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Ethnos: Journal of Anthropology

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Saintliness and Sincerity in the Formation of the Christian Person

Clara Cristina Jost Mafra
a a

State University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Published online: 19 Dec 2011.

To cite this article: Clara Cristina Jost Mafra (2011) Saintliness and Sincerity in the Formation of the Christian Person, Ethnos: Journal of Anthropology, 76:4, 448-468, DOI: 10.1080/00141844.2011.610513 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2011.610513

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Saintliness and Sincerity in the Formation of the Christian Person

Clara Cristina Jost Mafra

State University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, email: claramafra@uol.com.be

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abstract Taking into account the composition of Pentecostalism a mixture of, on one side, a Protestant tradition that allows the constitution of the sincere person, and, on the other side, the enchanted aspects of personhood what happens when this message is disseminated in a context with a long Catholic tradition by translators socialized in the Catholic culture; in other words, by people with a particular interpretation of the Protestant tradition? In this article, the author explores this question and shows how the Catholic framing impacts the arrangements for accommodating the semiotic ideologies of sincerity and saintliness within Pentecostal religiosity, resulting in singular manifestations of the collective project and of the regional Christian Person. keywords Christian Person, Pentecostalism, sincerity, saintliness, Brazil n this article, I have given myself the somewhat tricky challenge of inserting the long history of Catholicism in Latin America into our understanding of the notion of personhood as constituted during the process of conversion to Pentecostalism. This relationship is neither direct nor obvious, yet if ve centuries of previous Christian history have any meaning, our analysis of the formation of the Pentecostal person must include a reection on this history. Conversely, if this long history has simply vanished into thin air, our analysis must then explain the dissolution of this cultural legacy. Either way, questions concerning the sedimentation of history, cultural persistence, and discontinuity must form an integral part of our approach. Some of the authors who have explored the formation of the Pentecostal person1 in Latin America have emphasized the capacity of this new religiosity to engender cultural and social reform by offering an alternative conception of

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# 2011 Routledge Journals, Taylor and Francis issn 0014-1844 print/issn 1469-588x online. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2011.610513

