)

sons, begotten

by twice born men on wives

they declare
to

of the

next lower castes,

be

similar (to their fathers, hut)

of the fault inherent in their

mothers

blamed on account "^ This was

evolution
of the

then the

first

step

in

the

theory which
the
father
in
to

ultimately

denied the rank of

such

children.

The

curious

manner

which these Brahmanic pretension*

established
22. 23.
is

were gradually

best illustrated

by Gautama, IV.
these jDassages,
tators,
p.

as

The full purport of explained by the commen:

may

be quoted in extenso

(S.

B. E., II,

199).

''If

a savarna female, born of the

of

Kshatriya wife

Brahman

is

married to a

Brahman, and her female descendants down to the seventh likewise, then the offspring which
that seventh female descendant

bears

to her

Brahman husband
In
like

is

equal in caste to a Brahman. again marries

manner,

if

a scwarna male, the son of a

Brahman and

his

Kshatriya

Avife,

a Kshatriya wife, and his male descendants down

to the seventh likewise, then the offspring of that

seventh male descendant

Kshatriya.
to the

is

equal in caste to a

The

offspring of Kshatriyas
caste, as

Vaisya

same principle must be applied and wives of the well as to Vaisyas and wives of the
says also that, accordins:

Stidra caste."

Gautama

to other teachers, such

^

changes of caste take place

XXV,
X.
6,

S.B.E., Vol.

45

354
in

CORPORATE LIFE

the fifth generation. This process of the change

of caste

whereby a Sudra attains the rank of a Brahman, and a Brahman sinks to the level of a Sudra, is also referred to in Manu-Samhita X. 64-65. Here then we have a complete cycle of the stages of evolution. There can be no doubt that at first the issue of a Brahman and a Kshatriya, Vaisya or Sudra female, was looked upon as Brahman then his position became lower though he still retained the rank gradually this was altogether denied, although a reversion to it was possible for his (or her) descendants, if fortified by Brahman blood for five generations.
; ;

The
final

limit

was next extended to seven, and the step was reached when this provision was

omitted altogether.

Thus the gradual

establish-

ment

of the two co-ordinate doctrines, i;/<2;., (1) that none but the son of a Brahman can belonsj to that class, and (2) that none but the son of a

Brahman father and Brahman mother can become

a Brahman, ultimately led to the establishment
of a rigid social corporation
.

which can be properly

termed the Brahman Jati

5

(caste).

It is

extremely fortunate that we have a note

of time in this gradual process of

Evidence of Buddhist literature on the development of caste sys^^'

evolutiou of

n
tile

Brahman

_i

caste.

The canonical text books

of the

Buddhists, the Pali Tripitakas, throw interesting

CHAPTER V
sidelight

355

and we have good means of approximately determining the age when they
on
this question

were written.

I shall therefore next consider in

some
short

detail, the

bearings of this literature upon

It will be well to

the point at issue.

begin with a

summary

of the

important texts.

The Jdtakas.
of

I.

The long Introduction

to

to

Bhaddasala Jataka relates the story how the king

Kosala

was

married

Vasabhakhattiya,

daughter of a Sakya noble by a slave woman,

and when the

facts came to be known, the queen and her son were degraded from their rank. The king reported this matter to the great

Buddha when he came

the latter said
"

to the palace,

whereupon

The Sakyas have done wrong, O great king If they gave any one, they ought to have given But O king, this I a girl of their own blood. say Vasabhakhattiya is a king's daughter, and
!

in

the

house of a noble king she has received

;

the ceremonial sprinkling

Vidudabha,

too,

was

begotten

by a noble king. Wise men of old have said, what matters the mother's birth? The birth of the father is the measure^ and to
:

a poor wife, a picker of sticks, they gave the

position
of of

queen consort
the
in

and the son born

Benares,

her

obtained
leagues

sovereignty of

twelve

extent,

and became King

47, v.
17.

Cj.

Mbh. AnusSsana parva, Oh.

356

CORPORATE LIFE
(The
story

Katthavahana, the wood- carrier."

is

told in detail in Jataka No.

7, 1. 133-tl:').

"

When

the king of Kosala heard this speech

;

he was pleased
father's

and saying
the measure

to

himself,

" the

birth

is

of the

man," he

again gave mother and son the treatment suited

to them.^
II.

The

Introduction

to

Kummasapinda
was made
Jataka
of the

Jataka relates how Mallika, the daughter of the

chief of the garland-makers of Savatthi,

the chief queen of the

III.
It
is

King
in

of Kosala (III. 405).

narrated

Uddalaka
chaplain

(IV. 293)

how

a Brahman, the
fell in

king of Benares,

love with a light-skirts,

and a son Uddalaka was born to them.

The

boy,

when
as

grow^n up, visited his father, and as soon

latter

was convinced of his identity by means of the seal-ring he gave to his mother, he acknowledged Uddalaka to be a Brahman and got him appointed as a chaplain under him.
the

IV. (a) It

is

narrated

in

Mataiiga Jataka

how

sixteen

thousand Brahmans were put out

of caste

by the other Brahmans for having tasted

(of.

the leavings of a Chandala (Jataka IV. 388)

also

Satadhamma Jataka
390-ff)

11. 82-ff).

(b) It is related in

Chitta-Sambhuta Jataka
ladies

(IV.

one a merchant's daughter and the other a chaplain's came across

how two
two Chandalas while going out
'

of the city gate.

Jataka,

Vol.

IV, pp. 147-14S.

'

CHAPTER V
" This
after
is

357

an

evil

omen

to see !" they said,

and

washing

their eyes with perfumed water,

The multitude belaboured the two Chandalas and did them much misery and mischief. {Cf. also the first portion of Matanga Jataka, Vol. IV, p. 376.)
they returned back.

The

Suftas.
3).

Y.

Ambatthasutta

^
:

(Digha

Nikaya, No.

Ambattha, a young Brahman

visits

Gotama

Buddha and puts on

the claim, that of the four

and Sudra, are attendants to wait on the Brahman. Buddha curbs the pride of the haughty Brahman by reminding him that the Krishnayana clan to which he belonged, was descended from a slave
castes, the three, Kshatriya, Vaisya,

woman

of a Kshatriya king.

We

are

told

that

the slave-girl's son

had become a great Bishi

and married the daughter of the Kshatriya king. Gotama then asked Ambattha, " If a man is
the son of a Kshatriya
will he get seat

by a Brahman woman,
"

and water among Brahman ? "He will." '"And be admitted to share their Will they admit dish and bowl ? " '' Yes." '' him as a student of the Mantras ? " " Yes. '' Will they give him their daughters ? " Yes.
''
'

Will
rank
?

Kshatriyas
" " No. " "
(of

anoint

him
'*

to

Kshatriya
is

Why ?

"

Because he

not

born
'

their

caste)

on the mother's
is

side."

The

folloAving

summary

of this Sntta

taken from Copleston's

Bucldhiara, p. 145

ft'.

358

CORPORATE LIFE
Brahman by
to seat
?

" Will the son of a

Kshatriya

and water, bowl and "Yes." "Will they admit him as a student ? " " Yes." *' Give him their women ? " " Yes. " " Will Kshatriyas anoint
dish

>yoman be received

among Brahman

"

him

"

'*

No. "

''

Why ? "

"

Because he
side.

is
*'

not

born

(of their caste)

on the father's

Ambattha, " says Gotama, " whether you look at it from the woman's side or from the man's, the Kshatriyas are higher and
" Then,

the

Brahmans
is
;

lower.

ma^ who

expelled in disgrace
will

Take the case by

receive
"

of a Brahhis

fellow
or

Brahmans
give

with him, or

Brahmans teach him ? "

him
Will

eat

No. "

they
if

him

their
is

women?" "No." But

expelled by Kshatriyas will Brah" maiis receive him, feed him, and teach him ? " Yes. " " Give him their daughter ? " "Yes. "

Kshatriya

"Then even when

a Kshatriya

is

in

the utmost

disgrace the Kshatriyas are the superiors and the

Brahmans the inferiors." It was a Brahman, Ambattha, who uttered the verse " The Kshatriya is best among those who reckon family. But the man of perfect conduct and knowledge is best among gods and men. "
:

And

this, I think,

Ambattha,

is

very well

said.

VI.

The

Assalayana

Sutta^

(Majjhima

Nikaya No.
'

93).

The summary of this Sutta, as given below, is taken from " Indian Buddhism " by T. W. Rhys Davids (Hibbert Lectures, p. 51 ff).

CHAPTER V
It

359

opens by describing
at Savatthi

how

a
to

number
find

of

Brahmans
one

were trying

some
for-

who

could controvert the opinion

put

ward by Gotama, that all equally pure. In their difficulty they apply to a young and distinguished scholar, named
Assalayana,
contest.

the four castes were

whom

they think equal to

goes
to

the

Assalayana

Gautama
:

and

asks

Gotama, say thus The Brahmans are the best caste {vama) every
**The Brahmans,
:

other caste

is
:

inferior.

white caste

every other

The Brahmans are the caste is black. The

;

Brahmans alone are pure those who are not Brahmans are not pure. The Brahmans are the (only) real sons of Brahma, born from his mouth, sprung from Brahma, created by Brahma, heirs of Brahma. But what do you,
sir,

say about this

''

Then the
wives of the
the
ills

Buddha Brahmans

asks
are

him whether the

not subject to
all

and

disabilities of child-birth to

which

other
to

women

are subject.
is

Assalayana
so

is

obliged

confess

that this

and that the Brah-

mans put forward their claims inspite of this. The Buddha then applying our modern comparative method of inquiry, asks whether
in adjacent countries

such as Bactria or AfghacasteSj

nistan, there are not differences of colour similar

to those

between the Brahmans and other

360

CORPORATE LIFE

and yet in those countries whether slaves cannot become masters, and masters become slaves. Again Assalayana confesses the fact and that the Brahmans put forward their claims inspite
of
it.

Then
murderer,

Gotama goes on
if

to

ask; 'Will

he be a Kshatriya, Vaisya or a
is

Sudra be born after death, when the body

dissolved, into

some unhappy

state

of

misery

and woe, but not if he be a Brahman ? Assalayana replies that the Brahman is in this respect exactly on a par with the others. Gotama
elicits similar replies

by putting the contrary

case.

Gotama points out how, whereas when a mare is united with an

Thus,
still

qqestioning,

ass,

the offspring

is

a mule, different from both

the

father and mother,

union of a Kshatriya

and a Brahman or

vice versa results in offspring

which resembles both the parents. Einally, Gotama asks the young Brahman " To which of two brothers, one an scholar initiated student, and the other not, the Brahmans themselves would, on sacred and solemn occasions, give the precedence "? " To the ini" But if the tiated student," says Assalayana. initiated student be of bad character, and evil habits, and the other be of good character and
:

virtuous habits," rejoins Gotama,

"to

whom

then

will

the

Brahmans themselves give the

CHAPTER V
precedence
"
?

361
is

"

To the uninitiated,"

the reply.

But

in the

former answer you yourself,

the

Assa-

layana, " says the Master, " have given

up the
sacred

pre-eminence of birth, and

pre-eminence of acquaintance
words.

in

latter, the

with

the

And

in

doing

so

you

yourself have

acknowledged
VII.

that

purity of all

the

castes

which I proclaim."
Vasetthasutta (S.
B.
E.,

Vol. X, p.

108

ff).

between two young men, How does one beBharadvaja and Yasettha, come a Brahman?' Bharadvaja said "When
arose
'
:

A dialogue

one

is

noble

by birth on both
father's side,

sides,

on the

mother's and on the

ception
tors,

of

pure conof ances-

up

to the seventh generation

not discarded and not reproached in point

of birth, in this
said "

way one
is

is

Brahman. " Yasettha

with
is

When

one
in

virtuous and endowed

(holy) works,

this

way he

Brahman ."

Neither

could convince his opponent and so

they agreed to refer the matter to Gautama

The sum and substance of the latter's not by birth is one a Brahman, reply was nor is one by birth no Brahman by work one for is a Brahman, by work one is no Brahman whoever amongst men lives by cow-keeping he is a husbandman, not a Brahman, and whoever amongst men lives by performing .houseBuddha.
that
'

hold

ceremonials
46

he

is

sacrificer,

not

862

CORPORATE LIFE
'
.

(The positive qualificaBrahman and so on tions that make up a Brahman are narrated in By a series of arguments stanzas 27-54.) Gautama also refuted the notion that there was
a difiPerence of species between the castes.

VIII. In Kannakatbala Sutta (No. 90 of the

Majjhima Nikaya) the Buddha

as saying
:

is

represented

" There

are

these

four castes

Kshatriyas,
salutation,
^

Brahmans, Vaisvas, and Sudras. Of these four the Kshatriyas and the Brahmans castes, two

are

given precedence,

to

wit,

in

homage, obeisance and due ministry."

