University College London School of Slavonic and East European Studies

Post-socialism: From Private to Public Albanian Women in Tetovo, Macedonia

Dissertation submitted for the MA Central and South-East European Studies by Student Number: 1039629 Candidate Number: RVYF2

This dissertation is my own work. Quotations from secondary literature are indicated by the use of inverted commas and by reference to the author concerned. Literature used in this essay is indicated in the reading list placed at the end. I have been made aware of the UCL policy on plagiarism (http://www.ucl.ac.uk/current-students/study/plagiarism/). This dissertation is 11.804 words in length.

September 2011

Table of Contents
1. Introduction 1.1 Notes on Theory 1.2 Notes on Research and Methodology 2. Socialism. The Private 2.1 Overall Impression 2.2 The context of the Albanian women in Tetovo 2.3 Factors that put Albanian women in the Private 2.3.1 Family Values 2.3.2 Reproduction 2.3.3 Education 2.3.4 Employment 2.3.5 Religion 3. Post-Socialism. The Public 3.1 In General 3.2 Albanian Women and Post-Socialism 3.3 Factors that put Albanian Women in the Public 3.3.1 Change of System and Womens Participation in Politics 3.3.2 Education and Employment 3.3.3 Traditions and Religion 3.3.4 Media 3.3.5 Albanian Immigration 4. Conclusion Bibliography 3 6 12 14 14 16 18 18 20 21 25 26 28 28 29 31 31 35 38 39 40 41 44

1. Introduction
For half a century half of the world experienced variations of a political system based on the Marxist- Leninist communist ideology. It was a one-party system where generally the Communist Party had the overall power. Its main goals and characteristics were establishment of a society with no class divisions, state ownership as means of production and centrally planned economy. However, one of its particular features that really caught my eye was the equality between men and women and the need for women to be present and active not only in the household, but in the labour market and politics as well. As Engels wrote, to emancipate woman and make her the equal of the man is and remains an impossibility so long as the woman is shut out from social production and restricted to private domestic labour.1 However, women in different countries experienced socialism and gender equality in a different manner. Chinese communism certainly differed from the one of the Soviet Union or Yugoslavia. As a result, it is nearly impossible to make analogies between the communist countries. Moreover, it is almost equally difficult to make a comparison between countries that belonged to the same bloc or federation, such as the countries of former Yugoslavia. Each community and even each particular group of women have experienced socialism differently albeit group of the same ethnic background or the same country. For example, Macedonian and Albanian women in Macedonia share different experiences of socialism, but the same can be said for the Albanian women from Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania who are of equal ethnic background but lived under different variations of the system. Therefore, in order to provide a well-rounded and

Women and communism: selections from the writings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, p.11.

detailed analysis of gender relations and role of women during and after state socialism, I decided not only to focus on a specific country, but also on specific locality. This will enable me to explore and discuss how particular conditions, economic development, national traditions and political histories have affected the status of the women. I focused my research on the Albanian women in the town of Tetovo, Macedonia and the region that surrounds it, that is the nearby villages. I decided on this locality for two reasons. First of all, this is a region of Macedonia where the Albanian population is mostly situated. In addition, it is a town of two universities, both with instruction in Albanian language, as well as a town where the Albanian political parties have their headquarters. In that sense Tetovo is the capital of the Albanians in Macedonia. The second reason is of a rather personal nature. Being Tetovo native and living there for the most of my life makes me an insider who has witnessed not only the changes that have occurred in terms of the towns development, but also the turn of events for the people, especially the Albanian women. Like many researchers I am interested in the other. For me, a young Macedonian woman from Tetovo, there are two others. The first is the Albanian woman, and the second is the period of socialism that I have heard so much about but never really experienced. As a result much of my interest in this topic is due to a blend of personal, historical and cultural experiences and observations. My research question, as well as my analysis, is influenced by the notion of the private-public dichotomy very much used by both feminists and anthropologists when defining male-female relations. Namely, Gal and Kligman argue that women in post-socialism went back to the private sphere and experienced re-traditionalization of their gender role. Although at first glance using this dichotomy and Gal and Kligmans observation when analyzing the gender issues in the

communist- post-communist era might seem somewhat overused, it is exactly the private-public divide that provides me with a different perspective on this topic. By choosing to study a specific community, that is the Albanian women in Macedonia, more particularly the ones in the Tetovo area, I would like to provide a different light to this dichotomy and show that the line between public and private is constantly being renegotiated.2 In the context of my study I will challenge the understanding that women went from public to private after socialism. The goal of my analysis is to present a case study of the opposite: a community that was in private during socialism and went in public in the period after. What I will argue is that unlike the most of the women that have experienced socialism, Albanian women in Tetovo were not visibly present in the public sphere during socialist Macedonia and consequently they did not go back to the private after the socialism ended. Albanian women experienced a different shift, instead of going back, or staying in the private; they went from private to public. By looking at their presence in the two spheres during the two political and ideological systems I will seek to uncover whether, how and why the role of the Albanian women has changed. In addition, I will try to offer an explanation of the factors that led to this change and shift of spheres. The heart of my research are interviews I have conducted with a particular group of Albanian women that come from Tetovo and the nearby villages and who have lived in both periods of socialism and post-socialism. All of the women I have interviewed are university graduates and hold positions in the public administration, NGOs, private companies or schools. Most of the

Feminism, the Public and the Private, ed. by Joan B. Landes, p.3.

women are politically active on local level and some of them on national level as well. All but the women active in the non-governmental sector are members of the two major Albanian political parties. The main discussion is split into two parts. In the first part I look at the general characteristics of the socialist period in Yugoslavia, Macedonia and Tetovo and what that meant for the Albanian community and the Albanian women. In addition, I point out several factors that have influenced the presence of the Albanian women in the private. I focus on family values and traditions, reproductive behaviour and religion in particular. Part two, addresses the period of postsocialism and apart from describing its general characteristics in terms of the Albanian community, it focuses in particular on the factors that have brought the Albanian women into the public sphere. Here I emphasize the importance of education as the main tool for the process of emancipation and progress of the Albanian women. Moreover, I analyze the political participation, employment, media and change in values of the traditional Albanian family.

1.1 Notes on Theory The Albanians in Western Macedonia are probably the least known part of the Albanian nation in the Balkans.3 As a result, the Albanian women in Macedonia have been marginalized in terms of academic attention. There is very little written about them and their position in the Macedonian society. The prevalent discourse in terms of research and writing about Albanian women in Macedonia is their traditional role within the family, position of submission to the husband and high rate of fertility. The Macedonian Academy of Arts and Sciences addresses
3

The New Macedonian Question, ed. by James Pettifer, p. 137.

exactly the latter especially in the period of socialism. Likewise, Petroska deals with demographic changes in Macedonia and briefly explains the reasons behind the high reproduction particularly among the Albanian rural women. She points out the problems with the low level of education, traditional values and the non-presence of the Albanian woman in the workforce. Studies of this kind, although rather brief, provide a starting point for analyzing the reproduction behaviour among Albanian families in Macedonia. Apart from this, the Albanian women as separate group in the Macedonian society have not been specifically addressed yet. Earlier and also more recent studies have mainly focused on the integration of the Albanian community in the Macedonian society, the co-existence between Macedonians and Albanians, perspectives for interethnic dialogue, as well as ethnic identity and ethnic politics. Babuna addresses the Albanian nationalism in Macedonia and Kosovo and argues that the Albanian ethnic identity is more important than their religion. Similarly, Barary and Moser, when talking about ethnic mobilization, emphasize the importance of the ethno-national identification, as well as the fact that the norms and rules set by the Albanian culture and tradition are a lot more important for the Albanian community than the official norms and regulations. Barary and Moser talk explicitly about the position of the Albanians in the Macedonian society and their very limited access to political, social and economic resources during socialism. On the other hand, Starova points out the positive aspects of the communist state for the Albanians in Macedonia, such as education in Albanian language, increased participation of the Albanians in the political organizations, but also stressing the need for family planning and population policy that will address the issue of high birth rate among the Albanians in Macedonia.