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evil. With the advent of Pentecostalism, which is by far the most popular form of Protestantism in predominantly Catholic Brazil, the loosely dened and relativist dualisms between good and evil forces present in some versions of popular, progressive Catholicism and Afro-Brazilian religions were replaced by dualisms with clearly marked boundaries, eliciting a militant attitude from people on both sides. The re-emergence of the gure of the devil led to the production of a wide range of purication practices and rituals, resulting in the re-organization of a large volume of syncretic or hybrid beliefs and customs (Sanchis 1994; Birman 1997; Mariz 1999; Mafra 2002; Giumbelli 2002). This line of analyses was frequently accompanied by an interpretation that identied Pentecostalism as a particular variant of Reformed Christianity that constitutes the modern individual in a more dened way. Brusco (1986), Burdick (1998), Mariz and Mafra (1999), Mariz and Machado (1996) and Drogus and Stewart-Gambino (2005) highlight the relationship between conversion and changes in individuality in terms of gender patterns, especially in the emergence of new ideals of masculinity. Mafra (1998), Leite (2000), Smilde (2007) and Teixeira (2009) emphasize Pentecostalisms impact on changing individuals violent behaviour in situations of high social vulnerability. Generally speaking, the authors concur that Pentecostalism tends to form more selfconscious and disciplined individuals. In these diverse analyses, Pentecostalism is commonly identied as the religious vector of a modernity that evolves in close symbiosis with its complex and multiple institutional, technological, and productive infrastructures. This line of argumentation about the strong tendency for the specicity of Pentecostalism to dissolve in the face of modernity, has become the object of wide critique (Robbins 2004a, 2004b; Cannell 2006). One of the most promising ways of redressing this tendency is to treat Christianity as a heterogeneous analytical object that behaves in divergent ways in different communities, as either a modern or anti-modern force. Here, the anthropology of Christianity has benetted from theoretical input from linguistic anthropology. Of particular use has been the notion of language ideology, which refers to cultural notions about the nature of language and its use (Robbins & Runsey 2008:411).2 This concept has enabled anthropologists to show that there is a specic mode of structuring the speaker and communication in Christianity (Robbins 2001; Keane 2002; Bialecki et al. 2008; Coleman 2006). For example, Keane (2007), in his ethnography of the Dutch Calvinist evangelization of the Sumbanese people, argues that Protestantism requires people to speak sincerely; in other words, when they speak they have to be careful
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that their inner intentions match the words they speak. Moreover, Keane claims that this same ideology of sincerity lies at the root of the modern understanding of language, informed especially by a search for purication (Latour 1993) that works to separate humans and non-humans, nature and society, objects and people. This correlation between the language ideology of sincerity and modernity, which form a representational ideology, underlies the modernist narrative as a story of moral redemption. In this article, I use the concept of linguistic ideology to describe peoples experience with language, in particular to emphasize the productive effects of the reexive consciousness of speakers in a shared language community (Schieffellin et al. 1998). In order to capture the relationship between signs, persons and objects, Webb Keanne offers the additional idea of semiotic ideology, i.e. the whole set of practices involving words and things in the same frame (Keane 2007:19 20), which I adopt as my main conceptual tool. Even if we recognize that Calvinism is just one part of the Protestant heritage of Pentecostalism, Keanes argument opens up an interesting path of investigation. In Latin America, most of those spreading Pentecostalism are people socialized in a culture informed by Catholicism. This impedes any integrated and coherent appropriation of the language ideology of sincerity within regional Pentecostalism, since the principles of this ideology are deeply indebted to the Reformed tradition (Keane 2002 and 2007). In other words, the implicit alignment of the sincere person with a larger semiotic ideology where things should be subordinate to immaterial meanings, in a close association between Protestants and moderns, would not be easily achieved by the Brazilian Pentecostals. It follows that we need to hold off on identifying Brazilian Pentecostals as vectors of modernity and rst develop a better understanding of the linguistic conict in which they are embroiled.3 Signs of this semiotic conict appeared in my eldwork when, for example, my Pentecostal interlocutors claimed that in the face of thorny moral questions it is essential to listen to what the heart says. This claim is fully in line with the ideology of sincerity, that is, with the need for speakers to scrutinize their own words, organizing and combining them adequately with their intentions and thoughts. However, this process of self-evaluation was frequently interrupted (or prolonged) by the speakers subordination to a logic of proximity to, or a distance from, sanctied or demonic places, things, and people. Here, then, we can identify a duality or conict between the premises of the ideology of sincerity and what I shall call an ideology of saintliness within Pentecostalism.
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Provisionally I dene the semiotic ideology of saintliness as the idea widespread in Brazilian society that although it is extremely difcult to know ones own intentions or those of others, this opacity can occasionally be overcome by a revelation conceded via extension through participation. Exceptional people are capable of reading the mind of others without any mediation from words or objects. This reading comes from outside; it is concise, complete and certain. It is important to note that this reading does not result from an inductive process. This ideology is clearly rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition where we nd, for example, the Hebrew word Kadosh, referring simultaneously to the idea of a holy being and to a separate being. This double meaning appears in Catholicism in the notion of saints, exceptional people who should be venerated and imitated and who act as intermediaries in a highly hierarchized cosmological pantheon. Proofs of saintliness or sainthood are given by performing miracles, that is, evidence of the non-submission of the saints will to the laws of nature. As the condition of ordinary human beings is separate and distinct from these exceptional beings, they must search for mediation through participation. My argument here is that this semiotic ideology, which structures the speaker but also encompasses things and words, was central during the Middle Ages and marginalized in the Modern Age. Nevertheless, it continues to organize a series of quotidian dynamics in countries, like Brazil, with a lengthy Catholic tradition. We can observe more explicit manifestations of this semiotic ideology in