IX.
chana
is

In

the

Madhura Sutta ^ Mahakachto

asked the same question as was put

in
is

Buddha
it

the

Assalayana sutta.

He

replies

mere empty words to give it out that among people that the Brahmans are the best caste (etc.,^the whole question is repeated word The following five reasons are for word). him by in support of his view. assigned
{a)

If prosperity

attended a Kshatriya he
service

could engage in his

any Kshatriya,
Similarly any

Brahman,
rich

Vaisya and

^udra.

man

belonging to any of the

a Kshatriya
all

other three
,

classes

could employ

Vaisya or Sudra

and

of

Brahman, them would be

J.

R. A.

S.,

1894, p. 341.
this Sutta see J. R. A. S. 1894,

For the text and translation of

E.

p.

349

CHAPTER V

36S

equally zealous in the services of their master

irrespective of the caste to
(b)

which he belongs.
to

A
to of

Kshatriya
rapine,

addicted

taking

life,

given
bitter

licentious,

lying,

slanderous,

speech,

frivolous

of

conversation,

covetous,

malevolent,

holding
a

wrong
of

views,
suffering

would pass
a Sudra.
(c)

after death to

state

punishment so would a Brahman, a Yaisya and

Kshatriya,

who

abstains

from the
a

above vices would pass after death to a state of

happiness and to a celestial realm

so would

Brahmana, Yaisya and a Sudra.

(d)
loots or

Kshatriya who breaks into houses or

wayman
to

commits burglary, or becomes a highor commits adultery, would be executor dealt

ed, or burnt, or exiled

with according
a

his

deserts

so

would

be

Brahman,

Vaisya and a Sudra.

(e)

Kshatriya,

who becomes an

ascetic

Avould be treated with respect

so

by the public

would a Brahman, a Vaisya and a ^udra. After thus showing that the caste cannot affect in any way the material success in life, the bliss and punishment hereafter, the judgment of the law courts, and the uniform veneration

extended to the ascetics, Mahakachchana

'*
:

winds up by saying
these four
castes

If

the

case be so, are

iH

how

d does it

exactly strike you ?"

equal,

or

not

Or

364

CORPORATE

LlJbE
:

His royal interlocutor could only reply

doubtedly Kachchana,
if

" Un-

the case be so, I per-

ceive no difference between them."

The Buddhist
dhi^tTSureorfthe

texts quoted

above leave no
equality
of

doubt that although the theoYies

about

the

iTteTyTem/^

'^'

castes,

and rational vicws about higher and lower castes, were

the
practical
distinction
Vais'ya,

not entirely absent,

between the Brahman, Kshatriya,

and
it

Sudra, was already well established, though

was not as rigid as obtains at the present day. The Brahman's rank was not a close one, as No. V clearly contemplates the case of a KshaIt is no doubt triya becoming a Brahman.^ true that a proud claim has been put up for
Kshatriya that nobody can belong to that caste

who was not born

mother's
distinct
it

in it both

on the father's and

side.

But when we

remember the

Kshatriya bias of the Buddhist writers,

will probably be

conceded that this had no

Besides,

more real existence than the similar claims put

forward by
*

the

Brahmans.
of the

it

is

To what extent the discovery

Buddhist texts has contribe measured by contrasting

in

buted to the enlargement of our views

the following statement

may

made by Rhys Davids

of

1881,
his

about the
views on

social condition of India at the rise

Buddhism, with
Chap. IV.

the subject contained in

'

Buddhist

India,'

" Intermarriages

were no longer possible except between equal ranks.

could any longer become a

No Kshatriya
p. 24).

Brahman

"

(Hibbert Lectures,

The was

texts quoted above unmistakably prove that the great Pali scholar

undoubtedly in error.

C/. J. R. A. S., 1894, p. 343

f.

n., I.

CHAPTER V

365

hopelessly in conflict with the fundamental principle

preached by Buddha to the king of Kosala

(No. 1)

: " What
of

matters the mother's birth

is

The
as

birth

the father

the measure."

It

appears quite clearly from this principle as well

the
texts
cited above (I, III, V), that
different
classes

mar-

riage

among

was
caste
of

in

vogue,

although several passages in

that marriage within one's
ferred.^

the Jatakas show

own

was prethe caste

One
is

of the

great signs

system
in

the restriction
;

about
is

taking

food

touched bv others
the

of this there

no evidence

Buddhist

texts

whatsoever, so far at

least as the

upper classes are concerned.

point of view,

The

remarks of Fick, who has made a special study

of

the Jatakas from this

full.

may

be quoted in
" If

we remember
all religious

that

the

Aryans always

attached great
food in
sality

importance to the question of

matters, that the

commenblood,
it

has always

been looked upon as the exthe

ternal

mark

for

community

of

would appear that the principle of excluding everything unclean from the common table was an old one that was carried from the family to the caste and there developed into a specially
rigid form.
^

Yet we should not conceal the fact

III,

C q^

^R5nf^li^^r*nr^^' 1^ ') Jataka,

I.

422
;

c/.

also similar

expressions in Jataka

199

II. 121.

225

III. 93. 162

(II.

IV. 22. Of. also

the Introductory episodes to Asitabhu Jataka

229) and Suvannaraiga

Jataka

(III. 182).

These instances are collected by Fick (pp. 34-35).

366

COKPORATE LIFE
traces
of

that

the

exclusion of lower persons

from partaking of food such as we observe in India to-day occur but extremely rarely, if at
all,

in the Jatakas."^

The only instance quoted by Fick is the refusal of a Sakya chief to take food with a slave girl (IV. 141 ff). The Jatakas no doubt bear evidence to the fact that it was considered
a great sin for a

Brahman

to eat the

remains of

a Chandala's food (Text No.

IV

a).

They

also

show that even the sight of a Chandala was looked upon as impure (Text No. IV b), although

we

are told in Mataiiga Jataka,

that

the

merIt

chant's daughter
of the

who was

offended by the sight

Chandala ultimately became his wife.

must be remembered, however, that this exceptional rigour marks only the relation with Chandala and there is absolutely nothing to show that there was any restriction about food and
touch so far as regards the relations
classes,

of

other

including the Sudras.

6
of the period seems,

The distinguishing feature

however,
The straggle between
the Kshatriyas and the
,

to
t*

have
i

been

the
i

strugglc

for

asccndcncy

bc-

^^^^'

tween the Kshatriyas and BrahTexts V-IX).

'

mans

(of.

The Brahmanical

texts

Pick, pp. 29-30.

CHAPTER V
are apt to

86?

lead

to

the

inference

that

such

struggle nevei existed and that the Brahman's claim for supremacy was all along an undisput-

ed

fact.'
is,

The actuality

of the contest for supre-

macy

however, revealed hy some incidental references in ancient texts, which have been
subjected to a careful
had, however, to

by Muir.^ He texts Brahmanical upon depend

analysis

alone which cannot

be expected to reveal the

whole truth
side
texts,

in

an impartial manner.
is

The other
is

of

the

picture

depicted in the Buddhist

where an undisputed supremacy

This
is

equally

claimed for the Kshatriya.

the text No.

evident from

and the fact that the Buddhist authors, in enumerating the four castes, invariably mention the Kshatriya before the Brahman.

The Jaina

texts fully corroborate

the

Buddhist
in Kalpa-

authors in this respect.

sutra,^ that it

Thus we read

never has happened nor will happen

etc.,

that Arhats,

should be born in low families,

or

mean
of

families

Brahmanical

families.

In

consequence of

an embryo in the

Karman they might take the form womb of a woman belong-

ing to these families but they are never brought

forth

by birth from such a womb they are removed to high and noble families. The Sakra the chief of kings and Gods resolved therefore
to cause the venerable
^

ascetic

Mahavira

to

be

Cf. the texts

quoted by Weber in Ind. Stud., X, pp. 27-41.

pp. 337-371.

3
^

Muir, S.

T.,

S. B. E., Vol.

XXII, pp. 225-226.

5fi8

CORPORATE LIFE
of

removed from the womb Devananda, and to be placed

the

the

as

Brahmani an embryo in
of

womb

of the Kshatriyani Trisala.)

I have already admitted

an amount

Ksha-

triya bias in the Buddhist writers

and the same

might also be said of the Jaina authors. It would therefore be as unfair to accept their version without any reserve as to fully admit all the Brahmanical pretensions recorded in their

own

texts.

On

the other hand, the acknowledged

partiality of the

Buddhist and Jaina authors

does not justify us in absolutely rejecting their

statements,
for,

on the same ground, the BrahBather, the

manical texts must also be held to be unworthy

of

any credence.
this

Buddhist and
light
ascetics,

Jaina authors
in

stand in a

more favourable
were

respect.

They

living

outside the pale of society, and were not in

any

way

personally involved in the

of
caste.

question of the
writers

supremacy

The Brahmanical

on the other hand were actually involved in the

contest for supremacy,^
failure

upon the success

to a great

or

of

which depended,

extent,

their position in the world.

Their version was

therefore liable to
partial to their
*

be more distorted and more

claims.

own
it

comparison of

Unless, of course,
is

be maintained that they too were hermits,

but of this there

not as good evidence as in the case of the Buddhist

and Jaina

writers.

But even
;

if it

be

so, it

merely proves the equality

the supremacy of the

of their claims to be heard

it

does not prove

BrShmanical writers.

CHAPTP:R V
the two classes of

369

texts thus leads to the infer-

ence that although both the Brahmans and the

Kshatriyas contended for supremacy, the claim
of

none of them was universally recognised. The Buddhist texts, though upholding the cause
of

the Kshatriyas, never hide the real facts, and

Nos. V,

VI, Vlir and

IX

broadly state the

The Brahmanical texts, as a general rule, make no reference to the superiority of the Kshatriyas, but some unguarded passages here and there betray the real position. Thus in Vajasaneya Samhita
claims put

up by the Brahman.

(XXXVIII 19),
states that

the Kshatriyas are mentioned

before the Brahman, while

Kathaka

28, 5, clearly

the

Kshatriya are superior to the

the train of a king

Brahmans.^
*

According to ^atapatha Brahman

followed in
'

the

Brahman
and
'

(1.2.3.2)

he was an object of respect after

2. 7).

the king

(V. 4.

contest for supremacy

between the Brahmans and

hinted at in a passage in
(7.

the Kshatriyas

is

Aitareya Brahmana

and the enmity between the two is clearly referred to in Panchavimsa Brahmana 18.10.8.^ Muir has also given in detail " some legendary illustrations of the struggle which no doubt occurred in the early ages of Hindu history between the Brahmans and Kshatriyas"'^
22),
'

Ind. Stud., X, p. 30.

Ibid, p. 28.

Muir, S. T., Vol.

I, p.

296

fE.

47

370

CORPORATE LIFE
The Buddhist
texts

quoted above,

viz.,

the
the

Introductory episodes of the

Jatakas and

Sutta texts,

may

be referred to the fourth century

is

before Christ.
this period the

It

quite clear therefore that at

Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and

the Sudras had not yet developed into those close

corporations which
'

we understand by
factors
viz.,

the

term
caste

caste.'

One

of its essential

had indeed
'

gained theoretical recognition,

that the
of the
still

of the father determined the caste

child,'

but, as
to pass

we have seen

above,

it

was

possible

from one caste into another.

Then, the
still

marriage among different classes was

rent,

cur-

and there was no restriction about taking

least

food, so far at

as

the three higher

classes

were concerned.
portance
is

Last, but not of the

least im-

the fact that the day of the undoubt-

ed supremacy of the
castes

Brahmans over

all

other

was not

yet.

7
The struggle
onhrSmanr""^^
rights
for

supremacy was however

at

des-

tined to be over
date.

no distant
steadily

Gradually but

the

Brahmans

asserted

their

and prerogatives, till at nence was above all dispute.

to

last their

pre-emi-

We

have no means
like that of

determine the gradual stages of this evolution

is

as there

no independent testimony
texts
to

the Buddhist

check the Brahmanical

CHAPTER Y
authorities.
It

Sri

may however

he safely assumed,
revival of

that the decline of

Buddhism and the

the Guptas set the final seal supremacy of the Brahmans. Buddhism, as we have seen, identified itself with the Kshatriya
to the

Brahmanism under

claims and

its

contest with

Brahmanism served
between the two
to the decline

indirectly as a trial of strength

contending parties.
to

It

is

not possible at present

trace

the

causes

which led
it

of

Buddhism, but down

it

went, and carried^

it

along with

was associated, leaving the field to the triumphant victors. A reminiscence of this struggle for supremacy seems to have been preserved in Talagunda
the party with which
Inscription of the
told that the

6th century A. D.^

We

are

er of the

Brahman Mavurasarman, the foundKadamba dynasty w^ent to the city of

fierce quarrel

the Pallava lords, eager to study the whole sacred

lore.