When it comes to gender issues in Macedonia in general, Ilk Thiessen provides a valuable ethnography on young professional women in Skopje. She explores how young Macedonian urban women explore and define their identity in a period of change when Macedonia is leaving the socialism behind and creates its own identity and nationhood. Thiessen is investigating the intersection of gender and national identity.4 Similarly, my intention is to take the womens point of view and womens experience in times of change and democratization, but instead on young Macedonians, my focal point is on the middle-aged Albanian women. Exploring modern masculinities among the Albanians in Macedonia, in the north-eastern town of Kumanovo, Dimova emphasizes the importance of education for overcoming the backwardness among Albanian women. My findings also point out that education is perceived as the main tool for emancipating not only the Albanian women but women from other ethnic groups and elevating them on a status equal to men. Dimovas research points out the importance of preservation of the Albanian culture, heritage and lineage and the dilemma of tradition vs. modernity among young Albanian women. Brunnbauer makes a link between education and high fertility among Albanian women linking the two major issues that affect this particular group. Finally Ristova acknowledges that the least examined feature of the socialist system transformation is the womens political representation. Arguing that Macedonia became a machocracy after communism she makes analysis of how the electoral systems in Macedonia have effected womens representation in the parliament. However, she also concludes that there is a change in the political culture among women in Macedonia including the ones of Albanian background.

Ilk Thiessen, Waiting for Macedonia: Identity in a Changing World, p.17.

There are a very scarce number of studies that address the issues of women in Macedonia and the reason behind this is that the academic interest in post-socialist Macedonia has certainly been overshadowed by the unfolding of the Yugoslav tragedy, the wars in Bosnia and Croatia as well as the Kosovo crisis. In the period right after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, women have been analyzed and portrayed mainly as refugees or victims of war and rape. They have received almost no attention in terms of their political activity and their presence outside of the home. In Macedonia, women have been set aside as well. The issues of the Albanians as one of the largest minority group in Macedonia, the use of the Albanian language and symbols, as well as the conflict of 2001 are the ones that received attention. Moreover, authors prefer to deal with the question of building the Macedonian nationhood and the struggle for independence that includes the name dispute with Greece.

On the other hand the literature on women and post-communism is of a much greater extent. Mainly dealing with countries of the former SSSR, Eastern and Central Europe as well as some of the countries of former Yugoslavia the emphasis is put on the way women experienced politics during communism and how that has changed with the transition. Often addressed are the emerging issues of re-traditionalization of the role of women, the surfacing of domestic violence, womens access to political power, but also rape as tool of war where women are the victims.

In addition, there is extensive literature on the public/private divide when it comes to womens and gender issues. Anthropologists have generally found womens association with the domestic

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sphere strong in all cultures.5 However, not all feminists agree with this statement and the public/private dichotomy. Feminists often contest the fluidity of the division and challenge the universality and applicability of it. Landes (1998), Rosaldo and Lamphere (1974), and Moore (1988) all contribute in the analysis of this dichotomy and often challenge it.

The work that influences my study the most is the one of Gal and Kligman. Making an intersection between the role of gender and the transformation of communist Europe they show how gender has shaped the political and the economic change in the region. Their chapter on the Dilemmas of Public and Private was particularly helpful in understanding the gender relations before and after communism. Although the ethnographic component of their study is focused on Eastern and Central Europe, the theory and argument behind it is a valuable background for any studies concerning gender and socialism. As Dubisch notes in her research on gender and masculinity in rural Greece, roles of women and man are strongly linked to the division of private and public and this is a promising place to start with. Indeed, although my study does not necessarily confirm the re-traditionalization of women, it definitely takes the private/public dichotomy as the starting point.

Looking at society from the point of view of women thus leads us not simply to a different view of women, but to a different view of society itself.6 Post-communism brought new changes and challenges. The disappearance of a communist equality paradigm and the old-new conservative ideology of State, Nation or Religion, in each post-communist country, were crucially based on the strategy of retraditionalization of womens identities, their social roles,
5 6

Jill Dubisch, Gender and Power in Rural Greece, p.9. Ibid. p.5

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and symbolic representations. Therefore many authors (usually female) look at socialism and post-socialism exactly through the prism of gender and women. Ramet (1999), Corrin (1992, 1999), Johnson and Robinson (2007), Rueschemeyer and Wolchik (2009), and Matland and Montgomery (2003) all provide gendered perspective of post-communism, thus offering extensive literature on the topic. Transition toward neoliberal capitalism is accompanied by the re-traditionalization of gender roles, both regarding the division of labour and sexuality.7 However, at the turn of the millennium, as Milic argues, there is awakening of the existential need for the voice of women to be heard.8 Although from working women in socialism they became wives and mothers in the period after there is less passivity among women 20 years after the fall of communism.9 In the paragraphs that follow I will show in detail why and how Albanian women went from passive to active during the transition and today. Unlike the rest of the women they were wives and mothers during socialism, but nowadays they have turned into working women and politicians because they have learnt how to be women in a system that offered new conditions and new opportunities for them.

Trying to understand the reasons for womens participation in the public and political sphere Paxton and Kunovich offered a good explanation. According to them there are three types of factors: structural, political and ideological.10 Although a blend of the three gives the reason of the presence of Albanian women in Macedonia in the public sphere, it seems the ideological explanation to be of a greater importance. It is true that educational and professional

7 8

Vesna Nikoli Ristanovi, Post-communism: Womens Lives in Transition, p.2. Andjelka Milic, The womens movement in Serbia and Montenegro at the turn of the m illennium: a sociological study of women's groups, p.72. 9 Chris Corrin, Superwomen and the Double Burden, p.167. 10 Pamela Paxton and Sheri Kunovich, Womens Political Representation: The Importance of Ideology, p.87.

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opportunities provide access to involvement in politics and that the electoral systems do have an effect. However, Paxton and Kunovich argue the cultural norms can limit womens opportunities to participate in politics.11 Following that logic it makes sense that the patriarchal Balkan mentality12 present among most of the countries of former Yugoslavia, including the Albanians in Macedonia affects the role of the women in the society. As I explain later on, the Albanian family values, traditions and beliefs have had a major role in shaping the position of the Albanian women in the society and they certainly have not had very positive effect. This was especially the case before and during socialism. It is true that the traditional mentality has changed due to reasons explained in detail later on. However, elements of the traditional and patriarchal beliefs are still present and still affect the womens presence in the public sphere but to a much lesser extent.