the way in which Brazilians make the sign of the cross when walking past a church or chapel, in the disputes between police and drug trafckers over removing and rebuilding the cross at a favela in the pilgrimages that were formed across the country in defence of Our Lady of Aparecida, and in the claim by Catholics that they are delaying conversion to Pentecostalism until old age, since the Pentecostal God is a serious God and the person has to zo). be sensible(ter ju In short, I argue that while the Christian notion of personhood identied by Webb Keane as based on the linguistic ideology of sincere speech is particularly elucidative, it is not enough to describe the formation of the Pentecostal personhood. In order to understand Pentecostalism in Brazil, we must address a mixed composition articulated between two poles in tension. On the one side, the pole of the sincere person a classic inheritance of Protestantism and on the other side, aspects of the enchanted personhood the inheritance of the historical, regional process. In order to understand how Brazilian Pentecostals are inserted in a eld of conict between semiotic ideologies of sincerity and saintliness, I shall pursue
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a close analysis of a number of ethnographic situations, comparing them with the denitions of sincerity and saintliness given above. Since a relation of continuity exists between the semiotic ideology of sincerity and saintliness, both forming part of the legacy of Judeo-Christianity, and since we are dealing with tacit frameworks of language, the analysis will undoubtedly contain a dose of articiality. It is my feeling that such risk has to be taken if we wish to trace the specicity of Pentecostalism and the regional formation of the Pentecostal person. Missionaries One hundred years ago, between 1910 and 1911, the rst Pentecostal missionaries arrived in Brazil (Freston 1994; Mendonc a & Velasquez Filho 2002). Initially these missionaries were Italian and Swedish, while over the subsequent decades there was a rising inux of American missionaries. Since the mid-twentieth century, though, Pentecostalism has primarily been spread by Brazilian missionaries. Today the Pentecostal population is extensive, forming around 15% of the national population, and internally diverse with some large institutional structures (the Assembly of God, the Congregational Church, the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God) and countless small independent churches. According to national censuses, the majority of the Pentecostal population is black, from the poorer classes, with little purchasing power and little or no formal education. This population is often located in the large Brazilian metropolises in a common pattern: while the older colonial centres possess a consolidated urban infrastructure and tend to be occupied by a predominantly Catholic population with more purchasing power and higher schooling levels, the distant outskirts possess few urban and social facilities and tend to be occupied by Pentecostals (Jacob et al. 2006; Mafra 2009). Between 2004 and 2009, a team of university students and I conducted eld, a peripheral city in the Rio de Janeiro metropolitan region. work in Mage Working in a poor district of this city, we followed the day-to-day life of a Catholic chapel with 200 members and a church of the Assembly of God with around 400 followers.4 The chapel was founded in the area in the sixteenth century even before the city itself was formed, whereas the Assembly of God church was formed at the start of the 1990s. While the former was established by Imperial decree, the latter depended on the voluntary work of a man of God, answering the call of the Holy Spirit (Mafra 2007). At the beginning of the twenty-rst century, the rst pastor was replaced by Pastor Lael, who , who had little became one of my main interlocutors. The rst pastor, Jose
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formal education, left the church surrounded by criticism that he made excessive demands and forced people to strictly follow uses and customs, which drove many away from the church, especially the younger generation. By contrast, the new pastor, Lael, has more schooling and greater social versatility. He graduated from a theology course in a neighbouring city and looked from the outset to create a more enlightened congregational dynamic, as he puts it. Pastor Lael follows the doctrine of the Assembly of God in other words, the rules of self-presentation consolidated by the churchs tradition with greater elasticity. For example, sisters are allowed to wear trousers and shorts of a reasonable length when riding a bicycle, since, as they say, it was very difcult and indeed dangerous to cycle with their skirts getting caught up in the wheels. They joke that this custom provoked considerable embarrassment for the sisters since nobody was immune to the risk of falling off and displaying all Gods creation to passersby. Consequently, although both pastors spread the principles of Pentecostal conversion, there was a difference in their capacity to enlighten their congregation on the intersections between Biblical doctrine and the logics demanded by the institutional structures and modern social dynamics in which Pentecostal families began to be included (or demand to be included). In this sense, the change in pastor was related to the social mobility of the population in question, and to their widening expectations of access to the modern infrastructure that made this mobility possible. Under the direction of Pastor Lael, the church became a hub of cultural, educational, recreational, and social welfare activities in a neighbourhood lacking adequate public services. Pastor Lael devotes himself to connecting his religion with the principles of an educated society, the development of skills and selfawareness, and personal transparency. However, this does not prevent him from being caught out sometimes, unable to nd the right line of logic in response to the questions posed by congregation members. In the run-up to the citys largest festival, held in September for Our Lady of Grace, Pastor Lael was concerned to reinforce his teaching on the fetishism involved in the worship of Catholic saints. During one Sunday school class, he raised the question of the urgency of the work of purication, the need for brothers and sisters to distinguish between things and abstractions, matter and spirit, body and soul. The lesson seemed to be unfolding rmly within the semiotic of sincerity and the need for abstraction of the transcendent as the Protestant tradition demands, when a sister raised her hand to ask whether she could not even buy a candy apple from the stall of a Pentecostal