"

There enraged by a
age the

with a
that in

Pallava horseman (he reflected):

this Kali

'Alas,

Brahmans should
!

be so
if

feebler than the Kshatriyas

Eor,

to one,

much who
ear-

has duly served his

preceptor's family

and

nestly studied his branch of the Veda, the perfection in holiness depends

on a king, what can there

?'

be more painful than this

dexterous in grasping the

And so, with the hand Kusa grass, the fuel,

the stones, the ladle, the melted butter and the

oblation-vessel,
^

he unsheathed a flaming sword,

Ep. Ind., VIIL, pp. 31, 34.

372

CORPORATE LIFE
The remaining

eager to conquer the earth."

verses describe

how he

defeated the Pallava forces

and carved out a principality for himself. The battle was won by the Brahmans and the
citadel
Rigidity of the Brahcorporations carried to perfection.

fell

into

their
i

hands.
i

manic

The ncxt movc was to make it tit impregnable by erecting strong The means were within easy barriers around it. reach. They had a corporation which could be converted by a little modification into a rigid and
.
,

.i

exclusive one, and they eagerly set themselves to

what we see to-day. Marriage with other castes was positively forbidden and restrictions about food and touch comHistory once more repeated pleted the scheme. The same means by which the proud itself. Aryans erected a barrier between them and the Madras were successfully handled by one class of them to impose upon the rest a permanent brand of inferiority which differed only in degree from that which fell to the lot of the Sudras.
this task.

The

result

is

It

is difficult

to exactly determine

the period

when

this social exclusiveness of

the Brahmans

was carried to perfection. Epigraphic evidences seem to prove that the marriage between Brahmans and other castes took place even at a very Thus the Jodhpur Inscription of late period. which belongs to the Pratihara Bauka^
latter half of the 9th
^

century A. D. narrates that

S.,

J.

R. A.

1894, p.

ff.

CHAPTER V
the

373

Brahman Harichandra,

the

founder of the

family, had married two wives, one

aBrahmani and

the other a Kshatriya. The issues of the former became the Pratihara Brahmans, and those of the latter, the Pratihara Kshatriyas. Whatever we might think of this concrete case, it certainly proves the prevalence of such mixed marriages at the time when the inscription was composed; for, no genealogist would have dared to explain the origin of the family by a process which was

altogether obsolete in his days.

is

This conclusion
of the

fully corroborated

by the accounts

Arab

traveller

Ibn Khordadbeh who flourished in the

of the

latter half

9th century A. D. and died

about 912 A. D.
the class of

Speaking about Katariyas or

the Kshatriyas, he records that the daughters of

Brahma

{i.e.

Brahmans) are
class,

not

given in marriage to the sons of this

the

but

Brahmas take their daughters/ In south India, too, we find the same thing. The Talagunda Pillar Inscription of Kakustha Yarman
which may be referred
the
to

"^

about the

first

half of

6th

century A.

T>.^

proves that

although

the Kadambas, to which family the ruler belonged,

were Brahmans, he married his daughter to The Guptas were descended on the the Guptas.
mother's side from the Vratya Lichchhavis, and
^

Elliot's

History of India, Vol.

p.

I, p.

16.

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII,

Ihid, p. 31.

24

ff.

374

CORPORATE LIFE
we
find that a ruler of the

yet

Kadamha

family,

possessing

Brahmanic pretensions

to the fullest

degree, gave his

daughter in marriage to them

the Sastras.'
inscription at Avani,

against the strictest injunctions of

Further,

we

learn from an
late

that even

so

as

the lOtli

century A. D.,

Divalamha, horn of
the

the

chief queen of Nolamhas claimed descent from the Pallavas^

Kadamha family was a Nolamba chief.^ The

Kshatriyas in the Tala-

who

are referred to

as

gunda
stances

inscription referred to above.

These

in-

may

be held to indicate that the social

the

corporations of

Brahmans had not reached

the final stage of development before, at any rate, the 10th century A. D.
I have already remarked that the corporation
of

Brahmans

was,

subdivided into a

number

from the very beginning, of minor corporations.

for
of

When
of

learning,

requisite

the

functions

priest,

formed the
Avere

basis

corporation,
to

the

groups

formed

according
birth

the

special subjects of study.

When

took the

place of learning, there must have grown

tinctions based

up
'

dis-

upon locality. Already in the Jatakas we meet frequently with the term Udichcha Brahmaiia' and phrases conveying distinct pride in birth in such a family.^ This was the
1

Ep. Ind., X, pp. 61-62.

"^

Hid,

p. 57.
II, 82-fE, 438.ff.; 1.356,
ff.,

Jataka

37l-e.

CHAPTER V
forerunner of the later Kanauj, nasth

375

Gaud, Kanka-

and Tailanga Brahmans.

it

When

minute

regulations were established regarding food and

marriage,
divisions

was inevitable that various other sub-

degrees in

would occur, based on the varying which they were observed by the differThese various factors

ent sections of the people.

have contributed towards the formation of innu-

merable Brahman corporations, and the individual

corporate character of each of them
that
all
it is
is

so perfect

not a
"

little difficult to find

out that they

belong to one grand corporation. Senart rightly

:

Nous parlous couramment de la caste brahmanique c'est les castes hrdhmamques qu'il faudrait dire. Nous enveloppons dans un seul
observes
;

terme generique des castes chacune leur individualite.^

multiples qui ont

8
If

even the Brahmans^ who formed, comP^^ativcly Spcakiug, a

less

Gradna'forn.ationof
other
tions.

mOrC

Or

social

corpora-

definite proup, o 1 5

couM

thus

give rise to so
'

many

sub- sections

"

We
say,

ordinarily

speak

of

Brahmanical

caste,

we

should

rather

Brahmanical
of

castes.

We

include in
its

gei.eral

term a

multiplicity

castes each of which has

individuality." (Senart

Castes, p. 139.)
*

X^H

Kshatriyas also must have been divided into similar groups,

to trace
*

but

it is difficult

them

at the present
'

day.

We

have, however,
'

such expressions as
inscriptions of the

Brahma-Kshatriya,

Karnata Kshatriya

in

the

Sena kings of Bengal.

876

CORPORATE LIFE

which were practically so many castes except in name, much more would we expect similar results from the Vaisyas and the Sudras (including
the elements of population which were at
side the sphere of
first

out-

Aryan influence but gradually

came within

its fold).

I have already remarked that the Vaisyas and the Sudras never formed any homogeneous people. Distinct groups must have already existed among them from the earliest period, and these

ultimately developed into classes or castes.

Vedic
a

literature

alone

supplies

the

The name of

number

of

functional groups which correspond

to recognised castes of the

present

day.

few

of

them may be quoted

as types.

Functional groups recorded

in A'edic literature.'^

Modern Caste.

Occupation.

Karmara
Kulala
Kaivarta

Karmakara

Smith
Potter

Kumar
Kaivartta

Fisherman
Astrologer

Ganaka
Gopala
Takshan, Tashtri

Ganak
Goala
Sutar

Herdsman
Carpenter

Dhaivara
Napita

Dhivara
Napita

Fisherman
Barber

Malaga
Vayitri

Dhopi
Tanti
Suri
Specially
c/.

Surakara
^

Washerman Weaver Maker of sura

I.,

V.

S.,

XVI, XXX.
11, pp. 585-6-

The

list is

compiled from V.

CHAPTER V
It can be
The
that

377

generally inferred
.

that
,

many
.
,

of

these had developed into recoffdifferent factors

.
-,

contributed towards their formation.

nised
__
,

classes
.

evon during the

_,,
, .

Vedic period.
of a dhlvara.
of

This

is

shown by

such patronymic forms as Dhaivara, descendant

We

have already seen that many

them such

as the smiths, the potters, the herds-

men, the carpenters and the weavers had their own guild organisations. There can be scarcely any doubt that these industrial organisations had
ultimately developed into social corporations.^

The ethnic factor also played an important part in the same direction. The Nishadas, for example, who are frequently mentioned as an
important tribe in the Vedic literature
454) are
referred
to
8).

(V.

I. 1.

as a social corporation in

Manusamhita (X.
social ones is best

The tendency

of the politi-

cal corporations to be

gradually developed
of

into

shown by the example

{cf.

the

Sakyas of Kapilavastu, who formulated distinct

rules about food
to

and marriage

Introduction
is

Bhaddasala Jataka IV. 145).

social

It

possibly in

similar

ways that the Lichchhavis were ultimately

corporations,
for

turned into

they are
(X. 22).

undoubtedly mentioned as such in

Manu

The examples of the Gosai and Bairagi of the present day show further that the religious organisations, too, contributed to the increase of social

corporations.
Cf.

Oldenberg

in Z. D.

M.

G., Vol. 51, p. 289.

878
It
social

CORPORATE LIFE may

thus be held that the vast number of
of

corporations

the

present

day

were

recruited from

all sorts of

corporate organisations,

such as industrial,
It
is

tribal, political,

and

religious.

impossible at present to trace each of the

existing castes to one or other of the above organisations,

and

it

would be an equally hopeless task

as such

to attempt to determine, even approximately, the

period

when they had developed

passage
^

from

some pre-existing organisations.

Vinaya Pitaka indicates in a general way the period when, and the manner
in

ftn

^w
ft^n

sTifcT

^'^^
5iTf^
I
I

5nf?T

t^n^TfcT

%'sn^5nfci

T^^^c^ni^ g^^^^nfcr,
^Twii^nf?!,

^w

snn

^^3T ^w
* *

5nf?T ^ort^^^nf^

q^i

53^31

^w m\Tr{

T^^KfH^\
en qsi

f m^Kf^^

^^^^Cf^* ^^^^Rf^^*

sT^TfqcTffl^'

^1 ^^
-s\w

m^^^^ '^^i^ ^r^t^^

^qf^ij"^

ft^cr qfr^rr 'sif^f^^ct, qcr

fH

^ST^oim ^ft^cT
have "

f^f^^^

qc<

'BWl^

^W
p.

f^^'

l''

Similarly
'fl'l

we

^^ ^n*!
'ft'C^l

^i^* ^t^3ti' H^qi^^^^^ ^^'...^3^2 3

l"

^'W'^f%

^f%Wl
'

Vinaya

Pitaka

(IV.

6,

ff.

Satta-vibhanga
:

PSchittiya, 11. 2).

Oldenberg observes on
is

this

passage as follows

No

suggestion

made

that there are other cases of jati which

is

can be regarded as high or low, any such possibility even

repudiated
;

expressly
jati,

wherefore naturally the existence of intermediate

between the high and the low, cannot be denied.

LI, p. 281.)

(Z. D. M. G., Vol.

The existence
also

of

the 'middle caste' which Oldenberg here contem-

plates, evidently to save his theory that the Vaisyas

and Sudras were

well formed castes in those days,

is

doubtful.

The Sudras, had

they really formed a definite caste like the examples given, must have

CHAPTER Y
in

379

which

this

metamorphosis
such as by his
*

gradually

took

place.
in ten
'

It tells us that a

man may
'

revile another
'

ways,

caste,'

name,'

occupation,'

industry,'

etc.

It then specifies

each of the above ten categories, saying, these

are

the

low

castes,

names, occupations,

etc.,

these
etc.

are the

high castes, names, occupations,

except that of caste,
it

In

all cases

actually

names a few specimens of high and low occupations, industries, etc., and then adds *' and others
which are regarded as high or low
countries."
told,

in other

In

the case of caste

we

are simply

*'Low castes
'

such as
and the

Chandala, Vena,
krishi Vatiijya

been mentioned among

hinajati,

and gorakskd

which are the proper functions of Vaisyas,

relegated to

would

not have been

the category of
it is

karmma

if

the

latter really

formed a

distinct caste. Besides,

hard to draw a line between the middle and

In any case
it is

the higher or the lower caste.

parts of the country

certain that in different

or the
gotta,

other,

them would be recognised as the one and the saving clause which we find in connection with
of

many

kamma,

sippa, etc,

would also have occurred

existed.

in
It

the
is

case of the that the

jdti

if

any such middle caste really

true

Buddhist texts mention the four classes, BrShman, Kshatriya, Vaisya,

and Siidra
venient,

but then

it

should more properly be taken as generic names

It

used for the sake of convenience.

if

would have been highly incondetail,

not impossible,

if

one had to mention in

Vena,

RathakSra, Pukkusa and other motley groups,

to refer to general

every time he

had

divisions of people.
all

If

Vaisya and Siidra are not

supposed to have comprehended

tion except the

the different elements of popula-

Brahmao and Kshatriya, Buddha's conclusion about

in, e.g.,

the equality of castes

left

AssalSyana Sutta, must be supposed to have

This
is

out of consideration a number of them.

impossible from
that while the

the very nature of the case, wherefore

we must take

it,

Buddhist texts follow the Brahmanical ones in mentioning Brfihman,

Kshatriya,

Vaisya and Sudra, they merely take these terms in a

generic sense.