1.2 Notes on Research and Methodology As someone born only few years before the collapse of Yugoslavia, it was impossible for me to have any personal memories from that period. Everything I have known about communism comes from the stories of my grandparents. What is unusual is that my two sets of grandparents gave me two different perspectives, one for and one against socialism. This gave me the motivation to do a research that involves looking into that time period in order to have my own hands-on experience. Living in a town where the majority of the people are from nationality, ethnicity and religion different from mine, I developed specific interest in that community. In addition, scrutinizing the obvious and not so obvious changes happening in my town with both

11 12

Ibid. p.91. Chris Corrin, Superwomen and the double burden, p.160.

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the Albanian and Macedonian community provided a good base and a good starting point to form my research. Because of the limited sources on the lives and position of the Albanian women in the Macedonian society both before and after socialism I had to implement some qualitative methods in my research. In order to better grasp and understand the situation I decided to be a little bit of ethnographer and observer in my home town. My research consisted of spending 2 weeks in Tetovo in July 2011. During these two weeks I conducted individual interviews with Albanian women born between 1953 and 1970. I visited most of them at their workplace, since all of them are employed mostly in the public sector, mainly educational institutions, but also NGOs and private companies. Two of my interviewees are members of the Municipal Council. Since the ones who were employed in schools and educational institutions had their summer holidays I met and spoke with them in cafes or restaurants. I conducted all of my interviews in Macedonian, although all the interviewees were ethnic Albanians. However, the language was not an issue since they are somewhat part of the Albanian local elite, and all of them have excellent command of Macedonian which is also the official language in the country. I did the translation of the interviews into English and the analyses. The goal is to give a very specific, localized analysis of the female Albanian community in Tetovo, Macedonia and their perception of the socialism and post-socialism whilst exploring their role and their position in these political systems.

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2. Socialism. The Private

2.1 Overall impressions The Yugoslav state consisted of six republics and two provinces and was based on the principle of brotherhood and unity which promised equal treatment and equal opportunities for everyone. During 45 years of socialism, women in Yugoslavia became as free as men to work outside the home.13 One of the main goals of the socialist system was to include large number of women into the paid labour force. Despite the double and even the triple burden,14 in terms of the given possibilities to be active and present in the workforce and the local and national politics, Yugoslavias socialist ideology was favourable to women.15 The state-socialist regime did accomplish a high degree of social, economic, and political participation for women, but that participation came at a high price.16 The role of a housewife and a mother never disappeared; it was just extended with the role of a woman worker. Even then, the extensive maternity policies made women inconvenient workers. Unemployment rates among women were always higher in comparison to their male counterparts.

Additionally, very often the brotherhood and unity principle was just a rhetoric, rather than action. No matter how hard the League of Communists tried to impose this principle and with that the equality of men and women, marginalization of certain groups was unavoidable. Often women from nationalities and women from certain areas did not have the opportunities to use the
13

Garth Massey, Karen Hahn and Dusko Sekulic, Women, Men and the "Second Shift" in Socialist Yugoslavia, p.360. 14 The triple burden includes (paid employment, housework and political/community responsibilities Massey,Hahn and Sekulic, p. 364. 15 Ibid. p.363. 16 Richard E. Matland and Kathleen A. Montgomery, Recruiting Women to National Legislatures: A General Framework with Applications to Post-Communist Democracies in Womens Access to Political Power in Postcommunist Europe ed. by Matland and Montgomery, pp.19-42 (p.36).

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benefits from the ideology of gender equality. Although [o]n paper Yugoslav women seemed to have made significant strides forward,17 the situation differed from republic to republic. The formal guarantees issued to women18 often remained formal and only on paper. During communism two structural problems in relation to gender equality appear. First of all, women tended to be concentrated in certain professions and excluded from others, and next, women remained underrepresented in leadership bodies.19 Women remained responsible for the household labour, and womens political participation was encouraged but tightly controlled.20

When shifting the focus from Yugoslavia to Macedonia and its national minorities it is important to note that the minorities, including the Albanian one were not very likely to join the League of Communists.21 Their low interest in joining the party reflected in their attitudes towards the beliefs of the socialist ideology. It is not surprising that the besides the efforts of the socialist institutions, the traditional beliefs about the role of women were not in fact transformed not only among the Albanian, but among all the other Yugoslav ethnic groups. Other factors not directly connected with the state policies also shaped the role of women. When it comes to Albanian women in Macedonia and in Tetovo, apart from the political system as a factor, there are indeed other factors that conditioned the womens (non-)participation in the public sphere. It is exactly these other factors that will be discussed in the following paragraphs.

17 18

Sabrina P. Ramet, In Titos Time, in Gender Politics in the Western Balkans, ed. by Ramet, pp. 89-105 (p. 95). Ibid. p.94. 19 Ibid. p.97. 20 Robert M. Kunovich, Ethnic Conflict, Group Polarization, and Gender Attitudes in Croatia, p.1091. 21 Hugh Poulton, Who are the Macedonians?, p.122.

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2.2 The context of the Albanian women in Tetovo Macedonia was one of the republics that were part of Yugoslavia. It was the most southern republic where blend of people coming from different ethnic, national and religious backgrounds lived together. The Albanian population was recognized as nationality, but not as its own nation. According to the 1974 constitution Macedonia was a state of the Macedonian people and the Albanian and Turkish minorities. In Macedonia, the most of the Albanian population lives in the western and north-western part of the country. The Tetovo area, being situated in the valley of Polog in the north-western part of Macedonia, has a majority of Albanian population. In his overview of the Albanian population in Macedonia, Trifunovski explains that the first Albanian settlers came in the Tetovo area in the second half of the 18th century, in the period between 1780 and 1840. They came from the clans that lived in Northern Albania and usually settled in areas already populated by the Orthodox Slavs.22 In 1939 the Tetovo area had 75,000 inhabitants, 82% of them had agriculture as their main occupation and over 60% of the Tetovo population aged over 10 was illiterate.23 The size of the population and especially of the Albanian population in Tetovo was constantly growing. It increased in the city from 7,155 inhabitants in 1953, to 6,435 inhabitants in 1961 and 15,388 inhabitants in 1971. In the wider Tetovo area in 1953 there were 54,893 Albanians, in 1961 there were 60,242 and in 1971 the population grew up to 87,715.24 The overall population of the Tetovo area in the 1970s grew up to 132,000 and Tetovo became one of the most densely

22

Jovan Trifunoski, Albansko stanovnitvo u Socijalistikoj Republici Makedoniji: antropogeografska i etnografska istraivanja 23 ivko Stefanovski, Poloka panorama, 1973, pp.5-6. 24 Demographic Data from Trifunoski p.105.

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populated areas in Macedonia.25 However, the town and its surroundings remained underdeveloped for a long time and this affected the status of women and the status of Albanian women in the society in particular.

Before, during, and somewhat after socialism the position of the Albanian woman in Tetovo was delicate and inferior, subordinated to biological imperatives, religious influences, as well as traditional and patriarchal family understandings. Albanian women were perceived as backward and traditional. Very few of them were educated and most of them did not participate in the paid labour. It will be exaggeration to claim that Albanian women were isolated group within the system. However, their participation outside of the household bubble was rather rare.