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brother at the festival. In this case, the sister, aware of the notion of purication, takes it to its logical outcome: if it is mans intention that gives meaning to objects, the object uninvested with intention must be pure and can thus be consumed as such in its pure materiality. Instead of corroborating the sisters reasoning, though, Pastor Lael vehemently opposed it: everything to do with the citys main [Catholic] Church and on the fringes of the festival will be polluted [and] must be avoided. In his reply, he put into practice the logic of avoidance intrinsic to the semiotic ideology of saintliness. The main problem was not individual belief but how some perception of saintliness (or the demonic) contaminates all the surrounded territory. Another time, Pastor Lael invited a nutritionist to explain the habits of a healthy diet to the congregation. Towards the end of the debate, the conversation turned to the question of the boundaries between a healthy body and a sick body, a topic that provided one brother with the chance to ask whether it was true that sickness is a sign of weakness of faith? Initially, Pastor Lael repeated the line that a healthy body results from close attention and looking after oneself properly, thereby emphasizing the need for self-control, self-evaluation, and subjecting the body to the control and order of a disciplined soul. Here his reasoning followed the logic of purication typical of science and its work of distinguishing the opposites of matter and spirit, body and soul. However, he suddenly changed tack in his argument: I dont know about my brothers and sisters, but the day you hear that Pastor Lael hasnt come to church because hes sick, you can arrange my funeral because on that day God wants to take me! He then recounted various cases of miraculous cures among Brazilian believers and concluded fervently: Its faith that cures the a fe que cura o corpo, na body, not the other way round! (E o o inverso!) Here it is important to note that because Pastor Lael is an anointed believer he will be puried [body and soul] by his proximity to saintliness.5 In both these situations, Pastor Laels reasoning oscillates between a logic of purication with its demanding refusal of hybrids and a logic of redemption through participation with the sacred. This oscillation, I suggest, is not peculiar to Pastor Laels personality; rather, it expresses the conict between different semiotic ideologies among Brazilian Pentecostals. Since this conict is not simply a question of words and intentions, I propose to broaden the scope of my analysis, drawing into the framework of discussion the relationship between words and things. Returning to the case of buying the candy apple, we can suggest that although the sisters reasoning is correct in terms of a logic of purication,
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the liberal Christian response would presume the capacity of the churchs members to avoid being seduced by the fun and leisure offered by one of the citys biggest festivals. People in the congregation talk especially about the temptations faced by young people in search of new friends and potential romantic partners. The pastors reply tacitly takes this risk into account and thus to a certain point exploits the logic of the criticism of fetishistic practices to then respond through a logic of participation and avoidance believers stay with believers, people of the world with people of the world. Similarly, duality can also be observed in the second situation: in a talk explaining the kinds of discipline involved in controlling ones diet to produce a healthy body and thus an explanation concerning the distinctions between body and soul, a body made of matter that functions like a machine the pastor afrms the power of the spirit to command the body. In other words, we can identify here the operation of a hybrid (Latour 1993), a spirit that attacks matter and transforms it. In this case we should take into account the fact that for this section of the Brazilian population access to the equipment and practices developed by modern science to treat the body as machinery is limited. In this case, relativizing the idea widely accepted among Brazilian Pentecostals that sickness is a sign of weakness of faith would call into question the social structure and practices of self-help traditionally pursued by the brothers and sisters. These networks of self-help are essential to caring for sick or needy (encostadas) people among the poorer classes and are relatively more reliable than the highly deregulated, inefcient, and frequently inaccessible public health system (Chesnut 1997). At this point in my ethnographic analysis of the sincerity/saintliness pairing, it is important to make a few remarks concerning the approach I have adopted. It seems to me inadequate to analyse the oscillations between sincerity/saintliness in terms of questions of power. Given that the actual forms taken by disputes over power and interest can vary enormously across contexts, this line of analysis would imply losing sight of Pentecostalisms uniformity. Such an approach is incommensurate with its relative consistency and autonomy in different ethnographic situations, a fundamental aspect of an anthropology of Christianity (Robbins 2007; Bialecki et al. 2008). At the same time, it should be clear that I disagree with those analyses that propose that Pentecostalism possesses an underlying principle that universally structures its dissonant parts and its internal dualisms in a reasonably stable and constant form. In contrast with this assumption, I argue that the dual and dissonant composition of Pentecostalism itself carries an ordering principle that emerges from a process of historical
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sedimentation, and that, although important, this does not explain the associations often generated in its installations in new contexts. As we shall see below, even though a homology exists between the purication practices of Pentecostalisms sincere person and those of modernity, in Brazil modernity arrives as an extension from Catholics. Hence it is extremely difcult to access modernity in this context without taking into account, in some form, the semiotic ideology of saintliness that encompass its reception. My informants seem to recognize that the arrival of many modern services to the district where they live electricity, water, asphalted roads, sewage pipes, schools, hospitals, health centres, shops, shopping malls, television are extensions from the rich, the people who have always lived up there, the Catholics. Once a Pentecostal friend of mine was surprised when I told her that Protestants went to the university where I worked. She thought that the university was a place for Catholics and atheists! This stereotyped view is related to the process of peripheral modernization in Brazil and to a disjunction between the technical-scientic-productive infrastructure and a moral project. This gap is sometimes lled by reference to the atheism of the agents who bring modernity bosses, industrialists, doctors, madams, the typical consumers of psy cultures (Duarte et al. 2006), who, lacking a horizon of transcendence, embrace modernity simply because they have access to it. However, these distributors of modernity are also frequently identied as Catholics. After all they are the ones, those up there, who are concerned about the transcendent and who are consequently careful to distribute modern infrastructures and practices to those down here. Charity, favours, clientelism, and sponsorship important points of equity in the national culture can be traced back to Catholic principles of saintliness. This impressionist association of modernity and Catholicism places the Pentecostals in an awkward position. They recognize the root of the ideology of the sincere person and strive to perform the work of purication, including the control of fetishistic and animistic practices, in their actualization of an iconoclastic tradition. However, although they intuit continuities between their purication practices and modern ones like Pastor Lael, who identies his work as that of enlightening his congregation they lack the tools needed to identify the continuities between their own premises and those of science, industry and technology. Modernity reaches them as a charitable donation from religious adversaries. One way of responding to this dilemma involves acquiring social legitimacy through a kind of exemplary collective behaviour intended to achieve