^80

CORPORATE LIFE
;

Nishada, Rathakara, and Pukkusa

high castes such as Kshatriyas and Brahmans." The significant phrase " and others which are regarded
as

high or low in other countries "

of
caste,
list,

is

omitted

only in the case

wherefore we must

conclude that the

here given, of the high

and low jatis^

It
in
will

is

exhaustive.

then follow from the above passage

Nishada and Rathakara have

real

Vinaya Pitaka that only the Vena, Chandala, come to form

caste

groups

while

the

leather- workers,

potters and other groups of

are included in

handiworkmen who the categories of industry and

is

occupation have not yet undergone the change.

Their sippa (handicraft), not jati,
distinguishing factor.
still

their

As the Vinaya

texts,

from

which the above quotation has been made, have been generally referred to the 4th century B. C. we may safely conclude that the metamorphosis of the ethnic (like Nishada and Pukkusa)

and

industrial (Rathakara, Vena, etc.) groups into

social

corporations

had indeed actually begun,

progress,

but not made

much

by that time.

9
The gradual formation
of

these castes was

incompatible with the Brahmanical theory that Kshatriya, Brahman, the . ^The
theory
of
"^

'

'mixed

caste.'

Vaisya

and

Sudra

were the

four castes into which the society was divided.

CHAPTER V
The existence
of these

381

new

castes could not be

ignored while, on the other hand, the Brahmans

could hardly modify the orthodox theory without

stultifying

themselves.

Evidently

something

was

to

be done which

theory intact and at

consideration these

would preserve their the same time take into

factors in society.

new

The means by which they have sought to achieve this end is the theory of mixed caste which explains the origin of every caste other than the four recognised ones by a system of The theory is met with in the cross-breeding. earliest Dharma-sutras^ and its full development may be noticed in Manu.^ It would be an
'

insult to the intelligence of

to explain It
lies
it.

my

readers

if

I stop

the absurdity of the

its

whole thing.

on

very face and he

who runs may

:

read
tion

Senart rightly observes

castes

" L'explica-

des

melees n'a

jamais

pu
the

faire

illusion

a personne. Des impossibilit6s flagrantes

Jolly also

same effect Am deutlichsten tragt das System der Mischkasten {samkara jati) den stempel der Kixnstlichkeit an der stirn."*
la jugent."'^
:

remarks

to

"

Ga. IV. 16

ff.

M. X.
"

8-f.

The

explanation of the

mixed caste
is

could

never
to

deceive
it"

II
^K

anybody. The utter impossibility of the thing

(Senart

enough

condemn

Castes,

p. 121.)

The system
artificiality artificia

of

mixed caste bears most

it."

clearly the

stamp

of

on the very face of

(Z. D.

M.

G., Vol. L, p. 507.),

38^

CORPORATE LIFE
But although the theory
is

absurd, and the

it is

system

artificial to

the extreme,

not without
It
first

The historical import^nce of the theory,

great historical importance.

clearly

indicates

in

the

place,

that the

division

into four castes was,

of the Aryan Society from the very beginning,

a theoretical

one

that

the terms Vaisyas and

less

Sudras comprehended a number of more or

distinct

groups of people which ultimately came

all
it

to
'

possess almost

the characteristics of the

caste.'

Secondly,

shows the anxious desire

on the part of the Brahmanical authors to extend the social system they had developed to
all

the

varied

elements

of

population

in

India.^

This later phase of the question deserves

more than a passing

Outside
influence

notice,

specially
p

as
^

it

explains to some
upon the development

extent the
i

gradual cvolution of the mdustrial

into

social

and various other groups often been corporations. It has

the caste

asserted

that

system was a natural

evolution from within.

full consideration of

the whole circumstances seems to show, however,

that this statement
great
deal.

requires

to

be qualified a
instincts

Apart from the corporate

and the general trend of Indian intellect to introduce regular symmetry in every department of life, at least two powerful active elements
^

Cf.

Oldenberg'B views in Z. D. M. G., Vol. LI,

p.

277.

CHAPTER V
may
social

383

be distinguished, which have contributed

towards the development of these innumerable

corporations.

These

may

be

broadly

and political. The Brahmanical texts are never tired of dilating upon the merits to be acquired by folclassified as religious
(0 Religious propas^^^^-

lo^^^i^g

the dutics of one's_own

caste.
:

Thus we

find in

Apas-

tamba^

''In successive births

men

of the lower
if

castes are born in the next higher one,

fulfilled their duties "
of) the (several)
;

they have
:

also in

Gautama^ "(Men

castes

live

according to

and orders w^ho always their duty enjoy after death

" Kautilya^

the rewards of their works, etc

lays

down

that 'the observance of one's

own

caste

duty leads one to heaven and

according to

infinite bliss,' while

Manu*

the people "will reach the

most blessed state

duties of the

if

they act according to the

four castes in times of distress."

On

the other hand the Dharma-sastras predict, in

an equally positive manner, grave misfortunes,

in the life to come, for those

who

neglect the

duties

of the

'

caste.'

" In successive births,"

of the higher castes are
if

says Apastamba,*^ "

men

born in ihe next lower one,

'

they neglect their

Ap.

II. 11.

10; also

cf.

Ap.

II. 2-.3

Ga. XI. 29.

ArthasSstra, Bk.
I,

Ch. HI.

The word

Sva-dharma

'

in the text

really
*

means the duties

of one's order (Caste).

M., X. 130.
Ap., II. il, 11,

884
duties
''
;

CORPORATE LIFE
while according to

Manu
a

Brahof

man, Kshatriya, Vaisya and

respectively,
for

Sudra hecome
the
duties

neglecting

the

caste,'

an Ulkamukha Preta
vomitted,
a
eats

who

feeds

on what has heen

Preta

who
and

impure

Kataputana suhstances and

feeds

corpses, a Maitrakshajyotika

on

pus,

who Kailasaka Preta who

Preta

feeds

on moths.
iThe BrahmanSj^Jiowever, did not rely upon
(t)
rifcy.
,, ,., ,.,. , Political Autho,

these iniunctions alone for the

"^

due preservation

of caste lawsj
specific

They armed the royal authority with

powers to enforce the samaj Thus Apastamba^ enjoins upon a king to punish those who have
transgressed the caste laws even by death.

Gau-

tama

also authorises the king

to

punish such

persons.

Kautilya* maintains that the king shall

never allow people to

duties.

swerve from their caste

"(The king) should carefully compel Vaisyas and Sudras to perform the work (prescribed) for them for if those two (castes) swerved from their duties, they would throw this (whole) world into confusion."
also lays

Manu^

down

that

Similar injunctions are laid

M., XII. 71-72.
Ap., II. 10. 12-16
Ga., XI. 31.
;

down also

in

Vishnu^

'

2 s
*

II. 11.

1-4; also

c/.

Ap., II. 27. 18.

Arthasflstra, Bk.

1,

Cbap.

III.

M., VIII. 418.

v., Ill, 2.

CHAPTER V

885

and Yajnavalkya^ Sariihitas. The Sukrauiti, too, " Every caste should states in the same strain practise the duties that have been mentioned as belonging to it and that have been practised by ancestors, and should otherwise be punished by
:

The execution by Rama, as described

kings. "^
cited

of the Sudra

in

Samvuka Ramayana may be

The Nasik cave
also supplies

as

a typical instance.
of

Inscription

Gautami Balasri
of

a
in

concrete

illustration

royal

interference
list

the caste

regulations.

There the
includes

of

king
fact

Gautami-putra's
that

virtues

the
of

*he stopped

the

contamination

the

four varnasP

[The caste regulations were

thus

enforced

upon the people by

then,

terror of

punishments both
1

in this life as well as in the next.

No wonder
such
as

that unlike other

or
industrial,

corporations
social

political

the

corporations

have gradually attained more and more perfection

and have subsisted down

explains not

to our

own tima^

The sacrosanct character attributed

readily

to the latter"^

only

its

rapid extension
its

all over the country

but

also

enduring

tenacity

and
three

rigidity

by means
origin

of

which
the

it

has long out-lived the Srenis or Ganas, although

all

the

had

their

in

same

instincts.
^

Y., I. 360.

Ch. IV.

sect. IV, 82-83.

Translated by Babu Binoykumar Sarkar.

Bp. Ind., VIII, pp. 60-61.

49

386

CORPORATE LIFE

10

have now completed the history of that evolutioH which ultimately reNature and organisation of the social g^itgd in the division of Indian corporation called
,

We

'as<^e'

people into a

number

of

more

or less close and rigid social corporations.

It only

remains for

me

to

add a few words regarding the

these corporations
is

nature and organisation of these corporations.

The nature
reasons to

of

now a

matter of general

knowledge and there are believe that things have not changed
in the lax observation of rules in

much, except
recent days.

The

basis of the corporation

was

the tie of birth

and

its

chief binding factors

were a number of prescribed regulations chiefly regarding food, marriage and intercourse with
the rest of the community, the violation of which

brought punishment upon the offender, varying,

in degrees, according to the

measure of the

guilt,

from slight expiatory ceremonies up to expulsion from the corporation. As many of these corporations evolved out of industrial groups, distinctive occupations also

have come
tj

to be looked

upon
Birth, not occupation the basis of these

as belonging to their very

naturc.

corporations.

doubt, however,

11,1

It

IS

permissible to

whether they

.i

it

ever formed a binding factor, far less the basis,

of

these social

corporations.

In other words,

it is

probable, that, as in the present day, a

man

CHAPTER V
might cease

387

to follow the distinctive profession

of his caste, or

even adopt other professions, but

his caste.

would not have thereby lost

continue to belong to
it

He would
he followed

so long as

the prescribed regulations alluded to above.

On

the other hand he would not be absolved from

the guilt of violating these by consideration of

the fact that he faithfully performed his hereditary occupation.

This

is

proved by the
(III. 151
ff.)

oft-

quoted passages in

Manu

which
quite

show that even the highest

so,

caste

was
;

indifferent to this aspect of the system

so

much
meats,

that the
as,

Brahmans followed even such occumaintaining shops, selling

retained

pations

lending money, tending cattle, and acting in a

theatre,

and

still

their

castes.

It

does not appear that they were

even looked

upon

as involving

any

guilt, for
list

they are not in-

cluded in the long

ordained in
subsist

of

offences involving
It
is

expiatory ceremonies^ (M. XI. 1-71).

also

Manu

that one

who

is

unable to
his caste

by the peculiar occupations of

may

follow those ordained for the lower ones.

Thus a Brahman could follow the occupations of a Kshatriya and Vaisya, the Kshatriya, those of a Vaisya, and the latter, those of a Sudra, while
a Sudra might,
1

under

similar circumstances,
X. 92, that by (selling) flesh a Brahthis rule

It is indeed ordained in M.,

man

at once

becomes an out-cast but

;

can hardly be said to

have been practically enforced

in

view of M.,

III. 153.

388

CORPORATE LIFE

maintain himself by handicrafts.^ These certainly

point to a mobility of industry and occupation

which
that

is

hardly
latter

compatible

with

the
or

idea

the

formed the basis

even

binding factor of the social corporations.

Al-

though

it

cannot be denied that they maintained,

to a great extent, a fixity of occupation

among
is

a certain group of people, this characteristic

to be attributed, not to the social corporations

as such, but to the primitive industrial organisations out of

^he
'

ancient
'

which they arose. Dharmasastras

associate

the

castes

with other corporations.^

The organi-

sation of these social corporations seems to have

been modelled on the same plan as was adopted

by other corporations, the guilds for example.^ The subject has been fully dealt with in connection with the latter and need not be repeated The Gautama Dharmasutra (XI. 20) and here.

Manu

(VIII. 41. 46) refer to the authoritative

nature of the regulations lajd

down by the

castes.

They served as one of the regular courts in the kingdom for the trial of offenders in the first instance^ and a sacred character is also attributed to this class of corporation in the verse
quoted on

p.

43 (foot-note

2).

M., X. 81-83, 98-99.

This

is

specially noticeable

in

Y.,

I.

361 " l^lf^T

5n<ft:

^'fN

^m^
3

^HM'^i

^n"r/.
on

also Ga.,
p.

See

quotations

63.

XI; M., VIII. 41. 219-221. The Word Kula used

'
'

in these

passages means only a subsection of caste.