On the other hand, Macedonian women fully participated in the employment sector, as well as the public and political institutions. The gender equality ideal seemed to have worked much better for them than for the Albanian women. Marija Bakalova, a woman engineer, worker and politician, in an interview found in the Stefanovski monography on Tetovo in 1973 states that half of the workers employed in the factory Tetex are women. She finds paid employment as an important progressive factor in materializing the political and legal equality of women. The woman of that time is a mother, a housewife, a worker and an active participant in the society. Namely, in 1973 in the textile factory Tetex, there were 15 women in the workers council and one of them was a member of the Board of Directors.26

25 26

Stefanovski, p.14 Ibid. pp.16-18

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However, the symbolic distance that existed between the Albanian community and the Macedonian/Yugoslav state kept the Albanian women in the private sphere. Therefore, it is not unexpected that my respondents had negative attitudes towards communism. They did not experience a double burden, but a double marginalization and discrimination. There are several factors that managed to maintain the women in that position for long time. Firstly, they were marginalized by the state by not being given equal opportunities for employment nor political involvement, not only because they were women, but also because they were members of a minority, and secondly they were marginalized within their own families, because their traditions and patriarchal order would not let them be present and active out of the household.

2.3 Factors that put Albanian women in the private 2.3.1 Family Values When migrating to the Tetovo area the Albanian settlers did not group into clans so the tribal organization did not continue.27 Instead they lived in extended households that were typical for Macedonia in the period before the Second World War. During socialism the extended household was the primary form of organization for the Albanian families as well. Still apparent were some of the leftovers of the traditional tribal mentality. Every Albanian family with the course of time tried to have as many children as possible.28 Male children were especially desired. The household felt stronger and happier when there were more members. Since childhoodwomen are brought up with a sense of exclusive responsibility to their family.29 The woman is a child-bearer, mother and housewife. Her role is to give birth to as many children as
27 28

Trifunoski, p. 126. Trifunoski, p. 97. 29 Platek, Monika, Hostages of Destiny: Gender Issues in Todays Poland, p.12.

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possible, especially boys and to preserve the Albanian culture. In other words it is the woman that should preserve her traditional role. For Albanian women, especially those in the rural areas, the households external environment is exclusively a male domain.30 On the other hand, male children are brought up with the notion of being a real man, that is someone who is in charge of both the private and the public.31 Consequently, during socialism the Albanian women are victims of the patriarchal society.32 The division of public and private takes its traditional form, although women do try to change it.

In 1985 in Tetovo to see a girl in a sweets shop or see a married woman on her own was almost impossible. Traditionally, the boys could have gone out of the household but the girls should have stayed at home so they could get married. If they went out of the home no one would like to marry them.33

The males are smarter than females, and you know what they say of women: long on hair, short on brains. That is the way people, especially the ones in the rural areas thought,34 another respondent born in the town, but married in one of the close by villages told me.

Since the family is considered the one institution that provides continuity with the past,35 it was through early marriages and the opportunity to give birth to more children that the patriarchal family values were preserved. Additionally, the early marriages were also a result of the

30

Bette Denich, Sex and Power in the Balkans in Woman, Culture and Society ed. by Rosaldo, Zimbalist and Lamphere, pp.243-262 (p. 248). 31 Rozita Dimova, Modern Masculinities: Ethnicity, Education and Gender in Macedonia, p.306. 32 Women, State, and Party in Eastern Europe ed. by Sharon L. Wolchik and Alfred G. Meyer, p.141. 33 Xh. K. interview with the author 11.07.2011 34 D.Xh. interview with the author 19.07.2011 35 Susan Gal and Gail Kligman, Politics of Gender after Socialism, p.68.

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unemployment of the women in the public sector. As a consequence, the women kept their old role of demographic reproducer and a mother. 36

2.3.2 Reproduction One of the outcomes of the traditional family values and the women being responsible mainly in and for the family and the household is the high birth rate. According to Trifunovski, Albanian families both in the urban and rural Tetovo area had 5-7 children, and male children were specifically desired. Both males and females married young, so women had more opportunities to give birth. In 1971 the average family size was 8.7 members.37 My respondents explained that the high birth was a consequence of the unemployment of the women in the public sector as well as their very poor education. In the undeveloped Tetovo, Albanian families were mainly farmers so they looked at the number of children as a possible workforce on the fields. The higher number of children especially boys, the more people to work on the fields and improve the socioeconomic situation of the family.

Apart from filling family needs for labor [and] income,38 there are other social and structural explanations for the high birth rate among Albanian women. In its publication on the Problems with the Demographic Development in Socialist Republic of Macedonia, the Macedonian Academy for Arts and Sciences particularly points out the problem of high fertility and high birth rate characterizing the birth rate in the Tetovo area as irrational. The reasons behind the high birth rate are the low level of education among women as well as the traditional and

36 37

Problemi so demografskiot razvoj vo SR Makedonija ed. by Ksente Bogoev, p. 266. Trifunovski, p.148. 38 Gal and Kligman, p. 21.

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patriarchal norms of behaviour within the family. The low level of education and unemployment among Albanian women, as well as their subordinate role within the family made them nothing more than birth-machines, as one of my respondents noted, not very happily though. In the later 1980s with the rise of the Albanian nationalism especially in Kosovo, the Macedonian government perceived the high birth rate among the Albanians in Tetovo and in Macedonia as a threat. The high levels of reproduction were seen as dangerous, out of control and polluting.39 A 1983 report of the League of Communists of Macedonia says: The high birth rate among the Albanian nationalitycreates and will continue to create especially in the near future serious difficulties in the sphere of healthcare, education and upbringing, housing policy, employment and in other spheres of social work and life.40 As a consequence of the women in the private and the men in the public, the issue of reproduction was highly politicized.

2.3.3 Education Another politicized, but of a much greater importance for the Albanian women was the issue of education. The socialist national policy promoted compulsory primary education and nondiscrimination on the basis of gender with the result that both sexes were to be equally represented in education.41 This was one of the most positive things that the socialism made for the Albanian women.42 However, Albanian girls did not continue schooling beyond primary education. They stayed at home and bore with the everyday household activities and domestic labour. It was exactly the lack of education that put the Albanian women into the private and did
39 40

Gal and Kligman, p. 23. Slavko Milosavlevski and Mire Tomovski, Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia 1945-1995: legislative, political documentation, statistics, p.182. 41 Massey, Hahn and Sekulic, p.363. 42 Xh. K. interview with the author 11.07.2011