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recognition of the Pentecostal people as a holy people. By pursuing a project of collective identication with exemplary behaviour, Brazilian Pentecostals seems to afrm a subtext that implies that the current hierarchy of saintliness, with the Catholic Church as its reference point, must be inverted. By being raised to the top of the hierarchy due to their more complete saintliness, they will become the legitimate distributors of modernity. Here we can identify a social project of revenge. Even though the sequence of historical sedimentation has enabled a ready association of modernity with Catholicism, Pentecostals deploy a subtext suggesting that a morally heroic collective enterprise will be able to reverse these positions, placing themselves at the top of the hierarchy of sanctication. Here a homology is drawn with Christian history. Just as the Christian people, a people without a prole or history, took the place of the Jews before their God due to their exemplary behaviour, so Brazilian Pentecostals will gain their rightful place in the countrys history, replacing Catholics through their exemplary moral behaviour. This revenge logic consequently steers Brazilian Pentecostals away from the original ideology of the Reformed tradition and towards self-afrmation through the ideology of saintliness. I would argue, therefore, that the cost of this revenge is a weakening of the search for personal autonomy and of universalistic moralities. This collective project depends on individual adherence to a process of making the Pentecostal body standard, specically through adherence to strict rules on clothing, diet and hairstyle, and notions of leisure and free time that are distinct from the people of the world. Other studies of Pentecostals in Latin America also indicate a concern among followers to mark the body (Garrard-Brunett 1998; Smilde 2007). However, I encountered too few references to know whether in other countries, there is a search to homogenize the ascetic practices and forms of body care among the different Pentecostal denominations in order for a pan-Pentecostal visual identity to be established. In Brazil, the work of individual embodiment helps to compose a collective body recognizable in the dispersed and ephemeral ux of urban life. The fairly homogenized bodies suits, short hair and clean shaves for men, skirts below the knees, shirt sleeves and few adornments for women make Pentecostals recognizable across the different regions of the country. The frequent scandals involving some of the most prominent Pentecostal leaders in Brazil can be taken as evidence that the search for an alternative saintliness competing with the Catholic project upsets the internal balance of the bio, Pentecostal dynamic. To provide a few examples: in 1994 Pastor Caio Fa leader of a more liberal Pentecostalism, was involved in money laundering
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and a sex scandal with his secretary. In 1995, photos were published of Pastor Edir Macedo, leader of the Universal Church of Kindgom of God, holding dollars donated by his followers and smiling maliciously at the cameras. In nia and Estevam Hernandes, leaders of the Renascer 2007, the couple So Church, were jailed for illegally smuggling foreign currency on a trip to the USA. Very often, especially close to elections, Bispo Manuel Ferreira is accused of using the Assembly of God network as a curral eleitoral. I suggest that what compels the work of embodiment among Brazilian Pentecostals is this close relationship with the afrmation of the collective moral persona in the search for an immediate identication of themselves as a separate and holy people. The dedication to this undertaking, which depends on thousands of individual participants, arises from the moral subtext expressed within the ideology of saintliness, but depends also, on producing the discipline of the sincere person. This ambivalence weakens the potential for social reform promised by the development of the potent and autonomous individual of sincere speech, yet it simultaneously ensures that the project of Pentecostal sanctication is distinguishable from the Catholic project. Persons, Objects and the Transcendent So far we have seen how Pentecostal missionaries, faced with the difculty of afrming Pentecostalism in a country with a long Catholic tradition, ultimately synthesized the original project of seeking the sincere person with the search for collective saintliness. Hence, the tension within Pentecostalism is resolved through the encompassment of the semiotic ideology of sincerity by the semiotic ideology of saintliness. In the following pages, I hope to show how these two ideologies enter into the composition of the Pentecostal person in Brazil in an equally tense fashion. Before proceeding, it is important to state that my eldwork conrms the idea presented in various other studies of Latin America concerning the way Pentecostalism promotes social reform by engaging people in an individual narrative (Burdick 1998; Machado 1996; Mariz & Machado 1996; Garrad-Burnett 1998; Steigenga 2001; Sampaio 2007; Smilde 2007). However, I emphasize that this impact depends on the work of replacing a prior, highly unstable model of the person, one that is without interiority. I refer to this previous model as the syncretic person.6 According to Fernandes (1988:109), the tradition that our saints have three faces and communicate in three different languages (ofcial Catholicism, popular Catholicism and Afro-Brazilian religions) encourages the idea that an
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identity does not automatically demand a person to be one with the soul. Emphasis is given to the jovial transversality of the syncretic person that responds to different message scenarios, making strategic use of different syntaxes depending on the event or situation at hand. Dawsey (2006) provides a good example of this in his eldwork with a group of poor women from Minas Gerais, who are faced with extreme situations (such as the possibility of losing their children) switched from reference to the Virgin Mary to behaving like crazy women, someone who turns into a wild animal and attacks her interlocutor. The syncretic person oscillates between two extremes of the same axis, between an identication with saintliness and the monstrous. In my own eldwork, I heard various accounts of people who, in socially difcult situations, had own off the handle, turned into a wild animal, caused a scandal. At the level of day-to-day sociality, Pentecostals are very proud of their capacity to reverse these practices in ways their neighbours cannot. People who turn into wild animals are interlocutors