CHAPTER V
The most
connection
is

389

interesting thing, however, in this

the fact, that

we

have, even at the

present day, reminiscence of the old organisation.

There

is still

the chief, the executive council, the

assembly, and the legal validity of the jurisdiction exercised

by each

of

them.

A very interit

esting account of this organisation, as

at present, has

obtains

been furnished by Senart,^ and

it

any one who goes through

organisation of

cannot
it

fail

to

be
the

struck with the similarity

corporations

displays to

in

ancient India,
I.

such as I have tried to depict in Chapter

11
of

Besides the formation

other forms of corporate
activity
in
social life.

caste-groups,

the

corporate activity was

f estcd iu

mani*^

various othcr ways in

social

life.

As

it

is

not in

keeping with the purpose of this

work

to describe each of

them

in detail,

I shall

merely refer to a few representative specimens. First, in the matter of education, corporate
activity

was manifest everywhere from the big establishments like Nalanda University down to the humblest institution in a village. Thus

we
Bdncationai institu.
^^

read
234)

in

Losaka Jataka
the
villagers

(j^

how

appointed a teacher by paying

his expenses
^

and giving him a hut to

73,

live in.

SenartCaste, pp.

83

cf.

also p. 86 above.

390

CORPORATE LIFE
in

Similarly,

towns

like

Benares and Taxila,

were big establishments, mostly maintained by public co-operation. Thus we read

there
in the

same Jataka that the Bodhisatta was a teacher of world-wide fame at Benares with " In five hundred young Brahmans to teach.
those times the Benares folk used
to

give

day

by day commons them taught free."

public co-operation
of

of

food to poor lads and had

A
as

very good example of the

well
as

the
is

corporate

character

the

institution itself
(III.

furnished

by

Tittira Jataka

537).

We

read that

" a world-renowned professor

at Benares

gave

instruction in

hundred young Brahmins. One day he thought " So long as I dwell here, I meet with hindrances to the
science
to
five
:

religious

life,

and

my

pupils are not perfected

in their studies.

I will retire into a forest

home

on the slopes of the Himalayas and carry on

teachings there."

my

He

told his pupils,

and, bid-

ding them bring sesame, husked

rice, oil, gar-

ments and such

like,

he went into the forest and

building a hut of leaves took

up

his

abode close

by the highway. His pupils too each built a hut for himself. Their kinsfolk sent rice and like, and the natives of the country saying, " A famous professor, they say, is living in such and such a
place in the forest, and giving lessons in science,"

brought presents of
ofPered
their
gifts,

rice,

and the foresters

also

while a certain

man

gave a

CHAPTER V
milch cow and a
milk."
tions
e.g.,

891

calf,

to supply

them with

Similar
are

corporate

educational institu-

frequently referred to in the Jatakas,

in IV.
;

391
;

I.

317, ^02,

M7,

463, 510

III.

122

II.

48

y. 128, 457.
lived as

The

first

two of these

instances

clearly prove that the students

common mess and

had a an organised corporate

last

body under the teacher, while the

three

examples show that these institutions were partly

maintained by honorariums paid by the sons of

wealthy members of the society.

of

It

is

worthy
like

note that not only religious

treatises

the Vedas, but various secular arts and

sciences

were also subjects of study in these centres of

education.^

The account of the Jatakas is in entire agreement with the information supplied by the Brahmanical texts. The rules and regulations
about the
as laid
life of

a student in his teacher's house,

down

in the ancient Dharmasastras, fully

harmonise with the corporate character of the

educational institutions as

deduced from

the

Jataka

stories.
insti-

There can be scarcely any doubt that

tutions

like

the

University

of

Nalanda
in

had
the

developed out of the system depicted

Tittira Jataka.

Their

origin

is

probably to be

referred to a very ancient period.

The BrihadSamiti of the

p.

aranyakopanishad refers to the

1

'

Fick, p. 130

ff.

J.

A. S. B., 1916,

17

fE,

39^

CORPORATE

LIFil
it

Panchalas' and the context proves that

Avas

an educational

institution.

Erom

the age of the Upanishads

down

to the

destruction of Nalanda and Vikramasila,

many-

other universities had

flourished

in India, but

unfortunately we

know

very

little of

them.

Reference has already been made^ to vast

educational establishments in

South India, and

rare.

such examples are by no means

crest-jewel
of

But the

Indian educational

institutions

was the university at Nalanda of which we possess a somewhat detailed account from the writings of contemporary Chinese pilgrims.^
This great
corporation with ten thousand
justly

members may

be looked upon as one of

field of

the best specimens in the

education, and

one of the most fruitful achievements of the

corporate instincts of the ancient Indian people.

The same
ciQb-houses, garherings, etc.
social

instincts

are also

observable

in

amusenieut and merry-makins^, ~' even

lighter
things, such as
^

from the remotest

antiquity.
in Vedic

Zimmer^ has shown how

period served as

the

Sabha

the modern club-houses after

the serious business was over.

period
1

In the post-Vedic
institution
called

we come

across

an

Pp. 200 &. above.

Life of Hiuen-Tsiang translated
II,

by Beal,
;

pp.

105-113,

c/.,

also

Weitters Od Yuanchwang, Vol.

slated
3

pp. 164-169

I-tsing's

account tran-

by

J.

Takakusu, pp.
f.

65, 86, 145, 154,

177-78.

A. L., p. 172

CHAPTER V
*Samaja' or 'Samajja' which seems
served similar functions. It
is

393
to

have

clear

from Chnlla-

and Sigalovada Suttanta/ that hesides dancing, singing and music, something
vagga V.
2.

6,

like a

dramatic

performance

{ahhhana)^

and
That

acrobatic and magical feats were included in the

programme

of these popular

institutions.

some definite places follow quite clearly from some passages in Jaina^ and Brahmanical texts.* These social gatherings were known in later Goshthi,'^ which has been described times as This resembled in some detail by Yatsyayana.^ modern institution called club. very much the definite house in a where place took people It used to meet in the evening to amuse themselves with music, dancing, drinking, and various discourses on literature and arts. Sometimes there were garden parties and drinking bout in
these were regularly held at
'

a member's residence.
1

These institutions were

Grimblofc's
0/.
'

'

Sept Suttas

Palis,' p. 300,

2
*

Buddhist India,
'

p. 185.
list

Samaja

is

included in the

of places

which a Jaina monk

of localities
v. 11.)

is

permitted to
*

visit (Jacobi,
'

Jaina Sutras,

II, p. 177).
list

BhTshma includes
is
'

Samaja
(

'

in

the

where a

foreign spy
5

to be looked for.

Santiparva, ch. 69,

'

Amarakosha gives Saraajya

'

as one of the
'

synonyms

of GoshthT.

This seems to be the Sanskrit form of Pali

represents the

Samajja'

Thus Goshthi
sense.

Samajjas

'

of

the Pali books in

is

more than one

to

The popular character of these institutions

derivations der:
of tho

quite apparent from

the

two words.

Thus

according

Kshlrasvamin

KamasStra, Chap. IV,

p.

47

ff.

(Chowkhamba

Edition).

50

394

CORPORATE

LIFil

apparently meant for healthy amusement and

relaxation,

and care was taken that they may

too
quite

not be converted into

assemblies.

learned or vulgar
clear

This

is

from

the

following

The next verse shows that due safeguards were taken to prevent them from being reduced
to centres of jealousy or hatred.

It appears

from

the

use

cf

the

word
and

^ift^fM
like

that

the more respectable Goshthis,

clubs,
laid

the modern

down

rules

regulations for the guidance of members.

There was another aspect of these

institutions.

Vatsyayana advises
'

the villagers

to

start

Goshthi, in imitation of the citizens, so that they

might not only amuse the people (by music, dramatic performances, etc.), but also assist

them
fore,

in

their undertakings,

and render various

there-

other benefits to them.^

that the

It is apparent,

corporate

character of the instivarious

services

tution was also utilised

for

of

public utility.

(p. 57).

CHAPTER V
Indeed
this

395
of the

was an important feature

corporate
life in
"

ancient India.

Social service.

The passages quoted above from Arthasastra clearly indicate (pp. 140-41) how men in those days were in the habit of
doing work for the

common
activity
of

good.
of

The following
villagers

account

of

the

thirty

under
spirit

the

guidance

Bodhisatta

may

be
the

looked upon as a typical illustration of

which characterised the people

of ancient

India.

by the Bodhisatta to become like-minded with himself he established them in the Five Commandments, and
led
;

" These thirty

men were

thenceforth used to go about with

them doing

good works.

And

they, too, doing good works,

always in the Bodhisatta's company, used to get up early and sally forth, with razors and axes

and clubs in
used to
roll

their hands.

With

their clubs they

out of the

way

all stones that lay

on
;

the four highways and other roads of the village

the trees that would strike against the axles of

rough places they made smooth causeways they built dug water tanks and built a hall; they showed charity and
chariots, they cut
;
;

down

Commandments. In this wise did body of the the villagers generally abide by the Bodhisatta's teachings and keep the
kept the

Commandments."^

Jat., Vol.

I.

p. 199.

896

CORPORATE LIFE
In course of the story we are told that the

men

built

a large public
it.

hall

and wanted a

pinnacle to put on
possession
for

of a lady, but could not

They found it in the buy it of her

will

any money.
it

" If you

make

me

partner in the good

give

work," said she, " I will

Consenting, they took

you

for nothing."

the pinnacle and completed their hall.

This

episode
else

exhibits

more

vividly
feelings

than

anything
inspired

the

corporate

which

men and women

alike in ancient India.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

Abhandlungen der Bayer. Akad. der W.

Aitareya Brahmana
Aiyangar, S. K.
...

218
15, 218, 337ff,

369
182

Amarakosha

393
...

Ambattha Sutta
Apastamba
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report,

357

6, 9, 339, 347ff, 383ff

...

43, 45

Arthasastra

...

7, 8, 25, 27ff, 73ff, 85, 127, 139ff,

149, 155, 249E, 383f, 395

Assalayana Sutta,

...
...

...

...

358, 362

Atharvaveda
Atri
...

15, 98, lOOff, 104, 116ff, 217,

...
... ... ...

220
349

...

A^thakathS,

...
... ...
...

... ...
...

233,258
... ... ...

Aufrecht

...
...

330
223 217 223

Avadana Sataka
Avesta
...

... ...

...
...

...

Ayaramga Sutta

...

...

Banerji, R.D.

... ... ...

....
...
... ...

...
...

... ...

277

^asak, E.G.

64
6, 7,

Baudhayana,
Benfey

... ...

...
...

Beal Life of Hiuen-Tsiang

... ...
...

392

... ... ...

...
...
...

...
... ...

...
... ...

330
279
47

Bergny
BliaTiiati

398

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
PAGE.
...
..

Bhandarkar, D. R. Bhandarkar, Sir B.G.

28, 44, 216, 221, 235, 238, 240, 275

... ...

7,

272,

274fiE.

Bhfigu Bloch
Bloomfield
...

349 45
98, 119

Bombay Gazeteer
Brahmanas
Bfihad-Aranyak-opamshad
Brihaspati
...

6
7, 12, 16,

391

6, 9, 46ff,

51 E, 63ff,

74, 76fE, 154fE

Brihat SaAhita

278, 281
7, 36, 37.

Bdhler

48

Carlleyle

...

...

...

...

273,280,281
...

Chanda, Ratnaprasad

... ...
..

...

... ...
...

223
78

Chandesvara

...
...

51, 55, 57,

ChhSndogya Upanishad
Chullavagga

117,118
393

...

82, 138, 244ff, 299, 302, 312ff,

...
...

Cunningham

...

36, 269, 273, 277ff

Davids,

Rhys Rhys

...
...
...
...

... ...

3, 8, 139, 215,
...

224, 234fE, 238

...

Davids, Mrs.

80,84
391

Dharmasastras

6, 32, 39, 142fif, 148ff, 154, ,383, 388,

... ...

Dharmasutras
Dighanikaya
Diodorus
...

6, 24, 142ff,

381

...

...

112,357
...
...

...

...

129

Elliot's

History of India

...

...

...

373

Fick
Fleet

... ...

...
...

4, 8, 20, 21, 80, 83, 246, 365,,

...
...

366

48,153,275

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

399

PAGE.

Gautama
Geldner
Gobhila

...

6. 7, 9, 16, 18, 24, 33, 83, 84, 142, 152fE, 348,

349, 352fE, 383ff, 388

... ... ... ...

... ...
...

... ... ...

...

... ...

98,104,330
... ...
...

341

Grimblot
Gundert. Dr.

...
..

393
95

...

Harivarhsa

...

...
...

...

... ...

..
.
...

43

Harshacharita

...
...

280

Haug
Hillebrandt

...

...

...
...
...

330
112,392

... ...
...

... ...
... ...