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not let them into the public sphere. The factors that influenced the lower level of education came from two environments, first the family and next the system. The material and the social status of the family, the distance of the school, the need for domestic labour, the early marriage and the religious rather than state schooling affected the education of the Albanian girls.43 The family saw the education as something that would make young women behave improperly. Education makes a woman promiscuous44 If the girl continues her education she might marry someone she is not supposed to, she will not respect the traditions and the family, a respondent who was the only girl that went to secondary school in 1967 in the medical school in Tetovo told me. Furthermore she continued: I was on my own among all the boys.45 If the family was educated, if the father was a teacher or a doctor they usually let the girls go to school, otherwise girls had to fight for themselves. I was lucky that my father was a teacher and my brothers also gave me their support.46 The selection of which girls went to school and which did not depended on the education of the family, their socio-economic position and their relation with the system. In that sense an elite formed, only some girls were able to continue their education, attend secondary school and even university. However, those girls, now my respondents did fight for the others and tried to challenge the traditional public/private divide. In 8th grade my girl friends and I decided to run away if our parents did not let us go to high school. We knew of two girls that already did that and we were ready to blackmail our parents. Education was more important than anything.47

43 44

Bogoev, p. 120. Dimova, p.308. 45 Xh. K. interview with the author 11.07.2011 46 D. Xh. Interview with the author 19.07.2011 47 Z. H. interview with the author 13.07.2011

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However, apart from the family, the system also influenced the level of education. Although primary education was mandatory and most of the time available in Albanian language, that was not always the case with the secondary education. Sometimes there was a Macedonian male teacher in an all-Albanian village. The problem was that firstly the students did not know the language and secondly the traditional Albanian values would not let the parents have their daughter in a classroom with a male teacher.48 Cases like this were extreme; however, they did exist. Higher education was even less available for Albanian girls. In Macedonia there was an absence of higher education in Albanian language and the language was a barrier that had to be overcome. The opening of the university in Prishtina in 1968 where the instruction was in Albanian, brought new prospects for the education of Albanian women in Macedonia. For the first time they were able to gain higher education in their native language. However, since the university was in Kosovo, rather than Macedonia, families, especially male relatives were rather resistant towards sending young girls to be on their own in Prishtina. One of my interviewees, currently a member of the council of the municipality of Tetovo was among the first women who continued their education at the University of Pristina. She said that although her family was very supportive of her going to university when her relatives and uncles found out that she was going to Prishtina on her own, they immediately reacted and tried to convince her father that going to university was a bad idea. However, it was women like her that opened the doors for other women to get out of the private and show their presence into the public, first through education and then through employment. When I got married my mother-in-law thought that I wasnt going to respect the family because I had university education. However, she managed to
48

Z.H. interview with the author 13.07.2011

24

renegotiate and balance between her university education and the values of the family. I cleaned, I cooked, I went to work and I made sure my children, my nieces and nephews got the proper education. One day our first-door neighbor, the wife of the hodza49 told my mother-in-law that she wants her sons to marry an educated woman. At that point I knew I started to make some change. I started erasing the negative image created about educated women. It was very hard, but worth it.50 I talked to another respondent who got her education in the 1980s and she told me that sometime it seemed like the system and the state did not want the Albanian women to be educated. This was especially the case in the 1980s and I experienced it. The first and the second year of high school I had classes in Albanian language, however, in the third and the fourth year all of the classes were entirely in Macedonian. That was just wrong. I wanted to learn the language and the history, but not being able to study in the mother tongue was a great disadvantage.51

Another somewhat concerning point about the education in Albanian language in the 1980s is that the teachers were often inadequate. For example, in the academic year 1980/81 over 20% of the teachers in the High School Kiril Pejchinovikj did not have the necessary qualification. In the Medical School Center Nikola Stain, this was the case with half of the teachers.52 Therefore, both the family and the system disadvantaged the Albanian women. Their intellectual capacity and their educational and professional potentials were not used adequately.

49 50

Hodza is the name for the local Muslim priest D. Xh. interview with the author 19.07.2011 51 R. C. interview with the author 15.07.2011 52 Milosavlevski and Tomovski, p.159.

25

2.3.4 Employment That public and private are concepts of instability and mutability53 is somewhat pointed out by the Albanian women who are present as employees in the public sector during the socialist period. In this period women were mainly teachers and nurses. They were not present in any other field of employment which is true not only for them as a group, but for all the women in Macedonia and Yugoslavia. As it is widely known, women predominate[d] in lowly paid and low-skilled work in the service, education and cultural sectors.54 So, the situation with the very few Albanian women that had an employment was not any different. Being poorly educated, swamped with family responsibilities and on top of that not being part of the paid labour, Albanian women were cut off of the public sphere. However, the communist government recognized that [t]he employment of the Albanian woman in the public sector is the elementary precondition for her overall emancipation.55 Yet, the intention of the system to involve the women in the workforce was weaker than the traditional value system of the Albanian extended households. For example, in 1983 the textile factory Tetex from Tetovo created employment opportunities for some of the Albanian women and girls by opening branches of this plant in the nearby villages.56 Nevertheless, the limited opportunities for employment in the public sector for the Albanian men, the low socio-economic position and the number of children put the Albanian families in a position where they had to migrate and work abroad. Namely, in the Tetovo area one third of the employed people worked abroad.57

53

Leonore Davidoff, Regarding Some Old Husbands Tales: Public and Private in Feminist Theory in Feminism, the Public and the Private ed. by Landes, pp. 164-194 (p.165). 54 Corrin, Superwomen and the double burden, p. 157. 55 Bogoev, p.266. 56 Milosavlevski and Tomovski, p.208. 57 Bogoev, p.21.

26

According to Trifunovski, the high birth rate allowed Albanian families to send their sons abroad, usually in Western Europe. Migration was accepted as a solution for the unemployment.58 In the meantime, females stayed at home being prepared for the roles of mothers and housewives.

2.3.5 Religion Religious beliefs may also shape gender ideologies and regulate household tasks.59 This is true for the Albanians in the Tetovo area. For them following the rule of the Islam is particularly important and it is part of the family values. This is especially true for the rural areas where many of the women were covered with veils. When talking to my respondents, religion was one of the most sensitive topics. All of them are religious to a certain extent and admitting that the religion had negative effect during the socialist period was not easy. During socialism religion was prohibited in the public. Namely, it was recognized as the private affair of the individual and therefore it excluded any legitimate religious public activity. 60 As a result the Quran was not translated into Albanian language.61 The girls who wore veils could not be admitted in schools because the veil was a symbol of religion. One of the most extreme forms of prohibition of religion was the changing of personal names that had explicit religious connotations.

58 59

Ibid. p. 21. Elizabeth Miklya Legerski and Marie Cornwall, Working -Class Job Loss, Gender, and the Negotiation of Household Labor, p. 450. 60 Ramet, p. 91. 61 This is a piece of information I got from one of the respondents (interview with Drita) but I cannot confirm it since I couldnt find when was the first translation of the Quran published in Albanian and brought or publis hed in Macedonia.

27

On the other hand, the ordinary Albanian men and women did not know what the Quran said. It was the hodzas who spread the religion and the traditional families followed their instructions. They interpreted the holy book in a very traditional manner: the women should stay at home; education is not needed for them. If women went to school they would have to unveil and if they do that they will be less worthy the religion further preached. Therefore, Muslim womens lives and the choices they face are influenced as much by patriarchal social arrangements as they are by religious ideology.62 The limited freedom of religious belief on one hand and the traditional role of women praised by the hodzas on the other, made Albanian women in Tetovo attached to the household with very restricted possibilities for education and employment and almost no opportunity for political and social engagement.