who cannot be trusted, who use their own interiority as a cover and who therefore become a potential threat to their friends. By contrast, Pentecostals carefully evaluate whatever is said, examining what comes from the heart. They cultivate an inner self and take pains to scrutinize the relation between intention, thought, and words, searching for the vocabulary that most precisely expresses their inner state. If we compare this model of the person to the previous one using these terms, the growth of Pentecostalism has been synonymous with the constitution of a more autonomous and stable person, producing a general gain at the level of sociality. Social reform is far from an irrelevant factor, particularly when we take into account its effects on social networks with strong tendencies towards mutual internal distrust, the dissolution of families and primary help networks, and the chronic use of violence in social interactions (Leite 2000; Smilde 2007). However, I think we need to move forward and try to deal with a question found between the lines of studies of Pentecostals in Latin America: namely, whether there is a gain in freedom in joining the new religiosity. The ideal of freedom is fundamental to the constitution of the modern subject (Taylor 2007), yet this concept is extremely dense and multiform. As an analytic strategy, therefore, I shall limit myself to the denitions implicit in the ideologies of sincerity and saintliness. According to Keane, the search for sincerity hurls the subject into a search for freedom, which in turn leads to the Protestant traditions recognition of materiality as a constraint on agency. Freedom seems to depend on the dematerialization of what is most denitive of humans, whether
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that be understood as the soul, thoughts, belief, or, say, the meanings of words (Keane 2007:7). In the ideology of saintliness, though, freedom and materiality are not antithetical terms. An exceptional relationship is established between words and objects on the basis of a form of transcendent power: either matter gives way to the imposition of a sovereign will, as in the case of miracles, or the saint embarks on a process of complete dematerialization, mysterious and without precedent, in which he himself becomes a pure spirit. Taking into account these denitions of freedom, I will seek to identify the parameters involved in an individual believers search for attachment and detachment, the social commitments assumed/inherited/instituted, and the relationship to the search for what the heart says. What leeway is there for negotiating between ones own desires and the law (of God, the State, the Church, or tradition)? To explore these questions, I shall reproduce part of an interview I con . The ducted with one of the sisters from the Assembly of God in Mage account is relatively long and existentially sensitive, since Ana Claudia discusses her sons murder. This may seem an unfortunate choice given my stated aim of exploring the problem of freedom: there is nothing further from freedom than death. I pursue this line of inquiry for two reasons. First, although the loss of a child in a shooting is obviously a highly sensitive topic among my Pentecostal interlocutors, it is not an extraordinary event in local peoples lives. The death of poor, black youth by gunshot is statistically high among the poor urban sectors of Rio de Janeiro. Secondly, professionals from institutions dedicated to the disciplinary reform of the person (schools, youth shelters, prisons, police institutions) in counties like Brazil and Argentina have been intrigued by what appears to be a capacity for the person to be rehabilitated through Pentecostalism. Pentecostals are said to be much more successful in reforming the person than those institutions designed to inculcate reform using modern approaches or competing religious systems (Cunha 2009; Teixeira 2009). Finally, this story may help achieve a better understanding of how Pentecostalism operates from within by offering alternative developments of meaning even in extreme or highly dramatic situations. udia told me her story in front of a tape recorder. She had a daughter, Ana Cla Adriana, and a son, Duda, from her rst marriage. Adriana never caused trouble: she was a good student, a congenial and peaceful person. But Duda liked to have fun: he was undisciplined and never did well at school. From the time he was eleven, he would run away from home, taking the train to neighbouring districts in order to steal. He rejected our life, which he called
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udia. Thereafter Duda dedicated himself to a life of miserable, said Ana Cla crime petty theft, drug trafcking, robbery and was arrested three times. udia tracked her sons life for years, but they drifted farther and Ana Cla farther apart as he became increasingly enmeshed in criminal networks. She lived in constant fear of receiving heart-wrenching news. Her family and close friends heard her say many times that she could tolerate every kind of derision and humiliation Duda might cause her, but she would never survive the news of his death. Part of her account runs as follows:
I went to a prayer [session] on a Tuesday, and a sister came to pray for me. Out of the blue, she just came over to me, put her hand on my shoulder and said: Lord, see, this tomb is open. Console and comfort the heart of Your servant! But if the grave is open I thought to myself Duda is dead! (. . .) In Matthew 7 it is written that the one who seeks, nds; the one who asks, receives. Can someone ask God for good things and receive bad things? No!!! He gives you the best! I took this passage and began to pray: God, You have the power to change the worst drug dealer in the world! Then came that answer: But he [Duda] has to want it! . . . We went back home and when it was night, I thought to myself: My God, Im in the ninth year, there have been nine years of this battle. For nine years Ive been asking for Your blessing . . . if You had asked me if I wanted any amount of money in this world, I would have said that I want my son in the house of the Lord. Nothing else. Maybe I am not praying right! Nine years and still I have not received, its me who is not praying right. And I thought: From today onwards I shall change my prayer. And I started to pray like this: Lord, You can transform my son into a minister, a pastor, a deacon and even make him join a youth group. Lord, this is my will. This is my mothers heart! May Your will come true, not mine. I prayed like this once, then twice. The third time was on a Wednesday morning. They killed him on the Thursday morning. I had a weird Wednesday; I was in a state of peace that I could not explain. My body was light. The children said: Mother, you are kind of silly today. I spent the day working. At night I cooked the meal. I slept at eight. I never sleep at that time, but I did that night. At ten past midnight, my son-in-law put his hand on my leg and I woke up. He looked at me and I asked: Did they kill Duda? [When he nodded] I didnt say anything, I just gestured: Ill pray. When I left the bedroom, my face was contorted; it seemed like I was about to have a stroke. But I asked: Lord, help me. I have other children. Then came this reaction. I asked: Where do we go? We had to fetch the corpse.