...
...

117, 123

Hiuen-Tsiang

Hopkins
Hultzsch

...

...

...
...

3,

...

...

...

196

Inscriptions

Alangadi

185, 191

Allahabad Pillar

230,270ff,276
145

Amaravati

Ambasamudram
Avani
Baligami

195,214
374

90
90
87
...

Basinikonda
Bel gaum

Bhattiprolu Casket

145, 156
144, 146

Bhita Seal
Bijaygaglh Pillar

230, 270, 276

Brahmadesara

178

Burmese
Ceylon
Chola
Cochin
161, 168, 178, 189ff, 195, 197, 199,

90

90
214

95

DSmodarpur

64

400

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
PAGK.

DeopSrS

71
198
112, 269ff

EdayarpSkkam
Girnar

Gapta
Gwalior

52
44, 155

Haraha
Hoysala Vira Vallala
Indor
Jagadekatnalla II

70
208

65

88
87

Jatavarman Vira Pandya

Jodhpur

372
...

Junnar
Kamarasavalli

36,

52

207
....

Kanarese
Karitalai

88 70
113, 213
...

Kasakudi

Kattur

90, 91

Khalimpur
Korukkai

112

94
...

Kottayam
Krishna II

95,

96

165

Kudummiyamalai
Kulasekharadeva

207
184
177

Kulottunga

Kumbhakonatn
Lakshtneshwar
Madakasira
...

205
85, 165

204
88, 166, 208
...

Managoli
Manalikkarai

163, 192
30, 52,

Mandasor

66

Mannr Marudadu MasuHpatam

Mathura

161

205
169, 214

145

Mulgund
Nasik
34, 35, 145, 273,

86 385
169

Nattam
Nidagundi
Pallava

87
207
183, 209, 214

Pa^dya

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
Parftntaka
I
...
...

401
PAGE.

...

...

208

Pehoa
Polannaruwa
Kajadhiraja

...
... ...

...
...

...
...

...
..

70
32
86, 184

...
...

...

...
...

Rajakesarivarinan

...
...

...

152

Kajaraja Chola
RSjarajalll.

31,168,180,197,198,213,214
... ...
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

...

184

Rajeudra Chola
Sauchi
Siyacloni

...

31, 89, 200, '.208

...
...

...

37, 145 70, 147

..,

...

South Indian

...
...

...
...

15 Iff, 156ff
...

Sundara Pandya
Talagunda

209

...
...

....
... ...
...

...

371, 373ff

Tamil"
Tirukkalakkudi
Tirukkovalur

86,91,164,195,210
... ...

...

...
...

210
196
181

...

Tirnuialpuram
Tirumeyfianani

...
...

...

...

...

...

...
...

...
...
...

205
161

Tiruniukkudal
Tiruiiiuruganpundi

...

...

...

...

...

88
196

Tirunamanallixr
Tirupattur

...

...

...

...

...

...

... ... ...

...

...

206
211

Tiruvarangulani

...
...

...
...

...

Tiruvallam
Trailokyamalla

... ...

180
165

...

... ...

Travaucore

...
...
...

...
... ...

132, 182, 183

Tribhuvanamalla
Trichinopoly

...

164,166,213
...

... ...

92, 188

Udayeudiram
Ukkal
Uttaramallur
Ufctattur

...

...

211, 212

...
...

157, 167, 180, 182, 185, 186ff, 194,

... ... ...
.-..

214

169, 182, 188

...
...

...
...

92
146

Vaisali Seal

...
...

...
...

Vaillabhatta 8 vaniin Temple

52,68,146
...

Vikrama Chola Vikramaditya VI

Vira Rajendra

...

...

...

194
86, 164

...

...
...

...
...

...

...

... ...

182

Vriddhachalam

...

...

... ...

93 87 392

Yewur
It.Sing
...

... ...

...
...

...

...

...

402

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

PAGE.

Jacobi

...
...

...

...

...

...

393
227,

Jatakas

8, 9, 13, 14, 20ff, 45, 71, 73, 80ff, 83f, 155,

228, 231, 236, 355, 365, 370, 374, 391

Asitftbhu

...
...

...

...
...

...

365
72

BSveru

... ...
...

...
...

...

Bhaddasala
Chitta-sambhiita

227, 235, 237, 355, 377

...
... ...
... ...

...
...

356

Chulla-Kalinga
Chullaka-setthi

... ... ... ...

227,228
...

..

71

Ekapanna
Gahapati
Guttila

... ...

227,229,239
...

...

137
81

... ... ... ...

... ...
... ...

...
... ... ... ...
...

JarudapSna
Kharassara

...

13, 81

...
... ...

135, 1.54 136, 147ff, 154

...

KulSvaka

Kumasapinda
Kunala
Kutavanija, No. I

356
236

...
...

...
...

...
... ... ...

72,75
72

Kutavanija, No. II

...

... ...
... ...

Losaka
Mahavanija

...
... ...

... ...
...

389
72

...

Matapga Mugapakkha
Pafichagaru

356ff,
...

366
18

... ... ...

... ... ... ...

...

...

'"
... ...
...
... ...
...

107
81

Pandara

...
... ...

...

Paniya
Samuddavayija

...
...

137
22,

237

Satadharama
Sattigumba

...

...

356
13

... ...
...

...

...

Suhanu
Supparaka

...
... ...

...
...

... ...

72
81

Suvannamiga
Telapatta
Tittira

...

... ...

...
...

365
107
390, 391

...
... ... ...
...

... ... ...

...
...
... ... ...

Ubhatobha^ba
Uddalaka
ValShassa
Jayaswal, K. P.
Jolly
...

137

...
...

...

356

...

80

...

3, 7,
...

216, 218, 219, 240, 243, 257

...

...

4,7,47,51,381

BIBLIOCxRAPHIC INDEX

403

PAGE.

Kaegi
Kalpasutra

330
231, 367

Kamasutra
Kanakasabha
KasikS
i ,

393

130

Kannakathala Sutta

362
138, 222

Kathaka

336, 369
6, 50, 55, 571f, 223,

Katyayana (Dharma-oastra) Katyayana (^rauta-Sutra)

KausitakT
Kautilya (See Arthasastra)
Keith, A.B.
15, 98, lOOff,

231

338
USff, 334, 336ff, 339, 341

8,

219

Kern
Kriste

306, 330

Kshlrasvamin
Kullukabhatta

393
33

LatySyana
Liiders

Siitra
...

336

36,37

Ludwig

14, 134,

330

M
Macdotiell
... ...

7,330
362
281

Madhnra Sutta Madhyamikayaa

...

M ahabhfirata

7, 29, 42,

107, llOff,

128fif,

257, 259,

266ff, 281,

352
224, 228

Mah3parinibb&na Sutta

Mahavagga

...

82, 105, 231, 241ff, 244ff,

311
107

MahSvamsa Mahidhara
Maisey
MaitrSyaniya Samhita

134

34
3.36

Majjhima Nikaya

358,362
6, 7, 9, 33, 41, 141ff, 149,

Manu

Smriti

...

333, 353ff,

377. 381,383,384, 387

404

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
PAGE.

Markandeya PurSna!
Marshall, Sir John

278 144
33

Medhatithi

Megasthenes
Mitramisra]

156,245,246
40, 51,55fif

Modern Review
Mookerji, R. K.

216, 218

15
220, 330, 337, 352, 367, 369

Muir
Miiller,

M.

TX

NSrada

6, 9, 30, 41, 46, 49, 55, 61, 73ff, 78, 142,

144, 149, 155. 327

t

Oldenberg

3, 4, 139, 239, 336,

378

Paachavimsa Brahmana
Panini
Patanjali

...15,

369

7, 138, 221ff, 268ff,

272, 277

281
...

Payyaniir Pattola
Pischel

95,96
36

Ptolemy

279

Quint us Curt ins

247

Ramayana
Rapson
Recht nnd
"Rip^veda

7, 30, 107ff, 126,

3S5

269, 273, 277ff

Sitte

6
14, 106, 123, I33ff, 216, 329ff

Roth

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

405

PAGE.
SarhhitSs

6
12
15, 104ff, 117,

6ankaracharya
Satapatha Brahmana
Schroeder
Senart

336,33a 344, 369

330
381, 389

4,330,375

Shamasastry, R.
Sigalovada Suttanta

251

393
2(59

Smith, V.
Spiegel
St. Petersbiirgh Dictionary

273, 276

218
16

Strabo
Sukraniti

248
285, 385

Suttas
Sutta VibhaiiL'a

89,-370

25

Taittiriya

Sambita

15,

336 392

Takaknsu
Taraporewala,
I.J.S.

218
274flf

Thomas, Dr.
Tripitaka

F.

354

VSchaspati Misra

47

Vajasaneya Sambita
Vasettha Sntta
Yasishtha

118,134,369
361
6, 7, 9, 143,

349 393

Vatsyayana
Vedic Index
14ff, 98, 117, 135.

219
96

Venkayya
Vijfianesvara

138, 142ff
8, 9, 25,

Vinaya Pitaka
VTramitrodaya

126, 138ff, 287, 378,

380

51, 138, 142, 223, 231

Vishnu Piuana

278, 279
..

Vishnu

Smj-iti

6, 33, 141, 142, 149, 349,

384
57

Vivadaratnakara

50, 51, 55,

406

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

W
PAGE.

Watterg

...
... ...

...

...

235, 392
338, 341, 343, 346
...

Weber
Whitney

4, 98, 330ff,
...
...

...

...

220

YajfSavalkya

...

6, 33, 39, 41, 49, 58, 74, 138, 142. 280ff, 327,
... ... ... ... ...

384
14

Yaska

...

Yasna

...

...

...

218

Z. D.

M. G.

...

...

...

...

4, 378,

381

ZimTner

...

97f, 100, 115, 117, 133, 216fle, 219ff, 330,

392

GENERAL INDEX

PAGE.

Adhikarana
Africa, northern

...

...
...
...

...

...
...

64
14

...
...

...
...

Agrahara
Ajatasatru

153, 166, 178

...

...

225, 238E, 250, 258, 265, 284

...

Anauda
Ajzvakas

... ...

... ...

...
...

...

225
287 22
357ff
95fiE

...

...
...

Alderman

...

... ...
...

...

...
...

Ambat^ha
Afijuvannam
AparSjitas

...

... ...
...

... ... ...

... ... ...

...

...

328
14

Arabia

...

...
...

...

...

Arjunayanas
Arminius
Arrian

...

... ...

256, 270, 272, 275ff, 282ff

... ...
...

...

...

...
...

217
246ff

...

...

...

Articles of Association

...
...

...
...
...
'

...

39
17,

Artisans

... ... ... ... ...

...
... ...
...

...
...

20

Aryans

...

14 307
359ff

Asoka
Assalayana

...
...
...

...

...
...

...

Assembly

113ff, 123fif, 147ff, 151f, 156ff, 161,

164E, 167ff, I79ff, 186fif.

212

Audumbaras
Avesani

...

... ...

...

...

256, 277ff, 282

...
...

...

...

...

36
222E

Ayudhajivisamgha

...

...

...

408

GENERAL INDEX

Balanji

^ f
^
...
...

Bananja
Banafiji

88ff,

96

Basarh
BhanJagarika

43, 45

23
...

Bharadvaja

361
...

Bhikkhu
Bhikkhunl
...

290fE

...

315ff

Blameless Five Handred

212
...

BrShmanas

...

...

5, 12,

13 128, 332, 334fE

,

Buddha
Bhaggas
Bulls

...

225fF, 238fF, 242ff, 253, 258, 286ff, 355, 357ff

224

224

Caste

... ...

... ...

..'

...

2, 4, 5, 8,

329ff

C handala
Charakas

... ...
...

351,356, 357, 366, 379fE

...

Chandragnpta, Maury a
...
..

... ... ...

...
...

... ...

328
342

Charana
Chata
)

...

...

...

...

...

...

48
217

Chaura

^
...
...
... ... ...
... ...

Cherusci clan

...
...
... ...

...

Chola kings
Cleistheuian constitution

...
... ... ...
...

31

230
207
307fE

Corpox'ation of large areas

Council, Buddhist

...

...
"

Council of Elders
Cultivators

...

^..
...

... ...

129
17

...

...

Deba-saihgha

...

...

... ...

... ...

33 368

Devananda District Assembly

DivalSmba

... ... ...

...

...

... ... ...

...
...

207, 212
...

374
42

Duryodhana

...

...

GENERAL INDEX

4r0d

PAGE.
Election of kings
97ff, 107ff, llOfE

Five great Assemblies

Five Hundred

...