62

Camillia Fawzi El-Sohl and Judy Mabro, Introduction in Muslim Women's Choices : Religious Belief and Social Reality ed. by Fawzi El-Sohl and Mabro, pp.1-32 (p.1).

28

3. Part 2: Post-socialism. The Public

3.1 In General Post-socialism gave a new dimension of life to all Yugoslav people. For some the changes were good, for others bad, but one thing was certain, the change was happening. All of a sudden there was an entire transformation, shift from one-party to multi-party system. Only in Macedonia more than dozen political parties emerged before the first democratic elections took place. Womens lives transformed as well. The economic crisis, the increased unemployment and the decline of standard of living that characterized the post-socialist period had an impact on the change of gender identities and the increase of the culturally determined imbalance of power that already existed between men and women.63 Women were pushed from public back to the private. The opportunities for them to be politically active became limited.64 One of the main characteristics of the early period of post-communism was the absence of women in politics. Although a number of political parties were created, women did not have substantial roles in their creation and the parties felt neither the need nor the pressure to involve women. Because post-communist men gained decisive political and reproductive control over women, these societies are often labelled as male democracies or new patriarchies or phallocracies.65 Unfortunately it was not only politics, but also employment that left women out. The exclusion of women from paid employmentwas just another route by which women [were] expelled

63 64

Sanja opi, Wife Abuse in the Countries of Former Yugoslavia, p. 49. Jana Gohrisch, Daphne Hahn, Gabriele Jhnert, Hildegard Maria Nickel, Iris Peinl and Katrin Schfgen, Gender in Transition in Gender and Transition in Eastern and Central Europe Proceedings ed. by Jhnert, Gohrisch, Hahn, Nickel, Peinl and Schfgen pp.11-20 (p.13). 65 Ramet, p. 154.

29

from the public sphere and forced once again into the private one- to economic dependence on men and, in the end, to political passivity.66 However, it was not all dark and negative. Although there are not necessarily better opportunities or life for women after communism, women are free to define their gender identities. There is wide range of gender ideologies available both for men and women and they enable them to construct their own identity that fits best their needs, values and beliefs.67 Also, there is more freedom and flexibility for negotiating gender, power structures, divisions and boundaries. The era of monopoly over gender was over. This enabled women to construct roles that fit their own social, economic, political or any other purpose. The opportunity and choice to renegotiate gender and power relations was finally open.68

3.2 Albanian women and Post-socialism Albanian women had slightly different experience of the change and the transformation. Initially, during socialism they were not an actual part of the public sphere, the paid labour and the politics. Although there were few women delegates on local level, as well as one woman delegate on national level, their presence was not very visible.69 In terms of education, few women went beyond secondary school. For Albanian women in Tetovo and Macedonia it was this new system that was going to be the starting point for making the social transformation.

66 67

Corrin, Superwomen and the double burden, p. 168. Janet Elise Johnson and Jean C. Robinson, Living Gender in Living Gender after Communism ed. by Johnson and Robinson, pp.1-21 (p.2). 68 Ibid, p.2. 69 I managed to find only one woman that was a delegate on national level. There are no official statistics or information on the number of Albanian women involved in the state communist institutions.

30

Tetovo has changed significantly indeed. Most of the people that worked abroad during socialism have invested back in the region. Even the look of the town has changed significantly. From undeveloped area during socialism, now it is one of the most developed towns in the country. New buildings appear every day. As a town of two universities, it attracts students mainly from the Western part of Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania since the language of instruction at the universities is mainly Albanian. What is more striking is that the appearance and looks of the Albanian women changed significantly as well. In the1990s the way I was able to distinguish between Albanian and any other women was that most of the Albanian women wore veils. However, almost overnight this has changed. The veils are almost gone, only some elderly women or young very religious ones wear them. The veil is not a symbol of the Albanian woman anymore. With this act she shows that she does not want to hide or cover, but that she is ready to be present in the public and voice her opinion, educate herself and make decisions. What is more important is that even if she wears the veil she can still continue her education. Realizing the situation they were in and the possibilities that were offered, the Albanian women in Tetovo firmly decided to escape from the time of baby machines and become actors and creators of their own lives and affect the community and the society as a whole. The shift from socialism to multi-party system has brought new definition of the public/private. Indeed, it allowed Albanian women to go from private to public, yet still be involved in both spheres. However, the move from private to public did not happen smoothly. It is far from true that Albanian women and women in Tetovo and Macedonia in general enjoy equal rights as men. Therefore, the renegotiating of the public/private divide is far from over. The only certain thing

31

is that Albanian women lived through different conditions during socialism and therefore their way into the public is happening in a different manner. The border of the public/private is shifting and it is yet to be shaped. What is essential is to look at the particular conditions that allowed the Albanian women to enter the public sphere. Namely, the change of the system, the availability to pursue higher education in Albanian language, the electoral system and the media are the main factors that let the Albanian women out of the household. Changes in the influence of tradition, mentality and religion are visible as well. Yet, although the change of the system, the social and economic conditions, as well as the resistance of the individual and the collective shapes the traditional beliefs concerning gender, it is very hard to completely change and modify the core structure of the beliefs.70 The example of the Albanian women in Tetovo shows that everything is adjustable and negotiable. At the end of the day, they did not abandon the private. Instead they adjusted to the new conditions that they partially created in order to be women, human beings and citizens.71

3.3 Factors that put Albanian women in the public 3.3.1 Change of system and womens participation in politics If during socialism womens issues were not regarded as a separate question, after socialism womens issues do not get any attention. National survival, protection and security are on the top of the list. Womens problems have been ignored and women have been marginalized as political subjects. They gained almost no attention by the newly formed political parties.72 Moreover,
70

Cecilia L. Ridgeway and Shelley J. Correl, Unpacking the Gender System: A Theoretical Perspective on Gender Beliefs and Social Relations, p. 528. 71 Zuzana Kiczkova, Why Do We Need Feminist Theories, in Gender and Transition in Eastern and Central Europe Proceedings ed. by Jhnert, Gohrisch, Hahn, Nickel, Peinl and Schfgen pp. 124-132 (p. 124). 72 Corrin, Superwomen and the double burden, p.173.

32

although women from different ethnic groups have different needs and deal with different problems, the specific position of the women that belong to certain ethnic groups is not reflected in the programs and strategies of the ethno-dimensioned political parties.73 So, it was true for Macedonia, as it was for the other post-socialist countries that the transition to democracy was accompanied by significant decline in womens political representation.74 Women were losers in the first democratic election. There was no formal obstacle to their participation; however, they were not encouraged to participate as candidates.75 In Macedonia 5.4% of the candidates were women and even less were elected. On local level, in Tetovo during the 1992 local elections, there was only one Albanian woman elected in the Municipality council.76 Women in post-communist countries still live in a culture that perceives politics as male domain. Therefore, women are still underrepresented in these 20-year old democracies.77 Yet, [o]pportunities for political access are greater in a democratic regime than an authoritarian one.78 The first political action among women in Tetovo was taken with the formation of the bloc of Albanian political parties, the Party for Democratic Prosperity and the National Democratic Party. What women initially did is that they divided their membership between these two parties. However, very soon they realized that they would not have any influence concerning issues that target the Albanian women in rural and urban Tetovo, so they decided to act out of the

73 Interetnicki dijalog od perspektiva na zenite, p. 35. 74 Melanie M. Hughes, Armed Conflict, International Linkages, and Womens Participation in Developing Nations, p. 176. 75 Corrin, Superwomen and the double burden p.174. 76 Xh. K. interview with the author 11.07.2011 77 Richard E. Matland, Womens Representation in Post- Communist Europe in Womens Access to Political Power, ed by. Matland and Montgomery, pp.321-342 (p. 339). 78 Kathleen A. Montgomery, Introduction in Womens Access to Political Power, ed by. Matland and Montgomery, pp. 1-18 (p. 3).