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The above provides an account of the sudden change in direction of Anas reasoning in other words, a change in the divine intervention she desired. She notes that for 9 years she had consistently pursed the same line of argument, remove Duda from drug-trafcking and make him a servant of God. This line

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involved words, intentions, practices, requests, conversations with teachers, psychologists, lawyers and social workers, visits to institutions and a series of humiliations. During this 9-year ght, Ana tried to transform a restless boy into a worthy person. She threw herself into an attempt to remove the barriers of objects and words that labelled her son a bad boy by nature. In her quest she sought out institutional and professional support. These various forms of social support the schools with their pedagogical projects, the shelters with their supervisors, the prisons with their rehabilitation programs should have helped her recuperate the (universal) child in Duda from the bad boy. But all these attempts to reform Duda failed. I highlight the fact that the sudden change in Anas prayer occurred 4 days before her son was killed. At that moment, Ana altered her prayer. Emulating Mary, Mother of God, Ana renounced her son. Applying the denitions of freedom cited above, Ana switched from the search for freedom as an aspect of the modern sincere subject to a pursuit of the freedom of saintliness, renouncing what she held most dear in life. In this latter form, freedom is connected with a self-discipline of renouncement, which is quite paradoxical, as the person searches one position where she feels free to choose to obey a supernatural order. As in the preceding analyses, here we encounter in the personal narrative of a Pentecostal woman the coexistence of the two semiotic ideologies of sincerity and saintliness. However, it should be emphasized that while in the collective project, the centrality of the principle of the sincere person is checked by a strongly standardized self-identication of the Pentecostal people as a holy people, the nucleus of the sincere person is particularly well established in the production of the individual Pentecostal person (and more specically in the case of a Pentecostal person considered exemplary by his or her peers).7 It is important to observe that the convergence between sincerity and saintliness undergoes a regular pattern of transformation depending on the chain of events. In everyday situations, where the believer encounters dual referents to order in the outside world in the running of the school, workplace, youth centre, supermarket, hospital and so on he or she looks for purifying sequences, including the use of homologies with the internal procedures typical of the formation of the sincere person. However, in extreme situations when reforming and ordering the world is deemed to have failed, the believer may leap and allow herself to be invested by a projection of saintliness. This possibility arises because, by denition, projection into the world of the saint
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is independent of the disposition of the world of objects and things. The idea is that its perfection is a-temporal. With this observation in mind, we can return to the question of freedom. As the situation unfolded, Ana only saved herself as a sincere person (with an inner self) by submitting to the freedom of saintliness (involving complete renunciation). By deciding to renounce her son she became an agent in a situation in which the modern subject of sincere speech is unable to proceed. It follows, therefore, that the modern concept of freedom is irrelevant within this situation. Final Remarks In this article, I began with the hypothesis that Pentecostalism in Brazil has a mixed composition. Using the notion of semiotic ideology, I opted to describe this double composition as an ideology of sincerity and of saintliness. This conceptual pairing has a twofold advantage: it resonates with other dualisms present in the literature (rational/charismatic, modern/enchanted, individualism/holism, etc.) without losing sight of the specic histories involved in the sedimentation of Christianity and the production of the person. Based on these conceptual tools, it was observed ethnographically that although Pentecostalism is actualized in a form that respects a hierarchy between these terms the centre occupied by the sincere person and the peripheries by saintliness there is a wide margin of negotiation in Pentecostal form depending on its mode of insertion within the local context (with direct or autochthonous translators) and on its dynamic interaction with competing forms (with the history of the formation of the nation, the evolution of capitalism in the region, the development of technico-scientic infrastructures). In the case of Brazilian Pentecostalism, while the centrality of the principle of the sincere person in the collective project of Pentecostals is jeopardized by the search for a strongly standardized identication of themselves as a holy people, part of a strategy of revenge and access to modernity, the nucleus of the sincere person is particularly well established in the production of the Pentecostal personhood. However, in extreme situations, the absence of routine sequences of the modern purifying discipline means that the believer may leap to aligning with the other doctrinal body, allowing herself to be invested by a projection of saintliness. In contexts dened by the peripheral expansion of capitalism, this characteristic of maintaining the stability of the individual person irrespective of the failure in support given by outside objects and words, is far from negligible.
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To conclude, I would like to make a general comment about the implications of this conformation of the Pentecostal Christian person in the Latin American Christianization process. We are certainly witnessing a conjunction of Christianity and modernity in the region, something that places the continent in a particular position among the range of global experiments of modernities. Symptomatically, the conjunction of modernizing processes and the new Christianization in the region, has not taken the direction of a reinforcement of relativism in an equation in which Protestantism is seen as being equal to an expansion of beliefs in secularization as occurred in Europe nor has it headed toward a reinforcement of fundamentalism which would indicate a defensive religious adhesion in the face of secular tendencies. In fact, according to the World Values Survey, a reasonably reliable source, Latin America is characterized by the unprecedented combination of a strong emphasis on traditional values such as religion, with the defense of free-choice, and selfexpression more common in wealthy countries(Freston 2010:17). By observations such as this, Paul Freston proposed that we should no longer see the region through the prole of Catholic hegemony, or through the prole of Pentecostal advance, and invest in a third route, that of a multidimensional pluralism, which would not be a multiplicity of churches, or even the recognition of this in the public discourse (1 4) it is also a multiplicity of church models, of ) the religious spaces and voices that seek the authority organizational models (1 4 to speak in the name of Christian faith become plural(Freston 2010:28). Taking into account the idea implicit in the concept of multidimensional pluralism a general and encompassing middle ground, something that is not in the social organizational or institutional plane, but which nevertheless is found in the intersubjective plane and in the constitution of the person I add the presence of the ideology of saintliness along with a very well-known ideology of sincerity, opening, in this way, a new and promising eld of debate.
Acknowledgements I would like to thank Naomi Haynes and David Rodgers for help with the translation. Improvements to the manuscript were made by Joel Robbins, Jon Bialecki, Silvana de Paula and the editors and referees of this special issue. This research o de Aperfeic was funded by grants from the Coordenac a oamento de Pessoal de vel Superior (CAPES) and the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento e Pesquisa N ca e Tecnolo gica (CNPQ). Cient Notes 1. One of the foundational insights of modern sociology and anthropology is that experiences and conceptions of personhood differ widely, both within and across ethnos, vol. 76:4, december 2011 (pp. 448 468)