130ff

166

Ganiabhojaka

155
12, 15, 16, 138E, 142fif, 221f, 230ff,

Gana
Ganasah

261ff, 275, 385,

387
12

Gautami Balasri
GautamTputra
Goshthi

385 385 393

Govarddhana
Grffmadrohins

34
205
"^

Gramadhipa

155
102fif,

Gramakuta Gramani
Gramapati

133, 155

155
15, 18, 20, 22ff, 28, 29, 31, 32, 37, 40, 42,

Guild (S^e also Sreni)

46, 47, 52, 62, 69, 70, 85fE, 146, 149, 388

Guptas

371, 373

Hansa League
Harichandra

84
373 309

Harsha

Headman

of the District

212

Ibn Khordadbeh
Idaiigai

373
31, 92fC

Isvarasena

35

410

GENERAL INDEX
J
PAGE.

Jaina

...

...

...

... ...

..

327
351

Janaka
Jati-Dharma
Jetthaka

..<

...

...

...

Jati (see Caste)

... ... ... ...

...
...

...

86

...

...

20,21,24
7lfE

Jfiapti (see Natti)

Joint-Stock

...

...

...

...

...

Kadamba Dynasty
Kalamas
...

...
... ...

...

...

37l,373ff
...

...
...

...
...

224
2]

Kammdragamo
Kammavaclia

...
...

...
... ...

...

... ... ... ... ...

...

311fE

Kamsa
Kanishka
Kapilavastu
...

... ...
...
...

...

43
309

... ...
...

...

224, 234ff, 377

... ...

Kathina

...

326 356

Katthavahana King-makers

...
...

...
...

lG2fE, 109,
... ... ... ... ... ...
...

HI, 112
106

King

of the French
...

... ...

...

Koliyas

...

224,236
49

Kosha
Krishna

...

...

...
...

...

...

43, 266ff
...

Krishnayana
Kshatriyas
Kukuro.s

... ...
...

...

...

357

...
...

..

12,13,128.334,3432
...

...

250ff,
...
...
...

266
231

Kula
Knlarikas

...

...

...

...
... ...

... ...

...
...

...
...

35

Kulika

44

Kunindas

...

... ...

... ... ...

256, 268, 278P, 282

...

Kurus

250f

Lekha-kriyS
Lichchhavis

...
...

...

...

...

50

221, 224ff, 232, 238fif, 250fE, 373, 377

GENERAL INDEX

411

PAGE.

Madhyastha
Madrakas
Mahajanas

... ...

...

...
...

...

50
276

...
...
..

250fF, 272,

...
...

..,

153, 165fE, 208

...
..

Mahakachchana
Maha-Kassapa

... ...
...

362ff

...
...

...
,..

304
107
21

Mahasammata
Mahavaddhakigamo
Mahavira

...

...

...

...

...

...
..

..

...

...

232

Malava
Mallas

...

...

230, 256, 268, 272fE, 282ff

...

...

...

221,224, 250
...
...

Manatta

...
...

...
...

...
...

...
...

315
95fiE

ManigrSmam
Matanga

Mantri.tarishad

...

...
...
...

...

...
...

126fE

...
...

...
...

351
371

Mayurasarman
Money-lenders

...
...

Mercantile Corporations in South India

...
...

... ... ...

87
17

...
...

... ...

Moriyas

...

224

Nahapana
Nalanda
Nanadesis
Natti

...

... ...
...

...

... ...

...

34

...

... ...
...

389,391,392
...

...
...

...

88fif

... ... ...

...

...

24CfE, 311fiE

... Nigama Nigama eabha

... ...
...

44,45,82,145,146
... ... ... ... ... ...
... ...

145

Nirgranthas

...

...

287

Nishadas
Nissaya

...

...

... ...
...

377, 380

kamma
...

... ...

314
374

Nolambas

Non-monarchical states

...

...

215ff, 221, 224ff, 245ff

...

Nysa

...

...

...

248, 283

Odayantrikas
Oilmillers, guild of

... ...

...
...

...
...

...

35 36

,,,

41 a

GENERAL INDEX
PAGE.

Pabbajaniya
Pabbajja
Pachittiya

kamma
...

...
...
...

...

... ...
...

...

314

...
...

241, 290f, 295f

...

...
...

316E

Pallava

...
...

...
...

... ...
...

... ...

37lfE

Famakha
Pafichaias

...

21

...

...

...

250E,

392

Panchaii
Pafichalika

163

Pafichamandal!
Paiichayat

Pani
Paribrajakas

...
...

... ...

...

...
...

...

14

...
...

...

287
129

Parishad
Parisuddhi
Parirasa
Pataliputra

...
...
...

...
... ... ...

... ...
...

...
...

... ... ...

323
295, 315

...
...

...
...
...

...
... ... ... ...

45
321E

Patimokkha
Pa^takila

...
...

..

Patisaraniya kamtna
...
...

... ...

314
155

...
... ...

...

PavSrana
Pishtras

... ...

...
...

326 233

Paveni pustaka
...

... ...

...
... ... ...

...
...
...

... ... ...

...

330
131

Privy Council

126ff,

Puga Pukkusa

...

138ff, 142,

222 380

...

...

Rathakara

...

...

... ...

...

346,380
...

Retreat during rainy season

...

288

Sabha Sakha

(see

Assembly)
...

...

Il7f, 132ff, 134, 151 ff

...

Saddhiviharika

...

292ff

342
... ... ...

gakhotaka
gakyas

...

62

...

224, 234ff, 355E, 366, 377

393

GENERAL INDEX
Sara aya
)

413
PAGE,

41 73

Samayika

Sambhuya-samutthSna

Sambuka Samgha
Samiti (see Assembly)
...

385
9, 221ff,

286ff

ll7ff,

216
51

Samskaras
Samvid-vyStikrama
Sarthavaha
...

...
...

41, 46fE

44,69
182

6etthi (see Sreshthi)

Sibis
...

280ff

Six

Hundred

...

132

6reni (see Guilds)

2.3,17,29.385
33

Srenidharma

Srenimukhyas
Sreoiivala

29
28

Sreshthi

1
>

15, 41, 44, 69, 82ff, 88,

96

Sreshthin

Sudras

...

12, 128, 289, 332fif, 345ff

Superintendent of Accounts

26

SrSmis

88

Tajjaniya

kamma
.

299, 314
17,

Traders
Traders' League

20
80

Ukkhepaniya

kamma
village Corporations

314
211
241, 291 flf

Union

of

two

UpaiJhSya

Upasampada
Uposatha
UshavadSta
Uttara Kurus

...

241 ff, 290f

288, 321 ff

...
...

34
218ff 218ff

Uttara Madras

...

414

GENERAL INDEX
PAGE.

Vairfijya

...
...

...

218fE

VaisSli

43
12, 16, 128, 334, 343ff
,

Vaisyas

VSitahavyas
Vojjians (see Liohohhavis)

... ... ...

...

220

Valangai

...

31,92fE
88E,96

Valanjiyam

^^

Valafijiyar J

"
...
...

...

Varna

(see caste)

...

VasabhakhattiyS
Vasettha

3,55

...

361
288, 325
...
... ...

Vassa
Vatsa
VelaikkSras
...

...
...

341

...
...

31,32
379ff

Vena
Videhas

...
...

>..

224
355
32

Vidudabha
VijayabShu
Vikramasila
Village

... ...

...

...

392
,

Headman

136ff, 142fF, 145fP, I54fP, 164,

...

209
96

VIra Valafijika

88fif,

VisvSmitra

... ... ...

...

351, 352
3.52

Vitahavya
Vrata
Vfishnis

222
256, 266, 279flE
,

Vyavahara

...

...

64

w
Weavers, guilds of
...

38

T
Yaudheyas
223, 230, 256, 1268ff, 282ff
... ...

Tavanas

352

Z
Zarathnstra
...

...

218

I.

EXTRACTS OF LETTERS RECEIVED BY THE AUTHOR FROM DISTINGUISHED

SCHOLARS.

Dear

Sir,

I am much indebted to you for the nicely bound copy of your Corporate Life in Ancient India, which is

good book
I

agree

with your theory of the

Brahman group

of

castes
I agree about the date of Pauini
I hope you will continue your careful studies and you can make any use you please of my favourable opinion of your scholarly book.
I

remain,

Dear

Sir,
truly,

Yours
(Sd.)

VINCENT

A.

SMITH.

Dear
I

Sir,

obliged for your letter of the 1st of February and for the copy of your work on ' Corporate Life in Ancient India/

am much

have read your book with pleasure and profit. Its much enhanced by the abundant and most useful citations of authorities, ancient and modern, and every student of the political and social life of ancient India will have to reckon with the suggestions made by you. I desire also to congratulate you on the admirable temper and courtesy shown in discussing views which you do not Your work is undoubtedly a valuable and original accept.
I

value

is

CORPORATE LIFE

contribution to the study of questions which are too funda-

mental to permit of any final solutions, but which by their importance and intricacy offer every temptation for
scholarly investigation

With renewed thanks

for your interesting work,

Yours
(Sd.)

truly,

A.

BERREIDALE KEITH.

Dear

Sir,

I am greatly obliged to you for your kindness in sending me your book on the Corporations of Ancient India. I have read it with much pleasure and profit, for it seems to me that you have handled your theme with skill and sound judu^meut. It is very gratifying to us to see the growth of a really scientific historical method among Indian scholars.

Believe me,

Yours very
(Sd.)

faithfully,

L. D.

BARNETT.

Dkar
I

Sir,

indebted to you for your kind presentation copy of the admirable Corporate Life in Ancient India. I have read it through with the greatest interest and regard it as a very useful addition to our knowledge of Indian history, a field in which accuracy and certainty are difficult
to obtain

am much

Thanking you

for your book again,

I remain,

Yours very sincerely,

(Sd.)

E.

WASHBURN HOPKINS.

REVIEW

II.
1.

REVIEWS.
J.

Review in

R. A.

S.,

1920.

" Corporate Life in Ancient India.

By Rameshchandra Majumdar, M.A., Calcutta^ 1918.

By Radhakumud Local Government in Anr-ient India Mookerji, M.A., Ph.D., Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1919.
These two books cover almost the same ground, both dealing with corporate life in ancient India, tlie title of the first describing its cope rightly, while the second has assumed too ambitious a title.
Corporate activities manifested themselves in trade and in popular assemblies from the village council upwards, in religious bodies, and in the manifold development of caste. Mr. Maj urn dar deals with all these subjeits under the heads of economic, political, religious and social Dr. Mookerji 'reatsthem according to their oro^anisalife. tion as guilds, etc., their functions administrative, judicial and municipal, and their constitution, with special notice of some important .corporat ons and public institutions. Both base themselves on much the same materials, drawn from Sanskrit and Buddhist literature and inscriptions and both give good accounts of the various forms in which corporate life existed. But when they deal with what may be called the constitutional history of those forms, the two books diiler widely.
industry,

Mr. Majumdar seeks to explain his subjects as Indian problems without bringiiig them into too close comparison Dr. Mookerji^s treatment with their English counterparts.
is less

satisfactory

treats his subjects chrononature and modifications as far as possible with regard to historical sequence. But Dr. Mookerji throws historical con&istency aside
logically,

Mr. Majumdar on the whole

tracing
their

Both authors speak of the jo^jDw^ar assemblies or councils " democratic,'* but the constitutions do not warrant that It is highly improbable that the lower classes description. ever had elective power along with the upper classes,
as

4
especially
after

CORPORATE LIFE
the

brahmans established

their
^<2ven

theories

supposdid elect the members of those assemblies, the rules that defined the qualifications of members required a knowledge of sacred and legal books that could rarely have been found outside the brahmans, and so must have given the brahmans an assured preponderance in those assemblies. Brahmanic claims and real democracy would have been a strange couple.

about the degradation of the lower castes. ing, however, that the people generally

This
evidence

brings

us

to

Mr. Majumdar

treats of the castes

and makes and especially about the brahmans and their claims, thouo^h
he
has

a subject of essential importance. historically, and offers many sound comments about them,

popular corporate life with Dr. Mookerji practically ignores this subject, and a perusal of his pages would rather suggest that caste had little bearing on such popular life. This subject and possible differences between Aryan and Dravidian require more elucidation. It seems that the northern evidence of marked corporate activities is most copious before brahmanio power became supreme (both authors
hardly
scrutinised

reference

thereto.

drawing largely from Buddhist sources), and fails about the time when brahmanism finally established its sway in North India, and similar coincidences seem discernible in South India. This comment is not put forward as a definite
assertion but to suggest a line of further investigation.