33

political parties. Women wanted freedom from traditional constraints,79 and as it is typical for all the post-socialist countries in order to respond to their particular needs, organizations from and for women emerge.80 Albanian women acted in the same way, so in 1992 in Tetovo they formed the Union of Albanian Women with one goal, emancipation and education of the Albanian women. We went from village to village, from mosque to mosque informing fathers and parents about the importance of education. We provided financial support for girls from the mountain villages to continue their education in secondary school.81 Often the women part of the Union provided material means from their own savings in order to achieve their goals. With the support of international organizations, the Union worked well for several years cooperating with organizations from Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia. However, after several years womens urge for political involvement was greater than the goals that they were slowly achieving, so the Union stopped with its activism. Several womens organizations came out of it and one of them, The Forum of Women is still working very successfully. However, although women went back to the political parties they were unable to mobilize effectively in order to push political parties to deal with the issue of womens representation in political institutions.82 Finally, the courage to act in formal political arenas paid off. It was this specific event that encouraged Albanian women to get involved in politics even more. Teuta Arifis election as the first Albanian woman in the Macedonia parliament is a historic moment for the Albanian women and it was characterized as such by all of my respondents no matter which political party they came from.
79 80

Dimova, p. 312. Gender and Identity in Central and Eastern Europe ed. by Chris Corrin, p. 30. 81 Z. H. interview with the author 13.07.2011 82 Richard E. Matland, Womens Representation in Post- Communist Europe in Womens Access to Political Power, ed by. Matland and Montgomery, pp.321-342 (p. 324).

34

Finally, after 10 years of plural democracy there has been recognition among the political parties that it is essential for their credibility to preselect and elect women in political institutions.83 Two issues appear as vital when it comes to womens political involvement. First of all, all of the Albanian political parties on local and national level adopted a strategy of creating Womens Forum within the party that will deal with questions important for women. However, local Albanian female politicians have mixed feelings about the Womens Forum. On one hand, it is an arena where they can deal with issues that concern women only, but on the other hand, their involvement in the decision-making process about issues that concern the economy or the healthcare, or any other issue has been limited. This allows for a space for womens activities not to be viewed as political precisely because they are womens activities and women are not defined as political actors.84 Again, although women are present in the public sphere, a private is created within the public, and the traditional values that still persist one more time try to prove that the public is a male-dominated arena and the women have nothing to do there. Sometimes we feel like puppets, we are told what to do and when to do it.85 The second thing that allowed women to be politically represented and engaged is the quotas for the underrepresented sex that is the women. Quotas have resulted in political parties paying more attention to their women members. Even women from rural areas are being listed as candidates.86 Moreover, the establishment of the Commission for Equal Opportunities among men and women in 2004 has also had positive effect towards reaching gender balance. When talking to the former president of the commission in Tetovo, she explained that it started as a

83 84

Paxton and Kunovich, p. 90. Dubisch, p.24. 85 R.C. interview with the author 86 Daniela Dimitrievska, Quotas: The Case of Macedonia, p.4.

35

pilot project supported by OSCE, but later on, it became an integral part of the Municipality of Tetovo and it functions as any other commission. The issues that they work with are violence against women, healthcare for women, family planning etc. However, their main project is gender balanced budget for the municipality of Tetovo.87 Listening to the stories of my respondents explaining how they got involved in the public sphere and politics one thing was rather surprising. Although they do get the full support from their families to be politically active, their husbands are always involved in politics too. The women might have a lower position within the party or the institutions than their husbands, but still the husbands are always present. In this sense, it becomes even more difficult to explain the public/private dichotomy. However, it is certain that no matter if alone or together with their husbands, the Albanian women are present in the public.

3.3.2 Education and Employment Education is the primary factor for the progress of the Albanian women, their entrance into the public and the political sphere. Ethnic Albanian leaders see education as one of the keys to improving their communitys status.88 Dimovas research shows that Albanians view education as principal mechanism for changing their social status by transforming their current backward and traditional mentality. Socialism provided mandatory primary education in Albanian language. However, secondary school and higher education were optional. Moreover, education in Albanian language was not always the option.

87

E.M. interview with the author 20.07.2011 Macedonias Ethnic Albanians: Bridging the Gulf; p. 18.

88

36

With the change of the system the achievements in terms of education were changing slowly but firmly. During 1990s the Albanian students received eight-grade primary education in their mother tongue. In 1998 14% of them received high school education in Albanian and in terms of education there was a quota system that allowed 16% of the students from the minorities to enter university in 1998.89 After 2001 secondary education is fully available in Albanian language. Moreover, since 2007 secondary education is mandatory for every citizen of Republic of Macedonia and it is free of charge. This is yet another contribution towards proper education of the Albanian girls and possibility for prospects in terms of employment.

However, the Albanian community and especially the Albanian women, with the Union of Albanian Women being among them, were strong supporters of establishing a state university in Albanian language that will give opportunities for the Albanian men and women to pursue education in spheres other than school teachers. The struggle was long and followed by many controversies. Between 1994 and 2004 the illegally established Tetovo University provided parallel education in Albanian language.90 Apart from its illegality and contested quality of education it did provide the Albanian young women with the necessary tool for their emancipation, presence in the public sphere, opportunities for employment and possibilities for political participation. The first official step in terms of higher education in Albanian language was the establishment of the South-East European University in Tetovo in 2001. The university provided education in three languages, namely Albanian, Macedonian and English with the

89 90

Poulton, p. 185. Zeqirija Rexhepi, Optestveno-politikite nastani kaj Albancite vo Makedonija 1990-2001, pp.114-115

37

majority of students being Albanian.91 It was considered a great accomplishment for the Albanian community because it provided higher education in their mother tongue.92 Moreover, the university in cooperation with the Dutch Embassy granted scholarships for young women in order to motivate them to continue their schooling. The Tetovo University finally became part of the state system in 2004. So the language barrier was removed at last and new horizons for Albanian women in Tetovo were open. There was no more space for challenging the right of the girls to liberate themselves from the traditional role imposed on them in the socialist period. Albanian women from Tetovo were finally able to be present and seen in the public, outside of their home, pursuing education which will eventually lead towards their presence in the workforces and ultimately in politics and policy-making. Education should decrease traditional gender attitudes for both women and men because it leads to greater opportunities, and exposes individuals to diverse ideas.93 Moreover, education provides resources for the Albanian women in Tetovo to get employed in different areas. Young Albanian women study different subjects, thus their opportunities are much more open. Besides, they do pursue education abroad as well, that brings a whole new set of prospects. My respondents apart from education are employed in the spheres of law, medicine and economics. Indeed, it was education that encouraged Albanian women to challenge the traditional family and value patterns and move out of what was anticipated as their comfort zone that is their household and family. However, their true visibility in the public is through presence in the workforce and the political institutions. As one of my respondents noticed, the problem of
91

Frosina Taevska, Remenski, Albancite i Makedoncite: etnikata interakcija vo Republika Makedonija, pred i po konfliktot od 2001 godina, p. 312. 92 Rexhepi, p.120. 93 Kunovich , p. 1095.