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mile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss are central to this literacultures. The works of E ture since they show that the concept of person as a basic category of human thought presents different structures depending on cultural variations in law and morality. The notion of person is also central to the development of the anthropology of Christianity insofar as native populations tend to describe their religious conversion as a break with the past and the birth of a new person. In this article I look to identify the specic ways in which the Pentecostal person is constituted and experienced in Brazil in accordance with a regional pattern. 2. Linguistic anthropologists coined the notions language ideology, linguistic ideology or ideologies of languages to refer to a shared sense of the nature of language in the world, but they emphasize different aspects. Silverstein (1979:193 apud Woolard 1998:4), for example, focuses on the structural aspect of the ideology of language, considering the sets of beliefs about language articulated by users as a rationalization or justication of perceived language structure and use. Other authors emphasize unconscious factors such as the cultural system of ideas about social and linguistic relationships, together with their loading of moral and political interests (Irvine 1989:255 apud Woolard 1998:5). Above all, in this disciplinary formation the term ideology indicates an analytical questioning about asymmetric distributions of power in conceptual and communicative systems (Woolard 1998). 3. This association with Pentecostals as vectors of modernity is related to a specic meaning of modernity as a moral narrative that structures agents redemption as refusing the fetters of false consciousness and of the fetishes of traditional cultures and ritualistic religions, such as Catholicism and Islam. In contrast, throughout the article, I defend the idea of multiple modernities (Eisenstadt 2000). sar Pinheiro 4. The team of researchers was formed by the author together with Ce Teixeira, Andrew Reed and Gabriela de Lima Cuervo. We used the established anthropological methods of eldwork: participant observation during services, shows and events and interviews. We also used photography and historic surveys. It is important to note that the eld situations mentioned in this article were observed directly by the author. 5. In the regional Pentecostal vernacular, the human being is classied according to a sincerity-saintliness order. At the top is the anointed believer (crente ungido) a person able to have an intimate conversation with God and who is centred on the will of God. Next there is the troubled believer, (crente atribulado) the most commonly found among the Pentecostals; and then the wayward believer, (crente desviado) a person who knows the principles of the faith, but lost the ability to dialogue with God. In the absence of a dynamic production of sincere internal dialogue, the wayward believer can only relate to the stereotyped Christian word. Finally there is the person of the world, unconcerned with transcendence, who therefore says what she does not want to say and does not know what she does. 6. Studies conducted among Pentecostals in Brazil (and Latin America in general) tend to recognize the impact of Pentecostalism through a reform of the person, especially in terms of a re-organization of the focus of ties of obligation. Men in traditional culture are divided between acting as the breadwinner and the solidarity of the street and bar in the company of friends, while women are divided between home and the seduction of the street. In my analysis of the syncretic person I

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retain the main aspect of the folk composition of the person, namely the persons adherence to diverging and sometimes competing outside commitments (cf. Campos 2008). 7. See note 3.

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