Both authors quote Sanskrit passages, and those in Mr. Majumdar's book are not free from mistakes, but those in Dr. Mookerji's book contain many errors thus on
;

117, in one note of four lines there are three errors. Mr. Majumdar's book has the serious defect that it has Dr Mookerji's book has been printed at the no index Clarendon Press and possesses all the perfections of the products of that Press (except those errors), and it has received a too commendatory foreword from Lord Crewe. Mr. Majumdar's book was printed at Calcutta and lacks all those outward advantages nevertheless, it is certainly the better and more trustworthy treatise, written more sanely and with no political flavour, such as is perceptible in the other book.
p.
;

F.
'

E.

PARGITER."

N.B.
-

The
-

portions
-

marked With

dots above refer to Dr. Mookerji*8

boiok.

REVIEW

2.

Review

in "

The English Historical Review, January, 1920."

" The treatise entitled Corporate Life in Ancient India (Calentta, Surendranath^en, 1918), by Mr. R. C, Majnmdar, The author is written in a detached and historical spirit. knows German and has arranged his material in a German
sion of the

Mr. Majumdar's discuskingless states of ancient India in Chapter II is full and excellent. Such states were numerous in the Panjab at the time of Alexander's invasion in the fourth century B.C., and their existence in various parts of upper
rather than an English fashion.

India

may
of

be

traced

until the fifth century after Christ.

The author appropriately system of Government in the Lichhavi state of Tirhut by comparison with the Cleisthenian institutions We believe that the peoples who maintained at Athens. more or less republican forms of government in India for so many centuries were non-Aryans, probably in all rases related to the Himalayan tribes of the Mongolian origin now represented by the Gurkhas and the like. Mr. Majumdar ascribes tiie decline and ultimate extinction of the

Some

them were

oligarchical.

illustrates the

republics to the effects of f >reign invasions and the levelling enforced by the more powerful paramount dynasties which arose from time to time. These causes undoubtedly operated, but the gradual absorption of the large Mongolian element which existed in the early population of northern India must have had much to do with the failure of the republican constitutions to survive or to become the source of further developments. The author justly observes that " it requires great effort to believe, even when sufficient evidence is forthcoming, that institutions, which we are accustomed to look upon as of western growth, had also flourished in India long long ago." Chapter IV, dealing with corporate activities in religious life, gives a valuable analysis of the constitution of the Buddhist Churcl, "one of the most perfect ever witnessed in any age or country." The weak point in the organisation was the lack of any effectual central authority, but that statement, generally correct, should be qualified by the observation that for a few years about 240 B.C. Asoka openly assumed the position of head of the Church, The examination of the

COHPORATE LIFE

theory of the evolution of caste in Chapter V is ilhiminatTlie Vedic Brahmans were '^ not bound toijether by ties of birth " and " authentic texts repeatedly declare that it is knowledge, not descent, that makes a Brahman." The Vedic *' guilds of priests " developed slowly into the close
ing.
caste, or^ more accurately, group of castes, which been so prominent in India during the last two thousand years. Marriages in princely families between

Brahman

has

Brahmans and ladies of other castes are recorded as late as and tenth centuiies after Christ. The author is to be congratulated on his freedom from the literary and
in the ninth

other prejudices which have often obscured the storv of the origins of the caste institution. In his concluding pages he quotes interesting passages wliich prove that the Indians of the olden time knew how to combine for charitable and social purposes, including public amusements. Mr. Majumdar's book gives promise of further well-designed researches calculated to throw much light upon the history of ancient India."

VINCENT
3.

A.

SMITH.

Modern Review, March 1919.

a thesis which has earned for Professor the Doctor's Degree of the Calcutta University this 3' ear. Ihe scope of the work has been clearly '' The spirit indicated by the author in the Introduction of co-operation was a marked feature in almost all fields of activity in ancient India and was manifest in social and religious as well as in political and economic life. The well known jati (caste) and the Samgha (the community of the Buddhist monks) are the most notable products of this spiiit in the first two spheres of life. The same spirit, however, played an equally important part in the remaining ones, and its effect may be seen typified in Gana (political corporation) and Sreni (guild)." Dr. Majumdar has reviewed the Economical, Political, Religious and Social life of Ancient India from the standpoint of corporate activity w^hich supplies the unifying
is

This

Majumdar

principle through the four isolated

monographs embodying

the thesis.

The work

points
this

we

find

up to

to a field of Indian research where time very few workers of the first rank.

REVIEW
Analysis of the concrete archaBological
data
{e.g.^

of

the

domain of Architecture and Sculpture, Epigraphy and Numismatics) has no doubt advanced to a certain extent; but the synthetic presentation of any aspect of Ancient Indian Life has met with few attempts and fewer successes. We have no doubt the privilege of recounting the works we mean Sir. R. G. Bhandarkar's of two hoary veterans monograph on Indian cults and Dr. Brajendranath Seal's treatise on the Positive Sciences of the Ancient Hindus

but these master craftsmen have not as yet given us a single disciple who could apply their technique in the same field. So we leave these Bhismas of Indology in Himalayan heights Of the next their inaccessible generation, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal is the most brilliant
!

worker. By his penetrating historical vision he has not only thrown a flood of light on the political and socioeconomic life of Ancient India but roused a genuine enthusiasm in the study of her institutional history. But this is a line of inquiry which is as fruitful for a genuine scholar as it is futile for unripe or over-ripe enthusiasts who are every day being lured into the discovery of false fundamentals and flimsy foundation of Indian life. Hence while in department of objective study we get reallylike Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar's valuable monographs " Foreign Elements in Indian Population " and Mr. R. D. Baner jee's " Scythian Period of Indian History,^' the votaries in the temple of Indian culture history are, with the single exception of Mr. Jayaswal, as a whole marked by a spirit of precarious self-assertion that is anything but scholarly. Hence we have to watch painfully the materials for a short paper pufPed up into a ponderous volume and cheap patriotism and premature generalisations parading under the cover of Indian culture history. Thus their Indian Politics is partisan, their Indian Economics ethereal, and their Indian Art polemical and problematic. Not that we do not believe in the reconstruction of Indian culture history but that we demand severer canons of criticism and profounder vision of .-ynthesis. Before the establishment of the norms of Indian life and the valuation of those norms in the light of comparative culture history of Humanity, we absolutely require the scientific descriptive survey and sound well grounded interpretation of the facts thus collected and co-ordinated. Unfortunately with characteristic oriental transcendentalism we are attempting

CORPORATE LIFE
of are

to take our stand on

life,

normation and valuation the indispensable preliminaries tion and interpretation. Thus our descriptions and haphazard, our interpretations precarious, arbitrary and our valuations parochial and false.
neglecting
It
is

Indian

of descrip-

hasty our norms

in

such

crisis

of our study of culture history

Majumdar. Since the publication of JayaswaPs brilliant " Introduction to Hindu Polity^' in the pages of this Review six years ago (1918), we have had not the pleasure of presenting before the students of Indian culture history such a sober, well-balanced and stimulating treatise. With the characteristic candour and humility of an earnest student of the " I have avoided, on objective school Dr. Majumdar says principle, all philosophical disquisitions throughout this work. It has been my aim rather to simply present the facts in a connected manner with a view to illustrate, as far as possible, the gradual development of the various Thus he disarms all criticism from the institutions.^' more ambitious school, while he presents us with a class descriptive work on Indian culture really first
that
dissertation of Dr.
:

we welcome the

history.

An
Br,
life

Majuwdar
with
a

acute student of epigraphy and numismatics as he is, has collected the data of our corporate

and marshalled them with a would do credit to any scholar. Indeed in almost every page we feel th impress of the personality if a dispassionate historian who examines an economic organisation {e.g.^ the Sreni), a political instituthoroughness
that
critical

acumen

the Samiti), or a social phenomenon {e.g.^ the the same spirit of detachment and objectivity of judgment, as is manifest when he deciphers a mutilated inscription or analyses a rare numismatic evidence. Herein lies his strength as well as limitation as a historian of miss the subtle bio-psychological interactions culture. that are at the genesis and progression of every phenomenon of c'ilture history; we also miss the magic transfiguration of concrete facts by the synthetic genius of a gain a full and accurate social philosopher ; but we description of our cultural structures and a thoroughly reliable reading of the fluctuations in their functioning achievements, which, by themselves, entitle him to the dignity of a Doctorate.
tion
{e.g.^

Jati),

in

We

REVIiEW

d"

Apart from its scholarly/ worth the thesis chances to appear in a very opportune moment when %ve are striiggling with reactionaries in politics and society. By a curious coincidence it is a crushing answer to those who are at pjresent struggling to establish against history that self-government
monopoly of the western nations or that monopoly of the Brahmanic hierarchy. Without the least tinge of polemical acrimony Br. Majumdar completely demolishes the pretensions of both the school of obscurantists by positive presentation of the wonderful picture of the self-governing life of the Ancient Iidians while, with the relentlessness of a true historian, he eorposes the intricate history of the growth of Brahmanic pretensions and the fiction of their immaculate heredity. He proves beyond all doubt that race mixture was as much a fact of our social life as self-government, that of our political
is

the chartered

ethnic purity,

the

history.

4.

The Amritabazar Patrika, 20th February,

**

1919.

CorporateiLife in Ancient India/^ By Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, M.A., Premchand Roychand Research Scholar

and Lecturer on Ancient Indian History, Calcutta University. Published by S. N. Sen, 16, Chandra Nath Chatterji's Price Rs. 4. Street, Bhawanipore, Calcutta.
This book has for its object a critical and comprehenstudy of the corporate activities in public life in Ancient India. The expression public life is taken in its widest sense and includes political and economic as well as It is indeed an ambitious task religious and social life.
sive
to

deal

with

the

corporate
this

activities

in

all

these varied

spheres

and we congratulate

the

author

on

the

manner in

which he has handled

great question.

The book gives in the first chapter an account of the have in this corporate activities in economic life. connection a most interesting account of the rise and development of the institution called Sreni, a corporation of artisans similar in nature to the guilds of mediaeval The gradual growth of the rights and privileges Europe. of this body is an eminently interesting and instructive

We

The

italics are

our own.

10
study.

CORPORATE LIFE
We
notice

distinct

gradually came to possess a executive and judicial powers recognised by the law of the land, and how, at the same time, it served the purposes of the Municipality and Other forms of corporate the Banks of the present day. activity such as Traders' League, Joint Stock business, etc.,
it

how

constitution

with

large

are also treated at

some length.
deals with the

The second chapter

in
political life

corporate

activities

and discusses such all-important topics as the election of kings, the function and importance of the popular assemblies controlling royal authority, and the self-governing institutions like village community and

The special feature of this portion of the extensive quotation of passages from contemporary literature and inscriptions, supporting each statement of the author. Attention may also be drawn to the very exhaustive and masterly treatment of the village More than a hundred inassemblies in Southern India. scriptions have been laid under contribution to give an idea of the nature and functions of these popular assemblies wielding high executive and judicial powers.
village union, etc.

the work

is

third chapter deals with the republican states of India, the most notable product of the corporate instincts of the people. The author has collected togethei

The

ancient

a mass of evidence from all possible sources, and even the most sceptic reader is bound to accept, as a historical fact, the existence of these republican forms of Government in

Ancient India.

The fourth chapter

deals

with religious corporations

and gives an interesting description of the corporation of Buddhist monks. The detailed account of the meetings of the Buddhist fraternity is an interesting surprise to us, inasmuch as it proves that even as regards formality of procedure in council meetings, the modern age has not made much further progress than India did more than two
thousand years ago.

The fifth and last chapter deals with the rise and development of the social corporations called ' castes.' It describes how the primitive simple social corporations were gradually developed into rigid castes which we find at the present day. The orthodox section of the people may not agree with the author in all views put forward by him but they are worthy of being seriously considered by all,

REVIEW
specially

11

those

who

seek for a rational basis of our social

institutions.

The brief sketch given above is but an imperfect account of Prof. Majumdar's masterly work, but we hope importance. it is sufficient to indicate its nature and It will be imj)ossible to ignore its bearing u]pon some of the most vital jaroblems of the day. To take only 07ie example^ reply to the reiterated it will furnish the most convincing arguments of our Anglo-Indian friends that India is quite For Prof. unfit for experiment of democratic institutions. Majumdar has sufficiently demonstrated that the plant of self-government is of indigenous growth in the east. It has been well said that an ounce of fact is worth a ton of
theories.

Professor Majumdar's name is a sufficient guarantee for the accuracy of facts recorded in this book and they strike at the very root of all theories about the incapacity of Indians for political progress on modern lines. We welcome this book not only as a scholarly treatment of the cultural history of India, but as a unique record of the political advancement of the ancient Indians providing the surest guarantee for the capacity of their successors to advance on progressive lines in modern times.

In the same manner the book has direct bearing on some of the most important social and economic problems of the day and every Indian who seeks to improve the condition of his country in any loay, will do well to give the booh a careful reading ; for^ a nationh past determines its future to a great extent P^
^

The

italics are

our own.

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