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educating the Albanian women in their mother tongue is solved with the mandatory secondary education and the two universities in Tetovo. The next step is career development.94 However, the high level of unemployment in Macedonia affects not only Albanian women, but all of the population and it is a problem yet to be solved.

3.3.3 Traditions and Religion In a society where roles, responsibilities and aptitudes are commonly regarded as divided into rather strict male and female categories, individuals may find it difficult to cross that divide even where it runs counter personal preferences or individual circumstances.95 Although the traditional roles and values among Albanian families in Tetovo are not completely erased, there is a huge change when it comes to the traditional mentality. The social transformation, the exposure to education, media and the new political system did affect the attitudes towards the role of women. The family unit is still a very important role model for the future generations. 96 The parents, knowing what they went through during the socialist period want to improve the status of their children in the society and thus, though self-consciously, they change the traditional beliefs and values. When the woman is at home, she is not informed, she does not know how to use contraceptives and she is not able to plan her family.97 However, the period of the high birth rate among Albanian women is over. The extended households turn into nuclear families. If the families
94 95

Gj.B. interview with the author 16.07.2011 Rebecca Kay, Experiences of Fatherhood in Contemporary Russia in Gender, Equality and Difference during and after State Socialism ed. by Rebecca Kay, pp.125-145 (p.126). 96 Olga Tth, No Envy No Pity, in Gender Politics and Post-communism ed. Funk and Mueller, pp.213-222 (p. 215). 97 Z.H. interview with the autor 13.07.2011

39

once influenced the women to stay in the private, today they encourage them to be active in the public. Moreover, the higher the level of education among Albanian women, the lower the number of children they have.98 The religious influence has changed as well. With the translation of the Quran the hodza does not have the power in his hands. Men and women can educate and inform themselves. Now they know that the Quran treats men and women equally and that education should be accessible for everyone. Women practice religion, yet decide to be unveiled. Some more religious young women decide to wear the veil, however, what is different is that most of the time this is their own decision, and although covered, they can still be university educated. Moreover, with the presence of the religion in the public, the hodzas also have more modern approach towards religion and their interpretation of the role of women in the society has also changed.

3.3.4 Media During socialism there was a media silence in terms of issues important for the Albanian community and Albanian women. There were few hours of TV and radio programs in Albanian and one newspaper, Flaka e Vlazrimit. However, with women being uneducated and many of them illiterate, the medias influence would have been insignificant anyway. The absence of media contributed towards maintaining the isolation of the Albanian women in the private. However, the possibility for opening private media in the new system was a great opportunity not only for diversity of the media in general, but for media with full content in Albanian language. In this sense, the media became an important factor that can influence womens
98

Bogoev, p. 133.

40

presence in the public sphere, although a respondent involved in the womens NGO sector said that womens issues are not very interesting for the media and often they do not want to waste their time.99

3.3.5 Albanian Immigration Albanians from Tetovo that went to work abroad after the Second World War have also had influence in the emancipation of the Albanian women. Namely, the first generation that went there was mainly uneducated and worked in construction or other manual labour. However, the second and the third generation are now educated in the Western system and they influence their relatives in Tetovo and encourage them to send their daughters to school. So, apart from improving their economic situation, working abroad provided higher standard of living and positive influence in terms of culture and education.100 People that worked abroad were more likely to send their children to school and enable them to continue their education after the mandatory secondary school. Although initially in creating my research I did not realize the importance of the Albanian immigration as a factor that can contribute positively towards womens development, in fact, many of my respondents pointed it out as an important aspect.

99

100

Xh. K. interview with the author 11.07.2011 Trifunoski, p.178.

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4. Conclusion
In summary, this localized gender analysis of socialism/post-socialism gives possibilities for new reflections on the public/private dichotomy. It does not only provide discussion of how women experience socialism and post-socialism, but also how women from particular nationality in a particular area experience an ideology and political system differently than others because of specific social, economic and political conditions. Instead of making general assumptions, by focusing on a particular community of women, I tried to challenge the attempt to universalize the understanding of the public/private divide and show that there cannot be firm division between the two spheres. Using this model provided a way of linking the cultural variations given to the category woman to the organization of womens activities in a society.101 Moreover, what I demonstrated is that one understanding of the model may be particular for one time period, and a different one might be typical for another. Albanian women in Tetovo did follow the traditional divide before and during socialism. However, the change of the system changed the traditional dichotomy. Albanian women indeed went from private to public in the post-socialist period. In order to provide further analysis I looked into the factors that affected this change. The political system, the education and the traditional family were the ones that kept the women in the private, but they also let her out of it. Also, even during socialism, Albanian women did not exclusively serve as housewives and mothers. Very few of them did have the means and the courage to start redefining their traditional role and create space for further social transformation.

101

Moore Henrietta L. Moore, Feminism and Anthropology, p. 21.

42

In the dawn of the changes, with the creation of the pluralist system,[i]n the 1990, the major political parties only mentioned women in the context of family relations.102 In addition, not only the state and the political parties, but also the ideological apparatus, the media, the educational system, religion and family work[ed] together to reinforce and reproduce dominant ideologies. However, there is a difference between the dominant ideology for Albanian women in Tetovo during socialism, in the early post-socialist period and today. If tradition and the private were features of the earlier, then it is education and participation that are features of the latter. Not having equal access to education and paid labour, it took Albanian women longer to enter the sphere of politics. However, every group of women experiences a period where its development is more prominent and its chances for success are higher. Now it is that period for Albanian women in Tetovo and in Macedonia.103 Today there are six Albanian women in the Macedonian Parliament and nine Albanian women in the Assembly of the Municipality of Tetovo. Through their participation in the paid labour, NGOs and political parties, Albanian women in Tetovo made it clear that they cannot be kept in isolation and that without their participation in the public life, local and national institutions the country as a whole would not develop in the right direction. Further democratization of the system, and the political parties, as well as higher participation and representation of women in dominant positions will contribute towards emphasizing the qualities that women can bring to the table. The Albanian women are in the public, but now it is the time to show what their
102

Ristova, Karolina,Estabishing a Machocracy: Women and Elections in Macedonia (1990-1998) in Womens Access to Political Power in Post-communist Europe, ed by. Matland and Montgomery pp.196-216 (p. 203). 103 Z.H. interview with the author 13.07.2011

43

contribution to the well-being of the society can be. It seems to me that they might prove the popular saying: The hand that rocks the cradle is the hand that rules the world.

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Brunnbauer, Ulf, Fertility, Families and Ethnic Conflict: Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia, 1944-2002, Nationalities Papers 32 (2004) 565-598

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